test-economy-beplcpdffe-con03a	Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. regulation online gambling consumer protection site verification problem gambling trusted brands legal gambling safe gambling government oversight gambling site reputation age verification responsible gambling regulatory compliance online safety gambling site licensing market trust gambling harm mitigation user trust gambling oversight legal compliance gambling regulation online gambling sites consumer protection responsible gambling site verification age verification problem gambling prevention licensed operators fair play regulatory compliance trustworthy brands government oversight legal gambling gambling site reputation gambling laws internet gambling safety harm reduction online betting regulation player protection gambling site certification regulation gambling harm reduction online gambling site jurisdiction consumer protection trustworthy gambling sites responsible gambling brand reputation gambling site verification age verification problem gambling prevention legal gambling sites government verification safe online gambling gambling regulations gambling site compliance online gambling safety fair odds gambling site trustworthiness online gambling regulation harm mitigation gambling importance of jurisdiction gambling sites trusted gambling brands consumer protection gambling responsible gambling business age verification gambling sites problem gambler prevention government verified gambling sites legal safe gambling services impact of regulation on online gambling fair odds gambling regulation consumer trust in gambling sites gambling site reputation effects regulatory compliance online gambling benefits of regulated gambling trust signals gambling websites internet gambling regulation online gambling sites regulatory frameworks consumer protection trustworthy gambling brands responsible gambling practices site verification age verification problem gambler prevention legal online gambling safe gambling services government-verified gambling fair odds enforcement gambling harm mitigation licensed gambling operators gambling site reputation user trust in gambling online betting safeguards gambling business compliance consumer trust in online gaming gambling regulation online gambling laws consumer protection gambling gambling site verification gambling age restrictions problem gambler prevention trusted gambling brands government verified gambling sites safe online gambling responsible gambling practices gambling site trustworthiness gambling site reputation regulation impact on gambling fair gambling practices legal online gambling sites regulation gambling sites online gambling consumer protection harm mitigation trustworthy businesses responsible gambling regulatory compliance site verification age verification problem gambling prevention trusted brands online reputation fair odds legal gambling safe service government verification licensed gambling gambling legislation responsible operators internet safety gambling laws compliance standards market regulation consumer trust gambling oversight gambling regulation online gambling laws consumer protection gambling gambling site verification responsible gambling gambling site trustworthiness age verification gambling government-verified gambling sites safe online gambling legal gambling sites gambling harm reduction trustworthy gambling brands gambling site accountability regulated gambling markets problem gambling prevention fair odds gambling internet gambling oversight gambling site reputation gambling compliance gambling industry regulation regulation gambling online gambling consumer protection trusted brands responsible gambling site verification age verification problem gambling legal gambling safe gambling gambling laws government oversight gambling site reputation fair odds gambling harm mitigation verified gambling sites gambling site transparency regulatory compliance gambling industry standards online gambling regulation regulatory frameworks consumer protection responsible gambling trusted gambling sites regulatory compliance site verification age verification problem gambling prevention government oversight legal gambling sites safe gambling practices gambling site reputation fair odds enforcement gambling site accountability gambling harm reduction online gambling laws gambling site licensing trustworthy gambling brands user trust in gambling
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro01a	Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified food GMO scientific testing peer review biotechnology companies research bias government regulation safety evaluation USDA Union of Concerned Scientists risk assessment environmental impact allergenicity nut allergies gene transfer human health risks environmental risks antibiotic resistance DNA modification techniques commercialisation field trials food safety unbiased research corporate influence regulatory oversight adverse effects labeling transparency conflict of interest independent research genetically modified organisms GMO biotechnology food safety scientific testing peer review corporate transparency government regulation USDA Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks food allergies nut protein soybeans gene transfer human health risks antibiotic resistance DNA modification commercialisation unbiased research industry influence adverse consequences risk assessment scientific controversy allergenicity public health concerns long-term effects regulatory agencies GMO labeling consumer rights biotechnology policy scientific uncertainty independent studies environmental impact food technology transgenic crops genetically modified organisms GMO safety GMO regulation peer review in biotechnology scientific testing biotechnology companies government influence USDA evaluation unbiased research environmental risks health risks allergy risks transgenic crops gene transfer commercialisation of GM food Union of Concerned Scientists scientific transparency food allergies nut protein in soybeans antibiotic resistance DNA modification regulatory oversight biotechnology ethics long-term safety studies risk assessment genetically modified food safety GMO peer review transparency biotechnology company influence on research USDA GMO safety evaluation limitations Union of Concerned Scientists GMO risk assessment environmental risks of GM food commercialization allergenicity in genetically modified food gene transfer health risks scientific techniques in genetic modification antibiotic resistance in GMOs government regulation of GM food lack of unbiased GMO safety studies commercial pressure on GMO approval long-term health effects of GMOs transparency in GMO scientific testing genetically modified organisms GMO safety peer review biotechnology companies government regulation corporate influence unbiased research environmental risks USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists food allergies gene transfer human health risks nut protein soybeans scientific testing commercialisation risks antibiotic resistance DNA modification techniques field trials United States policy global safety food technology public health scientific transparency regulatory oversight risk assessment biotechnology ethics adverse effects allergenicity gene editing long-term studies GMO safety concerns genetically modified food peer review biotech companies and transparency government regulation of GMOs USDA GMO safety evaluation environmental risks of GMOs health risks of GM foods allergenicity in GM crops gene transfer human health risks antibiotic resistance GMOs unbiased GMO research UCS GMO safety critique commercialization risks GM foods scientific testing limitations GMOs transparency in GMO research conflicts of interest biotech regulatory capture GMOs food allergy GMOs long-term effects genetically modified foods environmental impact genetic engineering genetically modified food genetically engineered crops GMO safety peer review biotechnology companies scientific transparency research bias government influence USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists small scale studies environmental risks commercialisation allergenicity nut protein soybeans gene transfer health risks scientific technique DNA modification antibiotic resistance food safety assessment regulatory agencies independent research public health unintended consequences allergenic proteins field release trials long-term effects scientific testing integrity biotech industry influence precautionary principle genetically modified food GMO safety GMO peer review biotechnology company transparency government regulation GMOs USDA GMO evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists GMOs environmental risks GMOs commercialisation GM food risks allergenicity GMOs gene transfer risks nut allergy GMO soybeans unintended consequences GMOs scientific technique GMO dangers antibiotic resistance GMOs regulatory capture GMOs independent GMO research long-term GMO effects GMO food labeling conflict of interest GMO studies health risks GMOs environmental impact genetically modified crops GMO testing limitations public use GMOs controversial genetically modified organisms GMO safety genetically modified organisms research peer review biotechnology corporate influence government unbiased scientific findings GMO environmental risks GMO health risks food allergies genetic modification USDA GMO evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists biotechnology regulation antibiotic resistance GMO commercialisation genetically modified crops food safety testing transparency biotechnology companies regulatory oversight GMOs public perception GM foods scientific uncertainty GMOs allergenicity GM food risk assessment genetic engineering genetically modified organisms GMO safety GMO peer review biotechnology company transparency government regulation GM food USDA GMO evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists GMOs environmental risks GM crops nut allergy GM soybeans genetically engineered food health risks gene transfer risks antibiotic resistance GMOs GM food commercialization scientific testing GMOs bias in GMO research allergenicity GM foods GM food policy human health GMO studies food allergies biotechnology regulatory oversight GM crops
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro02a	Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Brexit UK sovereignty EU bureaucracy policy independence rapid response European Union decision-making speed national autonomy foreign policy legislative flexibility governmental agility international relations member state consensus UK policy making post-Brexit advantages domestic control supranational institutions responsive governance external affairs diplomatic freedom Brexit UK sovereignty EU bureaucracy policy agility UK independence faster decision-making flexible governance UK foreign policy post-Brexit policy independent policymaking Brexit benefits UK autonomy legislative freedom EU decision process UK global strategy EU vs UK responsiveness national policy control British policy freedom Brexit UK independence EU bureaucracy policy flexibility rapid decision-making national sovereignty external policy UK-EU relations responsiveness political autonomy institutional reform regulatory freedom EU decision process UK foreign policy post-Brexit advantages UK governance international relations policy agility British legislative control European Union negotiation UK policy independence Brexit foreign policy flexibility UK response time after EU exit advantages of UK leaving EU UK freedom from EU decision-making UK faster crisis response post-Brexit EU decision-making speed comparison UK UK government autonomy outside EU UK policymaking efficiency after Brexit UK adaptive policies post-EU impact of Brexit on UK international policy UK external relations after leaving EU Brexit and national decision-making speed UK sovereignty in policy decisions comparison UK EU policy adaptability Brexit UK autonomy EU decision-making UK foreign policy EU bureaucracy policy flexibility UK sovereignty EU vs UK governance post-Brexit policy rapid response UK institutional responsiveness UK independence supranational organizations EU coordination policy agility national sovereignty EU policymaking process UK legislative freedom international relations UK Brexit advantages UK policy independence EU decision-making speed UK responsiveness post-Brexit faster UK foreign policy sovereignty after EU exit UK global agility UK-EU policy comparison streamlined UK governance benefits of leaving EU UK external policy control flexibility in UK legislation UK self-determination post-Brexit diplomatic freedom UK adapting to challenges Brexit UK autonomy EU decision-making external policy policy-making speed UK independence EU bureaucracy rapid response national sovereignty policy flexibility foreign policy intergovernmental negotiations supranational institutions UK self-governance legislative agility post-Brexit policies international relations EU member states policy adaptation UK legislative power institutional responsiveness Brexit UK sovereignty EU bureaucracy UK policy independence Brexit benefits UK responsiveness EU decision-making UK foreign policy post-Brexit advantages UK legislative agility EU vs UK governance Brexit flexibility national policy autonomy UK faster decisions EU institutional delays UK-EU relations Brexit opportunities post-EU Britain UK global role UK international strategy Brexit UK sovereignty EU bureaucracy UK policy independence UK foreign policy EU decision-making post-Brexit UK UK legislative agility UK rapid response UK international relations UK policy flexibility UK autonomy EU member state coordination UK-EU relations national decision-making UK governance UK external affairs post-EU challenges UK self-determination UK diplomatic strategy Brexit UK independence EU decision-making policy autonomy international negotiation sovereignty external relations legislative agility governmental responsiveness regulatory freedom national interest European Union bureaucracy post-Brexit policies national sovereignty foreign policy flexibility multinational agreements trade negotiations UK governance supranational institutions democratic process
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro01a	Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. cyber warfare digital warfare cyber conflict information warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks digital aggression cyber defense cyber security military cyber operations electronic warfare critical infrastructure attacks cyber deterrence digital era warfare cyber strategy cyber policy cyber retaliation nation-state cyber threats digital acts of war hybrid warfare cyber sabotage cyber espionage cyber norms cyber law Stuxnet Iran cyber attacks Kosovo hacking air defense hacking international cyber conflict cyber escalation cyber rules of engagement cyber-physical attacks cyber operations cyber hostilities cyber arms race cyber attack attribution cyber warfare digital warfare information warfare cyber operations cyber conflict state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber deterrence cyber security cyber defense critical infrastructure attacks military cyber capabilities cyber strategies international law cyber cyber war definition digital domain warfare cyber attack examples cyber retaliation cyber aggression nation-state hacking cyber arms race cyber sovereignty cyber escalation traditional vs cyber attacks cyber warfare history digital realm conflict Stuxnet Iran cyber attacks Kosovo cyber operation air defense hacking act of war cyber cyber warfare policy cyber warfare digital warfare cyber security information warfare cyber defense nation state attacks state-sponsored attacks cyber conflict digital attacks war definition cyber deterrence critical infrastructure hybrid warfare military cyber operations cyber retaliation cyber sabotage Stuxnet Iran cyber attack US-Israel cyber operations Serbia air defense hack Kosovo war cyber online services threats public sector cyber threats cyber military modernization cyber aggression cyber hostilities acts of cyber war large-scale cyber incidents digital threat landscape cyber law armed conflict cybersecurity government cyber policy cyber warfare definition cyber attacks as acts of war digital warfare evolution cyber attacks vs traditional attacks Stuxnet and cyber conflicts cyber domain in 21st century warfare digital transformation of military government services online vulnerabilities state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber retaliation case studies cyber attacks in Kosovo war cyber aggression between states redefining acts of war for cyberspace military modernisation and cyberspace cyber attacks as national security threats cyber warfare digital conflict state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber operations information warfare cyber deterrence cyber defense cyber security policy cyber attack definition cyber acts of war international law and cyber attacks military cyber operations critical infrastructure attacks Stuxnet case study Kosovo cyber operations attribution in cyber attacks cyber retaliation laws of armed conflict cyber aggression digital realm warfare cyber deterrence strategy cyber escalation nation-state cyber conflict cyber norms sovereignty in cyberspace cyber weapons hybrid warfare offensive cyber capabilities cyber warfare doctrine cyber threat landscape cyber warfare digital warfare cyber attack examples traditional warfare comparison cyber attacks as acts of war Stuxnet Iran nuclear Kosovo cyber attack military cyber modernization state-sponsored cyber attacks digital domain warfare international law cyber warfare cyber attack retaliation cyber war definitions cyber attack impact national security cyber threats cyber conflict rules of engagement cyber space cyber defense strategies cyber sabotage cyber security policy government cyber operations cyber warfare digital domain 21st century conflict cyberattacks traditional warfare state-sponsored hacking online infrastructure digital modernization military cyber operations cyber defense national security Stuxnet Iran nuclear sabotage retaliatory cyber actions Kosovo war Serbia air defense hack acts of aggression armed conflict digital sabotage government cyber security cyber arms race critical infrastructure attacks cyber deterrence hybrid warfare information warfare laws of war cyber policy war definitions international law cyber retaliation cyber threats cyber strategy cyber warfare digital warfare cyber attacks definitions acts of war state-sponsored cyber attacks digital aggression military modernization cyber conflict critical infrastructure attacks cyber operations cyber deterrence Stuxnet case study Kosovo cyber operations cyber retaliation nation-state cyber threats online government services security cyber threats to national security 21st century warfare cyber defense strategies cyber attack examples cyber sabotage cyber attack legal framework information warfare cyber laws digital era military tactics cyber domain warfare international cyber incidents cyber attack escalation cyber norms cyber war policy cyber warfare cyber defense digital warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber deterrence cyber conflict cyber operations information security military cyber strategy cyber weapons digital infrastructure critical infrastructure protection hybrid warfare cyber espionage nation-state attacks cyber retaliation cyber policy cyber rules of engagement cyber norms cyber law cyber attribution cyber arms race cyber war definition cyber sabotage international cybersecurity cyber sovereignty cyber doctrine offensive cyber capabilities defensive cyber measures cyberwar scenarios cyber threat landscape cyber warfare digital warfare information security state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber defense international law cyber conflict definitions of war digital infrastructure critical infrastructure attacks nation-state attacks military cyber operations cyber deterrence cyber policy cyber norms Stuxnet Iran cyber attacks Kosovo cyber operations cyber deterrence strategy cyber weapons cyber sabotage escalation in cyberspace cyber retaliation digital hostilities cyber aggression cyber resilience cyber power modern warfare digital transformation government cybersecurity cyber attack consequences
test-education-udfakusma-con01a	Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. university profits higher education funding university revenue educational services research funding tuition fees university business model educational marketplace student enrollment university research reinvestment in education academic infrastructure nonprofit universities university spending public vs private universities cost of education university finance educational investment university income sources societal benefits of education university profitability higher education funding university business models academic research commercialization university revenue educational market competition non-profit university university reinvestment university tuition fees university financial sustainability public vs private universities university economic impact university funding sources university research funding university operations higher education economics tuition-driven universities research university income university expenditure university infrastructure investment university profits higher education business educational services university research funding university fees student enrollment academic commercialization university revenue research commercialization reinvestment in education university infrastructure funding higher education market university tuition public vs private universities profit-driven education research grants higher education policy university financial sustainability student attraction strategies education economics university profit motives higher education financial models university as business university service provision profit reinvestment in education university research commercialization education free market university tuition fees student attraction strategies societal benefits of university profit university funding sources public vs private university profits educational infrastructure investment university revenue streams state funding in higher education research funding in universities ethical implications of profit in education consequences of university profit university financial sustainability value of university research university profits higher education funding university business model educational services university research funding tuition fees educational market university revenue student enrollment research commercialization reinvestment in education university infrastructure public vs private universities research grants university financial sustainability higher education economics profit in education university competitiveness university funding sources societal benefit of university profits university profit justification universities and business models higher education as a service university research funding educational free market student fees revenue university financial sustainability reinvestment in education benefits of university profit university infrastructure spending public vs private university funding societal impact of university profits university revenue streams research commercialization university tuition increases university operations economics university profit reinvestment higher education market competition university research benefits society reasons universities charge fees higher education academic institutions university revenue educational services research funding tuition fees academic profit university business model education market student enrollment research commercialization academic reinvestment institutional sustainability public funding education infrastructure profit reinvestment societal benefit research output student attraction competitive education educational economics nonprofit universities university finances university profits higher education business model university funding university research commercialization educational free market student tuition fees university financial sustainability reinvestment in education university infrastructure profit reinvestment university revenue attracting international students state-funded universities societal benefit of university profit university financial management university service provision university competition university income sources research funding university spending allocation university profits higher education funding university business model university revenue educational services research funding university tuition student fees profit reinvestment public vs private universities university infrastructure commercialization of education academic research profits higher education market university financial sustainability university economic impact education as a business nonprofit universities university funding sources university operational costs university funding university profit higher education economics university business model educational services research commercialization student fees educational market university revenue education reinvestment public vs private universities university infrastructure university expenditures university research funding impact on society education policy academic capitalism university sustainability university financial management profit reinvestment
test-international-appghblsba-pro04a	South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa influence regional stability international reputation Lesotho annexation foreign aid Basotho people United Nations African Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement trade unions regional integration South African Development Community South African Customs Union neighbor relations economic development humanitarian intervention Africa regional leadership socio-economic stability intergovernmental organizations cross-border cooperation diplomatic relations southern Africa politics annexation benefits international image regional hegemony Africa unity statehood transition poverty alleviation African geopolitics South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence regional stability global image Sub-Saharan Africa People's Charter Movement Basotho trade unions UN recognition African Union humanitarian aid South African Development Community SADC South African Customs Union SACU regional integration economic benefits political stability regional cooperation aid to small states sustainable development signature campaign public support diplomatic relations positive response Smith 2010 South Africa influence Lesotho annexation international image regional stability Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement Basotho humanitarian aid African Union support SADC integration SACU benefits trade unions South African foreign policy Lesotho poverty global reputation regional cooperation UN intervention Southern Africa development cross-border relations state integration economic partnership diplomatic influence humanitarian intervention Africa geopolitics poverty alleviation social stability annexation benefits South Africa annexation of Lesotho benefits effects of Lesotho integration into South Africa international perception of South Africa after Lesotho annexation South Africa Lesotho relations global impact South Africa stability influence after Lesotho annexation United Nations stance on Lesotho annexation Africa Union position on Lesotho integration People’s Charter Movement Lesotho annexation Basotho people's conditions international response trade unions support Lesotho South Africa unification South African Development Community impact of Lesotho merger South African Customs Union benefits of Lesotho inclusion regional security Sub-Saharan Africa Lesotho annexation sustainability Sub-Saharan Africa South Africa South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence regional stability global image Sub-Saharan Africa Basotho people United Nations African Union People’s Charter Movement trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union regional integration foreign aid state stability international relations Smith 2010 humanitarian crisis African geopolitics economic integration social movements Lesotho poverty diplomatic strategy cross-border cooperation African regional politics South Africa annexation Lesotho South Africa foreign influence international image South Africa regional stability Southern Africa Basotho humanitarian crisis United Nations Lesotho African Union Lesotho Sub-Saharan Africa development People’s Charter Movement Lesotho trade unions Lesotho regional integration Southern Africa South African Development Community South African Customs Union expansion Lesotho economic aid neighboring state integration humanitarian intervention Lesotho South Africa regional leadership South Africa diplomatic relations Southern Africa geopolitics Lesotho incorporation benefits South Africa international influence regional stability global image Lesotho annexation aid Basotho people United Nations African Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement trade unions regional integration South African Development Community South African Customs Union economic cooperation positive intervention social development poverty alleviation signature campaign popular support foreign relations neighbor relations sustainable development Africa diplomacy political stability Smith 2010 South Africa influence South Africa stability South Africa international image Lesotho annexation Basotho people aid United Nations Lesotho African Union Lesotho Sub-Saharan Africa sustainability People’s Charter Movement Lesotho Lesotho trade unions South Africa regional integration South African Customs Union South African Development Community economic benefits South Africa Lesotho political stability South Africa humanitarian aid Lesotho SADC expansion African regional influence Lesotho annexation benefits Lesotho South Africa unification South Africa foreign policy Africa international relations Lesotho economic development regional stability Southern Africa Basotho living conditions South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence regional stability global image Sub-Saharan Africa Basotho people United Nations African Union People’s Charter Movement trade unions Southern African Development Community South African Customs Union economic integration humanitarian aid regional cooperation political influence sustainable development international relations South Africa foreign policy Lesotho annexation regional stability international relations African Union United Nations People’s Charter Movement Basotho humanitarian conditions Sub-Saharan Africa development Southern African Development Community (SADC) South African Customs Union regional integration economic aid diplomatic image trade unions Lesotho African geopolitics humanitarian intervention state responsibility regional influence nation branding Africa
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro02a	Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 school health programs behavior change health education student wellness healthy lifestyles school environment behavioral interventions youth development lifestyle interventions school-based programs curriculum development teacher influence student behavior policy implementation public health childhood obesity prevention nutrition education physical activity promotion social influence peer influence parental role educational policy formative environments wellbeing promotion school-community partnerships school-based interventions healthy lifestyle education behavior change in schools student wellbeing health promotion in education formative environments youth behavior modification school health policies wellness programs in schools educational environment impact student behavior holistic education knowledge application school community influence role models in schools school policy advocacy health curriculum health behavior adoption child development in schools school responsibility social learning in schools school health programs healthy lifestyle interventions student behavior change health education wellness initiatives behavior modification school environment lifestyle education adolescent health promotion health behavior health policy in schools youth empowerment preventive health nutrition education physical activity in schools social influence educational policy wellbeing programs student wellness health promotion formative environments role of educators public health in schools lawmaker involvement child development school-based lifestyle interventions promoting healthy habits in schools schools as behavior change agents formative influence of educational institutions implementing wellness programs in schools role of schools in student well-being schools and lifelong healthy behaviors policy changes for healthier school environments integrating health education in school curriculum schools as catalysts for lifestyle improvements school environments influencing youth choices parental vs. school influence on children's health schools supporting holistic student development pressure points for public health in education behavioral modification in school settings empowering students through healthy school culture legislative initiatives targeting school health schools fostering sustainable behavior change impact of school policies on student lifestyle schools shaping schools lifestyle changes behavior modification health education student wellbeing school environment behavior intervention youth development formative role knowledge application health promotion policy implementation healthy choices lawmaker involvement student guidance educational impact adolescent health socialization behavior reinforcement school-based programs school-based lifestyle interventions healthy behavior promotion in schools role of education in behavior change schools and student wellbeing behavior modification in education health education curriculum policy making for school health influence of school environment on students lifelong habits from school teaching practical life skills in schools formative role of schools youth behavior change creating healthy school cultures schools as agents of change school health programs schools lifestyle changes health promotion student behavior behavior modification knowledge transfer healthy environments student well-being school environments education policy role models healthy choices youth development formative influence health education lawmaker intervention behavior change personal development school-based interventions youth empowerment student lifestyle public health preventative education social influence educational impact schools role in lifestyle change health promotion in schools behavior modification in education healthy school environments schools influence on student behavior implementing healthy habits in schools schools as agents of change policy interventions in schools school-based health education social-emotional learning in schools student wellbeing programs lawmaker intervention in schools preventive health in education lifelong habits from schools school-community partnerships school health policies youth health education school nutrition programs health-promoting schools adolescent lifestyle interventions health promotion behavior modification healthy habits student well-being school environment lifestyle intervention educational policy formative influence youth development knowledge application public health health education school-based programs behavior change holistic education role of teachers student guidance healthy choices preventive health adolescent behavior curriculum development school culture social influence childhood education community involvement behavior modification health education school-based interventions healthy lifestyle promotion student wellbeing formative influence childhood obesity prevention health policy in schools social learning educational environments youth development school health programs lifestyle behavior change role of educators preventive health habit formation school-community partnerships curriculum innovation policy implementation adolescent health
test-education-tuhwastua-con01a	It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. standardized testing university admissions SAT criticism application metrics grading variability instructor bias curriculum disparities school quality differences objective comparison admissions fairness university selection criteria standardized test flaws universal assessment higher education evaluation applicant comparison admissions standards educational equity test standardization academic performance measures admission process arbitrariness standardized testing university admissions SAT college entrance exams objective comparison admissions criteria test fairness grade variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality admission standards test universality application evaluation student assessment test equity academic achievement test reliability college admissions process application standards standardized testing university admissions SAT ACT college entrance exams fairness objectivity application process grade variability curriculum differences instructor bias school quality comparative assessment educational standards admissions criteria academic evaluation test uniformity university selection applicant evaluation meritocracy academic benchmarking standardized testing in university admissions SAT objectivity in college applications fairness of SATs versus grades SAT as universal admissions measure drawbacks of non-test admissions criteria subjectivity in grade-based admissions comparing SATs to other admission metrics universality of standardized tests in college admissions equity of standardized testing disadvantages of holistic admissions processes impact of instructor bias on grades school quality and admissions fairness criticisms of standardized tests comparability of college applicants SATs vs GPA reliability admissions standards debate standardized assessments pros and cons testing bias in university admissions ensuring fairness in university selection measuring applicants objectively standardized testing SAT university admissions college entrance exams objective comparison admissions criteria academic assessment test fairness grade inflation educational standards student evaluation curriculum variability instructor bias school quality admissions process academic metrics equity in admissions standardized exams uniform assessment comparative performance standardized testing university admissions fairness SAT objectivity SAT vs. grades fairness in college admissions SAT universal standard admissions criteria comparison subjectivity in grades standardized test flaws university selection methods admissions equity standardized test advantages university application evaluation college admissions standards objective measures in admissions university admissions standardized testing SAT objective comparison grading standards academic measures teacher bias curriculum variability school quality college entrance exams evaluation fairness test reliability admissions criteria educational assessment application process student evaluation academic achievement standardized scores university selection meritocracy academic records comparative evaluation test validity educational equity college application admissions transparency standardized testing SAT bias university admissions criteria SAT vs grades college application process assessment fairness standardized test objectivity academic evaluation admissions standardization instructor grading variability school curriculum impact education quality comparison test equity SAT universality applicant comparison admissions arbitrariness holistic admissions test score validity fairness in admissions standardized test criticism university admissions standardized tests SAT fairness objectivity application process evaluation criteria grading variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality SAT flaws test comparison applicant assessment admission standards grading inconsistency academic measures equity in admissions standardized measurement admissions fairness standardized testing university admissions SAT validity admissions criteria grade inflation test fairness educational equity test objectivity academic standards college entrance exams bias in testing holistic admissions GPA reliability admissions metrics assessment comparability student evaluation academic measurement admission fairness university selection process test score interpretation
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 women's rights gender equality religious dress hijab ban women's oppression Muslim veil Islamic dress codes secularism women's discrimination gender-based laws freedom of expression women's liberation religious freedom compulsory hijab Western democracies feminist movement patriarchy women's autonomy cultural symbolism social integration secular values dress codes in Islam niqab burqa Saudi Arabia Afghanistan France Belgium women's agency multiculturalism women's empowerment women's oppression religious dress codes gender inequality Islamic veiling compulsory hijab burqa ban niqab legislation feminist perspectives secularism women's rights religious freedom cultural assimilation anti-discrimination Muslim women's agency gender discrimination Western societies multiculturalism secular policies women's autonomy legal bans on veils patriarchy intersectionality feminist critique public policy democratic values freedom of expression cultural symbolism religious expression France veil ban Belgium face veil law women's liberation compulsory dress codes societal integration minority rights gender inequality women's rights religious symbolism oppression Islamic dress code hijab ban women's discrimination Muslim veil compulsory hijab secularism feminism gender-based discrimination human rights religious freedom Western societies cultural assimilation Belgium veil ban France burqa ban patriarchal norms liberation social integration female empowerment democratic values gender justice legal restrictions cultural identity women's liberation modesty codes intersectionality freedom of expression anti-discrimination laws religious symbols and gender oppression Muslim hijab and women's rights compulsory hijab in Saudi Arabia hijab laws in Afghanistan hijab ban in Belgium France burqa ban 2010 women's dress codes in Islam gender inequality in religious practices discrimination against women in religion Western views on hijab democracy and hijab debate liberal societies and oppression symbols Muslim women's rights in Europe religious dress code enforcement feminist critique of religious symbols legal restrictions on religious attire comparison of men's and women's dress codes in Islam secularism and religious symbols women's empowerment vs. oppression in hijab debates state intervention religious symbols oppression of women gender equality hijab Muslim veil compulsory dress codes Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western societies democracy women's rights Belgium veil ban France veil ban Muslim dress code gender discrimination liberal societies women's liberation secularism freedom of expression feminist perspectives Islamic dress patriarchy cultural norms women's autonomy religious freedom human rights women's empowerment multiculturalism Islamophobia integration policies religious symbols and women's oppression Muslim hijab gender equality debate compulsory hijab laws in Saudi Arabia Afghanistan hijab controversy in Western democracies Belgium Muslim veil ban France 2010 burqa ban Muslim women dress code discrimination gender inequality in Islam liberal societies and women's rights religious dress codes and democracy women’s oppression veiling Muslim women's rights in Europe anti-hijab legislation Europe women’s liberation and religious attire Islamic dress and human rights feminist perspectives hijab secularism and religious clothing gender-based discrimination and religion women's rights gender equality religious symbols oppression Muslim Hijab women's oppression Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory dress codes Western countries democracy equality Hijab controversy Muslim veil ban Belgium France discrimination liberal societies women's dress codes men's dress codes Islamic dress burqa ban niqab secularism feminism cultural norms human rights Islamic law women's freedom European laws female empowerment gender oppression symbols religious dress codes women hijab oppression debate gender equality religious symbols Muslim veil bans Europe women's rights Saudi Arabia women's rights Afghanistan compulsory hijab laws discrimination gender dress liberal societies religious dress women's inequality Muslim countries religious freedom vs gender equality Belgium burqa ban France full veil ban Islamic dress code women feminism religious oppression gender discrimination Islam secularism religious symbols Western countries hijab debate women's empowerment and dress cultural relativism feminism women's freedom of choice hijab religious clothing discrimination gender rights Islamic law Islamophobia women's dress gender discrimination women's rights religious dress codes Muslim veil ban hijab controversy secularism feminism Islamic law Western democracy cultural assimilation women's liberation religious freedom France veil ban Belgium veil ban gender inequality women's autonomy women's agency human rights cultural oppression compulsory hijab Islamic feminism gender justice equality laws women's empowerment burqa ban gender inequality religious symbolism women's rights hijab controversy Muslim dress codes female oppression compulsory hijab democratic values secularism Belgium veil ban France veil ban discrimination gender discrimination women's liberation feminist critique Islamic dress cultural integration religious freedom women's empowerment secular policies gender-based laws Western society religious dress restrictions state intervention symbolic oppression women's autonomy legal bans on veiling Islam and feminism cultural clash human rights
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro01a	PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , People’s Republic of China PRC Taiwan Republic of China ROC Chinese civil war one China policy 1992 consensus Cross-Strait relations Beijing Taipei China-Taiwan relations sovereignty international recognition economic comparison population statistics purchasing power parity diplomatic recognition unification separation US-China relations Cross-Strait tensions China’s global influence state recognition China policy political legitimacy People's Republic of China PRC Republic of China ROC Taiwan Chinese civil war One China policy 1992 consensus cross-strait relations China-Taiwan relations international recognition diplomatic recognition sovereignty Beijing Taipei population comparison economic comparison purchasing power parity World Factbook China World Factbook Taiwan Shirley Kan U.S. One China policy China statistics Taiwan statistics mainland China CCP Kuomintang Two Chinas United Nations China seat Washington-Beijing-Taipei statements People’s Republic of China PRC Republic of China RoC Taiwan Chinese civil war one China policy 1992 consensus cross-strait relations sovereignty diplomatic recognition international relations Beijing Taipei political legitimacy purchasing power parity population comparison territory size global politics Taiwan Strait United Nations foreign policy China-Taiwan relations Mainland China China diplomacy PRC recognition global policy difference between PRC and ROC Taiwan PRC 1992 consensus interpretation significance of One China policy impact of Chinese civil war outcome PRC international relations ROC global status Taiwan-China diplomatic recognition trends economic comparison PRC vs ROC population differences PRC ROC United Nations One China representation US policy on One China sources: Kan Shirley China Taiwan policy World Factbook China Taiwan data sovereignty issues China Taiwan PRC diplomatic dominance cross-strait relations implications for Taiwan independence geopolitical implications One China comparative statistics China Taiwan PRC People's Republic of China Taiwan One China policy Chinese Civil War 1992 consensus Cross-Strait relations China-Taiwan relations economic comparison China Taiwan population China Taiwan purchasing power parity China ROC Republic of China international recognition China sovereignty China Taiwan China foreign policy US China policy Beijing Taipei World Factbook China Taiwan comparative geopolitics China Taiwan Shirley Kan Congressional Research Service China PRC vs ROC China-Taiwan relations One China policy Chinese civil war outcome 1992 consensus Taiwan sovereignty international recognition of China People’s Republic of China diplomatic status ROC global standing PRC economic power cross-strait relations Taiwan status China geopolitical influence Taiwan vs China comparison China UN membership United States China policy China Taiwan facts Shirley Kan China Taiwan World Factbook China Taiwan Taiwan international relations PRC People's Republic of China China Chinese Civil War ROC Republic of China Taiwan 1992 Consensus One China Policy cross-strait relations mainland China Chinese sovereignty international recognition state recognition diplomatic relations purchasing power parity population comparison economic size World Factbook Shirley A. Kan Congressional Research Service Beijing Taipei Washington sovereignty claim geopolitical status Taiwan Strait “one China different interpretations” PRC People's Republic of China Chinese Civil War 1992 consensus One China policy Taiwan relations Cross-Strait relations Republic of China China-Taiwan comparison international recognition China political status Taiwan independence Beijing perspective Taipei perspective purchasing power parity China China vs Taiwan economy world diplomacy China US China policy China sovereignty China population statistics Great Power China China global influence Congressional Research Service China-Taiwan World Factbook China Taiwan PRC People's Republic of China China-Taiwan relations Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China policy cross-Strait relations ROC Republic of China Taiwan international recognition Beijing Taipei purchasing power parity World Factbook comparative statistics diplomatic recognition population size economic size sovereignty Chinese politics People’s Republic of China PRC vs ROC Chinese Civil War One China Policy 1992 Consensus Taiwan status Cross-strait relations international recognition China geopolitical implications China Taiwan China sovereignty claims population China Taiwan comparison economy China Taiwan comparison purchasing power parity China Taiwan US China Taiwan relations diplomatic recognition PRC “One China different interpretations” China reunification Taiwan independence World Factbook China Taiwan Shirley Kan Congressional Research Service
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con03a	Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. political immunity legal accountability double standards equal justice judicial fairness politician prosecution victim rights legal privilege rule of law political corruption legal inequality immunity reform selective justice accountability for officials justice system fairness privilege abuse legal exceptions criminal responsibility unequal prosecution accountability in government political immunity legal accountability equal justice rule of law double standards in law politician prosecution legal privilege politicians criminal liability politicians impunity public officials accountability government justice system fairness prosecuting politicians legal immunity criticism elite legal protection law equality victim rights politicians judicial impartiality legal exceptions corruption immunity prosecutorial discretion politicians political immunity legal accountability double standards equal justice rule of law judicial fairness privileged offenders prosecuting politicians immunity reform legal privilege victim rights accountability in government public officials prosecution legal impunity equal protection legal ethics political corruption selective justice judicial impartiality no one above the law political immunity debate accountability of politicians equality before the law double standards in justice legal consequences for public officials victim rights in political crimes ending immunity for lawmakers prosecution of political leaders justice system impartiality unjust legal protections holding politicians accountable rule of law for everyone criminal liability for politicians corruption and legal immunity privilege in the justice system democratic accountability reforming immunity clauses transparency in political misconduct politicians and legal responsibility impunity for political crimes political immunity legal double standard accountability political privilege equal justice rule of law prosecuting politicians legal accountability justice system fairness victim rights legal impunity political corruption public officials immunity criminal responsibility legal reform immunity laws political misconduct prosecution equality elite privilege legal ethics political immunity debate inequality in justice system accountability for politicians legal double standards equal justice under law prosecution of public officials victim rights vs political immunity abuse of political immunity fairness in criminal justice legal consequences for politicians immunity laws reform ending special treatment for politicians political corruption and immunity rule of law politicians justice system impartiality political immunity legal accountability equal justice rule of law no one above the law government officials prosecution legal double standard victim rights legal privilege justice system fairness public officials prosecution criminal liability legal immunity debate fairness in law equal treatment political corruption impunity democratic principles judicial equality accountability for leaders legal ethics power and justice abuse of power legal protections law enforcement civic responsibility prosecuting politicians public trust in justice political immunity legal accountability politicians double standards justice legal equality politicians impunity for politicians prosecution of public officials equal justice under law immunity laws criticism justice system fairness political corruption immunity victims rights politicians legal responsibility leaders selective prosecution rule of law politicians judicial accountability government legal reform political immunity privilege abuse politicians criminal liability officials accountability rich and powerful lawmaker prosecution political immunity legal accountability equal justice rule of law prosecution of officials accountability of politicians judicial fairness legal double standards victims' rights criminal justice legal privilege public officials' accountability corruption prosecutorial immunity legal reform political corruption justice system equality legal responsibility privilege in law criminal prosecution political immunity unequal justice legal accountability rule of law prosecutorial exceptions political privilege selective prosecution equality before the law victim rights criminal liability legal impunity judicial fairness immunity reform state official prosecution public trust in justice
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro04a	An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, ICC enforcement enforcement mechanism international criminal court credibility international law arrest powers ICC fugitives international justice legal institution international cooperation international policing resource support organizational effectiveness international trials convictions law enforcement global governance institutional legitimacy apprehension international criminals police forces judicial effectiveness state cooperation transnational justice legal authority ICC enforcement mechanisms international criminal court credibility international arrest powers international police force ICC fugitives apprehension global law enforcement cooperation international justice effectiveness state cooperation with ICC ICC prosecution capability international policing resources policing international peace transnational criminal apprehension judicial effectiveness international courts international trials and convictions enforcement gaps ICC criminal justice legitimacy arresting war criminals international tribunal enforcement cooperation incentives ICC credible legal institutions ICC enforcement mechanism ICC arrest powers international criminal justice international law enforcement operational capacity ICC fugitives police cooperation international tribunals transnational crime international cooperation accountability in international law state cooperation ICC effective prosecution judicial credibility international policing ICC legitimacy justice system effectiveness international courts enforcement peace and security legal authority international sanctions law enforcement resources multilateral cooperation criminal apprehension arrest warrants international arrest compliance with ICC crime deterrence global criminal justice supranational law enforcement universal jurisdiction ICC enforcement arm benefits ICC credibility improvement ICC effective enforcement international criminal justice effectiveness ICC arrest fugitives ICC trials increase ICC convictions international cooperation incentives ICC resources support comparison Stalin Pope divisions Kissinger quote Europe ICC as serious court international police forces Henry Perritt policing peace ICC cooperation motivation enhancing ICC legitimacy ICC effectiveness criminal apprehension ICC global justice state collaboration with ICC ICC enforcement mechanisms ICC as credible authority ICC enforcement international justice credibility organizational effectiveness international criminal court enforcement mechanisms arrest powers international fugitives legal institution legitimacy international cooperation global law enforcement resource provision trial outcomes conviction rates state cooperation international policing international peace and security EU leadership political cooperation military cooperation international law Henry Kissinger international institutions international criminals serious court global justice accountability institutional competence transnational law enforcement international relations wanted persons ICC enforcement mechanisms international criminal court credibility ICC arrest powers ICC effectiveness international justice cooperation ICC fugitive apprehension ICC trials and convictions international law enforcement global criminal justice strengthening ICC authority ICC police force international legal institutions credibility international criminal tribunals state cooperation with ICC ICC resources and support ICC legitimacy ICC and sovereign states international crime prosecution ICC enforcement challenges global justice system ICC enforcement arm international criminal court credibility arrest authority fugitives international justice organization effectiveness international police cooperation incentives legal institution legitimacy international law enforcement global criminal justice criminal apprehension resources for countries international trials convictions international cooperation institutional competence policing international peace international security jurisdiction enforcement prosecution of war criminals international accountability global legal mechanisms state cooperation effective prosecution ICC enforcement international criminal court effectiveness ICC credibility ICC arrest powers international law enforcement ICC fugitives ICC trials ICC convictions international cooperation transnational justice legal institution effectiveness global criminal justice state cooperation ICC international police force enforcing international law ICC resources international court legitimacy Henry Kissinger ICC apprehending war criminals ICC institutional reforms strengthening ICC authority ICC operational capacity legal accountability international crimes ICC criticisms international organization mockery ICC and national governments ICC support ICC impact crime deterrence ICC global influence ICC role international security ICC enforcement ICC credibility ICC fugitives arrest international criminal court effectiveness international law enforcement international justice state cooperation ICC ICC trials ICC convictions global legal institutions international police force international peace and security international criminal prosecution strengthening ICC authority international arrest warrants ICC resources international cooperation enforcement mechanisms legal institution effectiveness international accountability criminal justice system Henry Kissinger quote international governance international criminal justice expansion state compliance ICC global justice enforcement ICC enforcement international criminal court international law arrest fugitives legal credibility international justice policing international security international police forces international cooperation effectiveness of ICC enforcement mechanisms international trials global convictions international criminals legal institution effectiveness state cooperation political cooperation military cooperation international apprehension Perritt policing Kissinger quotes European leadership resource provision judicial effectiveness mockery of ICC enforcement authority international legal credibility international resources sharing international court legitimacy
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro01a	Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 cluster munitions unexploded ordnance civilian casualties urban warfare indiscriminate weapons international humanitarian law war crimes landmine contamination child safety post-conflict danger humanitarian impact demining challenges long-term effects protocol V Geneva Conventions explosive remnants of war UXO mine action unexploded bomblets civilian harm Zagreb cluster bombing infrastructure damage humanitarian crisis munition duds arms control weapons ban civilian casualties unexploded ordnance child injuries long-term risks post-conflict hazards urban warfare indiscriminate weapons humanitarian impact demining challenges explosive remnants of war international law war crimes Geneva Conventions civilian protection munition duds legacy of conflict civilian infrastructure damage psychological impact prohibited weapons war zone dangers collateral damage unexploded ordnance humanitarian impact civilian casualties war crimes international law Geneva Conventions post-conflict risk landmine contamination UXO clearance child safety urban warfare indiscriminate weapons arms control civilian protection humanitarian law long-term dangers munitions disposal ethical concerns conflict zones cluster munitions civilian casualties cluster bombs humanitarian impact cluster bomb aftermath in urban warfare dud cluster munitions civilian risk unexploded ordnance threat cities cluster bomb injuries to children long-term effects of cluster bombs cluster bombs international law demining cluster bomb remnants cluster bomb civilian harm statistics cluster munitions and war crimes cluster bombs urban environments protection of civilians cluster bombs cluster bomb bans cluster bomb use legal consequences Zagreb cluster bomb incident psychological trauma cluster munitions humanitarian response cluster bomb attacks civilian deaths cluster munitions cluster bombs Geneva Conventions cluster munitions civilian casualties unexploded ordnance post-conflict hazards landmine comparison humanitarian impact international law Geneva Conventions child safety UXO clearance war crime urban warfare explosive remnants of war dud bomblets Zagreb attack Martic indiscriminate weapons long-term effects peacekeeping challenges demining risks military ethics civilian protection war aftermath ban on cluster bombs Convention on Cluster Munitions warfare tactics cluster munitions civilian casualties unexploded ordnance risks cluster bombs humanitarian impact Zagreb cluster bomb attack post-conflict civilian harm demining cluster bomblets child safety unexploded bomblets urban warfare civilian safety international law cluster munitions landmine cluster bomb comparison cluster weapons long-term danger civilian populated area attacks dud submunition hazards UXO child injuries minimizing civilian harm in war cluster munitions civilian casualties unexploded ordnance humanitarian impact civilian harm urban warfare bomblets duds landmines post-conflict risks disarmament international law child safety contamination demining operations explosive remnants collateral damage Zagreb bombing warfare ethics Geneva Conventions war crimes long-term effects UXO explosive hazards victim assistance cluster munitions civilian casualties unexploded ordnance UXO bomblet dangers international humanitarian law war crimes landmine comparison urban warfare impact on children post-war contamination unexploded bombs demining risks civilian protection Geneva Conventions long-term harm Martic Zagreb attack explosive remnants of war peacekeeping vs. assault weapons humanitarian impact treaty ban cluster bombs Convention on Cluster Munitions military ethics indiscriminate weapons protection of non-combatants urban conflict post-conflict recovery munition dud rates child safety war zones civilian casualties humanitarian impact urban warfare unexploded ordnance child safety post-conflict recovery landmine contamination international law indiscriminate weapons demilitarization war crimes Geneva Conventions explosive remnants demining operations long-term risk psychological trauma humanitarian law military ethics civilian protection arms treaties civilian casualties unexploded ordnance international humanitarian law landmine ban Geneva Conventions post-conflict dangers children injuries urban warfare ethical implications war crimes demining efforts humanitarian impact long-term effects indiscriminate weapons civilian protection Zagreb bombing unexploded bomblets military ethics armed conflict banned weapons mine action arms control post-war reconstruction munitions clearance
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con02a	Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. digital divide information access universal service net neutrality digital inclusion communication technology freedom of expression essential service public utility connectivity rights technology equity socioeconomic disparity information society media democratization telecommunication rights technology access public good right to information affordable internet social justice civil liberties infrastructure access digital rights economic inequality technological advancement internet commodification digital divide universal service digital rights equal access cost barriers telecommunications media access technology as a right information inequality access to information societal impact human rights definitions essential services communication technologies public good affordability policy debate information society rights vs. commodities digital divide universal access net neutrality socio-economic disparity information society digital rights technology as a right communication technology broadband equity affordability essential services ICT policy freedom of expression infrastructure access public utilities global connectivity social justice media access information dissemination digital inclusion internet access human right debate internet access as commodity arguments digital divide and human rights internet accessibility social inequality comparison internet TV telephone rights access to technology and human rights pricing internet access fairness socioeconomic impact of internet access universal internet service debate essential services vs. commodities human rights definition technology internet as public utility arguments technological advances and human rights barriers to internet access universal digital access policy free internet access arguments internet and democratization of information communication technologies and human rights access to communication technology equality payment and disconnection of utilities internet access cost implications internet access human rights digital divide information inequality access to technology commodity vs right socio-economic barriers universal service telecommunications digital inclusion freedom of expression communication rights affordability net neutrality information society media access social justice technological advancement public good equal opportunity internet access debate internet as human right internet as commodity human rights and technology digital equality access to information digital divide universal internet access internet affordability technology and civil rights internet freedom internet accessibility right to information communications technology rights social justice internet internet and economic disparity essential services debate telecommunications as human right public utility internet internet pricing inequality technology and democracy media and human rights access to digital media internet policy global connectivity rights internet commodification digital divide human rights definition access inequality socio-economic disparity technology as a service information access public utility internet as infrastructure communication rights cost barriers digital inclusion universal service essential services technology neutrality freedom of expression online telecommunications history media democratization online access equity rights versus privileges net neutrality information society right to information accessibility affordability connectivity social justice technology ethics internet access human right debate internet as commodity argument digital divide income inequality universal internet access free internet access rights comparison internet television telephone technology human rights democratization of information digital inclusion social justice access to communication technology internet accessibility affordability human rights evolving technology media advances and rights right to information internet digital rights exclusion from internet access ethical implications paid internet social impact restricted internet economic barriers internet access global perspectives internet rights digital divide net neutrality universal service information access digital rights telecommunications online freedom media democratization technology equity access disparity information society communication rights global connectivity social justice digital inclusion human development public good infrastructure access affordability freedom of expression digital divide universal service net neutrality information society digital inclusion socioeconomic inequality essential services public utility freedom of expression online digital rights telecommunications right to information affordability access disparities infrastructure digital literacy technological advancements media evolution communication rights human rights framework
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro01a	All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons self-defense nation-state international law international system sovereignty military capacity conventional weapons small states weak states national security security equalization military balance deterrence strategy arms proliferation existential threat rational actors nonproliferation disarmament nuclear strategy military doctrine security dilemma international treaties military alliances great power politics strategic parity mutual assured destruction proliferation risks nuclear policy asymmetric warfare state sovereignty balance of power security guarantees nuclear proliferation security assurance defense policy equalizing effect power dynamics nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons proliferation state sovereignty self-defense rights small states security nuclear  equalization power balance deterrence theory military capacity nonproliferation debate existential threat rational actor theory international relations security dilemma balance of power conventional vs nuclear arms poor states security international treaties nuclear arms policy invasion deterrence North Korea nuclear policy Russian-Georgian war nuclear strategy nation-state system arms race military disparity nuclear non-use norm proliferation risks global security arms control nuclear parity nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation self-defense nation-state sovereignty conventional weapons military imbalance deterrence theory small state security MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) international relations security guarantee nuclear parity nonproliferation treaty strategic stability existential threat rational actor theory arms race nuclear equality nuclear arms policy security dilemma international law state survival equalizer effect asymmetrical warfare national security nuclear capability nuclear deterrence justification small state security nuclear weapons equalizing state power nuclear arms conventional weapons insufficiency nuclear proliferation arguments existential threat nuclear policy rational actor nuclear use nonaggression nuclear deterrence case studies nuclear deterrence (e.g. Russia Georgia 2008) rights of states nuclear defense international law nuclear arms nuclear weapons poor states small wealthy states military vulnerability coercion deterrence nuclear arms nuclear parity state relations mutually assured destruction for small states nuclear arms as security equalizer proliferation risks nuclear weapons nuclear weapons and international stability nuclear non-use rationality nuclear deterrence self-defense nation-state international law nuclear proliferation conventional weapons capacity small states security military balance nuclear equality power dynamics interstate conflict security guarantees nonproliferation treaties existential threat rational actor theory deterrence theory strategic stability arms race disarmament mutual assured destruction national sovereignty defense policy nuclear doctrine security dilemma regional security proliferation risks great power politics asymmetric security international relations theory security architecture North Korea nuclear policy Russian invasion Georgia Mearsheimer Jervis foreign policy military vulnerability nuclear strategy nuclear deterrence small states nuclear weapons nation-state sovereignty international law nuclear weapons nuclear weapons equalizer conventional vs nuclear defense nuclear proliferation arguments rational actor theory nuclear weapons nuclear weapons poor countries security dilemma nuclear proliferation state self-defense rights Russian invasion Georgia nuclear deterrence nuclear nonproliferation debate North Korea nuclear doctrine existential threat nuclear use nuclear weapons international stability ethical implications nuclear weapons nuclear strategies post-cold war Mearsheimer Ukrainian deterrent Jervis nuclear strategy nuclear weapons self-defense nuclear deterrence conventional weapons nation-state international system international law state sovereignty security equalization small states poor states military capacity nuclear proliferation deterrence theory military balance security dilemma mutually assured destruction existential threat rational actor theory arms race nonproliferation disarmament North Korea Russia Georgia foreign invasion military parity international treaties recognition state equality nuclear strategy post-Cold War Mearsheimer Jervis strategic stability nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons proliferation self-defense international law small states security nuclear equality nuclear strategy state sovereignty nuclear nonproliferation debate deterrence theory national defense rights conventional vs nuclear arms nuclear arms race disarmament policy North Korea nuclear policy Russian invasion Georgia 2008 existential nuclear threat rational actor nuclear theory nuclear arms control nuclear diplomacy international security nuclear balance of power nuclear doctrine global nuclear policy minimal deterrence proliferation risks nuclear parity national security strategy nuclear arsenal justification defensive realism mutual assured destruction nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security conventional vs nuclear weapons nuclear proliferation small states defense existential threat rational actor theory nuclear equalization deterrence theory arms race nonproliferation treaties asymmetric warfare military vulnerability nuclear policy preventive war international relations balance of power nuclear strategy foreign intervention security dilemma mutual assured destruction disarmament nuclear non-use strategic stability great power politics North Korea nuclear policy Russian-Georgian conflict state equality geopolitics nuclear deterrence state sovereignty self-defense international law nuclear proliferation small states conventional weapons capacity military imbalance power equalization existential threat rational actor theory security dilemma nonproliferation treaties arms race deterrence theory disarmament international relations nuclear strategy security guarantees asymmetric warfare MAD (mutually assured destruction) great power politics security of weak states North Korea nuclear policy Russian invasion of Georgia nuclear non-use norm
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. arms control nuclear nonproliferation US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program strategic stability nuclear weapons Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation rogue states North Korea international security nuclear disarmament nuclear transparency Russia-US treaty nuclear sanctions Middle East security anti-ballistic missile systems terrorism loose nukes Afghanistan security NATO-Russia cooperation international leadership missile defense global security nuclear deterrence ratification diplomatic relations United Nations sanctions WMD proliferation Russian sanctions rollback nuclear programs nuclear terrorism multilateral diplomacy strategic arms reduction arms limitation proliferation New START treaty arms control nuclear nonproliferation Iran nuclear program US-Russia cooperation Russian support nuclear weapons rogue states North Korea sanctions on Iran international security strategic stability loose nukes terrorism Afghanistan missile defense transparency NATO-Russia relations Middle East security nuclear proliferation Russian assistance global security ratification US national interest arms reduction nuclear disarmament material flow Afghanistan military cooperation anti-aircraft missile systems European security Biden Anti-Defamation League Israeli security resetting relations Russia New START treaty US-Russian cooperation Iran nuclear program nuclear proliferation arms control nuclear weapons Russian support Iranian nuclear threat national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material security terrorism transparency strategic stability Afghanistan international leadership sanctions on Iran Jewish perspective Israel security anti-aircraft missile sale NATO-Russia relations European security ""reset"" policy loose nukes nonproliferation treaty ratification Republican support Biden Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell diplomacy global security Middle East security international sanctions nuclear New START treaty and Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation on nuclear proliferation impact of New START on sanctions against Iran Russian support for stopping Iran nuclear weapons New START treaty and Middle East security US international leadership and Iran nuclear threat US-Israel alliance against Iran nuclear proliferation arms control treaties impact on rogue states New START and North Korean nuclear program securing loose nukes with Russian help New START and terrorism prevention New START treaty merits and national interest resetting US-Russia relations through New START Russian cooperation for Afghanistan troop support New START benefits for European security negative consequences of not ratifying New START New START treaty US-Russia cooperation Iran nuclear program nuclear proliferation nuclear nonproliferation Anti-Defamation League US international leadership Iranian nuclear threat Middle East security Israel security Senate reservations rogue nuclear states North Korea nuclear terrorism nuclear arms control transparency strategic nuclear relationship loose nukes Afghanistan security international terrorism Russia sanctions on Iran missile defense NATO-Russia Council European security reset US-Russia relations Russian missile sales to Iran nuclear material security Biden New START Republican support for New START nuclear weapons prevention ratification consequences US New START treaty Iran US-Russia arms control cooperation Iranian nuclear proliferation anti-nuclear weapons diplomacy Russian support against Iran nuclear non-proliferation expansion nuclear transparency and stability US national security Iran rogue state nuclear threats North Korea nuclear threat loose nukes Russia Afghanistan international terrorism Russian sanctions on Iran NATO-Russia nuclear security missile defense Iran Russia US missile defense cooperation nuclear security Middle East strategic nuclear relations Russia arms control agreements US Russian nuclear assistance Iran missile systems global security treaties Jewish perspective New START US foreign policy Iran Russia Obama administration New START New START nuclear nonproliferation Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation arms control nuclear treaty Anti-Defamation League global security nuclear weapons nuclear proliferation Russian support rogue states North Korea loose nukes nuclear terrorism Afghanistan NATO-Russia Council European security sanctions on Iran missile defense transparency strategic stability US national interest Biden statement Russia-Iran relations nuclear deterrence US international leadership Middle East security Russian sanctions cooperation US-Russia reset securing nuclear materials US allies missile sales international arms agreements New START treaty arms control nuclear proliferation Iran nuclear program US-Russia cooperation nuclear weapons Russian support international security Iran sanctions rogue states North Korea nuclear material security loose nukes Afghanistan terrorism NATO-Russia relations global security missile defense nonproliferation strategic stability US national interest ratification arms reduction Biden transparency Russian-US relations Middle East security Israeli security Senate debate Anti-Defamation League sanctions enforcement missile sales multilateral cooperation Republican support reset relations European security nuclear diplomacy arms treaties New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Iran nuclear proliferation arms control Russian support rogue nuclear states North Korea nuclear threat nuclear material security terrorism Afghanistan NATO-Russia Council US national security Israel security Middle East security arms control agreement transparency strategic nuclear relationship sanctions on Iran missile defense Afghanistan supply routes international leadership Russia-Iran relations loose nukes nuclear nonproliferation reset relations nuclear deterrence Russian assistance global security European security nuclear arms reduction missile systems ratification consequences New START treaty arms control US-Russia relations Iranian nuclear program nuclear proliferation Russian cooperation nuclear nonproliferation loose nukes rogue states North Korea Afghanistan security international sanctions Anti-Defamation League missile defense US national security NATO-Russia relations Russian missile sales nuclear transparency global security Middle East allies nuclear material security bilateral treaties strategic stability military cooperation international leadership terrorist nuclear threat"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 social media distraction academic performance student grades educational achievement online social networking digital distraction learning outcomes study habits Facebook addiction technology and education impact on concentration student productivity academic success time management digital wellbeing educational technology information overload social networking sites youth education screen time effects Facebook distraction social media and learning educational outcomes social networking impact student academic performance Facebook negative effects academic achievement digital distraction student grades online social interaction social media usage multitasking and studying social networks and education educational motivation attention span student productivity time management technology in education media multitasking social media addiction psychological effects Facebook usage statistics educational research student focus cognitive impact academic success online learning barriers social media distraction academic performance student grades online learning digital distraction education technology social networking study habits academic achievement Facebook addiction time management multitasking learning outcomes student engagement educational technology mental focus attention span academic success social networking sites technology and learning cognitive overload academic motivation Internet use student productivity screen time digital literacy Facebook impact on student learning social media distraction in education negative effects of Facebook on academic performance Facebook and student grades social networking and study habits Facebook use and scholarship eligibility educational outcomes and social media Facebook distraction statistics technology and learning outcomes Facebook versus academic achievement social media use during studying Facebook influence on student success digital distractions in classrooms social media and cognitive focus educational consequences of Facebook parental concerns about Facebook and learning recommendations for students using Facebook Facebook addiction and learning balancing social media and academics interventions to reduce Facebook distraction in schools social media distraction Facebook academic performance impact on student grades digital addiction online learning distraction social networking and education multitasking effects education technology challenges youth attention span academic achievement and social media Facebook negative effects technology in classrooms study habits and social media student productivity information overload psychological effects of Facebook social media usage statistics education and digital media cognitive impacts of Facebook digital literacy student engagement time management and social media social media scholarship impact Facebook distraction and student learning social media effects on academic performance Facebook impact on student grades negative consequences of Facebook on education social networking and study habits digital distractions in schools Facebook use and exam results social media addiction and learning outcomes time management for students and Facebook academic achievement and online social interaction preventing Facebook-related distractions in education student productivity and social networks Facebook vs traditional study methods impact of social media on cognitive focus reducing Facebook's negative impact on students Facebook distraction academic performance educational outcomes social media impact student learning online distraction grade reduction study habits social networking sites digital distraction educational attainment attention span online behavior scholarship eligibility university admission community college enrollment future prospects student productivity multitasking study efficiency psychological impact peer influence Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association negative effects youth learning online communication educational challenges time management digital age education Facebook distraction social media impact on education Facebook and academic performance student grades and social media use negative effects of Facebook on learning Facebook and study habits educational outcomes and Facebook Facebook addiction in students social networking and grades online distractions in education Facebook vs. academic achievement digital distractions and learning social media and student concentration technology’s impact on education academic success and Facebook usage Facebook and student productivity social media impact studies Facebook during study time education and social networking psychological impact of Facebook on students social media distraction academic performance digital addiction attention span multitasking effects student productivity online learning challenges social networking impact education technology time management psychological effects dopamine social media grade decline study habits digital literacy technology in education youth social behavior cyberpsychology screen time education student mental health digital distraction academic performance social media addiction multitasking cognitive overload attention span time management educational achievement mental health social networking sites online learning academic motivation student productivity digital well-being technology in education scholarship eligibility educational outcomes student engagement internet usage study habits
test-law-umtlilhotac-con01a	ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. International Criminal Court ICC advantages legal system comparison domestic criminal trials televised trials jury absence professional judges international tribunals trial broadcasting witness protection safeguards court transparency judge impartiality televised proceedings public access legal procedure differences legal system protections international justice system trial security judicial intimidation identity protection courtroom publicity trial fairness International Criminal Court ICC legal system differences domestic criminal trials televised trials international tribunals professional judges jury system absence trial broadcasting judicial intimidation witness protection system trial safeguards court transparency public trial concerns media coverage of trials legal system comparison court procedures judge panel international justice fair trial rights privacy protections International Criminal Court televised trials domestic criminal courts legal system differences professional judges jury absence witness protection broadcast safeguards trial transparency international tribunals judicial intimidation courtroom media comparative legal systems court disadvantages trial publicity legal broadcasting judge panel witness anonymity public trial access court proceedings media ICC public broadcast advantages ICC trial transparency televising ICC proceedings ICC vs domestic trial disadvantages ICC jury absence effects professional judges in ICC witness protection ICC international tribunal court differences broadcasting legal safeguards ICC televising international tribunals ICC court media impact ICC court legal protections comparison ICC domestic courts ICC trial intimidation factors ICC court publicity issues International Criminal Court ICC legal system comparison disadvantages of televising trials jury vs professional judges international tribunals witness protection ICC broadcast impact on trials safeguards in ICC domestic criminal trial differences court transparency judicial intimidation trial broadcasting tribunal security measures legal system broadcasting trial privacy courtroom technology judge panel identity protection international justice system ICC advantages ICC vs domestic courts televising trials ICC international tribunals differences ICC jury system professional judges ICC witness protection ICC trial broadcasting international courts safeguards ICC legal systems comparison court transparency media in legal trials disadvantages of televising trials identity protection in courts ICC judicial process International Criminal Court ICC legal systems comparison disadvantages of televising trials domestic criminal trial differences international tribunals no jury system professional judges judicial panel intimidation of judges trial broadcasts jury anonymity witness protection witness safeguards courtroom media coverage legal safeguards open justice comparative law courtroom transparency public trials international justice systems International Criminal Court ICC differences ICC broadcasting televising trials ICC jury system professional judges international tribunal procedures domestic criminal trials witness protection ICC court transparency trial broadcasting legal system comparison judicial intimidation court safeguards ICC advantages trial publicity judge versus jury international court proceedings media in courtrooms witness anonymity court fairness legal process transparency televised international trials legal protections ICC International Criminal Court legal system comparison disadvantages of televising trials domestic criminal trial jury vs judges professional judges jury intimidation television broadcast impact witness protection systems international tribunals court transparency safeguards in court public trials trial media coverage court proceedings judicial independence open justice privacy protections legal safeguards trial broadcast policy legal procedures differences court security measures International Criminal Court televising trials judicial intimidation jury vs judges witness protection international tribunals court safeguards media coverage courtroom transparency legal system comparison domestic vs international law court disadvantages judge professionalism trial broadcast impacts legal system differences court procedure judicial independence criminal justice legal transparency trial fairness
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con03a	Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, public decency freedom of expression freedom of speech South Africa censorship art controversy community standards offensive art artistic freedom moral values Brett Murray The Spear cultural sensitivities government criticism public domain visual art political satire Zuma controversy constitutional rights social norms lewd imagery public offence human dignity ethical boundaries obscenity legal restrictions hate speech respect for leaders personal offence removal of artwork Amandla artistic intent societal impact national debate media regulation cultural heritage public morality artistic expression censorship constitutional rights South African Constitution cultural sensitivity hate speech visual arts controversy Brett Murray President Zuma The Spear painting societal norms media regulation artistic freedom moral outrage community standards legal limits to free speech art and politics balancing rights indecency laws offense and public policy rights and responsibilities public reaction national discourse heritage and culture freedom of expression censorship artistic expression constitutional rights South African history hate speech symbolic speech public morality community standards visual art controversy cultural sensitivity offence in art artistic censorship Zuma portrait Brett Murray legal limits on speech protest art media ethics expression in democracy apartheid legacy human rights dignity vs. freedom South African constitution societal values gender representation art and politics public decency and freedom of speech in South Africa history of censorship in South Africa Brett Murray The Spear controversy impact of offensive art on public discourse limits of freedom of expression art and political criticism graphic depictions and societal norms balancing free speech and public decency freedom of artistic expression South Africa President Zuma art scandal censorship of controversial artworks public reaction to The Spear painting law and freedom of speech South Africa cultural values and public space offence versus message in art legal responses to offensive art artistic critique of government societal impact of offensive art public debate over artistic boundaries protection public decency freedom of speech South Africa constitutional rights censorship Brett Murray The Spear art controversy political criticism artistic expression offence public domain government criticism moral standards obscenity graphic art President Zuma hate speech cultural sensitivity freedom of expression human rights public display legal restrictions social norms symbolic speech art censorship media controversy South African history art and politics personal offence artistic freedom freedom of expression public decency laws South Africa constitution censorship art Brett Murray The Spear artistic freedom offence in art Zuma artwork controversy balance speech offence limits of free speech cultural sensitivity art legal considerations art public domain enrichment art and politics South Africa visual arts controversy social impact artworks freedom speech limitations public morality and art artistic protest historical context South Africa censorship public decency freedom of speech South Africa censorship Brett Murray The Spear graphic art controversy artistic expression political criticism societal norms freedom of expression obscenity public offence President Zuma lewd depiction art and politics visual art controversy cultural values moral standards public outrage art censorship historical context South African constitution hate speech public discourse legal limits on speech public decency freedom of speech South Africa The Spear controversy Brett Murray artistic expression censorship offensive art graphic depiction Zuma painting art and politics public morality art censorship South Africa art criticism cultural sensitivity art controversy human rights legal limits art political satire art and public domain constitutional rights South Africa freedom of expression limits art ethics visual arts debate public offense law art exhibition controversies censorship artistic expression hate speech cultural sensitivity moral standards constitutional rights visual art controversy South African law societal norms symbolic speech political critique public morality art censorship freedom of expression national identity public decency freedom of speech South Africa historical censorship artistic expression Brett Murray The Spear controversy graphic art political satire public offence cultural sensitivities Jacob Zuma art censorship legal limits on speech art and morality visual arts controversy freedom of expression law public discourse societal values ethical art free speech limitations national identity art protest museum policy media coverage
test-international-iighbopcc-pro01a	The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, emissions reduction binding agreements climate targets government accountability voluntary commitments carbon emissions policy enforcement housing insulation climate change policy target compliance international agreements carbon reduction subsidies climate change mitigation emissions targets national commitments renewable energy policies climate action accountability mechanisms global warming environmental policy emissions reduction climate policy binding agreements non-binding agreements voluntary climate targets policy effectiveness government accountability emissions targets climate change mitigation enforcement mechanisms international climate agreements Paris Agreement carbon targets compliance climate commitments government incentives renewable energy subsidies policy enforcement housing insulation climate change governance emissions reduction binding agreements climate policy carbon targets voluntary commitments government accountability climate change mitigation enforcement mechanisms policy compliance renewable energy housing insulation subsidies international climate agreements Paris Agreement climate governance target implementation emission tracking climate action plans carbon reduction strategies policy effectiveness national climate commitments carbon emissions reduction challenges effectiveness of non-binding climate agreements binding vs non-binding emissions targets voluntary climate targets success rate government compliance with emissions goals UK carbon reduction performance impact of reduced insulation subsidies on emissions international climate agreement accountability missed carbon targets consequences self-imposed vs mandated emissions targets climate policy implementation barriers lessons from UK climate targets government commitment to emission reductions enforcement mechanisms for climate agreements reliability of government climate pledges climate change emissions reduction non-binding agreement voluntary targets binding targets government policy carbon targets Paris climate talks enforcement mechanisms housing insulation subsidies UK emissions international climate agreements accountability climate policy effectiveness target compliance climate change mitigation renewable energy investment climate governance emission reduction commitments policy failure regulatory frameworks environmental policy national climate pledges climate change advisers emission gap emissions reduction challenges non-binding climate agreements effectiveness of voluntary climate targets government accountability on emissions UK carbon targets missed impact of policy changes on emissions housing insulation subsidies and emissions global climate change commitments compliance with Paris Agreement enforcement mechanisms for emission targets climate policy effectiveness binding vs non-binding targets climate change mitigation strategies international climate negotiations penalties for not meeting climate targets emissions reduction binding agreement non-binding agreement climate targets government accountability carbon emissions voluntary targets climate policy emissions targets international climate agreements policy enforcement housing insulation subsidies carbon reduction emission commitments climate change Paris climate talks renewable energy government compliance climate change mitigation emission gaps national policy UK carbon targets international cooperation climate action sustainability self-imposed targets environmental policy emissions reduction binding agreements climate policy carbon targets voluntary commitments government accountability non-binding agreements climate change mitigation compliance mechanisms policy effectiveness emission targets enforcement international climate agreements environmental governance Paris Agreement national climate targets subsidy cuts housing insulation policy UK climate policy climate action tracking emission reduction challenges climate change emissions reduction non-binding agreements binding targets voluntary targets government policy carbon targets housing insulation subsidies compliance enforcement mechanisms international agreements Paris Agreement climate action policy effectiveness accountability emission pledges greenhouse gases national commitments target shortfall environmental policy carbon reduction climate policy voluntary targets binding agreements emission targets government accountability climate change mitigation policy enforcement international climate agreements compliance challenges subsidy impact housing insulation Paris Agreement national commitments target monitoring
test-science-eassgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animal rights moral status sentience consciousness self-awareness ethical treatment moral consideration human superiority cognitive ability social behavior communication utilitarianism moral trade-offs speciesism animal welfare greater good ethical justification comparative cognition animal consciousness moral philosophy animal rights human rights moral status cognitive ability self-awareness consciousness sentience ethical consideration moral consideration social behavior animal cognition personhood speciesism moral trade-offs utilitarianism greater good animal welfare philosophical ethics moral philosophy human-animal relationships nonhuman animals intrinsic value comparative cognition bioethics rights of animals moral worth animal rights moral consideration human rights animal consciousness animal sentience brain size social behavior communication in animals self-awareness ethics of animal treatment moral trade-offs greater good speciesism animal welfare animal cognition moral status of animals rights hierarchy justification for animal use human-animal differences ethics of killing animals animal suffering utilitarian ethics moral philosophy arguments against animal rights human exceptionalism animal rights debate moral consideration for animals ethical treatment of animals differences between human and animal rights arguments against animal rights cognitive abilities in animals moral status of animals utilitarianism and animal welfare human exceptionalism harm-benefit analysis animals moral trade-offs involving animals sentience in animals speciesism animal consciousness animal suffering ethical implications greater good and animal ethics animals vs humans ethical rights moral philosophy animals justifying harm to animals human-animal moral distinction animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities self-awareness sentience speciesism moral status ethical treatment animal consciousness animal cognition personhood greater good moral trade-off utilitarianism human-animal distinction animal welfare intrinsic value consciousness threshold ethical justification comparative cognition value hierarchy social contract moral worth animal rights debate moral consideration for animals human vs animal cognition sentience and rights ethical treatment of animals animal consciousness utilitarianism animals moral status of nonhumans speciesism animal welfare philosophy rights of sentient beings moral trade-off animals animals and self-awareness human exceptionalism justifying harm to animals brain size and moral status animal suffering ethics greater good and animals animal intelligence social behavior in animals communication in animals animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities self-awareness consciousness moral status ethical treatment sentience personhood social behavior intelligence communication death awareness moral hierarchy speciesism utilitarianism greater good animal welfare ethical trade-off human exceptionalism justice moral philosophy ethical obligations rights theory value of life moral agency comparative ethics interspecies comparison animal rights debate moral consideration animals human vs animal rights sentience in animals animal consciousness ethical treatment animals human superiority ethics utilitarianism animals animal suffering criteria for moral status speciesism animal welfare vs rights philosophical arguments animal rights cognitive abilities animals empathy towards animals moral trade-offs animals anthropocentrism animal ethics philosophy self-awareness in animals intrinsic value animals animal rights human rights comparison moral consideration cognitive abilities self-awareness sentience speciesism ethical treatment of animals animal consciousness animal welfare moral trade-offs utilitarianism animal cognition human-animal differences justification for animal use animals and personhood moral status of animals philosophical arguments animal exploitation rights of non-human animals animal rights moral consideration human rights animal cognition sentience self-awareness speciesism ethical trade-offs animal welfare moral status human-animal differences brain size social behavior communication abilities ethical justification greater good utilitarianism moral philosophy ethics of animal use human exceptionalism
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro02a	Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 religious freedom workplace discrimination Christian symbols cross wearing religious attire equality before law religious expression British legislation faith-based rights consistency in law state religion Church of England religious symbols policy kirpan rights Sikh religious symbols NHS policies Heathrow airport policies conscience rights religion and employment national identity religious accommodation anti-discrimination law legal uniformity comparative religion rights public sector policy multiculturalism human rights UK law on religion symbolic attire personal belief protection religious symbols workplace attire equality legislation religious freedom discrimination cross wearing Christianity Sikh kirpan British law freedom of religion faith expression religious clothing equal treatment legal consistency Church of England religious rights UK employment law religious accommodation conscience rights national identity religious uniform policy religious discrimination UK legal protection religious liberty human rights law religious freedom workplace discrimination equality before law religious symbols cross wearing legislation consistency religious attire British legal protection Christianity faith expression Church of England national identity Sikh kirpan religious accommodation conscience rights NHS policy Heathrow airport multiculturalism anti-discrimination law employee rights human rights religious tolerance uniform policy symbolic expression headscarf hijab turban minority religions legal precedent established church religious pluralism religious clothing rights UK consistency in religious legislation Christian clothing protection law workplace faith expression equality discrimination religious symbols workplace Christian cross legal protection Britain religious attire statutory parity UK law religious symbol consistency established religion legal rights Church of England religious symbol law employee faith demonstration legal precedent comparative religious expression workplace kirpan legal precedent UK Sikh attire rights UK conscience and religious attire law symbolic faith expression legislation equal treatment of religious symbols religious discrimination UK legislation cross-wearing Christian rights religious expression workplace law UK religious clothing rights British law religious symbols workplace attire legal consistency discrimination Christianity Church of England faith expression equality legislation religious freedom cross wearing rights Sikh kirpan NHS policies Heathrow airport employment law religious accommodation conscience rights national identity religious discrimination comparative religion law faith-based attire human rights freedom of religion uniform policy multiculturalism religious clothing rights British law religious symbols equality legislation faith Christianity workplace rights cross wearing legal status discrimination religious expression UK religious freedom consistency Church of England legal status Sikh kirpan employment workplace religious accommodations comparative religion rights UK religious symbols national brands conscience and religious dress faith-based attire policies uniform religious protection law religious freedom workplace discrimination Christian cross equality legislation religious attire British law religious symbols faith expression Church of England religious accommodation employment rights human rights Sikh kirpan legal consistency religious conscience UK employment law established religion religious practices minority religions religious diversity secularism visible religious symbols religious tolerance anti-discrimination law multiculturalism legal protection freedom of expression religious observance national symbols equality act occupational rights uniform policy personal beliefs religious clothing rights workplace religious expression Christianity legal protection UK religious discrimination law cross as religious symbol uniform policies UK Church of England legal status equality of faiths law kirpan NHS Heathrow religious attire legislation UK employment discrimination faith-based workplace rights religious symbols British law religious freedom UK religious conscience legal rights comparative religious accommodation public sector religious attire religious dress court cases UK multi-faith workplace policies religious equality legislation religious freedom prescribed clothing British law religious symbols workplace attire Christian cross consistency in legislation discrimination equality faith expression Church of England religious rights national identity employment law conscience rights NHS religious policy Heathrow Sikh kirpan religious accommodation faith-based attire anti-discrimination laws uniform policy secularism religious pluralism human rights act visible symbols comparative religion legislative parity religious clothing rights British law Christian symbols cross at work workplace religious freedom discrimination in law legislative consistency religious equality religious expression Church of England monarch religion national brands policy Sikh kirpan religious symbols acceptance NHS religious dress Heathrow religious policy faith and conscience religious discrimination employment law secularism UK religious legislation
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers military targets civilian protection conflict zones war crimes International Criminal Court ICC child militarisation humanitarian law Geneva Conventions recruitment of children armed conflict civilian casualties warzone communities attacks on children children in armed conflict protection of civilians African warfare central Asian conflicts targeted violence strategic objectives war crimes convictions humanitarian intervention prevention of child recruitment law of war ethical warfare child rights disarmament demobilisation reintegration bans on child soldiers international law armed groups condemnation of child soldier use community targeting war tactics child soldiers military targeting civilian protection war crimes ICC enforcement child militarisation conflict zones war zone tactics children in armed conflict humanitarian law Geneva Conventions international criminal law recruitment of children protection of minors child rights targeting communities strategic objectives development conflict massacre prevention organized displacement surprise attacks African conflicts Central Asian warfare enforcement mechanisms vulnerable populations normalization of child soldiers alternate survival strategies impact of war on children legal protections prosecution of war crimes consequences of child recruitment child soldiers military targets conflict zones war crimes ICC civilian protection normalization of tactics war zones developing countries child soldier ban targeting civilians humanitarian law recruitment of children displacement massacres Africa Central Asia battlefield militarization of children strategic objectives communities in conflict alternate survival strategies protection of children international law war crimes convictions use of children in war targeting non-combatants armed conflict enforcement of bans condemnation of child soldiers child soldiers prevention normalization of child soldiers conflict zones ICC enforcement child soldier ban civilian protection war zones impact of war crimes defenses rising use of child soldiers communities as military targets militarization of children non-combatant children risk targeting children in warfare condemnation of child soldier use battlefield consequences child soldiers children as automatic targets survival strategies in conflict strategic targeting of communities massacres and child victims organized displacement warfare surprise attacks on children warfare children Africa warfare children Central Asia child soldiers international humanitarian law ICC enforcement war crimes conflict zones targeting civilians militarisation of children child protection recruitment of minors war zone ethics Geneva Conventions human rights civilian casualties African conflicts Asian conflicts child victimization community targeting armed conflict moral responsibility war crime prosecution child soldiers militarization of children targeting civilians war crimes ICC enforcement conflict zones protection of children humanitarian law Geneva Conventions African conflict Asian war zones community vulnerability civilian casualties banning child soldiers normalization of violence survival strategies impact on children strategic objectives legal repercussions military objectives warfare ethics vulnerable populations armed groups humanitarian intervention international law recruiting children massacre prevention displacement in war war crime prosecution child protection in conflict child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian protection normalization of tactics European ideal developing world enforcement humanitarian law war zones strategic objectives community vulnerability battlefield militarization child recruitment children's rights massacre prevention organized displacement surprise attacks African war Central Asia conflict child protection armed conflict civilian casualties humanitarian intervention international law child exploitation protection of minors Geneva Conventions crimes against humanity child soldiers military targets ban on child soldiers ICC enforcement war crimes conflict zones civilian protection developing world warfare normalization of child combatants prevention strategies child protection in war strategic targeting communities in conflict increased child militarization battlefield demographics civilian targeting unarmed children survival strategies war zone atrocities massacres organized displacement surprise attacks African conflicts Central Asian war international humanitarian law Geneva Conventions recruitment of minors demilitarization post-conflict reconstruction child rights UN protocols child soldiers military targets war crimes conflict zones ICC enforcement civilian protection normalization prevention developing world warfare human rights humanitarian law international law African conflicts Central Asian warfare communities at risk strategic objectives militarization of children alternate survival strategies targeting civilians child protection war zone massacre organized displacement surprise attacks child recruitment armed conflict war crime prosecution accountability measures Geneva Conventions protection of minors child rights demilitarization peacekeeping post-conflict recovery child soldiers ICC enforcement war crimes civilian protection conflict zones child militarisation humanitarian law Geneva Conventions international law civilian targeting African warfare Central Asia conflict child protection forced recruitment military objectives human rights armed conflict youth combatants humanitarian intervention post-conflict reconstruction legal accountability child victimisation community displacement war zone strategy war crime prosecution
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con03a	It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 fat tax unhealthy food poverty low-income populations food accessibility food insecurity regressive taxation nutritional inequality Romania fat tax affordable fresh produce junk food consumption government policy public health WHO recommendations food pricing dietary choices food deserts social equity health disparities economic constraints taxation policy nutrition policy impact on poor food policy reform fat tax regressive taxation socioeconomic impact food policy public health junk food unhealthy diets food accessibility low-income populations economic inequality nutrition policy food affordability fresh produce health equity government intervention Romania 2010 WHO recommendations caloric intake diet quality poverty and diet tax on unhealthy food food insecurity vulnerable populations policy consequences food deserts cost of healthy food fat tax regressive tax socioeconomic impact food policy unhealthy food nutrition inequality food accessibility poverty junk food fresh produce public health equity Romania government policy WHO low-income populations food affordability diet quality food insecurity health disparities fat tax impact on poor regressive food policies government food tax consequences healthy food accessibility solutions economic effects of junk food tax policy impact on vulnerable populations fat tax and nutritional balance WHO opinion on food taxes Romania fat tax 2010 food taxation and equity making fresh produce affordable social equity in food policy economic barriers to healthy eating unintended consequences of fat tax poor and unhealthy food choices fat tax regressive tax food policy public health socioeconomic impact poverty food affordability junk food consumption healthy food access nutrition inequity Romania fat tax WHO policy analysis food taxes and equity food insecurity government intervention fresh produce accessibility economic constraints calorie sources nutrition policy unhealthy food low-income populations fat tax impact on poor regressive taxation junk food consumption food accessibility healthy food affordability Romania fat tax 2010 WHO equity perspective public health policy food tax consequences nutritional inequality economic constraints fresh produce access calorie sources government food policy vulnerable populations socioeconomic disparities health equity food pricing policies Stracansky fat tax article fat tax junk food unhealthy food socioeconomic impact regressive taxation economic inequality food affordability obesity public health policy fresh produce accessibility nutritional balance poverty food deserts food insecurity government policy equity Romania World Health Organization health disparities low-income populations food pricing calorie sources diet quality taxation consequences social justice fat tax regressive taxation junk food tax food policy public health socioeconomic impact food accessibility healthy eating government intervention food affordability fresh produce subsidies nutritional inequality poverty and nutrition Romania fat tax WHO policy equity in health food insecurity taxation consequences vulnerable populations diet quality food price policy food justice economic barriers food deserts unhealthy food consumption social determinants of health fat tax regressive tax socioeconomic impact food affordability food insecurity junk food healthy food access public health policy nutritional inequality poverty and nutrition fresh produce accessibility food deserts government intervention WHO recommendations Romania fat tax case low-income diet calorie source economic barriers fiscal policy and health equity in taxation fat tax regressive taxation food policy public health socioeconomic impact low-income populations dietary inequality unhealthy food consumption fresh produce accessibility economic constraints nutrition equity food affordability Romania fat tax junk food WHO policy recommendations food insecurity nutrition policy government intervention health disparities behavioral economics
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro02a	Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified organisms GMO risks biodiversity loss ecosystem disruption crop diversity monoculture cross-pollination gene flow Bt toxin Bacillus thuringiensis non-target species butterfly decline herbicide resistance broad-spectrum herbicides transgene escape gene pool contamination environmental impact Monsanto terminator gene seed sterility crop contamination sustainable agriculture ecosystem balance food labeling consumer choice agricultural biodiversity pollinator decline pesticide effects gene transfer wildlife impacts genetically modified organisms GMOs environmental impact biodiversity loss crop diversity monoculture genetic contamination cross-pollination gene flow non-target species Bt toxin Bacillus thuringiensis butterfly decline Monsanto trials herbicide resistance broad-spectrum herbicides ecosystem disruption transgene escape gene pool pollution sustainable agriculture consumer choice crop varieties terminator gene seed monopoly ethical concerns GMO labeling pollinator impact soil health ecological risk agricultural biodiversity genetically engineered crops genetically modified organisms GM crops biodiversity loss ecosystem disruption monoculture crop diversity gene flow transgene escape non-target species Bt toxin Bacillus thuringiensis butterfly decline Monsanto trials broad-spectrum herbicides environmental impact cross-pollination gene pool contamination consumer choice labeling GMOs terminator gene ethical concerns pollen drift sustainable agriculture agricultural biodiversity resistant pests ecological balance food safety genetic contamination crop resilience herbicide tolerance superweeds pollinator impact soil health wildlife habitat accidental gene transfer regulatory issues genetically modified foods environmental impact GM crops biodiversity loss GMOs and ecosystem disruption GM crop monoculture risks impact of GMOs on butterfly populations Bt crops effect on non-target species cross-pollination of GM and non-GM crops gene flow from GMOs GMOs and herbicide effects on ecosystems consumer choice and GMO labeling terminator gene ethical concerns Monsanto field trial butterfly decline GMOs gene pool pollution agricultural sustainability and GMOs risks of herbicide tolerant GM crops genetically modified organisms GM foods GMO risks ecosystem biodiversity crop diversity monoculture environmental impact species extinction butterfly decline Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt crops non-target species transgene escape herbicide tolerance herbicide use cross-pollination gene flow genetic pollution consumer choice labeling issues terminator gene moral concerns GMOs Monsanto sustainable agriculture biodiversity loss ecosystem disruption agricultural practices invasive genes pollinator decline food security crop resilience GM crops biodiversity loss GM foods environmental impact GMOs gene pool contamination Bt toxin non-target species GM crop cross-pollination risks herbicide tolerant GM crops effects ecosystem disruption GMOs GMOs butterfly population decline transgene escape environment terminator gene controversy consumer choice GM foods labeling GM crops issues traditional crop diversity loss Monsanto GM field trials sustainable agriculture GMOs GM pollen environmental impact ecological risks genetically modified foods GM crops organism extinction GMOs and herbicides biodiversity conservation GM crops genetically modified organisms GMOs transgenic crops environmental impact ecological risk biodiversity loss monoculture crop diversity genetic erosion pest resistance cross-pollination gene flow non-target species butterfly decline Bacillus thuringiensis Bt crops herbicide tolerance broad-spectrum herbicides Monsanto ecosystem disruption natural gene pool terminator gene genetic contamination consumer choice sustainable agriculture species extinction food labeling pesticide impact pollinator decline agricultural biotechnology food safety genetic drift unintended consequences organism extinction environmental pollution invasive species genetically modified food GM crops environmental impact ecosystem biodiversity crop diversity loss monoculture risks GM contamination cross-pollination gene flow natural gene pool pollution non-target species effects Bt crops Bacillus thuringiensis toxin butterfly population decline monarch butterfly Monsanto field trials herbicide tolerant crops broad-spectrum herbicides countryside ecosystem consequences organism extinction terminator gene seed sterility technology consumer choice labeling GM foods agricultural sustainability biodiversity conservation GMO regulation ecological risks ethical concerns GMOs sustainable agriculture wildlife endangerment genetically modified organisms GM crops biodiversity loss ecological impact monoculture crop diversity cross-pollination gene flow terminator gene non-target species herbicide resistance pesticide resistance butterfly population decline environmental risk Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt toxin Monsanto sustainable agriculture ecosystem disruption transgene escape consumer choice food labeling gene pool contamination agricultural practices field trials ethical concerns pollinator health invasive species agricultural biotechnology ecosystem services food security biodiversity loss monoculture genetic contamination cross-pollination non-target species Bt toxin Bacillus thuringiensis herbicide resistance broad-spectrum herbicides ecosystem disruption gene flow superweeds insect resistance pesticide use butterfly population decline pollinator impact ecological balance gene pool pollution consumer choice labeling issues terminator gene seed sovereignty agrochemical impact sustainable agriculture crop diversity environmental impact GMO regulation Monsanto habitat loss genetic drift transgene escape
test-law-ilppppghb-con02a	"The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. universal human rights self-determination international treaties international organizations supra-national rules national sovereignty minority rights European Union common European citizenship freedom of movement anti-discrimination rights nation states cultural integration international law human rights enforcement developed world individual rights minority protection majority culture cross-border rights civil rights national boundaries citizenship rights legal harmonization political autonomy global governance collective rights equality before the law democratic governance identity politics universal human rights self-determination minority rights nation state international treaties supra-national organizations European Union common European citizenship freedom of movement discrimination international law majority culture minority protections human rights enforcement sovereignty Northern Ireland conflict civil liberties global governance national sovereignty vs. human rights transnational rights treaty obligations rights guarantees multiculturalism cross-border rights legal harmonization nationalism citizenship rights international justice political integration equality before the law universal human rights self-determination nation states international organisations treaties supra-national rules citizenship rights majority culture minority rights European Union EU citizenship freedom of movement anti-discrimination international law global governance sovereignty minority protection rights enforcement national boundaries human rights treaties globalisation identity politics assimilation cultural integration civil rights legal harmonisation Belgium Northern Ireland supranational authority international courts human rights enforcement expansion of universal human rights declining importance of self-determination impact of supranational organizations effect of international treaties on citizenship human rights versus national borders EU common rights and privileges freedom of movement in Europe international guarantees against discrimination minority rights in the developed world Catholics in Northern Ireland rights evolution global enforcement of human rights comparing self-determination and universal rights rights of national minorities consequences of European integration modern nation state sovereignty evolution of international law rights enforcement by international bodies structural changes in sovereignty legal harmonization in Europe relevance of nation state boundaries universal human rights self-determination international law nation states international organisations treaties supra-national rules citizenship rights minority rights EU citizenship freedom of movement anti-discrimination international treaties majority culture national sovereignty cultural integration European Union rights enforcement global governance identity politics minority protection post-nationalism developed world liberal democracy international boundaries universal human rights self-determination relevance of self-determination international treaties nation states supra-national organizations minority rights discrimination protections European Union citizenship freedom of movement majority culture rights international law global human rights enforcement decline of nationalism EU legal framework impact of globalization on rights human rights vs self-determination national sovereignty rights across borders international organizations and rights minority protections evolution of citizenship nation-state boundaries global governance role of UN in human rights supranational citizenship treaty-based rights human rights in developed countries historic minority struggles European universal human rights self-determination modern nation states international treaties international organisations supra-national rules citizenship rights majority culture European Union common European citizenship freedom of movement minority rights anti-discrimination Northern Ireland international boundary human rights enforcement developed world legal protections rights guarantees treaty enforcement minority integration universal human rights self-determination international law minority rights national sovereignty international organizations supranational rules European Union freedom of movement anti-discrimination treaties global governance international treaties citizenship rights nation-state relevance political autonomy cultural integration cross-border rights human rights enforcement EU citizenship modern nation states national identity individual rights globalization treaty obligations ethnic minorities civil liberties state boundaries majority culture legal harmonization rights protection globalization impacts autonomy movements international human rights law universal human rights self-determination international law nation states supranational organizations international treaties minority rights discrimination European Union citizenship rights freedom of movement cultural integration political sovereignty national boundaries human rights enforcement global governance minority protections international courts cross-border rights global citizenship human rights universal rights self-determination international law nation states treaties international organizations supranational governance citizenship minority rights discrimination European Union freedom of movement rights enforcement national sovereignty majority culture cultural integration cross-border rights political autonomy globalization ethnic minorities international treaties legal frameworks civil liberties EU citizenship sovereignty erosion human rights enforcement"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con04a	Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? online gambling online betting internet gaming virtual casinos sports betting horse-racing skill-based gambling chance-based gambling financial trading stock market speculation securities investing currency trading forex derivatives trading legal gambling gambling laws financial regulation risk-taking investment vs gambling economic expertise probability luck vs skill regulatory differences ethical betting market speculation comparison of legality gambling addiction financial risk knowledge-based wagering online betting internet gambling virtual casinos sports betting stock market speculation investing vs gambling legal status of gambling financial trading online poker skill-based betting regulatory differences financial markets regulation risk-taking behavior stock trading legality gambling regulation cryptocurrency trading online lottery day trading investment risk behavioral finance problem gambling ethical investing market speculation betting exchanges financial derivatives online gaming laws online gambling types of gambling online betting internet casinos gambling legality stock market vs gambling financial speculation investment risk gambling regulations trading securities legal differences financial markets betting strategies market speculation online trading derivatives trading vs gambling law and gambling risk management gambling expertise investment knowledge economic prediction financial law gambling prohibition stocks and bonds gambling ethics online gambling types gambling vs investing gambling legality stock market gambling comparison types of online betting gambling skill vs chance is trading gambling stock market legality legal differences gambling investing financial speculation vs gambling risks of online gambling regulatory differences gambling trading online casinos vs stock trading investment risk comparison gambling legislation derivatives trading vs gambling online betting legality economic bets vs gambling regulation of online games social impact gambling investing online gambling types gambling vs investing stock market risks legal status gambling financial speculation betting legality cryptocurrency trading skill vs chance investment ethics online gaming regulation stock trading legality gambling addiction financial markets vs casinos derivatives trading risk management regulatory differences horse racing betting sports betting investment psychology market speculation social impact gambling economic risk taking financial law gambling laws investment regulation online gambling alternatives differences between gambling and investing gambling vs stock market is stock trading gambling legal status of gambling vs investing financial risk comparison online betting legality stock trading legality risk-taking online stock market as gambling similarities between gambling and investing ethics of online gambling gambling knowledge vs financial expertise regulation of online activities legality of horse-racing bets derivatives trading risks online betting internet casinos sports wagering poker sites lottery websites stock trading investing securities market financial speculation legal differences regulatory frameworks risk assessment financial instruments derivatives trading investment returns gambling legislation skill versus chance economic impact risk management ethical considerations regulatory authorities market analysis financial regulation betting laws financial markets speculative trading online gaming stock market legality investment law gambling addiction financial literacy online gambling types online betting differences stock market gambling legal status gambling legal status trading gambling vs investing stock market risks financial trading legality online sports betting skill-based gambling gambling regulation financial market regulation gambling addiction investment psychology ethical investing speculation vs investment fantasy sports legality online casino laws risk management responsible gambling high frequency trading gambling day trading vs gambling gambling outcomes social impact gambling virtual sports betting online gambling types online betting gambling legality stock market gambling stock trading risk comparison financial speculation investment vs gambling legal distinctions gambling regulations sports betting derivatives trading skill vs chance financial markets regulatory frameworks economic risk ethics of gambling online casinos lottery poker horse racing market speculation legal gambling activities financial betting betting exchanges regulation differences online gambling types internet betting stock market gambling financial speculation investment vs gambling legal differences regulation online gambling ethical considerations horse racing betting casino games online stock trading risks financial markets legality gambling addiction risk management economic impact online betting laws investing psychology gambling regulation financial derivatives trading vs betting
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro02a	Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. cyberwarfare critical infrastructure state security digital disruption information security financial systems government networks cyber defense national security power grid attacks data breaches economic disruption armed conflict military response cybersecurity policy cyber threat online services digital economy denial of service electronic warfare cyber espionage national resilience strategic cyber attacks cyber attack attribution international law digital sovereignty cyber warfare critical infrastructure national security state-sponsored cyber attacks information security cyber defense economic disruption power grid attacks government cybersecurity cyber-physical systems financial sector cyber threats nation-state attacks cyber crime digital espionage cyber resilience cyber deterrence cyber conflict major cyber incidents cyber operations cybersecurity policy military cyber response cyber threat landscape cyber attribution cyber attack consequences state vulnerability cyber defense strategies cyber norms cyber retaliation cyber warfare doctrine cyber attack escalation cybersecurity critical infrastructure cyber warfare information security state-sponsored attacks national security cyber defense digital infrastructure cyber threats government networks economic disruption malware cyber espionage power grid attacks financial sector cyber attacks hacking data breaches cybercrime military response cyber terrorism digital resilience incident response cyber norms attribution cyber policy large-scale cyber attack impact on national security consequences of cyber warfare cyber attack equivalents to armed conflict disruption of government services by cyber attacks economic impacts of cyber attacks cyber attacks on financial infrastructure real-world examples of state-level cyber attacks Russia Georgia cyber attack case study USA 2007 cyber security breach Pentagon policy on cyber warfare cyber attacks and acts of war critical infrastructure vulnerability to cyber attacks government response to cyber threats legal definitions of cyber attack as act of war protecting essential services from cyber threats escalation of conflict due to cyber attacks attribution of state-sponsored cyber attacks preventive measures against cyber warfare cyber warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks critical infrastructure national security cyber defense cyber risk cyber-physical systems information warfare governmental cybersecurity financial sector cyber attacks cyber resilience power grid attacks cyber threat actors state vulnerability digital infrastructure military cyber operations cyber espionage cyber deterrence attack attribution data breaches cyber incident response cyber aggression large-scale disruptions economic impact of cyber attacks cyber policy cyber retaliation cyber norms cyber conflict cyber sovereignty cyber legislation large-scale cyber attack consequences cyber attack impact on national security cyber attacks as acts of war cyber attack disruption to economy cyber attacks on critical infrastructure financial services cyber attack risks government websites cyber attack consequences power grid cyber attack effects examples of state-level cyber attacks cyber warfare nation-state cyber attacks cyber attack response strategies cybersecurity defense in critical infrastructure cyber attack legal implications attribution of cyber attacks cyber deterrence policies U.S. Pentagon cyber war doctrine international law and cyber attacks cyber attacks on communication infrastructure Russia Georgia 2008 cyber attack notable historical cyber attacks economic impact of cyber cybersecurity cyberwarfare state security critical infrastructure financial sector government services online threats digital disruption information theft data breaches power grid attacks economic impact national defense cyber defense digital espionage cyber resilience information warfare cybercrime military response state-sponsored attacks digital infrastructure denial-of-service cyber terrorism US Pentagon international law Georgia Russia cyber attack 2008 cyber attacks national vulnerability communications disruption act of war cyber attacks large scale cyber attacks state security national security critical infrastructure government cyber attack financial cyber attack banking cyber attack commercial services cyber attack economy disruption confidential data breach power grid cyber attack infrastructure shutdown USA cyber attack 2007 Russia Georgia cyber attack 2008 cyber war cyber warfare cyber defense state vulnerability Pentagon cyber attack policy act of war cyber deterrence cyber readiness cyber policy cyber conflict digital warfare information security government cybersecurity cyber resilience nation-state cyber threats cybersecurity state security digital infrastructure economic disruption government services financial sector banking cyber threats cyber warfare critical infrastructure power grid attacks national security confidential data breaches mass disruption military cyber strategy cyber defense cyber war declaration notable cyber attacks USA cyber policy Russian cyber attacks Georgia 2008 Pentagon cyber doctrine online dependency cyber attack consequences information security internet-based attacks national vulnerability large-scale attacks cyber laws international cyber conflict response to cyber attacks cybersecurity state security cyber warfare critical infrastructure financial systems government services large-scale disruption cyber defense strategies national security digital infrastructure cyberattack consequences power grid attacks information theft cyber espionage economic impact military cyber policy USA cyber incidents Russia-Georgia cyber conflict cyberwar rules act of war cyberattack response state vulnerability online services dependency cyber deterrence international law cyberattacks cyber threat mitigation
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro03a	EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, Brexit UK trade policy EU customs union external tariffs free trade agreements Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP trade negotiations UK-EU relations regional trade blocs South Korea trade agreements independent trade policy UK exports UK imports trade sovereignty World Trade Organisation EU economic policy international trade trade liberalization #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre trade terms global trade economic integration Brexit UK trade policy EU customs union common external tariff free trade agreements FTA negotiation Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP independent trade deals regional trade blocs South Korea trade #noTTIP campaign UK-EU relations external trade policy trade liberalization World Trade Organisation UK export-import data trade autonomy customs union alternatives Asia Regional Integration Centre international trade agreements UK-US trade UK-Canada trade trade policy independence post-Brexit trade policy Brexit UK trade policy customs union external tariffs free trade agreements EU-UK relations Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP trade negotiation regional trade blocs sovereign trade policy UK-EU separation South Korea trade international trade agreements FTA comparison trade independence global trade WTO Asia Regional Integration UK exports UK imports trade liberalization anti-TTIP campaigns #noTTIP UK economic sovereignty trade bloc alternatives Brexit trade policy impact UK independent trade agreements EU customs union consequences UK free trade post-Brexit Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership UK TTIP impact on Britain UK trade outside EU UK negotiation power after Brexit UK-EU economic relations post-Brexit effect of regional trade blocks on national economies South Korea free trade agreements comparison UK tailoring trade terms UK global trade options rejecting TTIP UK economic benefits of independent trade policy UK vs EU trade statistics UK freedom to negotiate trade deals import-export trends UK post-EU UK participation in global trade groupings impact Brexit customs union common external tariff UK trade policy free trade agreements Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP regional trade blocs South Korea trade agreements UK-EU relations independent trade negotiation UK exports UK imports World Trade Organisation trade liberalization #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre UK economic independence international trade agreements bilateral trade deals EU trade policy Brexit trade policy UK customs union exit UK-EU trade agreements UK external tariff UK free trade agreements TTIP UK position UK independent trade policy UK trade negotiation partners UK-South Korea trade comparison regional trade blocks impact UK-Asia trade deals UK-USA trade agreement potential UK economic preference UK-EU common external tariff post-Brexit UK trade benefits UK trade campaign groups noTTIP movement UK merchandise trade value comparison UK South Korea trade policy UK multilateral trade blocs Brexit UK trade policy customs union EU external tariff free trade agreements Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP trade sovereignty trade blocs UK-EU relations post-Brexit trade South Korea free trade agreements international trade negotiations #noTTIP World Trade Organisation external trade diversification bilateral trade deals UK economic independence global trade partnerships UK exports UK imports Brexit UK trade policy EU customs union common external tariff free trade agreements TTIP Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership UK-USA trade UK-EU trade regional trade blocs trade independence South Korea trade agreements UK-South Korea trade comparison trade liberalization #noTTIP UK external trade WTO UK trade negotiation autonomy bilateral trade deals economic sovereignty UK import export statistics Asia Regional Integration Centre UK Canada trade trade bloc effects EU-UK divergence UK global trading partners Brexit UK trade policy customs union EU external tariff free trade agreements Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP UK-EU relations UK-USA trade UK-Canada trade regional trade blocs South Korea free trade agreements trade negotiations sovereignty trade independence #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre UK merchandise trade WTO trade data UK economic autonomy EU trade restrictions Brexit UK trade policy customs union external tariff free trade agreements trade negotiations Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP regional trade blocs UK-EU relations independent trade deals #noTTIP South Korea trade agreements Asia Regional Integration Centre World Trade Organisation tariff autonomy trade groupings UK economic independence post-Brexit trade international trade partners UK imports exports
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro04a	Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, reparations restitution restorative justice cultural redress financial compensation indigenous rights legal remedies cultural restitution intellectual property indigenous compensation cultural heritage protection traditional knowledge recognition of indigenous art equitable compensation damages for cultural appropriation legislative reform minority community empowerment anti-counterfeiting indigenous business protection cultural justice art market regulation fair compensation legal precedent cultural exploitation traditional design rights redress mechanisms legal protections for indigenous culture cultural identity preservation artisan rights economic justice reparations restorative justice cultural restitution legal redress indigenous rights economic compensation intellectual property cultural heritage protection cultural misappropriation minority empowerment cultural recognition traditional knowledge fair trade copyright infringement Navajo lawsuit Urban Outfitters case legislation against appropriation counterfeiting prevention indigenous business support cultural authenticity restitution policies arts and crafts marketplace anti-exploitation laws community development cultural equity reparations restorative justice indigenous rights intellectual property traditional knowledge legal redress restitution minority empowerment cultural heritage anti-counterfeiting legal protection cultural restitution economic justice community resilience legislative action fair compensation cultural recognition equity indigenous entrepreneurship design protection cultural sustainability Native American law cultural identity policy reform historical injustice compensation for cultural appropriation impact of compensation on minority communities legislation on cultural appropriation compensation quantifying damages from cultural appropriation Navajo Urban Outfitters compensation case justice through compensation for cultural appropriation economic restitution for indigenous groups legal frameworks for cultural appropriation compensation recognition for traditional designs compensation reversing cultural appropriation harm through compensation protecting indigenous arts and crafts sales counterfeit native American goods market impact of counterfeit art cultural appropriation and economic loss policy proposals for cultural restitution benefits of compensation for exploited cultures strengthening compensation laws for cultural theft indigenous business protection from appropriation economic justice for cultural appropriation compensation restorative justice reparations minority communities indigenous rights Navajo Urban Outfitters legislation intellectual property traditional knowledge counterfeit goods arts and crafts recognition economic impact legal remedies cultural heritage cultural restitution protection of traditional designs indigenous business market exploitation legal precedents policy development cultural protection laws community empowerment compensation for cultural appropriation cultural appropriation legal cases Navajo Urban Outfitters lawsuit reversing cultural appropriation harm legislation on cultural appropriation indigenous intellectual property rights protection of traditional designs restitution for cultural exploitation counterfeit Native American goods economic impact of cultural appropriation recognizing indigenous creators combating fake arts and crafts justice for minority communities benefits of compensation for cultural appropriation cultural heritage restitution Indigenous rights advocacy compensation policy recommendations protecting indigenous businesses US Indian Arts and Crafts market compensation as legal remedy intellectual property and indigenous rights compensation cultural appropriation reparations restorative justice indigenous rights recognition traditional knowledge legal remedies legislation copyright intellectual property minority communities cultural heritage Navajo Urban Outfitters case counterfeit goods economic impact arts and crafts native American businesses fair trade ethical sourcing cultural exploitation community development legal protection restitution cultural preservation policy reform heritage protection social justice indigenous art benefit sharing traditional designs cultural appropriation compensation restitution for cultural appropriation legislation on cultural appropriation reparations for indigenous communities protecting indigenous intellectual property native American arts compensation counterfeit native American goods legal action cultural exploitation Navajo Urban Outfitters case recognition for traditional designs justice for minority communities indigenous economic empowerment reparative justice cultural heritage cultural property rights anti-counterfeit native crafts protecting traditional knowledge compensatory frameworks cultural misappropriation indigenous rights compensation fair trade indigenous art supporting native artists legal frameworks cultural redress restorative justice for cultural exploitation policy proposals cultural appropriation combating fake indigenous arts reparations restorative justice indigenous rights intellectual property cultural restitution fair compensation legal remedy cultural heritage protection minority empowerment legal precedent counterfeit goods art market economic justice traditional knowledge compensation policy legislative reform Navajo lawsuit brand accountability cultural recognition native arts protection community development cultural exploitation indigenous businesses recognition of traditional designs legal frameworks damages quantification reparations restitution restorative justice cultural heritage protection intellectual property legal compensation minority rights indigenous rights economic justice counterfeit goods legislation policy reform recognition of traditional knowledge fair trade cultural sustainability misappropriation remedies Navajo case Urban Outfitters lawsuit native arts and crafts cultural exploitation damages quantification community development legal precedent cultural recognition benefit-sharing
test-education-udfakusma-con02a	Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. private funding university research funding research commercialization open access effects intellectual property cost sharing corporate sponsorship government research grants research partnerships academic-industry collaboration proprietary research funding incentives profit-driven research public vs private funding research investment shrinking government support academic funding trends research funding sources third-party funding industry-funded research private funding university research open access cost sharing research funding sources government funding corporate sponsorship intellectual property research commercialization research partnerships industry collaboration proprietary research research incentives academic funding funding models public-private partnerships university-industry relationships research outcomes funding trends university finances open access university funding private investment research commercialization intellectual property corporate sponsorship cost sharing government funding research grants public-private partnerships knowledge transfer proprietary research academic-industry collaboration research funding models innovation incentives restricted access academic publishing funding diversification exclusivity agreements technology transfer offices private funding university research open access research impact cost sharing requirements universities corporate funding academic research government vs private university funding open access third-party reluctance research commercialization universities university-industry partnerships private sector research investment intellectual property university research public vs private research outcomes funding trends higher education consequences of open access policies research profit incentives voluntary cost sharing universities open access university funding private funding research sponsorship cost sharing corporate funding academic research government funding intellectual property research commercialization industry partnerships funding trends research outcomes profit motivation public vs private funding research transparency innovation funding academia-industry collaboration funding models open science research incentives funding sustainability proprietary research funding impact university-industry relations university research funding impact of open access on funding private funding in academia cost sharing requirements government research funding trends corporate sponsorship in universities open access and private investment financial sustainability of universities research commercialization university-industry partnerships effects of open sharing on funding growth of private research funding barriers to private funding with open access research project funding sources academic funding challenges open access university funding private funding cost sharing research funding government support third-party funding corporate sponsorship university research funding sources research commercialization intellectual property industry partnerships financial sustainability research grants public funding academic-industry collaboration research investment profit incentives research outcomes access policies funding challenges funding trends research incentives private sector investment research funding growth research accessibility private funding university research funding open access impact research commercialization cost sharing requirements government funding funding sources research sponsorship corporate funding in academia intellectual property research profit incentives public vs private research funding university-industry partnerships academic funding trends research funding challenges open access barriers academic-commercial collaboration research financing models funding for higher education private sector research investment legislative impact on research funding incentive structures in research changes in university funding business-university collaboration research publication policies private funding university research open access cost sharing research grants corporate funding government funding research commercialization intellectual property profit motive research sponsorship funding sources public-private partnerships university budgets research incentives knowledge transfer research confidentiality industry collaboration funding trends research impact private funding university research open access research commercialization corporate sponsorship cost sharing government grants intellectual property research incentives academic-industry partnerships public vs private funding funding trends proprietary research funding diversification research funding challenges university-industry collaboration research profitability research funding statistics commercialization impact funding policy university financial sustainability
test-education-tuhwastua-con02a	Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. holistic review non-cognitive skills letters of recommendation personal statements interviews portfolio assessment contextual admissions student background socioeconomic status first-generation status extracurricular activities leadership qualities community involvement volunteer work work experience adversity score teacher evaluations soft skills life experiences creative achievements diversity factors equity in admissions bias in standardized testing alternative assessments school context access to resources educational disadvantage underrepresented groups subjective criteria admissions fairness holistic admissions non-cognitive factors extracurricular activities volunteer experience personal essays teacher recommendations socio-economic background school context class rank interview performance portfolio submission leadership qualities community service life challenges first-generation college status cultural diversity letters of reference student motivation academic improvement adversity overcome holistic admissions non-cognitive factors personal statements recommendation letters grade point average class rank extracurricular involvement leadership experience community service socioeconomic background first-generation status geographic diversity adversity index interview performance creativity resilience work experience portfolio submissions talent identification character assessment soft skills race-conscious admissions motivation cultural background educational disadvantage access to resources holistic admissions criteria non-academic factors in admissions alternatives to standardized testing impact of extracurricular activities role of volunteer work in college admissions subjective vs objective assessments socioeconomic bias in admissions access to college references effects of income on educational opportunities non-standardized assessment challenges educational equity in admissions diversity in university selection criteria fairness of SAT in admissions objective benchmarks in education government use of standardized test data limitations of SAT testing equitable college admissions support for minority students in admissions academic vs non-academic achievement broadening college admissions criteria holistic admissions non-cognitive factors socioeconomic status letters of recommendation personal essays extracurricular involvement community service leadership qualities interviews portfolio assessments high school GPA grade trends teacher evaluations first-generation college applicants adversity score soft skills emotional intelligence cultural background talent identification contextual admissions geographic diversity school resources academic potential motivation letter rural applicants equity in admissions alternative standardized tests test-optional policies subjective assessment character references diversity initiatives alternative admissions factors holistic admissions non-cognitive skills extracurricular activities volunteer experience personal statements recommendation letters socioeconomic background first-generation college applicants adversity score contextual admissions high school GPA teacher evaluations portfolio assessments leadership experience community involvement access to resources equity in admissions test-optional policies overcoming obstacles student potential evaluation admissions criteria holistic review non-cognitive factors extracurricular involvement personal statement recommendation letters GPA class rank interviews leadership experience community service socioeconomic background diversity first-generation status special talents rural applicants access to resources educational equity subjective assessment standardized testing alternatives test-optional policies academic achievement school profile contextual admissions bias in admissions enrichment programs underrepresented minorities access to advanced coursework portfolio assessment student potential holistic metrics holistic admissions test-optional policies non-cognitive skills personal essays recommendation letters portfolio assessment socioeconomic background equity in education student potential bias in standardized testing character assessment grit and resilience first-generation college students diversity in admissions structured interviews extracurricular impact contextual admissions alternative qualifications performance-based assessment assessment fairness college access admissions transparency soft skills evaluation holistic admissions non-cognitive factors socioeconomic status extracurricular activities volunteer work personal statements recommendation letters portfolio assessment interview process standardized testing alternatives equity in education opportunity gaps bias in admissions first-generation college students access to resources test-optional policies academic performance GPA contextual evaluation diversity in admissions school funding disparities systemic inequality admissions benchmarks educational attainment subjective assessment university admissions criteria government education metrics holistic admissions non-cognitive factors personal statement letters of recommendation extracurricular involvement socioeconomic background interview process high school GPA class rank course rigor diversity initiatives equity in admissions test-optional policies student potential character assessment community service leadership qualities access to resources educational inequality bias in testing
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro03a	Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 nutrition healthy lifestyle academic performance student achievement memory concentration physical exercise junk food school meals child obesity literacy numeracy scores socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism behavior problems cognitive function educational outcomes school nutrition programs fast food diet quality childhood development government policy health interventions educational equity student wellbeing school health initiatives nutritional standards learning outcomes healthy eating school lunch programs student nutrition academic achievement healthy school meals junk food impact student health physical activity cognitive performance literacy scores numeracy scores childhood obesity socioeconomic status school performance absenteeism behavioral problems standardized test scores healthy lifestyle school lunch programs educational outcomes nutrition policy student wellbeing diet and learning public health schools educational equity healthy diet school nutrition programs academic achievement cognitive development student performance childhood obesity physical activity junk food effects school meals student behavior socioeconomic status educational outcomes government policy standardized test scores absenteeism literacy numeracy health disparities nutrition education school lunch reforms student nutrition academic performance healthy school meals benefits impact of junk food on student grades nutrition and cognitive function in students school meal policies academic outcomes physical activity and academic achievement socioeconomic status and student nutrition ethnic disparities in student health government initiatives healthy school programs school nutrition improved literacy numeracy nutrition interventions in primary education childhood obesity academic decline standardized test scores nutrition absenteeism healthy school environments cost savings healthy school meals behavior problems nutrition schools government funding school nutrition staff workload student nutrition nutrition educational equity school wellness programs impact student nutrition academic performance healthy lifestyle school meals junk food impact child obesity socioeconomic status physical exercise memory improvement concentration standardized test scores absenteeism behavioral problems school health policies educational achievement dietary habits student health nutrition education school lunch programs food insecurity cognitive function fast food consumption student outcomes ethnic disparities school wellness programs public health interventions nutrition and academic performance healthy school meals impact student health and learning outcomes physical activity and grades junk food effects on students school nutrition policy benefits childhood obesity and education literacy and diet socioeconomic status and student health healthy eating academic benefits standardized test scores nutrition government role in school meals reducing absenteeism with nutrition nutrition interventions schools diet quality and cognitive function students nutrition student performance academic achievement healthy lifestyle physical exercise memory improvement concentration literacy scores numeracy scores junk food school meals government policy socioeconomic status obesity ethnic groups standardized testing absenteeism behavioral problems hidden costs student health CDC school nutrition fast food childhood obesity educational outcomes school wellness programs cognitive function academic success public health school food policy diet and learning school nutrition healthy eating academic performance student health outcomes junk food academic impact physical exercise memory nutrition concentration learning healthy school meals policy nutrition socioeconomic mobility school standardized testing nutrition absenteeism nutrition link childhood obesity education fast food literacy numeracy schools testing scores health nutrition behavior problems students education policy healthy diets student upward mobility food ethnic groups obesity education nutrition academic achievement breakfast school performance meal programs schools school wellness programs nutrition and academic performance student health school meal programs junk food impact child obesity school absenteeism standardized test scores education outcomes healthy school initiatives socioeconomic factors physical activity and learning cognitive function and diet student behavior and nutrition government education policy ethnic disparities in nutrition food insecurity and education student upward mobility interventions for nutrition in schools childhood diet and literacy public health and education school lunch quality academic achievement gaps nutrition academic performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise student health school meals junk food literacy numeracy cognitive function childhood obesity socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism school policies behavioral problems memory concentration education outcomes ethnic disparities government intervention school lunch programs diet quality student mobility fast food school nutrition guidelines
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro02a	Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, diplomatic recognition economic incentives financial aid foreign direct investment infrastructure development Chinese investment PRC relations bilateral trade trade growth joint economic projects aid packages international relations Taiwan foreign policy reward diplomacy soft power development assistance Malawi-China relations China-Africa cooperation trade agreements economic cooperation geopolitical shift strategic alliances diplomatic ties statecraft diplomatic recognition China relations economic incentives financial aid Chinese investment infrastructure projects foreign direct investment China-Malawi relations trade growth aid diplomacy economic partnership Belt and Road Initiative investment package PRC foreign policy economic diplomacy Taiwan relations switching allegiance international relations reward for recognition China-Africa relations diplomatic recognition switch to China economic incentives foreign investment Chinese aid infrastructure development bilateral trade joint economic projects PRC financial package Malawi China relations Chinese companies trade growth infrastructure projects foreign direct investment Chinese government economic cooperation recognition incentives developing countries Taiwan relations international relations development aid economic diplomacy reward for recognition diplomatic ties economic benefits economic impact of switching diplomatic recognition to China benefits of diplomatic ties with China Chinese investment in Africa Malawi China relations case study incentives for countries recognizing PRC financial rewards for breaking ties with Taiwan infrastructure development by Chinese companies trade growth after diplomatic shift to China examples of Chinese aid packages joint economic projects with China African countries switching recognition to PRC effects of Chinese economic incentives Malawi diplomatic recognition history effects of PRC-Taiwan rivalry on foreign relations economic benefits of recognizing PRC over Taiwan Chinese financial influence in developing nations consequences of defection from Taiwan to China Chinese development assistance in diplomatic recognition China PRC economic benefits foreign aid infrastructure investment joint economic projects trade growth Malawi Taiwan financial incentives Chinese investment development assistance bilateral relations international diplomacy Chinese foreign policy debt diplomacy geopolitical strategy aid for recognition China-Africa relations switch recognition economic incentives global south soft power foreign direct investment cotton trade infrastructure projects foreign relations Chinese companies economic development international aid diplomatic recognition benefits economic incentives China switching allegiance to China Chinese investment Malawi China-Malawi relations infrastructure projects China China foreign aid China-Taiwan diplomatic competition economic rewards for recognition trade growth with China Chinese financial packages PRC diplomatic strategy joint economic projects China aid for recognition switch impact of China-Taiwan rivalry Chinese development projects Africa economic impact of diplomatic switch China’s soft power South-South cooperation China China’s influence Africa diplomatic recognition China People's Republic of China PRC economic benefits financial incentives foreign aid investment infrastructure development trade growth Malawi Taiwan bilateral relations economic cooperation Chinese investment development projects international relations foreign direct investment economic diplomacy reward for recognition joint economic projects political defection aid packages development assistance strategic partnerships trade agreements soft power infrastructure funding parliament building schools construction roads construction diplomatic switching economic incentives international trade economic growth diplomatic recognition China switching recognition economic benefits China foreign investment Malawi China relations Chinese infrastructure projects China African diplomacy financial aid PRC China-Taiwan diplomatic competition economic incentives for recognition Malawi Chinese investment China Africa trade growth joint economic projects PRC PRC development aid China soft power Africa China-Malawi trade statistics China infrastructure Africa China aid packages Taiwan diplomatic allies economic impact diplomatic recognition PRC bilateral relations recognition incentives Chinese development loans political economy diplomatic ties China influence global south diplomatic recognition economic incentives foreign investment infrastructure development China-Malawi relations financial aid joint economic projects trade growth international relations PRC-Taiwan competition foreign aid diplomacy Belt and Road Initiative economic diplomacy soft power aid conditionality South-South cooperation geopolitical influence bilateral trade developing economies Chinese infrastructure projects financial packages economic partnerships strategic alliances diplomatic recognition China-Taiwan relations economic incentives foreign aid investment infrastructure projects Chinese foreign policy international relations bilateral trade financial packages development assistance Africa-China relations soft power economic diplomacy Malawi-China relations direct foreign investment trade agreements political recognition economic benefits joint ventures development finance foreign direct investment (FDI) economic cooperation emerging markets China-Africa trade international rewards political incentives economic partnerships
test-health-hdond-pro01a	A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. organ donation allocation policy recipient prioritization donor registration non-donor restrictions organ scarcity waiting list priority metrics life expectancy organ compatibility donor status public organ system private organ donations organ swaps transplant eligibility donation pledge donor incentives B blood type kidney organ matching ethical allocation organ donation policy donor registration organ allocation transplant recipient prioritization donor vs non-donor organ scarcity kidney allocation priority metrics waiting list life expectancy donor definition duration of donor status donor pledge public organ transplant system private organ donation organ swaps conditional organ access altruistic donation incentives organ procurement reciprocal altruism organ transplantation ethics organ allocation organ donation policy donor priority organ recipient criteria transplant waiting list donor registration non-donor eligibility organ scarcity kidney allocation organ donor incentives transplant ethics public organ donation system private organ donation organ swaps transplant fairness donor-recipient matching allocation mechanism priority ranking recipient eligibility donation pledge organ allocation metrics organ allocation priority donor versus non-donor organ recipients organ donor registration organ transplantation policies prioritizing registered donors organ scarcity solutions ethical organ distribution encouraging organ donation public organ donation system eligibility criteria for organ recipients organ waiting list management conditional organ recipient prioritization private versus public organ donations incentivizing organ donor registration life expectancy in organ allocation organ recipient ranking system donor pledge policy organ distribution fairness healthcare policy on organ transplants organ donation reward system organ allocation donor priority transplantation policy organ recipient ranking waiting list criteria donor registration non-donor restrictions organ scarcity serotype compatibility priority metrics life expectancy ranking public organ donation system private organ swapping organ donation pledge transplant ethics donor eligibility public healthcare policy organ allocation fairness transplant recipient criteria organ matching systems donation incentives organ donor priority transplant recipient ranking donor vs non-donor allocation organ allocation policies priority for registered donors public organ transplant system donor pledge policy organ scarcity solutions equitable organ distribution organ waitlist management living donor requirements private organ donation donation incentive mechanisms B serotype kidney allocation recipient life expectancy criteria organ waiting list optimization organ transplant policy donor priority organ allocation transplant ethics recipient classification organ donation registration donor versus non-donor organ scarcity waiting list criteria life expectancy priority kidney donation blood type compatibility donation pledge living donor directed donation public organ system organ swap private donation transplant waiting list fair allocation organ distribution organ donation policy donor priority organ transplant allocation opt-in organ donors reciprocity organ transplants organ recipient eligibility transplant waiting list donor vs non-donor recipients organ scarcity organ matching criteria living donor policies deceased donor system public organ donation system recipient ranking metrics ethical allocation organs donor registration requirements organ sharing policies directed donation organ swaps fairness in organ allocation organ donation policy donor registration transplant priority donor vs non-donor organ allocation deceased donor policy living donor policy transplant waiting list priority criteria organ scarcity donation incentives organ matching medical ethics reciprocity in organ donation B serotype kidney allocation public organ transplant system private organ donation organ sharing networks donor eligibility requirements waiting time ranking life expectancy criterion organ donation policy donor prioritization transplant allocation organ scarcity waiting list ranking donor registration recipient eligibility organ matching incentive-based donation donor status requirements public organ allocation private organ donation organ swap programs ethical organ distribution transplant recipient priority life expectancy criterion donor pledge transplant fairness organ donor benefits public health policy
test-international-ghwcitca-pro01a	Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, conflict regulation international law Geneva Conventions armed conflict weapons treaties land mine ban UN Charter legal initiation of conflict treaty regulation emerging conflict internet security cyber-conflict cyber warfare Pentagon cyber policy military response international agreements cyber-attack prevention offense cyber-attacks state conduct rules of engagement digital warfare cyber treaties cybersecurity norms cyber peace information warfare conflict regulation Geneva Conventions laws of war treaty regulation weapons treaties landmine ban UN Charter use of force cyber-conflict regulation cyber warfare internet security international law cyber-attacks military response to cyber arms control cyber norms conflict prevention state behavior regulation offensive cyber operations international treaties on cyber cyber peace digital conflict rules of engagement state sovereignty emerging technology regulation conflict regulation international law Geneva Conventions warfare treaties arms control weapon bans Land Mine Ban UN Charter initiation of conflict cyber warfare internet security cyber conflict regulation cyber-attacks military response to cyber threats early regulation treaties on cyber warfare offense cyber operations international agreements state responsibility rules of war digital warfare international security peacetime norms cyber deterrence cyber norms prevention of cyber conflict cyber peace initiatives cyber arms control cyber conflict regulation cyber warfare treaties Geneva Conventions relevance to cyber new international cyber laws UN Charter and cyber warfare cyber-attacks legal frameworks rules of engagement for cyber conflict cyber weapons bans international agreements on cyber security preemptive cyber regulation preventing cyber arms race military response to cyber-attacks global standards for cyber conflict state responsibilities in cyber warfare lessons from traditional warfare regulation prevention of state-sponsored cyber-attacks early regulation of emerging conflict arenas cyber peace agreements cyber rules under international law escalation prevention in cyberspace conflict regulation Geneva Conventions laws of war arms treaties weapon bans UN Charter legal initiation of conflict treaty regulation cyber conflict cyber warfare law internet regulation international law state responsibility military response to cyber attacks early regulation cyber-attack agreements offensive cyber operations conflict escalation multilateral treaties international security cyber norms digital warfare cyber arms control preventive diplomacy global cybersecurity conflict regulation Geneva Conventions armed conflict laws weapon treaties land mine ban UN Charter initiation of conflict rules treaty regulation internet conflict cyber warfare regulation cyber treaties international law cyber-attack military response cyber conflict escalation cyber norms laws of war cyber security agreements digital warfare treaties cyber conflict prevention state behavior regulation international cyber treaties cyber weapons bans cyber warfare Geneva Convention cyber conflict rules state cyber deterrence conflict regulation Geneva Conventions international law armed conflict war regulations weapon banning treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter initiation of war legal frameworks cyber conflict cyber warfare internet threats digital warfare regulation Pentagon cyber policy cyber-attacks escalation of conflict international agreements cyber security policy offensive cyber operations state responsibility arms control digital arms treaties prevention of cyber war military response to cyber-attacks diplomatic solutions conflict prevention global governance multilateral treaties rules of engagement international cooperation cyber deterrence humanitarian law technology regulation cyberspace governance conflict regulation international law Geneva Conventions warfare rules weapon bans land mine treaty arms control UN Charter legal use of force cyber conflict cyber warfare cyber-attacks cyber regulations international treaties emerging conflict areas Pentagon cyber policy cyber deterrence arms treaties cyber security military response international agreements conflict escalation preventive diplomacy digital warfare state responsibility internet regulation cyber norms offense cyber-attacks international security cyber arms control conflict regulation international law Geneva Conventions cyber warfare cyber conflict treaties weapons bans Land Mine Ban Treaty UN Charter rules of war cyber-attack military response international treaties cyber security cyber deterrence state responsibility arms control international agreements humanitarian law escalation prevention cyber norms digital warfare global governance cyber peace conflict prevention offensive cyber operations international law cyber warfare cyber conflict regulation Geneva Conventions UN Charter arms control cyber security treaties conflict prevention internet governance cyber-attacks military response to cyber-attacks rules of engagement cybercrime digital conflict international treaties state sovereignty in cyberspace cyber norms weapon regulation conflict escalation cyber peace agreements international humanitarian law offensive cyber operations digital warfare ethics multilateral agreements cyber diplomacy
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro03a	An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, International Criminal Court ICC enforcement arm arrest operations war criminals international fugitives peacekeeping forces capture indictees state party cooperation judicial enforcement Darfur indictments Omar al-Bashir capture Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda war crimes Democratic Republic of Congo Joseph Kony in-house enforcement judicial effectiveness human rights enforcement ICC arrest warrants prosecution of war crimes transnational justice international law enforcement peacekeeper roles national police cooperation war crimes accountability HRW report Anneke Van Woudenberg ICC enforcement arm international criminal court ICC arrest powers ICC in-house force ICC prosecution war crimes enforcement international fugitives ICC indictees Joseph Kony capture Lord’s Resistance Army justice Omar al-Bashir arrest Darfur war crimes peacekeeper support ICC capturing war criminals effectiveness of ICC enforcement state party cooperation under-resourced national forces international justice reform ICC special police ICC military force improving ICC arrest justice delivery ICC enforcement challenges international law ICC enforcement international criminal court arrest warrants in-house enforcement international fugitives war criminals indictees capture ICC defendants peacekeeping involvement national law enforcement state parties cooperation Joseph Kony capture LRA leaders Darfur indictments accountability mechanisms justice evasion transnational law enforcement human rights enforcement prosecution of war crimes international justice Omar al-Bashir arrest peacekeepers assistance international tribunal ICC effectiveness international justice reform court enforcement strategies criminal accountability global policing international law enforcement agencies ICC enforcement arm effectiveness ICC in-house enforcement force capturing ICC indictees ICC arrest challenges international criminal court enforcement war criminal apprehension ICC peacekeeper involvement Joseph Kony arrest strategies LRA leader capture solutions under-resourced national forces ICC ICC defendant trial attendance improving ICC justice delivery specialized ICC capture units ICC vs national law enforcement state party cooperation with ICC enforcement solutions for international crimes Human Rights Watch suggestions ICC independent ICC arrest capabilities ICC operational independence ICC resource allocation enforcement ICC enforcement arm ICC arrest mechanisms international justice efficiency capturing indicted war criminals ICC in-house force ICC defendants trial rates international criminal court effectiveness state party enforcement national force limitations specialized enforcement units war criminal apprehension peacekeeper involvement Joseph Kony capture strategies Lord’s Resistance Army leaders prosecution Darfur indictees justice Omar al-Bashir arrest Human Rights Watch ICC reports enforcement challenges international law accountability international crimes war crimes prosecution strategies ICC enforcement arm ICC defendants capture ICC indictees war criminals arrest international criminal court enforcement ICC in-house force ICC fugitives ICC peacekeeper involvement Joseph Kony pursuit Lord’s Resistance Army leaders arrest Omar al-Bashir capture ICC trial effectiveness state parties enforcement ICC under-resourced national forces ICC prosecution improvements ICC warrant execution war crimes accountability ICC Darfur indictments DR Congo investigation Human Rights Watch ICC recommendations ICC enforcement arm international criminal court defendant capture trial attendance indictments fugitives Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda Democratic Republic of Congo justice evasion in-house enforcement national forces state parties war criminals resource allocation competency training political influence peacekeeper involvement Joseph Kony Human Rights Watch LRA leaders capture effectiveness ICC police force prosecution effectiveness arrest operations international justice enforcement challenges legal accountability ICC enforcement arm ICC in-house force ICC defendants capture ICC war criminals apprehension international criminal court enforcement ICC peacekeeper involvement war criminals justice Joseph Kony capture Lord's Resistance Army leaders Omar al-Bashir arrest Darfur indictees DR Congo ICC investigation under-resourced national forces effectiveness ICC enforcement Human Rights Watch ICC state parties ICC cooperation ICC militarized enforcement war crimes prosecution international justice solutions ICC fugitives ICC arrest challenges ICC enforcement arm international criminal court arrest war criminals effectiveness enforcement capturing indictees Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda war crimes DR Congo investigations fugitive justice international fugitives state party forces peacekeeping operations Joseph Kony war crimes prosecution Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg in-house force international law enforcement accountability mechanisms ICC mandate improving ICC efficacy war crime suspects political influence on enforcement resource allocation international justice peacekeeper involvement ICC enforcement arm international criminal court defendant apprehension war criminal capture in-house enforcement unit effectiveness of ICC state party cooperation peacekeeper involvement Joseph Kony capture Lord’s Resistance Army Darfur indictments Omar al-Bashir international justice national law enforcement enforcement challenges political influence resourcing issues Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg peacekeeping solutions crime investigations legal enforcement international law prosecution strategies war crimes accountability
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols school environment division hijab headscarf crucifix classroom student identity school rules alienation bullying inclusivity secularism school uniforms religious expression classroom safety dress code policy debates school policy discrimination religious freedom public schools church-state separation multiculturalism religious attire educational policy Italy crucifix ban bans on religious symbols religious diversity religious symbols in schools school uniform policy hijab ban crucifix in classrooms secularism in education religious dress code student alienation school bullying religious accommodation inclusivity in schools educational equality religious freedom vs. school policy religious expression multicultural education separation of church and state school safety and dress religious controversy in schools cross ban headscarf debate faith symbols in education religious dress school bans hijab controversy headscarf debate school uniform policy cultural division religious tolerance secularism classroom segregation religious rights student identity freedom of expression bullying discrimination school safety inclusive education multiculturalism crucifix ban religious accommodation public schools religious freedom education policy integration social cohesion Italy crucifix case student clothing regulations religious symbols in schools hijab controversy religious dress code in education impact of religious attire on students division caused by religious symbols hijab and bullying in schools school policies on religious items banning religious symbols in classrooms crucifix ban in Italy religious diversity and school integration safety concerns of religious clothing in PE religious symbols and social alienation arguments for and against religious symbols in schools secularism in education multiculturalism and school dress codes legal cases on religious symbols in schools religious freedom vs school uniform policies religious symbols schools division society hijab school uniforms classroom alienation bullying full headscarves health and safety PE swimming technology lessons science classes machinery crucifix ban public classrooms Italy Christian symbols segregation religious freedom education policy school rules multiculturalism discrimination secularism student identity religious expression inclusivity school environment religious symbols in schools hijab controversy crucifix ban school uniform policies religious expression in education school segregation student alienation bullying and religious symbols headscarf safety concerns religious division in classrooms religious accommodation in schools secularism in education banning religious symbols religion and school rules inclusion and diversity in schools Italy crucifix case Times of Malta crucifix ban PE and religious garments multicultural education challenges faith and public education religious discrimination in schools religious symbols school controversies hijab debate headscarf ban crucifix ban religious dress classroom division cultural identity student alienation school bullying secularism religious freedom education policy school uniform policy multiculturalism religion in schools safety regulations classroom inclusivity minority rights public schools social integration interfaith relations religious discrimination Italy crucifix case societal division assimilation religious tolerance educational environment student rights dress codes freedom of expression religious symbols in schools school dress codes hijab debate headscarves in education crucifix ban religious clothing controversy division in classrooms student alienation bullying related to religion safety concerns hijab PE and hijab religious expression in schools secularism in education school policy religious symbols Italy crucifix case public school religious icons religion and school rules religious diversity in education inclusivity in schools religious discrimination schools cultural integration classroom faith symbols ban school uniform policy religious freedom vs. safety religion and bullying schools multiculturalism education religious symbols in schools school dress codes hijab controversy religious identity in education classroom division alienation and bullying headscarf safety concerns religious discrimination crucifix ban in schools secularism in education multiculturalism in schools freedom of expression religious accommodation school uniform policies inclusive education religious rights vs school policy Italian school crucifix case religious symbols and social cohesion diversity in schools banning religious attire safety in PE and science classes religious symbols in schools school dress codes hijab controversy headscarf ban crucifix ban religious expression in education school uniform policy student alienation bullying and religion religious accommodation secularism in schools church-state separation cultural diversity in classrooms religious rights freedom of expression educational policy inclusivity in education discrimination in schools school safety and dress religious tolerance Italy crucifix case religious identity in schools multiculturalism in education
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con01a	Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. coca legalization cocaine production coca leaf extraction drug policy narcotic classification Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs ECDD report Bolivia coca policy coca eradication Evo Morales coca legalization illicit drug trade coca-cocaine nexus drug harm public health impact drug regulation controlled substances coca cultivation global cocaine markets drug enforcement coca-chewing legislation coca leaf legalization cocaine production increase coca-cocaine relationship drug policy narcotic scheduling Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 WHO ECDD recommendations Bolivia coca policy Evo Morales coca legalization coca eradication efforts harm from cocaine use transnational drug trade drug control measures coca cultivation impacts societal effects of cocaine drug legalization debate public health consequences international drug conventions coca leaf consumption correlation coca legality and cocaine production coca leaf cocaine extraction coca production legalization narcotic classification Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs WHO Expert Committee on Drug Dependence cocaine availability coca cultivation drug policy coca eradication Bolivia drug laws Evo Morales coca policy cocaine trafficking harm reduction international drug control coca versus cocaine drug legalization consequences coca leaf regulation Andean coca production drug abuse risks illicit drug trade cocaine market coca-chewing reforms public health impact global cocaine supply coca leaf legalization effects coca production and cocaine availability coca leaf and cocaine relationship WHO coca leaf review Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca leaf coca leaf active ingredient cocaine extraction from coca coca cultivation legalization impact coca and cocaine drug policy Bolivia coca legalization outcomes Evo Morales coca policy coca eradication and cocaine production coca leaf scheduling narcotic coca leaf global production cocaine harm increase legalization coca producer regions cocaine coca leaf and drug enforcement transnational coca policy analysis coca leaf cocaine production drug policy legalization narcotic classification coca eradication Bolivia drug policy Evo Morales Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs World Health Organization ECDD report coca cultivation cocaine extraction coca-chewing drug trafficking coca leaf regulation harm reduction global cocaine market coca-cocaine link drug dependence legislative reform controlled substances South America drug trade coca leaf scheduling public health impact addiction rates illicit drugs Bolivia coca policy drug enforcement supply chain coca crop legal coca production traditional coca use transnational drug policy coca growers coca leaf legalization cocaine production increase coca and cocaine correlation coca eradication effects Bolivia coca policy Evo Morales coca legalization impact of coca cultivation laws World Health Organization coca review Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca narcotic scheduling coca leaf societal harms of cocaine coca-chewing ban debate drug policy reform coca coca production statistics cocaine extraction process coca versus cocaine potency international drug control coca legal coca impact coca farming and cocaine trafficking drugs and law enforcement controlled substances coca coca cultivation coca legalization cocaine extraction drug trafficking narcotic classification World Health Organization Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca leaf policy cocaine availability coca eradication Bolivia drug policy Evo Morales drug enforcement public health impact coca-cocaine relationship drug regulation harm reduction cocaine production trends international drug control coca chewing legal coca markets transnational drug trade narcotics legislation precursor control South American drug policies illicit drug manufacturing coca production cocaine extraction coca leaf legality drug policy reform cocaine availability coca legalization narcotic scheduling World Health Organization ECDD report coca cultivation cocaine trafficking Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs Bolivia coca policy Evo Morales coca legalization coca eradication cocaine manufacturing drug dependence coca and cocaine relationship coca leaf consumption harm reduction drug enforcement coca leaf narcotic status legislative reform drugs coca growing regions international drug treaties South American drug policy coca leaf legalization cocaine production drug policy coca eradication narcotic scheduling Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs Bolivia coca cultivation Evo Morales drug policy World Health Organization ECDD cocaine extraction global cocaine trade drug dependence coca vs cocaine relationship harm reduction social impact of cocaine international drug conventions drug manufacturing coca and cocaine correlation legal coca effects transnational drug policy coca legalization coca leaf extraction cocaine production drug policy Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs Bolivia drug laws Evo Morales coca policy drug dependence coca eradication illicit drug trafficking narcotic scheduling World Health Organization drug review coca vs. cocaine drug legalization effects social harms cocaine coca cultivation controlled substances drug enforcement South American coca production transnational drug trade
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con03a	Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. human rights access to information digital rights enabling technology communication rights freedom of expression information accessibility technological neutrality library access information dissemination technological change obsolete technologies information society information infrastructure universal access public information right to knowledge digital divide fundamental rights media access digital rights right to information human rights and technology information access enabling technologies freedom of expression information society universal access digital divide content vs. connectivity essential services technological neutrality information dissemination communication rights public libraries alternative information sources technological obsolescence information freedom government responsibility access to knowledge digital literacy digital rights information access human rights communication technologies freedom of information internet as a tool enabling technologies right to information technological infrastructure library access digital divide government obligations information dissemination content availability universal access technology neutrality fundamental rights information society digital literacy offline access internet access as enabler internet vs human rights right to information vs internet access is internet a fundamental right internet and human rights debate internet essential for information alternative information access methods library vs internet information access government obligation for information access information rights and technology changing technology and rights Vinton Cerf internet rights argument internet access human rights philosophy internet's intrinsic value internet and content dependency technological transience and rights evolution of information technologies access to information legislation digital rights debate information access in digital age internet access utility analysis internet access human rights right to information enabling technology freedom of information information access library access digital rights Vinton Cerf technology as enabler inalienable rights internet utility digital divide information society communication rights information dissemination media evolution technological obsolescence new information technologies content value government information provision essential services information infrastructure ICT rights information freedom social justice internet necessity technological determinism internet access as human right right to information enabling technology value of internet content internet vs library information accessibility government responsibility information alternatives to internet digital rights debate Vinton Cerf internet rights access to information methods internet obsolescence human rights and technology essential vs enabling rights transitory technologies information equality digital divide technological rights evolution internet access human rights enabler right to information information access digital rights library access technology rights freedom of information means of communication information society Vinton Cerf essential services government responsibility digital divide communication technology information storage transitory technology technology obsolescence New York Times internet vs. library information dissemination enabling technologies human rights right to information internet access debate enabling technologies digital divide information access freedom of information information society communication rights alternative information sources libraries vs internet technology and rights evolution of technology digital rights government responsibility information dissemination internet as a tool information accessibility Vinton Cerf internet policy technological obsolescence digital equality essential services non-essential technologies internet utility information infrastructure internet access human rights right to information digital rights information access information society enabling technology communication rights freedom of information technology and rights library access government responsibility digital divide universal access network neutrality media freedom information utility technology obsolescence public information information dissemination information technology access to knowledge internet as enabler right to information human rights information access digital rights Vinton Cerf New York Times enabling technology technology and rights information dissemination libraries vs internet essential services transitional technologies infrastructure rights communication rights information freedom digital inclusion information society legal perspectives replacement technologies governmental obligations
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con04a	Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, toxic masculinity hypermasculinity male identity patriarchy power dynamics gender norms sexual symbolism representation of men art controversy President Zuma societal values gender equity masculinity and violence capitalist ideals phallic symbolism male power gender stereotypes media influence gender roles violence and gender masculinity in politics toxic masculinity hypermasculinity representation of masculinity gender and power President Zuma masculinity symbolism in art capitalism and gender sexual symbolism violence and masculinity male identity gender equity patriarchal power penis symbolism masculinity in South Africa art and social commentary gender norms male dominance gender representation in art masculinity and violence power dynamics social construction of masculinity hypermasculinity power dynamics gender symbolism representation in art toxic masculinity capitalism and gender sexual imagery male identity patriarchy violence and masculinity painting controversy social norms gender equity President Zuma cultural symbolism gender politics Scheff hypermasculinity male privilege wealth and masculinity sexism public discourse hypermasculinity in society masculinity and power symbols President Zuma masculinity representation art and gender symbolism excessive wealth and masculinity capitalism and gender identity penis symbolism in art masculinity and violence social impact of masculine imagery gender equity and public art representation of male power in art hypermasculinity critique masculinity and toxic power intersection of art and social norms Scheff hypermasculinity theory painting symbolism masculinity masculine identity and violence gender roles in South Africa art critique gender dynamics masculinity and national identity hypermasculinity masculinity President Zuma excessive wealth capitalism gender symbols phallic symbolism power and gender violent masculinity gender equity toxic masculinity male identity social systems art and masculinity penis symbolism sexual imagery modern masculinity representation in art gender politics patriarchal society gendered violence Thomas J. Scheff Universitas journal painting controversy young men and role models masculinity in South Africa masculinity and power hypermasculinity toxic masculinity President Zuma painting controversy masculinity and capitalism gender and wealth sexual symbolism in art masculinity and violence penis symbolism male identity and society gender representation in art excessive wealth and masculinity art censorship masculinity masculinity and social equity gendered power structures symbols of masculinity in politics masculinity in South Africa Thomas J. Scheff hypermasculinity hypermasculinity toxic masculinity masculinity and power gender stereotypes male sexuality symbolism of masculinity art controversy President Zuma painting capitalist masculinity penis symbolism sexual power violence and masculinity patriarchal norms gender equity male identity social systems of violence gender and art representation of men in art hegemonic masculinity psychological effects of hypermasculinity art and masculinity masculinity in South Africa sexual imagery in politics masculinity and capitalism cultural symbolism male violence hypermasculinity masculinity crisis toxic masculinity President Zuma cultural symbolism art controversy masculinity masculinity and capitalism male power symbolism gender equity South Africa violent masculinity masculinity and violence gender representation art socio-cultural masculinity power dynamics masculinity penis power politics art and gender discourse masculinity stereotypes patriarchal society South Africa hypermasculine role models art censorship masculinity masculinity in media Scheff hypermasculinity male identity politics gender norms South Africa masculinity and sexual imagery symbolism of wealth and power masculinity and patri masculinity hypermasculinity President Zuma painting controversy symbolism excessive wealth capitalism penis symbolism gender roles power dynamics sex and power violent masculinity social equity toxic masculinity art and politics male identity gender relations representation in art influence on youth gender stereotypes Thomas J. Scheff violence and masculinity South Africa leadership imagery cultural critique patriarchy hypermasculinity violence gender stereotypes toxic masculinity power dynamics male identity symbolism excessive wealth patriarchy representation capitalism sexual imagery gender equity masculinity and violence social construction cultural influence gender power media representation male role models intersectionality
test-international-iighbopcc-pro02a	Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, international treaty penalties non-compliance binding agreement non-binding agreement enforcement mechanisms compliance measures sovereign governments international law treaty obligations policy backtracking government accountability green policies renewable subsidies carbon capture energy efficiency climate agreements legal penalties successor governments compliance incentives climate change mitigation treaty enforcement policy continuity international commitments UK climate policy green investment bank climate pledge enforcement non-binding commitments international governance climate treaty effectiveness international treaty treaty enforcement non-compliance penalties binding agreement non-binding agreement treaty effectiveness government succession climate policy policy backtracking UK green policy renewables subsidies cuts carbon capture cancellation energy efficiency funding cuts green investment bank sale government compliance sovereign government pledges legal obligations climate climate agreement enforcement international law treaty compliance mechanisms policy continuity climate change mitigation climate policy implementation policy effectiveness enforcement mechanisms environmental treaties climate change agreements international treaty binding agreement penalties non-compliance legal enforcement sovereign governments compliance mechanisms successor governments climate policy renewable subsidies carbon capture and storage green investment bank domestic energy efficiency policy reversal climate pledges government accountability international law treaty obligations policy backtracking environmental governance international treaty penalties enforceable climate agreements binding vs non-binding agreements treaty compliance incentives government policy continuity consequences for non-compliance climate policy reversals UK green policy rollback renewable energy subsidies cut carbon capture cancellation energy efficiency funding cuts green investment bank sale enforcement mechanisms international agreements sovereign government compliance international law penalty structure deterrents for agreement backtracking international treaty non-compliance penalties binding agreement non-binding agreement international law enforcement treaty enforcement mechanisms successor government obligations governmental policy backtracking climate change agreements sovereign government compliance international environmental governance green policy renewable energy policy carbon capture policy energy efficiency funding green investment bank international pledges government accountability treaty failure factors international climate policy climate agreement enforcement international treaty penalties binding agreement enforcement non-binding agreement limitations state compliance climate agreements sovereignty climate policy government climate backtracking penalties non-compliance climate UK green policy rollback renewable subsidy cuts carbon capture policy domestic energy efficiency programs green investment bank sale persuasive mechanisms climate compliance climate agreement legal obligations future government adherence international law environmental agreements international treaty penalties non-compliance non-binding agreement enforcement mechanisms binding agreement government succession policy reversal international law compliance incentives state behavior treaty obligations regulatory frameworks sanctions climate policy green policies renewable energy carbon capture energy efficiency investment bank sovereign governments climate pledges legal enforcement accountability international agreements environmental law sustainable development treaty effectiveness international treaty non-compliance penalties binding agreement non-binding agreement government succession policy backsliding state compliance green policy rollback renewable energy subsidies carbon capture cancellation energy efficiency funding cuts green investment bank sale UK climate policy enforcement mechanisms sovereign government pledges climate agreement efficacy international law enforcement climate treaty failure policy continuity climate change governance international treaty penalties non-compliance binding agreement non-binding agreement sovereign governments enforcement mechanisms legal obligations compliance incentives climate change policies government succession policy rollback international law renewable energy subsidies green policy reversal carbon capture and storage domestic energy efficiency green investment bank climate agreements climate pledges state behavior effectiveness of treaties international cooperation climate governance environmental enforcement accountability measures policy continuity United Kingdom backtracking global agreements international law binding treaty non-binding agreement enforcement mechanisms penalties for non-compliance international cooperation climate agreements treaty obligations government accountability policy rollback successor government obligation international sanctions compliance incentives legal enforceability climate policy energy policy renewable energy subsidies carbon capture green investment domestic energy efficiency global governance treaty enforcement sovereign compliance international relations climate change negotiation
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con02a	Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. politician misconduct political corruption unfit for office public trust criminal politicians ethics in politics removal from office prosecution of officials political accountability disqualification from office political crime domestic abuse politicians fraud in government atonement in politics redemption and public service public office expulsion political integrity convicted politicians officeholder crime government ethics misconduct consequences politician criminal behavior politicians convicted crimes public office misconduct political corruption elected officials criminal records ethics in government politician accountability public trust politicians removal from office integrity elected officials criminal prosecution politicians politicians unfit for office domestic abuse politicians fraud in government political redemption political atonement impeachment political scandal government ethics reform political disqualification public official misconduct criminal background politicians political corruption criminal politicians public trust government ethics politician accountability elected officials crime misconduct in office removal from office redemption in politics political responsibility impeachment political scandal integrity in government criminal prosecution politicians political disqualification moral character politicians domestic abuse politicians financial fraud government public service ethics politician resignation politicians convicted of crimes removal from public office criminal charges and public service ethical standards for elected officials consequences for political corruption public trust and criminal behavior qualifications for political officeholders examples of politicians removed for crime accountability in government laws on politicians and criminal offenses disqualification for public office redemption and second chances for politicians impacts of criminal records on elected officials impeachment for criminal acts safeguarding democracy from corrupt officials public opinion on politicians and crime candidate background checks ethical responsibility in government standards for public service legislative responses to political wrongdoing political corruption criminal politicians public trust political accountability ethical leadership political ethics removal from office political scandals redemption in politics politician prosecution criminal behavior in office domestic abuse politicians fraud in government political misconduct unfit politicians political responsibility government transparency public officials crimes integrity in politics standards for public office politicians crime eligibility elected officials removal for crimes public trust and criminal behavior politicians and criminal prosecution domestic abuse by politicians fraudster public office qualifications for public service redemption for criminal politicians unfit politicians removal criminal conduct and political office ethics in politics atonement and public office prosecution of politicians consequences for politicians’ crimes criteria for political eligibility political corruption criminal politicians political accountability public trust ethical leadership misconduct in office crime in politics political ethics corruption removal criminal prosecution unfit politicians domestic violence politicians fraud in government elected official misconduct removal from office political redemption public servant standards political justice criminal conviction political responsibility political qualification public office integrity governance ethics political exclusion political malfeasance politician crime politician misconduct unfit politicians political accountability politician ethics public trust criminal politicians removal from office political corruption elected official crime public servant misconduct redemption in politics consequences for politicians political scandal domestic abuse politicians fraud in politics political integrity prosecution of politicians state governance trust in government ethical politicians criminal prosecution in office politician removal public office qualifications criminal justice politics political corruption elected officials misconduct criminal politicians public trust ethical standards government removal from office political accountability redemption politicians criminal prosecution officials elected leader ethics public office crime fitness for office domestic abuse politicians fraud in government government accountability political scandals laws for removal officials governance ethics criminal justice public officials political responsibility politician criminal behavior political corruption office misconduct public trust unfit for office disqualification ethics violations political scandal removal from office impeachment redemption in politics accountability in government political consequences domestic abuse politicians financial crimes in politics prosecution of officials rehabilitated politicians standards for public service political responsibility moral fitness for office
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START Treaty nuclear arms reduction nuclear stockpile reduction US-Russia relations nuclear weapons verification deployed nuclear weapons delivery vehicles limit bilateral agreements intrusive inspections mutual security world peace Cold War arms control nuclear deterrence national security nuclear build-up symbolic value strategic stability on-site inspections military planning transparency measures arms race ratification global security trust-building nonproliferation international cooperation disarmament Republican support treaty benefits New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear verification strategic nuclear weapons nuclear disarmament arms control agreements bilateral treaties nuclear security nuclear deterrence nuclear arsenal transparency onsite inspections arms reduction negotiations Cold War legacy nuclear nonproliferation global security trust-building measures mutual security Russian nuclear forces American nuclear forces international peace nuclear build-up risks treaty ratification strategic stability symbolic diplomacy inspection protocols transparency measures nuclear disaster prevention verification regimes geopolitical stability superpower cooperation arms control nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations nonproliferation strategic stability treaty verification bilateral agreements nuclear deterrence Cold War mutual security international security strategic arms reduction peacebuilding nuclear transparency nuclear build-up global security cooperative security nuclear risks on-site inspections trust-building arms race prevention symbol of cooperation ratification nuclear notifications military planning security assurances nuclear arsenal reduction targets world peace anti-nuclear proliferation New START verification benefits New START and global security symbolic value of arms reduction US-Russia nuclear cooperation Cold War tensions and treaties risk of nuclear arms race Putin New START warning impact of treaty expiration on-site nuclear inspections bipartisan support for New START trust-building measures in arms control deterrence mission and verification US military planners and nuclear transparency arms control agreements and world peace verification measures and mutual trust Russian nuclear arsenal transparency importance of treaty ratification strategic nuclear arsenal monitoring peace through disarmament bipartisan endorsements for arms reduction New START treaty nuclear arms reduction weapon verification US-Russia relations nuclear stockpiles bilateral agreements nuclear disarmament strategic nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence international security arms control Cold War peace cooperation mutual trust nuclear proliferation inspection regime military transparency Vladimir Putin ratification symbolic value global stability security policy Kissinger Shultz Eagleburger Baker Powell US Senate on-site inspections nuclear disaster prevention nuclear doctrine nonproliferation military planners strategic stability Russo-American diplomacy arms control agreements US-Russia nuclear treaty nuclear arms reduction strategic arms limitation New START ratification nuclear stockpile reductions nuclear verification regimes Cold War legacy nuclear disarmament global nuclear security bilateral verification mutual mistrust strategic stability great power cooperation Putin nuclear warning nuclear deterrence on-site inspections global peace agreements Kissinger New START support nuclear transparency nuclear treaty symbolic value nuclear arsenal notifications nuclear nonproliferation US-Russia trust building reduction of nuclear risks New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations verification measures nuclear weapons stockpiles disarmament nuclear nonproliferation bilateral agreements strategic stability Cold War nuclear deterrence world peace Vladimir Putin arms control on-site inspections mutual security trust-building treaty ratification international cooperation Arms Control Verification strategic nuclear arsenal national security missile delivery systems global security symbolic diplomacy nuclear buildup reduction targets accountability transparency nuclear policy arms race prevention nuclear weapons limits great power diplomacy Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear disarmament nuclear verification arms control agreements strategic stability nuclear arsenal reduction international security nuclear nonproliferation global peace bilateral treaties Cold War legacy trust-building measures nuclear weapon stockpiles Vladimir Putin nuclear policy ratification of New START on-site nuclear inspections transparency measures mutual security Kissinger Shultz Baker Powell START Russia-US cooperation deterrence strategies weapons delivery vehicles limits strategic arms reduction treaty benefits nuclear disarmament verification national security nuclear build-up threat symbolic value of New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear verification strategic stability disarmament nuclear nonproliferation mutual security bilateral agreements peacebuilding nuclear deterrence arms control Cold War legacy global security weapons inspections trust-building symbolic diplomacy international cooperation nuclear arsenal transparency ratification consequences deterrent mission nonproliferation treaty military planning nuclear buildup risk global peace nuclear safeguards US national security Russian nuclear strategy verification measures diplomatic engagement history of arms treaties New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear verification bilateral agreements strategic arms control nuclear disarmament global security arms inspections Cold War nuclear deterrence international peace weapons stockpiles reduction treaty ratification Vladimir Putin military transparency national security nuclear nonproliferation diplomatic cooperation arms race prevention verification protocols strategic stability mutual security world peace on-site inspections trust-building arms limitation arms control agreements nuclear buildup risks American-Russian cooperation symbolic value of treaties nuclear weapon delivery vehicles treaty compliance global diplomacy"
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro05a	Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations colonialism post-colonial former colonial powers economic justice wealth transfer developing countries developed countries poverty reduction social inequality historical responsibility international relations charitable aid foreign aid economic development global South global North dignity accountability ethical obligation compensation historical redress colonial legacy partnership sustainable development aid effectiveness donor-recipient relationship decolonization restorative justice moral duty reparations developing world colonialism postcolonial justice wealth transfer historical accountability economic development colonial powers foreign aid international relations poverty alleviation social justice global inequality ethical responsibility dignified aid donor-recipient dynamics restitution neocolonialism former colonies humanitarian assistance global south developed countries decolonization reparative justice international development reparations developing world colonialism post-colonial justice historical responsibility wealth transfer economic inequality global south foreign aid international relations poverty alleviation social justice developed countries former colonies dignity aid effectiveness anti-colonialism ethical responsibility restorative justice global development Britain France America donor-recipient relationship dependency theory international aid neocolonialism reparations benefits for developing world ethical arguments for reparations colonial history and reparations economic justice for former colonies dignity in international aid charitable aid vs reparations reasons for reparations by developed countries anti-poverty measures post-colonialism relationship improvement through reparations wealth transfer to developing nations social challenges from colonialism developed world responsibility criticisms of aid dependency recipient perspectives on charity historical sensitivity in foreign aid reparations colonialism former colonial powers economic development developed world developing world poverty social challenges wealth transfer international aid colonial justification post-colonial relations historical responsibility global inequality charity dignity foreign aid international relations France Britain America poverty alleviation compensation anticolonialism global justice economic disparity reparations for developing countries post-colonial reparations reasons for reparations colonial powers economic responsibility reparations versus charity dignified international aid wealth transfer between nations developed world obligations poverty in developing countries improving international relations historical justice reparations ethical foreign aid former colonial powers responsibilities anti-colonial reparations sustainable aid alternatives reparations impact on poverty global inequality solutions donor-recipient relationship reparations and development effective foreign aid approaches reparations developing world former colonial powers colonialism economic development poverty social challenges international aid charity dignity wealth transfer historical responsibility postcolonial relations global inequality Britain France America justification for reparations recipient perspective decolonization global justice foreign aid donor-recipient dynamics reparation ethics international relations donor dignity anti-colonialism wealth redistribution international development reparations colonialism post-colonial development economic justice global inequality former colonial powers wealth transfer dignity in aid historical responsibility development aid international relations socio-economic challenges anti-poverty strategies charity vs. reparations recipient rejection of aid global poverty sustainable development post-colonial reparations moral obligation North-South divide legacy of colonialism compensation for colonization ethical foreign policy donor-recipient dynamics equitable development trust in international relations restorative justice poverty alleviation reconciliation policies global power imbalances reparations developing world colonialism former colonial powers economic development America Britain France poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory aid recipient rejection wealth transfer historical sensitivity international relations dignified aid development assistance post-colonial justice global inequality ethical responsibility economic justice reparative justice donor-recipient dynamics sustainable development reparations colonialism postcolonial justice wealth transfer historical responsibility global inequality development aid international relations poverty alleviation former colonial powers developing countries ethical obligations aid versus reparations economic disparities social justice restorative justice dignity in aid global south historical accountability neocolonialism wealth redistribution charity vs reparations colonial legacy
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro01a	Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. religious freedom tolerance diversity Christian beliefs UK law religious expression workplace rights cross jewelry religious symbols faith demonstration human rights equality non-discrimination freedom of religion respect for beliefs secularism multiculturalism minority rights religious accommodation religious identity employment rights legal protection personal expression article 9 ECHR Galatians 6:14 Chaplin v United Kingdom Nadia Eweida European Court of Human Rights public displays of faith religious practices UK tolerance workplace diversity religious liberty religious expression religious tolerance freedom of religion Christianity in the workplace wearing religious symbols workplace rights religious accommodation cross jewelry UK equality law religious diversity faith-based practices legal protection for religious symbols faith and employment religious rights cases UK religious discrimination European Court of Human Rights Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida Galatians 6:14 religious liberty respect for religious beliefs secularism vs religion minority rights human rights law manifestation of belief religious attire religious freedom in the UK employment law and religion religious symbols legislation religious freedom religious expression tolerance diversity Christianity cross necklace workplace rights faith practices UK law human rights religious accommodation employment discrimination religious symbols equality religious tolerance individual rights secularism freedom of conscience minority religions anti-discrimination law European Court of Human Rights Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida Galatians 6:14 BBC religious cases public display of faith religious jewellery freedom of religious expression Christian cross in workplace religious symbols employment law UK tolerance of faith in diverse societies religious accommodation in UK law respect for faith-based practices religious rights and workplace policies Christianity and workplace jewelry Galatians 6:14 cross significance legal cases religious jewelry UK Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida case BBC News cross fight Europe religious diversity credibility rights exercise inconvenience balancing tolerance and workplace rules religious beliefs legal protection UK legitimate religious practices tolerance Christian symbolism public spaces faith declaration employment rights UK equality religious freedom cross necklace discrimination UK religious freedom cross wearing workplace religious expression Christianity in UK religious tolerance faith declaration religious symbols employment law UK religious rights secularism diversity in workplace human rights law equality act UK religion and law religious discrimination European Court of Human Rights faith-based practices religious accommodation UK legal cases Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida Galatians 6:14 Christian symbolism religious jewelry BBC News religious cases multiculturalism UK religious freedom cross wearing rights Christianity workplace rights UK tolerance religious symbols religious diversity respect faith expression law religious jewellery legal cases Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida case religious expression in UK law Christian symbols protection equality and religious tolerance religious discrimination cases UK employment law religious symbols Galatians 6:14 cross significance BBC News cross lawsuit religious rights and workplace accommodating religious beliefs faith-based dress codes secularism versus religious rights religious accommodation legal precedents religious freedom Christianity religious expression cross jewelry workplace rights UK tolerance faith in public life religious diversity human rights law freedom of religion equality secularism discrimination legal precedent employment rights Christian beliefs religious accommodation Galatians 6:14 European Court of Human Rights Nadia Eweida Shirley Chaplin religious symbols pluralism religious tolerance respect for beliefs UK law case law faith-based actions personal belief religious practice non-harm principle religious expression UK cross wearing workplace Christianity rights UK religious tolerance laws UK freedom of religion UK human rights Act faith employment discrimination religion Shirley Chaplin case Nadia Eweida case ECHR religious cases wearing religious symbols UK religious diversity workplace faith-based workplace rights religious accommodation UK religious jewellery UK law Christian beliefs protection religion workplace legal cases secularism vs religion UK Galatians 6:14 interpretation BBC coverage religious rights religious practices and UK law religious equality UK faith and law intersection UK Declaration of faith Christianity religious tolerance UK law religious rights respect for beliefs religious diversity cross jewelry workplace religion freedom of expression Christian symbolism religious accommodation human rights Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida European Court of Human Rights religious discrimination secularism multiculturalism religious freedom religious expression Christianity in the UK workplace religious rights tolerance and diversity cross jewelry legal cases Eweida Chaplin case European Court of Human Rights UK employment law faith in public life religious symbols in workplace secularism vs religion Galatians 6:14 human rights and religion anti-discrimination law UK religious accommodation British values freedom of belief religious liberty Christian identity
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro03a	"GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs biotechnology companies corporate dependency shareholder profit legislative framework big business food modification health impacts profit motive terminator seeds seed re-purchase pest resistance herbicide resistance chemical defense gene licensing intellectual property patent enforcement cross-contamination corporate history North American corporations environmental pollution tobacco industry asbestos dioxins corporate responsibility US patent law Monsanto farmer rights seed saving agricultural patents industrial agriculture corporate ethics anti-competitive practices monopoly power agribusiness regulatory capture food sovereignty seed monopoly legal restrictions genetic modification GMOs biotechnology company dependence corporate control of agriculture seed patenting intellectual property rights terminator seeds Monsanto agribusiness monopoly gene licensing lawsuits cross-contamination legal cases anticompetitive practices shareholder primacy bioethics in GMOs food security risks farmer autonomy loss agricultural biodiversity reduction herbicide resistance pest resistance North American corporate law agricultural patents crop replanting restrictions historical corporate malfeasance environmental externalities agribusiness power negative health impacts regulatory capture corporate profit maximization social responsibility in biotech genetically modified crops GMOs biotechnology dependence biotech companies shareholder maximization corporate profit intellectual property rights terminator seeds seed patents agricultural patents monoculture genetic modification Monsanto patent enforcement corporate ethics cross-contamination lawsuits pest resistance herbicide resistance corporate control of food seed licensing antitrust issues historical corporate behavior North American corporate law corporate misconduct farmers’ rights gene patenting single-generation seed corporate accountability food sovereignty agribusiness seed re-purchase monopolistic practices legal framework environmental impact ethical concerns corporate power genetically engineered crops patent GMO corporate dependency biotechnology company control legislative impact on GMO regulation intellectual property and GMOs farmer seed-saving restrictions terminator seed effects shareholder profit versus public health GM crop licensing controversies Monsanto patent enforcement historical corporate behavior in agriculture big business influence on food supply pest resistance issues in GM crops herbicide resistance and superweeds ethical concerns about GM technology cross-contamination legal disputes corporate law and biotechnology US patent law on seeds effects of biotechnology monopolies examples of corporate malpractice in agriculture genetic modification and farmer independence licensing of naturally occurring genes GMO dependency biotechnology companies corporate control shareholder returns profit motive terminator seeds seed patents intellectual property Monsanto gene licensing cross-contamination lawsuits corporate history North American corporate law environmental impact tobacco industry dioxins asbestos agrochemical resistance patent law food sovereignty farmer rights monopoly big agribusiness US patent law regulatory framework ethical concerns anti-competitive practices sustainable agriculture commodification of genes legal battles proprietary seeds GMO dependency biotechnology companies shareholder profit corporate behavior legislative framework terminator seeds seed patents intellectual property Monsanto patent law gene licensing cross contamination farmer rights pest resistance herbicide resistance corporate ethics agribusiness monopoly food security anti-competitive practices big agribusiness US patent law crop ownership sustainable agriculture GM crop regulations historical corporate behavior environmental impact food health concerns corporate accountability agricultural patents crop re-purchase requirements GMOs biotechnology dependence agribusiness corporate control shareholder returns profit motives terminator seeds infertile seeds seed patents gene licensing intellectual property Monsanto cross contamination patent infringement pest resistance herbicide resistance superweeds corporate law environmental harm water pollution tobacco industry asbestos dioxins anti-social corporate behavior US potato farmers seed saving ban agricultural patents farmer independence seed re-purchase transgenic crops agri-corporate litigation patent enforcement food security food sovereignty monopolization genetic modification ethics corporate accountability public GMO dependency biotechnology companies corporate control of agriculture legislative framework shareholder returns profit over health terminator seeds infertile seeds seed re-purchase pest resistance herbicide resistance superweeds superpests gene licensing patent infringement gene patents cross-contamination lawsuits intellectual property rights Monsanto US patent law corporate behavior historical corporate misconduct environmental pollution corporate accountability potato farmers crop-saving restrictions single-generation license agricultural patents seed monopoly big agribusiness food sovereignty anti-competitive practices corporate power in agriculture food security farming independence GMO dependency biotechnology companies corporate control agriculture intellectual property rights patent enforcement terminator seeds farmer autonomy seed licensing gene patents Monsanto cross-contamination lawsuits shareholder profit maximization legislative framework historical corporate behavior agrochemical resistance pest resistance herbicide resistance environmental regulation history corporate abuse agricultural monopolies seed re-purchase North American corporate law farmer lawsuits big agribusiness ethics food system privatization anti-competitive practices monopoly power seed saving restrictions agribusiness patents corporate accountability agricultural sustainability GMO dependency biotechnology company control corporate influence agriculture intellectual property GMOs terminator seeds seed licensing patent litigation GM crops Monsanto lawsuits gene patents anti-competitive practices corporate regulation agriculture shareholder profit motivation historical corporate behavior cross-contamination lawsuits herbicide resistance pest resistance farmer dependence GMOs regulation biotech industry North American corporate law unethical corporate practices agricultural monopolies food supply control environmental impact biotechnology anti-social corporate conduct intellectual property enforcement agriculture Monsanto patents farmer legal restrictions corporate patents food technology fees agriculture"
test-law-ilppppghb-con03a	Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. self-determination nationalism ethnic conflict nation-state stability separatism global citizenship nationalist ideology racial identity religious identity Yugoslavia breakup ethnic violence destructive consequences separatist terrorism identity politics national identity racism global integration multiculturalism sovereignty political autonomy minority rights ethnic nationalism cultural division state fragmentation civil war international relations conflict resolution group identity human development political violence supremacist movements interethnic relations self-determination nationalism nation state stability separatism ethnic conflict religious conflict identity politics global citizenship nationalist ideologies ethnic nationalism breakup of Yugoslavia separatist terrorism destructive consequences national identity ethnic separatism racial divisions multiculturalism minority rights sovereignty international relations post-nationalism global integration national vs global identity interethnic violence civil war state fragmentation secession nationalism ethnic conflict separatism Yugoslavia breakup global citizenship national identity minority rights self-identification religious divisions racial divisions destructive consequences sovereignty supranationalism multiculturalism identity politics international law nation-state stability irredentism terrorism ethnic cleansing peacebuilding federalism human rights post-nationalism ethnic nationalism civic nationalism national integration conflict resolution fragmentation self-determination and nation state stability consequences of self-determination nationalism vs global citizenship dangers of extreme nationalism self-identification and separatism ethnic conflicts from self-determination rise of separatist terrorism nationalist ideologies and violence Yugoslavia breakup causes negative effects of ethnic nationalism self-determination vs multiculturalism promoting unity over nationalism historical examples of destructive self-determination balancing national identity and global values risks of prioritizing self-determination overcoming sectarianism in modern states lessons from Balkan conflicts nationalism and international relations conflict prevention in multi-ethnic self-determination nation state stability nationalism separatism ethnic conflict Yugoslavia breakup global citizenship national identity racial identity religious identity destructive consequences nationalist ideology separatist terrorism ethnic nationalism minority rights sovereignty collective identity identity politics international law territorial integrity decolonization secession movements multiculturalism supranationalism post-nationalism state fragmentation civil war ethnic cleansing group rights conflict resolution self-determination consequences nationalism and global citizenship ethnic conflict nationalism separatist terrorism causes Yugoslavia breakup nationalism nationalism vs globalism self-determination national identity destructive effects of nationalism racial and religious nationalism nation state stability self-determination identity politics nationalism principle of self-determination debate nationalism and violence ethnic nationalism historical examples global citizen ideology conflict self-determination nationalism nation-state separatism ethnic conflict religious conflict Yugoslavia breakup nationalist ideology global citizen separatist terrorism ethnic identity racial identity sovereignty political autonomy secession international law minority rights collective rights national self-identification destructive consequences civil war ethnic cleansing multiculturalism supranationalism global governance interethnic relations territorial disputes sovereignty vs autonomy European conflicts identity politics political destabilization self-determination nationalism nation state stability ethnic conflict separatism global citizenship nationalist ideology Yugoslavia breakup religious identity racial identity separatist terrorism principle of self-determination destructive consequences national identity ethnic nationalism anti-nationalism global society multiculturalism collective identity political sovereignty minority rights secessionism identity politics post-nationalism interethnic conflict supranationalism state fragmentation ethnic violence civic nationalism international relations self-determination nationalism nation states ethnic conflict separatism global citizenship identity politics racial identity religious identity nationalist ideologies breakup of Yugoslavia ethnic tensions separatist terrorism minority rights sovereignty international law unity vs. diversity multiculturalism conflict resolution peacebuilding violent secession national sovereignty ethnic cleansing supranationalism intergroup relations modernization post-nationalism international relations ethnic nationalism self-identity collective identity stateless nations self-determination nationalism nation-state stability ethnic conflict separatist movements national identity global citizenship racial identity religious identity nationalist ideologies Yugoslavia breakup ethnic violence Balkan wars secessionism sovereignty minority rights international law globalisation multiculturalism national unity terrorism identity politics civic nationalism ethnic nationalism post-nationalism
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, child soldiers recruitment armed conflict coercion forced recruitment abduction child exploitation psychological trauma abuse war crimes military propaganda social disintegration forced marriage domestic violence indoctrination use of drugs child rights violations international criminal court ICC universal values warlord accountability humanitarian law dehumanization reintegration post-conflict recovery forced conscription political groups military objectives accountability for abuse protection of children human rights moral relativism crimes against children forced labor exploitation in conflict children's vulnerability reparations transitional justice demobil child soldiers forced recruitment armed conflict political groups military objectives child exploitation coercion abduction child abuse psychological trauma drugs and addiction domestic violence family separation social disintegration war crimes international law International Criminal Court universal human rights impunity cultural relativism accountability demobilization rehabilitation reintegration human suffering child protection humanitarian law militarized children accountability for war crimes victims of armed conflict child soldier demobilization post-conflict treatment exploitation of children deprivation of childhood militarized youth ICC prosecution human rights violations child soldiers armed conflict recruitment forced conscription military exploitation propaganda social disintegration female child soldiers domestic violence forced marriage abduction psychological abuse physical abuse exploitation addiction human rights violations war crimes ICC international law accountability dehumanisation trauma rehabilitation universal values cultural relativism justice warlords political violence child protection humanitarian law atrocities impunity militarisation youth vulnerability child advocacy child soldier accountability prosecution of war crimes against children international criminal court child recruitment penalties for recruiting child soldiers banning use of child soldiers armed conflict legal consequences of child soldier conscription child protection armed conflict victim support child soldiers rehabilitation of former child soldiers prevention of child soldier recruitment universal jurisdiction child soldier cases military leaders responsibility children child soldier abuse documentation combatting child soldier propaganda cultural relativism war crimes defense human rights violations children armed conflict legal reforms child soldier use criminal liability forced recruitment minors ICC trials child soldier exploitation international law child soldier protections child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups propaganda forced abduction domestic violence forced marriage abuse exploitation minesweepers spies drugs addiction coercion moral relativism irreparable harm post-conflict trauma demobilisation ICC universal values war crimes international law cultural relativism military objectives human rights child exploitation psychological trauma accountability impunity warlords resistance movements child protection child soldiers armed conflict forced recruitment child exploitation military propaganda psychological abuse drug addiction domestic violence forced marriage abduction child soldier rehabilitation international criminal court ICC universal human rights cultural relativism war crimes military objectives child abuse dehumanization post-conflict trauma warlord legitimacy child protection human rights violations political armed groups global child soldiers illegal conscription child soldier demobilization prosecuting war crimes accountability for recruitment humanitarian law protection of children in armed conflict child soldiers armed conflict recruitment forced abduction military organizations child exploitation abuse international law International Criminal Court (ICC) humanitarian law war crimes crimes against humanity universal values cultural relativism coercion propaganda female child soldiers domestic violence forced marriage psychological trauma dehumanization rehabilitation drug use addiction warlord legitimacy global justice moral responsibility accountability human rights child protection social disintegration political groups military objectives child rights demobilization war crimes prosecution restorative justice child soldiers armed conflict child recruitment forced conscription child abuse military exploitation ICC prosecution war crimes crimes against humanity psychological trauma drug addiction child exploitation humanitarian law gender-based violence child demobilization post-conflict reintegration international criminal law human rights violations warlord accountability cultural relativism recruitment propaganda social disintegration forced marriage domestic violence exploitation of minors child protection children in armed groups international justice legal ramifications military objectives human rights law child soldiers recruitment armed conflict coercion abduction propaganda psychological trauma abuse exploitation forced conscription domestic violence gender violence forced marriage addictive drugs dehumanization war crimes ICC universal values cultural relativism accountability political groups military objectives demobilization rehabilitation international law children's rights humanitarian law transitional justice military organizations warlords moral responsibility violence against children reintegration human rights violations child exploitation war crimes prosecution post-conflict recovery child protection global justice restorative justice child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups forced conscription child exploitation coercion military propaganda social disintegration female child soldiers domestic violence forced marriage abduction psychological abuse physical abuse drug addiction human rights violations war crimes ICC cultural relativism universal values post-conflict rehabilitation child protection warlord accountability international law
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con02a	A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 obesity fat tax junk food food pricing consumption behavior economic impact public health dietary habits low-income populations cultural habits nutrition fast food healthy food access vending machines physical exercise school requirements recreation public transportation calorie burning health education obesity prevention policy effectiveness social determinants of health food accessibility health promotion fat tax obesity prevention food policy public health dietary habits consumption patterns socioeconomic factors low-income effects fast food accessibility cultural eating habits price elasticity unhealthy food tax healthy food incentives vending machine programs physical activity promotion school exercise requirements recreation access public transportation health education behavioral change multifaceted intervention social determinants of health unhealthy eating junk food regulation nutrition policy fat tax obesity prevention public health policy consumption behavior socioeconomic factors dietary habits food culture healthy food access nutrition education physical activity economic impact junk food tax price elasticity fast food health promotion government intervention behavioral economics low-income populations lifestyle interventions community programs healthy vending machines school physical education calorie consumption recreation opportunities health disparities food affordability health outcomes public awareness campaigns eating habits policy effectiveness fat tax effectiveness studies economic impact of food taxation alternatives to fat tax for obesity role of culture in eating habits impact of food prices on consumption healthy food accessibility programs school physical education and obesity fast food consumption drivers socioeconomic factors in obesity effectiveness of cigarette tax vs fat tax healthy vending machine introduction public health strategies for obesity education programs on healthy eating public transport and physical activity recreation opportunities and obesity prevention marginal effects of fat tax calorie consumption habits comparison of obesity prevention policies LSE fat tax research junk food habit interventions fat tax obesity prevention food pricing consumption behavior low-income impact public health policy junk food habits dietary culture fast food accessibility health education healthy vending machines physical activity in schools recreational opportunities public transportation and health socioeconomic factors alternatives to fat tax behavioral economics healthy eating incentives nutrition interventions community health programs fat tax effectiveness obesity prevention strategies impact of food taxes economic effects of fat tax healthy food accessibility cultural habits and diet alternative obesity interventions public health education and obesity fast food consumption drivers socioeconomic factors obesity healthy vending machines school physical education requirements recreation and obesity prevention price elasticity food consumption junk food policy criticisms comprehensive obesity solutions public transportation physical activity healthy eating promotion food taxes and low-income populations research on obesity taxes fat tax sugar tax obesity prevention public health policy consumption habits dietary behavior socio-economic factors fast food consumption food accessibility junk food healthy food alternatives food culture price elasticity food taxes lifestyle intervention nutrition education physical activity promotion school exercise programs recreation access public transportation health disparities consumer behavior taxation effectiveness health economics social determinants of health food policy behavioral change calorie intake government regulation food choice motivation health awareness campaigns poverty and nutrition fat tax effectiveness obesity prevention strategies economic impact of fat tax public health policy healthy food accessibility junk food taxation nutrition education programs lower income dietary habits food culture and obesity behavioral economics and diet fast food consumption trends school physical education community recreation facilities public transportation and health healthy vending machines consumption patterns and price taxation vs education in health socioeconomic factors obesity health intervention programs policy alternatives to fat tax obesity prevention fat tax effectiveness socioeconomic factors obesity food pricing policy fast food consumption dietary habits cultural factors food choices public health interventions healthy food access nutrition education school physical activity recreational opportunities public transportation and health junk food taxation poverty and diet health behavior change multifaceted obesity strategies healthy vending machines food environment initiatives health disparities obesity policy alternatives to fat tax obesity prevention fat tax effectiveness junk food tax economic factors obesity food pricing policies public health interventions healthy food access fast food culture behavior change health education socioeconomic status diet nutrition policy healthy vending machines physical activity promotion school exercise programs public transportation obesity dietary habits food accessibility cultural influences eating multifaceted obesity solutions public awareness obesity consumption patterns targeted health programs obesity and poverty unhealthy diets obesity social determinants
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con05a	Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. government regulation gambling legislation online gambling restrictions government profit hypocrisy in policy national lottery public betting gambling revenue local economic boost legal gambling monopoly government-owned gambling gambling taxation gambling policy gambling control government interests online gambling benefits gambling fairness consumer choice gambling markets public participation gambling accessibility digital gambling platforms government oversight gambling industry regulatory barriers government regulation online gambling policy gambling hypocrisy national lottery public gambling government profit from gambling gambling legislation legal gambling restrictions economic impact gambling government monopoly gambling online betting regulations gambling taxation state lottery benefits licensed gambling operators gambling liberalization online gaming laws private vs public gambling government-run lotteries gambling business incentives digital gambling disruption government regulation gambling legislation online betting hypocrisy national lottery public policy legal gambling economic impact government monopoly local economy gambling restrictions tax revenue online casinos public interest fair competition gambling licensing betting laws gambling industry political interests consumer choice government motives for gambling regulation government hypocrisy gambling government profit from gambling state-run gambling businesses national lottery government public benefit gambling online gambling vs government monopoly economic impact of gambling laws government control vs online gambling restricted gambling zones local economy gambling government monopoly drawbacks gambling policy inconsistencies government regulation gambling online gambling consumer benefits gambling laws and public choice government involvement gambling industry gambling tax revenue legal gambling alternatives breaking government gambling monopolies government regulation online gambling gambling hypocrisy national lottery public racecourse betting government profit local economy gambling legal gambling gambling control gambling policy online betting gambling restrictions state-run gambling gambling laws gambling monopoly gambling tax revenue gambling legislation gambling industry gambling alternatives online gaming regulation online gambling regulation government hypocrisy gambling national lottery benefits government profits from gambling legalization of online gambling public policy gambling economic impact gambling government monopoly gambling online vs traditional gambling online gambling restrictions online betting advantages gambling law reform gambling industry government gambling for local economy online casinos regulation gambling policy debates government regulation online gambling hypocrisy government profit legal gambling national lottery public betting local economy gambling restrictions gambling policy government monopoly gambling licenses economic impact gambling taxes state-run gambling private gambling firms competitive odds regulatory control gambling legislation consumer choice gambling industry lottery revenues public gambling benefits online betting gambling liberalization government regulation of online gambling hypocrisy in gambling laws government profit from gambling state-run lotteries economic impact of gambling restrictions government monopoly on gambling reasons for gambling regulation online gambling advantages local economy gambling policies legal gambling vs illegal gambling gambling tax revenue government control of online gambling public access to gambling national lottery criticism public racecourse betting government gambling hypocrisy online betting reform gambling liberalization government interference in gambling political motives in gambling laws government regulation online gambling gambling policies hypocrisy state lotteries economic benefits legal gambling public policy gambling industry gambling restrictions gambling revenue gambling legislation national lottery legal monopoly local economy government profit regulatory barriers gambling liberalization public welfare gambling prohibition betting laws gambling control online casinos digital betting gambling competition government regulation gambling policy online gambling laws hypocrisy in governance government profits state lottery economic impact gambling legislation legal gambling online casinos regulatory frameworks public interest gambling monopolies liberalization market competition government control taxation economic benefits gambling industry public revenue
test-education-udfakusma-con03a	Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. open access university resources student motivation online learning international students tuition fees educational incentives university attendance critical thinking academic engagement learning content global education university funding student recruitment digital education equitable access higher education policy university reputation competitive advantage educational value open educational resources university incentives value of university education online vs in-person learning open access impact critical thinking in education international student attraction tuition fees open courseware educational exclusivity student motivation global education policy digital learning challenges academic engagement higher education competitiveness open access higher education university value incentives to study online learning critical engagement educational resources international students tuition fees learning motivation university attendance degree attainment educational equity global education academic exclusivity digital learning student recruitment university funding open educational resources quality of education university open access debate impact of open educational resources on university attendance incentives for studying at university value of university education vs self-learning university exclusivity and tuition fees effect of free online resources on campus enrollment international student attraction and open access pros and cons of open university resources critical engagement in online vs in-person learning university revenue and open access global open access implementation challenges motivation for traditional university attendance digital learning vs face-to-face education implications for international student admissions university funding and open access policy open access university education incentives value of university online learning disadvantages critical engagement international students tuition fees learning resources motivation to attend university open educational resources academic exclusivity global implementation education accessibility universities competition student mobility educational qualifications higher education benefits digital learning challenges university funding education policy incentives for university study open access education impact university vs online learning international student recruitment value of university engagement open educational resources drawbacks university learning benefits motivation for higher education critical thinking in university effects of open access on tuition fees university exclusivity reasons to attend university open resources and student behavior online vs campus learning global implementation of open access challenges in attracting international students university funding and open access competitive advantages of universities educational content accessibility impact on university reputation open access university education incentive study motivation higher education learning resources international students tuition fees critical engagement online learning educational value academic qualifications barriers to entry knowledge sharing global implementation educational exclusivity student attraction digital education resource accessibility institutional competition university incentives open access education value of university degree online learning disadvantages critical engagement at university university attendance motivation open educational resources impact university learning vs qualification international student recruitment tuition fees and open access global education competition open access policy implications university revenue challenges traditional vs online education university experience benefits accessibility of academic resources open access university education incentive to study online learning international students tuition fees critical engagement educational resources higher education open educational resources student motivation learning environment study abroad global education university admissions exclusive content academic value educational benefits resource accessibility education policy intellectual engagement digital learning platforms competitive advantage student recruitment institutional reputation global student mobility higher education motivation university enrollment trends open access impact online learning challenges critical thinking development international student attraction tuition fee implications educational resource accessibility academic qualification value global education competition learning environment comparison university benefits student engagement education policy internationalization of universities
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con05a	Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Russian interference Ukrainian sovereignty EU foreign policy NATO expansion Eastern Europe security Russian-Ukrainian relations Putin policies customs union European integration democracy promotion human rights in Ukraine Yanukovych Russia ties Ukraine EU relations Biden Ukraine support regional geopolitics post-Soviet states Ukraine NATO membership European Union eastern policy Russian diplomatic strategy Western response Russia Russian interference Ukraine sovereignty European Union policy NATO expansion Eastern Europe democracy Russian customs union Putin Ukraine relations Yanukovych Russia ties EU Ukraine integration Ukrainian NATO membership Ukraine human rights EU-Russia competition European security post-Soviet influence Ukraine Western alignment Ukrainian foreign policy Russia geopolitical strategy Ukraine democracy promotion Europe Russia sanctions Ukraine-EU partnership Russian intervention Ukraine sovereignty European Union policy NATO expansion democracy promotion human rights Eastern Europe security Yanukovych Putin strategy customs union EU-Ukraine relations Western sanctions Russian foreign policy Ukraine autonomy transatlantic relations Biden Ukraine statement post-Soviet states Kremlin influence Ukrainian resistance European integration prevent Russian influence Ukraine Europe Ukraine policy EU response Russian influence Ukraine Ukraine customs union Russia Yanukovych Russia relations Ukraine NATO membership Ukraine EU integration Biden Ukraine democracy EU NATO eastern policy Ukraine democracy human rights Europe support Ukraine Ukraine Russia political alternatives Putin Ukraine customs union Ukraine bid European Union failure EU policy Ukraine EU promote democracy Ukraine Russia influence Eastern Europe shunning Ukraine consequences Ukraine Western relations European Union Ukraine strategy Russian influence Ukraine Europe European Union EU policy Russian-Ukrainian relations Vladimir Putin customs union Yanukovych NATO membership Biden democracy in Ukraine human rights eastern neighbors EU neighborhood policy Ukraine-Russia relations Ukraine-EU integration Ukraine foreign policy Ukraine democracy promotion Ukrainian sovereignty Russian foreign policy Ukraine NATO bid post-Soviet states influence operations European security Ukrainian politics Russian influence Ukraine Europe Russia Ukraine relations Ukraine NATO membership Ukraine European Union policy customs union Ukraine Russia Ukrainian democracy European Union EU eastern neighbors policy Ukraine human rights Russia Ukraine political dynamics Ukraine western alignment EU Ukraine strategy Ukraine Russian alternative Yanukovych Russia relations Ukraine foreign policy options Biden Ukraine democracy Putin Ukraine customs union Ukraine geopolitical orientation Ukraine integration Europe EU NATO Ukraine deterrence Russian influence Ukraine European Union NATO Ukraine Russian influence Yanukovych Vladimir Putin customs union democracy human rights EU policy eastern Europe Ukraine-Russia relations Western integration NATO membership European security geopolitical influence US support Biden Ukraine sovereignty foreign policy Kremlin Eurasian integration Ukraine-Europe relations democratic values authoritarianism post-Soviet space regional stability Russian influence Ukraine Europe Ukraine relations EU Ukraine integration Ukraine NATO membership Russian customs union Ukraine Putin Ukraine policy Yanukovych Russia relations EU eastern partnership Ukraine democracy promotion European Union Ukraine strategy NATO Ukraine policy human rights Ukraine Ukraine geopolitics Russian foreign policy Europe Ukraine-Russia relations Russian soft power Ukraine Ukraine Western alignment European security Ukraine EU Russia rivalry Ukraine political alignment Russian influence Ukraine European Union NATO democracy promotion human rights Putin Yanukovych customs union Eastern Europe EU policy Ukraine-Russia relations Ukrainian sovereignty Western integration Biden US-Ukraine relations geopolitical strategy Russian foreign policy Ukraine NATO membership European security EU eastern neighbors European Union NATO Russian foreign policy Ukraine sovereignty Eastern Partnership democracy promotion human rights customs union EU-Ukraine relations Russian-Ukrainian relations Vladimir Putin Viktor Yanukovych geopolitics post-Soviet states European integration energy security Black Sea region Ukraine NATO membership Eurasian Economic Union Western sanctions Ukraine crisis hybrid warfare information warfare democracy backsliding Minsk agreements security cooperation
test-health-hdond-pro02a	Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) organ donation donor prioritization transplant policy incentive to donate donor registration rates organ scarcity donor equilibrium lives saved transplant incentives organ allocation increasing donor pool organ donation rates policy effectiveness confirmed organ donors organ shortage solution donation motivation altruistic donation organ demand health policy ethical organ allocation organ donation donor prioritization transplant policy donor registration incentive structures life-saving policies organ scarcity organ availability donor equilibrium altruism incentives reciprocal altruism donor motivation organ allocation medical ethics health policy donation rates supply and demand priority systems opt-in donation reciprocity organ transplant waitlist donor benefits donor shortage transplant eligibility public health incentives organ donation donor incentives transplant prioritization donor registration rates saving lives organ scarcity transplant policy donation equilibrium organ allocation donor eligibility ethical incentives increasing donor pool organ transplant scarcity non-donor exclusion confirmed organ donors incentivizing donation organ recipient priority eliminating shortage donor participation policy effectiveness organ donor incentives transplant prioritization policy increasing organ donor registration benefits of donor priority saving lives through donor policies organ scarcity solutions elimination of organ shortages equilibrium in donor rates motivating donor registration confirmed organ donors statistics policy impact on organ donation ethical arguments for donor priority incentives for registering as organ donor requirements for transplant eligibility policy effects on non-donors organ transplant demand and supply maximizing organ donation rates health outcomes of donor prioritization organ allocation ethics organ donation equilibrium policy-driven increase in donors donor prioritization organ donation incentives transplant policy donor registration rates organ scarcity life-saving measures confirmed organ donors donation equilibrium organ allocation ethics non-donor access incentive-based healthcare transplant waitlist organ donation rates medical policy effectiveness healthcare scarcity solutions organ donor incentives transplant priority for donors increasing donor registration organ transplant policy saving lives through donation donor registration rates organ scarcity solutions incentivizing donation equilibrium in organ donation organ allocation policy encouraging organ donation removing organ shortages ethical organ donation policies maximizing donor pool donor priority impact benefits of donor prioritization organ transplantation reforms public health organ donation policy to increase donors reducing organ waitlists organ donation donor incentives organ transplant policy donor prioritization donor registration organ scarcity organ allocation transplant waiting list saving lives health policy donor enrollment moral incentives public health donation rates supply and demand life-saving transplants policy implementation ethical organ allocation medical scarcity donor-recipient matching organ shortage solutions increase in donors transplant equity healthcare incentives organ donation system organ donation incentives donor prioritization policy increasing donor registration transplant recipient prioritization organ scarcity solutions saving lives through donation confirmed organ donors incentive-based donation programs equitable organ allocation maximizing organ availability eliminating organ shortages ethical organ donation policies donor registration rates donation-determined transplant access organ waiting list reduction sustaining donor equilibrium supply-demand in organ donation policy impact on organ donation motivating organ donor signups healthcare resource allocation organ donation donor prioritization transplant scarcity organ donor registration incentive policies lifesaving transplant organ allocation ethics increasing donor rates donor versus non-donor transplant waiting list public health policy equitable organ distribution opt-in donor systems medical ethics supply and demand equilibrium organ transplant incentives donation reform saving lives organ registry reducing transplant shortages organ donation incentives donor prioritization transplant policy increasing donor registration eliminating organ scarcity benefits of donor incentives organ transplant ethics supply and demand equilibrium lifesaving policies confirmed organ donors maximizing donation rates donor registration benefits organ availability donation scarcity solutions
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro01a	Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, human rights capital punishment death penalty abolition international community liberal democracies civil society rule of law human rights culture justice reform Ibrahim Index African governance law enforcement human rights benchmarks abolitionist countries legal progress government accountability social justice punitive justice human dignity Mo Ibrahim Foundation international law progressive legislation safety and law legal policy Africa human rights culture death penalty abolition international human rights capital punishment human rights violation rule of law global human rights standards abolitionist countries human rights progress civil society perspectives liberal democracies capital punishment Ibrahim Index rule of law African governance safety and law Africa human rights benchmarks death penalty international views human rights capital punishment death penalty international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition rule of law human rights culture progress benchmark human rights commitment Guinea Bissau abolitionist nations African governance Ibrahim Index safety governance legal reform justice human rights violation international law civil liberties law and order global human rights standards punishment reform human rights culture promotion respect for human rights argument death penalty human rights violation international community stance on capital punishment abolition and rule of law abolition as human rights benchmark capital punishment and international civil society impact of death penalty abolition on governance Ibrahim Index rule of law abolitionist countries links between capital punishment abolition and legal progress Guinea Bissau death penalty abolition case African governance and human rights liberal democracies and capital punishment symbolism of abolition for human rights Mo Ibrahim Foundation death penalty data human rights capital punishment death penalty abolition international law rule of law civil society liberal democracies human rights culture human rights violation international community Africa Ibrahim Index of African Governance Guinea Bissau abolitionist countries legal reform safety and law Mo Ibrahim Foundation justice system human rights benchmarks governance statistics abolition of capital punishment human rights culture rule of law international human rights standards global perspective on death penalty benchmark for progress liberal democracies and death penalty death penalty and civil society abolitionist nations in Africa Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Africa impact of death penalty on human rights symbols of human rights commitment international opposition to capital punishment legal reforms and human rights human rights culture respect for human rights abolition of capital punishment death penalty abolition international human rights liberal democracies civil society rule of law benchmark of progress human rights commitment abolitionist countries Ibrahim Index African Governance safety and rule of law Guinea Bissau international community death penalty human rights human rights violation legal reform criminal justice legal benchmarks human rights progress Mo Ibrahim Foundation Africa rule of law death penalty Africa human rights index justice system reform human rights culture capital punishment abolition international human rights norms rule of law death penalty human rights violation liberal democracies human rights international civil society death penalty international perspective abolitionist countries Africa Ibrahim Index African Governance safety and rule of law Africa Guinea Bissau human rights Africa death penalty statistics human rights progress benchmarks abolition symbolism commitment to human rights principles African governance human rights Mo Ibrahim Foundation report capital punishment statistics Africa human rights promotion Africa human rights culture abolition of capital punishment international human rights rule of law capital punishment criticism human rights violation liberal democracies international civil society progress benchmarks justice reform death penalty abolition African governance index Ibrahim Index human rights commitment Guinea Bissau case study safety and rule of law global abolition movement death penalty and human rights civil liberties international justice norms human rights culture capital punishment death penalty abolition international law rule of law human rights protection liberal democracies civil society legal reform criminal justice reform Ibrahim Index of African Governance Guinea Bissau African governance death penalty statistics global abolition movement human rights benchmarks safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation governance indicators justice systems
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 religious division Western society religious symbols social pressure hijab Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression Muslim head coverings Islam tenets Islamic schools Koran interpretation moderate Islam severe interpretation burka veil ban religious freedom secularism cultural pressure women’s rights gender oppression religious conformity religious identity multiculturalism assimilation Islamic dress code religious law community norms imams family leaders observance modern dress religious tradition social cohesion identity politics religious tolerance interfaith relations religious conflict Western cultural integration social pressure Muslim women's dress hijab controversy religious oppression internalized oppression Islamic schools of thought Koran interpretation modesty in Islam burka debate religious dress codes secularism cultural assimilation freedom of expression women's rights religious symbolism community norms identity politics religious moderation veil bans Islam in the West multiculturalism societal division religious tolerance gender norms feminist perspectives immigrant integration minority rights cultural diversity religious symbols social division Western society hijab veiling Muslim women social pressure religious pressure community norms religious observance internalized oppression religious oppression Islamic dress code imams family leaders assimilation moderate Islam Islamic schools of thought Koran interpretations Islamic modesty burka niqab modern dress veiling ban freedom of expression secularism women's rights identity politics multiculturalism cultural integration religious freedom discrimination headscarf controversy religious pluralism religious symbols social division hijab cultural pressure Muslim women's dress code internalized religious oppression approval of Muslim head coverings Islamic dress code disagreements schools of Islam dress interpretation moderate vs severe Islamic dress banning the veil impact Western society religious debate religious oppression gender hijab societal effect religious identity and division imams religious pressure family religious authority non-Muslim perceptions of hijab societal acceptance of religious symbols headscarf controversy in the West Muslim women's rights secularism vs religious expression entrenchment of severe Islamic interpretations pressure in Muslim communities state intervention in religious dress religious symbols social division Western society religious dress hijab burka veiling internalized oppression Muslim women social pressure religious pressure Islamic schools of thought Koran interpretation moderate Islam severe Islam religious observance religious oppression women's rights cultural assimilation secularism multiculturalism religious freedom dress codes religious tolerance head coverings identity politics minority integration gender norms public policy religious symbolism faith and society religious symbols controversy hijab debate Western society division Muslim women's dress code religious oppression headscarf pressure internalized oppression Islamic dress interpretations burka ban moderate vs severe Islam secularism and religious dress women’s rights in Islam state intervention in religion hijab as identity freedom of religious expression banning religious symbols religious pluralism multiculturalism challenges imams and community pressure religious dress and social cohesion Islamophobia and dress policies religious symbols social division Western society Hijab religious oppression internalized oppression Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders head covering Islam religious tenets Islamic schools of thought Koran interpretation modest dress Burka religious veiling burka ban moderate Islam severe interpretations secularism women's rights religious freedom cultural assimilation religious identity Muslim diversity feminism clothing regulation multiculturalism public policy religious controversy community norms legal bans discrimination Islamophobia religious symbols controversy hijab societal impact religious dress division Western society religious conflict hijab social pressure internalized religious oppression Muslim women's rights Islamic dress code interpretations hijab and feminism religious symbolism debate secularism and religious symbols banning the veil debate moderate versus strict Islam religious freedom Western societies Islamophobia and symbols multiculturalism religious attire social cohesion religious symbols interfaith relations religious identity politics women's agency hijab religious symbols social division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression internalized oppression Muslim head coverings Islam tenets Islamic schools of thought Koran dress code modest dress Burka full veil moderate Islam severe interpretations religious freedom secularism women's rights clothing bans multiculturalism assimilation religious identity dress code laws gender equality religious tolerance culture conflict Muslim minority Islamic feminism integration policies public opinion secular states religious division Western society religious symbols social pressure Muslim women Hijab religious oppression internalized oppression head coverings identity politics religious observance intra-Muslim division Islamic schools of thought Koran interpretation moderate Islam conservative Islam Burka niqab secularism religious freedom multiculturalism women's rights gender norms dress codes religious tolerance assimilation religious legislation hijab bans identity conflict cultural integration religious conformity imams community norms feminist perspectives public policy
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro01a	It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. biological imperative evolutionary psychology parental sacrifice offspring protection generational responsibility species preservation altruism parental instincts terminal illness organ donation ethics intergenerational sacrifice reproductive success caregiving nursing philosophy humanist perspective empathy mortality parental obligation child welfare evolutionary advantage survival instincts end-of-life decisions ethical dilemmas genetic legacy family bonds altruism parental sacrifice evolutionary biology generational duty organ donation self-preservation instinct child protection terminal illness moral responsibility intergenerational ethics biological imperative parental love survival of species ethical decision-making life value comparison human instincts parental obligation family bonds nursing care caregiving ethics biological altruism parental sacrifice generational ethics evolutionary psychology instinctual behavior self-preservation offspring protection parental empathy parental obligation organ donation ethics intergenerational responsibility evolutionary biology natural selection terminal illness bioethics nursing philosophy family protection self-sacrifice human instinct caregiving ethics biological imperative to protect offspring parental sacrifice for children intergenerational responsibility organ donation ethics altruism in end-of-life care child versus parent medical triage evolutionary psychology of family older generation self-sacrifice humanist perspective on caregiving statistical life-years saved parental empathy in medicine parental willingness to suffer moral duty to offspring ethical allocation of medical resources natural selection family dynamics pediatric versus geriatric care prioritization familial bonds in terminal illness survival value of parental investment generational ethical dilemmas sociobiology of caregiving parental sacrifice intergenerational altruism evolutionary biology parental instincts species preservation self-sacrifice ethical dilemmas terminal illness child protection parental responsibility organ donation ethics generational trade-offs life value nursing philosophy family-centered care moral obligations death and dying parental empathy survival instincts humanist ethics caregiving roles risk-benefit analysis end-of-life decisions medical ethics biological altruism parental sacrifice intergenerational ethics self-sacrifice for offspring evolutionary psychology parental care terminal illness parental response organ donation family ethics preservation of species instinct nursing care ethical perspectives humanist view organ donation older generation sacrificing for young moral duty parents evolutionary basis altruism child protection instinct philosophical perspectives on sacrifice parental protective instincts ethics of life-saving sacrifice parent-child bond biology significance of offspring generational responsibility biological imperative parental sacrifice genetic programming altruism intergenerational responsibility self-preservation evolutionary psychology parental instinct organ donation generational duty terminal illness child protection mortality nursing ethics humanist philosophy medical ethics existential risk evolutionary benefit offspring survival empathy selflessness healthcare decision-making parent-child relationship life experience survival of the species evolutionary biology parental sacrifice intergenerational duty organ donation ethics altruism evolution parental instincts terminal illness family responses generational responsibility moral philosophy nursing care perspectives child protection ethics bioethics self-sacrifice psychology family-centered healthcare survival of offspring reproductive success prosocial behavior medical decision-making human altruism evolutionary psychology biological altruism parental sacrifice evolutionary psychology intergenerational ethics organ donation parental instincts child protection nursing philosophy caregiving motivation self-sacrifice species preservation terminal illness ethical decision-making altruism parental sacrifice evolutionary psychology generational duty self-preservation offspring protection terminal illness empathy ethical organ donation intergenerational responsibility reproductive biology human nature survival instinct medical ethics healthcare decision-making family dynamics nursing philosophy moral obligation life expectancy existential risk caregiving
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con04a	Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. universal access digital divide technological rights inherent rights accessibility global connectivity technology inequality fundamental rights human rights debate right to communicate essential services cyberspace rights basic needs infrastructure disparity social inclusion digital exclusion policy implications human rights internet access digital divide technology and rights universal access inalienable rights communication rights freedom of movement essential services information society technological inequality rights to technology access disparity socioeconomic factors state responsibility modern human rights technology dependency global connectivity social justice internet as necessity human rights technology access digital divide universal access inherent rights government responsibility freedom of movement social justice equality digital literacy basic needs communication rights internet inequality socioeconomic factors access disparities right to information essential services technological dependence policy debate ethical considerations universal internet access human right debate technology as human right argument inalienable rights and technology digital divide and human rights government responsibility for internet access freedom of movement vs internet access inherent human capabilities vs technological rights limitations of technology-based rights global disparities in internet availability ethics of internet access as a right comparison of fundamental rights and technological needs human rights in the digital age prerequisites for human rights designation technology access and social justice internet access policy implications Internet access human rights digital divide universality accessibility inalienable rights technological rights inherent rights freedom of movement communication rights global inequality technological determinism government responsibility access to technology rights vs. privileges social justice information society digital inclusion digital exclusion essential services internet access human right debate technology and human rights universal internet availability digital divide and human rights essential services as human rights human rights definition technology freedom of movement analogy internet arguments against internet as a human right government responsibility internet inalienable rights technology human rights and access inequality human rights and technological dependence equality and digital access internet as a basic necessity socioeconomic factors internet access Internet access human rights inalienable rights inherent rights technology and rights digital divide global internet penetration governmental responsibility freedom of movement technological dependency essential services universal access human development communication rights right to information socio-economic factors access inequality digital exclusion fundamental rights communication technology human dignity internet access human right digital divide human rights technology universal internet access technology and human rights inequality internet access global internet availability inherent human rights digital exclusion right to communication technology access ethics human rights theory freedom of movement analogy technological determinism essential services internet government responsibility internet ICT access disparities digital equity legal status internet access socio-economic factors internet access digital divide universal internet access human rights debate technology and rights accessibility global connectivity freedom of expression online socioeconomic disparities right to information technological dependence essential services digital literacy infrastructure gaps societal inequality basic needs vs. advanced technology digital divide universal access information society technological determinism communication rights socioeconomic factors infrastructure development digital literacy equality of opportunity right to information global disparities ICT accessibility human rights framework essential services capability approach basic needs social justice non-discrimination public policy digital inclusion
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con02a	Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. drug legalization coca cultivation narcotics control UN International Narcotics Control Board Bolivia drug policy cocaine production international drug treaties drug eradication global drug control anti-drug efforts drug trafficking illicit crops drug abuse drug regulation war on drugs global marketplace drug availability international cooperation substance abuse prevention national drug strategies legalizing coca coca cultivation global drug control system narcotics policy UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia drug policy coca leaf legalization international narcotics control cocaine production drug trafficking drug eradication war on drugs anti-drug efforts drug policy reform drug market regulation Coca leaf chewing impact of legalization global drug market international drug treaties drug abuse prevention controlled substances Bolivia UN coca dispute US Bolivia drug relations coca legalization drug policy international narcotics control UN INCB Bolivia coca production war on drugs cocaine trafficking global drug control drug eradication drug abuse drug regulation narcotics policy coca crops anti-drug efforts global marketplace drugs cocaine market international treaties drug legalization impact controlled substances law enforcement drug trade substance abuse drug prohibition US Bolivia relations drug trafficking prevention legalizing coca and global drug policy impact of coca legalization on narcotics control Bolivia coca policy international response UN stance on coca production undermining war on drugs coca global drug control system coca exceptions coca cultivation and cocaine market US opposition to coca legalization international narcotics treaties coca coca crop eradication policy effects coca legalization and drug trafficking global consequences of coca legalisation coca production and drug abuse rates international community drug policy consistency coca laws and global drug market expansion legalizing coca production global drug control UN INCB coca policy Bolivia coca cultivation international narcotics control coca exceptions impact cocaine market war on drugs crop eradication policy drug legalization consequences international drug treaties coca leaf legalization debate U.N. coca surveys U.S. coca policy stance global anti-drug efforts narcotic crop policies drug abuse risks controlled substances regulation South American drug trade global narcotics legislation alternative drug policies legalizing coca production effects coca legalization international response INCB coca stance Bolivia coca policy impact coca cultivation and drug trafficking global drug control integrity coca policy and war on drugs UN narcotics board coca drug eradication versus legalization coca legalization global market cocaine production increase Bolivia international community drug control coca exception undermining narcotics policy enforcement coca plant drug abuse risk coca leaf policy implications Bolivia coca UN conflict global drug war consequences anti-drug efforts undermined international narcotics treaty coca coca legalization drug policy international narcotics control INCB UN drug control Bolivia coca production cocaine trafficking global drug trade crop eradication drug abuse US drug policy drug regulation anti-drug efforts narcotics marketplace global drug availability international drug treaties controlled substances coca-leaf chewing illegal drugs substance abuse harm reduction law enforcement drug trafficking networks prohibition drug legislation legalising coca production coca cultivation global drug control war on drugs international narcotics control UN INCB Bolivia coca policy global narcotics policy coca eradication cocaine market drug trafficking anti-drug efforts international drug treaties narcotics regulation coca leaf legality impact of legalisation drug abuse consequences drug policy debate controlled substances drug production increase United Nations drug policy U.S. anti-drug stance global drug market drug control system integrity narcotics enforcement drug legalization impact legalising coca production drug policy global drug control narcotics regulation coca cultivation Bolivia coca legalization international narcotics control UN INCB drug eradication policy cocaine market anti-drug efforts drug abuse impact global drug trade war on drugs coca exceptions narcotics trafficking drug availability international treaties drug abuse prevention US drug policy crop eradication drug policy coca cultivation legalization debate international narcotics control UN INCB stance Bolivia drug policy global drug trade eradication efforts cocaine production drug market regulation international law US drug policy war on drugs drug abuse prevention policy consequences crop eradication narcotics trafficking global drug control system cocaine marketplace international community commitment
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con01a	The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. political accountability legal prosecution political corruption abuse of power deterrence rule of law political immunity government oversight judicial independence criminal liability executive accountability ethics enforcement illegal surveillance torture prosecution public trust democratic safeguards electoral influence political responsibility justice system oversight mechanisms anti-corruption measures legal consequences prosecutorial independence accountability political corruption legal prosecution government oversight rule of law deterrence criminal liability abuse of political power legal consequences judicial accountability political immunity transparency anti-corruption measures accountability mechanisms criminal justice prosecutorial independence government ethics public officials unlawful acts legal safeguards political accountability legal prosecution politicians abuse of power deterrence government oversight political corruption judicial independence rule of law legal consequences anti-corruption measures prosecutorial authority immunity removal transparency governmental checks law enforcement legal reform criminal liability accountability mechanisms public trust ethics in government executive accountability unlawful surveillance human rights violations political immunity prosecutorial discretion prosecuting politicians for abuse of power legal accountability for politicians political corruption prosecution deterrent effect of prosecuting officials enforcement of laws against politicians government oversight and prosecution role of legal systems in politics impact of prosecution on political misconduct historical cases of prosecuting politicians public opinion on prosecuting politicians barriers to prosecuting political figures immunity and prosecution of politicians strengthening judicial independence for politician prosecution prosecution as a tool against political corruption effectiveness of criminal charges against politicians international examples of prosecuting politicians prosecutorial discretion in political cases whistleblower protections in political prosecutions comparison of voting versus legal prosecution prosecution of politicians political accountability abuse of power legal deterrents political corruption government transparency illegal torture illegal wiretapping rule of law political immunity judicial oversight politician criminal liability democratic safeguards executive accountability prosecutorial independence checks and balances public trust legal consequences separation of powers state law enforcement political accountability prosecuting politicians checks and balances deterrence against corruption abuse of power prevention legal consequences for politicians government transparency illegal wiretapping prosecution torture accountability aggressive legal enforcement judicial checks on politicians rule of law in politics prosecutorial independence democratic oversight public influence on prosecution strengthening democracy political corruption cases ethics in government accountability for public officials legal remedies for political crimes political accountability legal prosecution abuse of power government oversight rule of law legal deterrence corruption political corruption judicial independence political immunity criminal prosecution ethics in government executive accountability illegal surveillance torture prosecution law enforcement anti-corruption measures public officials checks and balances transparency government misconduct prosecutorial power electoral limitations civil rights constitutional law political responsibility deterrence mechanisms state law violations legal consequences justice system prosecuting politicians political accountability deterrence of political abuse legal consequences for politicians political corruption government oversight rule of law checks and balances illegal government actions torture accountability wiretapping prosecution holding politicians accountable criminal prosecution in government political ethics justice system and politicians combating political impunity transparency in government anti-corruption measures legal reform for politicians strengthening democracy enforcing laws on officials politician prosecution accountability abuse of power political corruption legal deterrents judicial oversight legal consequences government transparency political immunity rule of law illegal government actions torture prosecution wiretapping investigation political ethics anti-corruption measures prosecutorial independence accountability mechanisms checks and balances democratic safeguards political responsibility criminal liability political misconduct legal reform prosecuting government officials justice system reform political accountability legal immunity corruption prosecution government oversight rule of law judicial independence political corruption abuse of power prevention prosecutorial discretion executive accountability legislative immunity criminal liability of politicians ethics in government whistleblower protection transparency in politics civil liberties illegal surveillance torture accountability voter influence checks and balances
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro04a	Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. free speech human rights civil liberties censorship tolerance freedom of opinion freedom of religion minority rights legal precedent individual autonomy expressive freedom UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 personal expression challenging speech inconvenient expression offensive speech legal sanctions workplace rights religious symbols segregation apartheid social justice discrimination lawful expression dissent liberty UK law multiculturalism freedom of expression freedom of speech civil liberties human rights tolerance inconvenient speech unpopular opinions legal precedent expressive rights minority rights censorship restrictions on speech liberty UK law symbolic expression UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 workplace rights religious expression freedom and tolerance challenging speech history of segregation history of apartheid freedom versus regulation protection of rights rule of law social acceptance expressive freedom limits of tolerance personal liberty suppression of dissent right to offend legal sanctions human dignity freedom of speech human rights civil liberties tolerance censorship free expression UK law freedom of religion controversial speech minority rights legal precedent discrimination rule of law individual autonomy democratic values social justice rights limitations public discourse hate speech protected speech equality UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 social tolerance workplace rights religious expression civil rights movements segregation apartheid liberty expressive rights limitations on rights speech regulation dissent freedom vs. convenience speech restrictions freedom of conscience freedom of expression importance freedom of expression inconvenience defending unpopular speech limits of tolerance freedom of speech legal precedents freedom of expression workplace symbolic speech rights UK freedom of speech law UN Declaration Human Rights freedom freedom of expression controversial opinions Free speech historical misuse freedom of expression versus public order freedom of expression and discrimination freedom of expression and employment rights freedom of expression and religious symbols UK tolerance and freedom freedom of expression and minority rights balancing freedom of expression and offence defending liberties under pressure freedom of expression protections freedom of expression human rights civil liberties freedom of speech tolerance censorship inconvenient speech legal precedent UK law workplace rights religious expression UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 liberty discrimination segregation apartheid challenging speech offensive speech sanction consequences job loss legal protections symbolic expression minority rights free expression limits freedom vs. rules individual rights societal tolerance legal defense of speech freedom of speech limits of free expression freedom of speech when inconvenient rights and inconvenience tolerance and free expression freedom vs. rules history of freedom limitations segregation and free speech apartheid and rights UK tolerance and expression liberty and dissent freedom of expression legal precedent cost of free speech jobs and free speech law and expression defending offensive speech UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 minority rights expression personal liberty and society challenging authority with free speech limits of tolerance symbolic expression rights jewellery religious freedom freedom of conscience government and free speech social acceptance freedom of expression free speech civil liberties human rights tolerance inconvenience challenging speech offensive expression liberty censorship freedom of opinion dissent UK law legal precedent minority rights controversial expression civil rights social justice UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 Article 23 tolerance in society rule of law benign expression workplace rights religious expression segregation apartheid freedom limitations liberty defense expressive freedom legal sanctions loss of livelihood rights recognition prejudice historical context symbolic speech acceptance of difference pluralism expressive rights law freedom of expression free speech civil liberties individual rights tolerance liberty human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 legal precedent workplace discrimination religious symbols equality segregation apartheid rule of law inconvenient speech minority rights censorship UK law freedom of religion societal norms controversial expression offensive speech defending liberties personal freedoms legal sanctions jewellery ban tolerance in society freedom of belief speech restrictions historical prejudice employment rights loss of livelihood challenging authority freedom vs. regulation public expression societal acceptance freedom of expression free speech human rights civil liberties tolerance censorship convenience individual rights controversial speech offensive speech minority rights UK law UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 workplace expression religious expression freedom of religion discipline sanctions precedent intersectionality liberty social justice legal restrictions discrimination segregation apartheid historical context democratic values protest rights civil liberties freedom of speech human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 tolerance minority rights censorship inconvenient speech freedom limitations social tolerance UK law freedom legal precedent expression restrictions workplace rights religious expression symbolic speech segregation apartheid discrimination free expression defense controversial speech offensive expression public discourse civil rights liberty protection speech and law rule of law challenging expression individual rights freedom under threat social justice
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con01a	Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. defamation South African law freedom of speech South African constitution responsibility in speech The Spear painting Brett Murray President Zuma Zuma personal life Zuma policy public offence dignity libel slander rape accusations Zuma acquittal character assassination reputation legal action South African art controversy constitutional rights art censorship public domain damages legal remedies court case falsehood public perception reputation harm defamation law South Africa freedom of speech constitutional rights Murray Spear painting President Zuma artistic expression personal reputation libel slander legal responsibility public figures rape accusations acquittal court of law character damage falsehood art controversy censorship legal remedies media ethics civil litigation public interest moral responsibility hate speech offensive art judicial decisions historical context case studies prominent lawsuits legal precedent defamation freedom of speech South African law constitution responsibility offence The Spear Brett Murray Jacob Zuma artistic expression libel character assassination legal precedent freedom of expression public domain reputation acquittal rape accusation censorship court ruling civil lawsuit constitutional rights slander moral responsibility privacy rights South African Constitution artwork controversy human dignity legal ethics South African art law public interest defamation South African law freedom of speech South Africa defamation constitutional law South Africa rights and responsibilities freedom of expression The Spear painting controversy Brett Murray Zuma defamation artistic expression versus defamation South Africa Zuma defamation lawsuit libel laws South Africa false accusations South African law artwork legal implications defamation reputation protection South African law President Zuma legal cases media responsibility South Africa defamation versus public interest court decisions freedom of speech South Africa removing defamatory art South Africa limits to freedom of expression South Africa balancing freedom and reputation South African constitution freedom of expression defamation South African law freedom of speech constitution legal responsibility offence prevention The Spear painting Brett Murray President Jacob Zuma personal life vs policy critique artistic expression rape accusations acquittal 2007 libel character defamation legal action public domain falsehoods artwork censorship reputation damage media ethics freedom of expression limits constitutional rights South African jurisprudence defamation law South Africa freedom of speech South Africa South African constitution freedom of expression The Spear painting controversy Jacob Zuma defamation case Brett Murray artwork controversy libel vs slander South Africa legal limits of artistic expression South Africa President Zuma rape accusation art ethical responsibilities of artists South Africa defamation lawsuit examples South Africa court rulings defamation South Africa false accusations and libel public domain defamation cases freedom of expression vs defamation South Africa defamation South African law freedom of speech constitution liberal protections legal responsibility offence The Spear Brett Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique art controversy exposed image rape accusations acquittal 2007 libel character assassination legal implications lawsuit artwork removal public domain falsehood reputation damage legal precedent freedom versus responsibility public figures South African constitution artistic expression legal remedies civil litigation defamation case court ruling moral responsibility media ethics visual arts public opinion defamation South African law freedom of speech constitutional rights The Spear Brett Murray President Zuma offensive art personal life critique rape accusation acquittal libel character defamation legal responsibility public domain falsehood legal action artwork removal media ethics reputation management freedom vs responsibility legal precedent South Africa constitution political satire artistic expression slander judicial outcomes public perception privacy rights hate speech media law defamation South African law freedom of speech South African constitution legal responsibility offence prevention The Spear painting Brett Murray President Jacob Zuma Zuma personal life policy criticism artistic expression rape accusation 2007 acquittal public perception libel character assassination lawsuit court ruling artwork censorship falsehood public domain reputation damage South African defamation case political art controversy defamation South African law freedom of speech South African constitution legal responsibility artistic expression “The Spear” Brett Murray Jacob Zuma personal life policy critique exposed artwork rape accusations court acquittal libel character defamation legal case public domain reputation damage artistic controversy freedom of expression limits defamation lawsuit removal of artwork South African legal system constitutional rights art censorship public interest media ethics
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro02a	"Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . affirmative action cyclical disadvantage discrimination equality of opportunity poverty trap legacy of discrimination educational access employment access social mobility historical inequality racial inequality socioeconomic barriers psychological impact community rejection poverty alleviation social justice Brazil Black experience systemic discrimination diversity initiatives opportunity gap intergenerational poverty minority communities reparative policies affirmative action cyclical disadvantage systemic discrimination historical inequality poverty trap equality of opportunity legacy of discrimination intergenerational poverty psychological impact of discrimination access to education employment barriers racial inequality social mobility Brazil racial history African descent poverty remedies for past discrimination minority advancement equal opportunity policies affirmative action effectiveness overcoming disadvantage social justice programs reparative policies diversity in education economic impact of discrimination social inclusion reducing inequality opportunity gap black experience in America affirmative action case studies historical context of affirmative action affirmative action social justice equality of opportunity poverty cycle historic discrimination social mobility educational access employment equity legacy of inequality minority advancement Brazil case study economic disparity racial inequality social integration intergenerational poverty minority empowerment systemic barriers reparative policies community inclusion economic justice affirmative action social mobility breaking the cycle of poverty discrimination generational impact of discrimination affirmative action legacy of racial discrimination affirmative action equality of opportunity historical discrimination affirmative action economic mobility affirmative action in Brazil impact of slavery on modern poverty affirmative action combating poverty traps affirmative action psychological benefits affirmative action and educational access affirmative action addressing systemic barriers past discrimination and employment inequality affirmative action for marginalized communities affirmative action and intergenerational disadvantage affirmative action social justice affirmative action and minority upliftment affirmative action case studies Brazil affirmative action success stories affirmative action reducing poverty affirmative action cyclical disadvantage discrimination equality of opportunity poverty trap legacy of disadvantage historical denial psychological impact social mobility intergenerational poverty education inequality employment barriers minority communities systemic discrimination social justice reparative policies economic inequality Brazil affirmative action Black experience America racial discrimination educational access underrepresented groups opportunity gap social inclusion policy effectiveness affirmative action cyclical discrimination poverty trap legacy of disadvantage equality of opportunity psychological impact of discrimination educational opportunity denial historical denial of opportunity intergenerational poverty Brazil affirmative action African communities Brazil social inequality past discrimination effects employment discrimination poverty alleviation leveling the playing field minority communities disadvantage diversity policies social justice policies anti-discrimination interventions affirmative action cyclical disadvantage discrimination equal opportunity poverty trap psychological effects of discrimination historical denial of opportunity educational opportunities employment opportunities legacy of disadvantage equality of opportunity leveling the playing field past discrimination perpetual poverty Brazil African communities slavery selection assistance socioeconomic disparity underprivileged groups minority support programs systemic discrimination intergenerational poverty social justice American Bar Association Edward Telles Philip Aka affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination equality of opportunity legacy of disadvantage poverty trap generational poverty educational opportunities employment opportunities historical denial racial inequality social justice socioeconomic mobility Brazil affirmative action African communities psychological impact poverty and discrimination policy solutions leveling the playing field antidiscrimination policies minority rights equitable access social inclusion diversity initiatives historical injustice intergenerational equity systemic racism black experience America diversity programs inclusion policies reparative justice affirmative action discrimination cyclical disadvantage poverty trap equality of opportunity legacy of discrimination psychological impact educational opportunities employment opportunities socioeconomic mobility historical denial marginalized communities Brazil affirmative action African communities slavery legacy perpetual poverty poverty alleviation social justice equity programs diversity policies reparative policies systemic inequality opportunity gap intergenerational poverty policy effectiveness social mobility underrepresented groups race-based policies impact assessment diversity in education affirmative action cyclical disadvantage discrimination legacy of poverty poverty trap equality of opportunity historical inequality psychological impact educational opportunity employment opportunity race-based policy social justice intergenerational poverty African communities Brazil slavery legacy American Bar Association Brazil social inequality PBS Wide Angle minority advancement economic mobility systemic discrimination diversity programs underrepresented groups leveling the playing field social mobility policy intervention"
test-environment-assgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal experimentation clinical trials drug safety pharmaceutical research medical benefits ethical considerations penicillin discovery alternative testing methods regulatory approval human health drug development cost drug efficacy biomedical research public health impact lifesaving treatments animal welfare scientific innovation therapeutic advancement laboratory animals drug approval process animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research medical ethics drug safety clinical trials drug approval new medicines healthcare innovation drug costs human health biomedical research laboratory animals drug regulation life-saving drugs medical advancements pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy public health research and development animal research drug development pharmaceutical testing medical ethics human safety clinical trials drug approval process alternative testing methods biomedical research laboratory animals regulatory requirements drug efficacy drug safety preclinical studies public health medical innovation animal welfare scientific advancement drug regulation healthcare impacts animal testing pros drug development necessity human safety animal research drug approval process impact of animal testing bans alternatives to animal testing drug testing regulations UK historical benefits animal testing cost of drug testing consequences of limited drug testing penicillin discovery animal trials pharmaceutical innovation challenges human health animal research reduction of suffering drug research ethical debate animal experimentation medical breakthroughs animal testing drug pipeline animal models patient outcomes animal research drug safety human risk animal testing statistics UK animal testing benefits human health drug development pharmaceutical research medical advancements ethical considerations drug approval process animal experimentation statistics alternative testing methods drug safety cost of drug development medical ethics historical examples animal testing penicillin discovery impact on public health regulation of animal testing new medicine introduction drug company innovation consequences of banning animal testing policy debate animal research animal testing necessity drug development animal testing medical research animal testing ethical implications animal testing lifesaving drugs animal testing alternatives to animal testing animal testing statistics UK new drug approval animal testing cost of drug testing human benefits animal testing animal testing regulations animal rights vs medical progress penicillin animal testing history drug safety animal testing animal experimentation in pharmaceuticals animal experimentation drug safety pharmaceutical testing medical research clinical trials ethical implications drug development human health penicillin discovery new drug approval biomedical research lifesaving medications drug regulation laboratory animals science policy public health cost of drug testing drug discovery process medical innovation animal rights healthcare outcomes preclinical testing drug efficacy research ethics animal testing benefits necessity of animal testing drug development animal research animal testing medical advancements drug approval process animal experimentation ethics alternatives to animal testing animal testing and human safety drug testing regulations pharmaceutical development animal studies reduced drug innovation animal research and public health cost of drug testing animal testing debate medical breakthroughs animal studies impact of banning animal testing animal testing benefits drug development medical research pharmaceutical testing drug safety human health lifesaving drugs new drug approval clinical trials penicillin history drug efficacy disease treatment ethical debate testing alternatives public health impact drug regulation healthcare innovation animal welfare clinical outcomes pharmaceutical industry animal testing benefits drug development drug safety medical research ethical considerations alternatives to animal testing pharmaceutical regulations clinical trials drug approval process human health impact animal welfare drug testing costs scientific innovation drug efficacy lifesaving medications regulatory requirements drug discovery process biomedical research pharmaceutical industry public health
test-economy-thsptr-con01a	Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. property rights income inequality market value progressive taxation wealth redistribution social justice distributive justice economic meritocracy earned income taxation ethics individual ownership labor value state intervention fairness in taxation income taxation forced labor wealth appropriation societal contribution tax policy economic incentives merit-based rewards Seligman Nozick property rights income inequality meritocracy social justice wealth redistribution progressive taxation tax fairness economic incentives distributive justice market value social contribution moral justification of taxation taxation ethics forced labor state intervention individual liberty economic freedom deserved income ownership rights societal worth productivity tax burden Nozick Seligman philosophical arguments libertarianism tax policy political philosophy economic justice inequality debate taxation principles property rights progressive taxation income inequality wealth distribution market value economic meritocracy social justice tax fairness individual achievement societal contribution distributive justice forced labor state intervention tax burden inequity Seligman Nozick fiscal policy economic incentives redistribution merit-based rewards competence employer valuation libertarianism tax policy debates progressive taxation criticism property rights and taxation income as societal worth taxation and justice forced labor and taxation proportional taxation arguments Nozick taxation argument Seligman progressive taxation market value and income tax fairness debate taxation and individual achievement state appropriation of wealth progressive tax injustice ethics of taxation economic meritocracy taxation and social contribution taxation and individual rights distributive justice and tax wealth redistribution critique property rights philosophical debate progressive taxation property rights income inequality social justice market value wealth distribution meritocracy forced labor taxation ethics distributive justice economic fairness societal worth libertarianism Seligman Nozick state intervention redistribution of wealth taxation philosophy individual rights fiscal policy property rights progressive taxation wealth redistribution income inequality economic justice meritocracy social value taxation fairness forced labor taxation individual achievement market contribution tax policy philosophy Seligman progressive taxation Nozick forced labor equality before the law distributive justice state appropriation taxation ethics tax burden wealthy social contract taxation progressive taxation property rights income inequality market value social worth meritocracy distributive justice economic justice forced labor redistribution tax fairness wealth inequality tax policy social contribution economic incentives libertarianism Nozick Seligman taxation ethics property ownership social contract fiscal policy income distribution personal achievement market contribution state intervention compensation principle utilitarianism Rawls justice theory property rights income inequality progressive taxation tax justice wealth redistribution social value market contribution forced labor economic fairness distributive justice taxation philosophy meritocracy social contract tax policy critique Seligman progressive taxation Nozick forced labor property ownership fiscal policy economic ethics personal achievement state appropriation libertarian tax views income merit tax burdens societal contribution government intervention distributive equity wealth ethics progressive taxation property rights income inequality wealth redistribution tax justice economic meritocracy market value societal contribution forced labor distributive justice taxation ethics economic fairness social contract libertarianism taxation philosophy Edwin Seligman Robert Nozick taxation policy proportional taxation social welfare progressive taxation income inequality property rights distributive justice meritocracy economic fairness social worth taxation ethics forced labor libertarianism economic incentives social contract wealth redistribution tax policy moral philosophy Nozick Seligman economic justice state intervention market value tax fairness redistribution debate individual rights societal contribution economic theory fiscal policy
test-education-udfakusma-con04a	Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. journal publishing academic publishing article processing charges open access gold open access green open access publishing costs editorial costs peer review self-archiving scholarly publishing university funding academic labor digital publishing author fees typesetting costs research dissemination publishing models publication funding open access repositories electronic publishing academic workload higher education costs research funding publication expenses academic publishing costs article processing charges open access models gold open access green open access author publication fees editorial costs peer review expenses typesetting costs university publication budgets scholarly communication self-archiving open access repositories academic labor workload for academics digital publishing technology adoption in academia unfunded academic work research dissemination journal publication process academic publishing scholarly communication journal article costs editorial process open access gold open access green open access article processing charges publication fees self-archiving university funding research costs author responsibilities editing peer review typesetting digital publishing academic labor online lectures teaching materials educator workload academic technology open educational resources publication models research funding academic infrastructure academic publishing costs article publication charges open access models gold open access green open access journal editing process editorial costs typesetting costs peer review costs author-paid publishing university publishing budgets impact of open access on universities academic workload digital lecture materials technology adoption in academia cost shifting to academics scholarly communication expenses funding open access effect of gold open access in the UK costs of academic labor compensation for academic writers sustainability of journal publishing electronic publishing economics publishing cost breakdown institutional open access policies academic publishing article processing charges open access models Gold open access Green open access publication costs editorial costs peer review expenses typesetting costs author fees university funding scholarly journals digital publishing institutional repositories researcher workload online teaching materials academic labor compensation publication economics UK open access policy lecture content dissemination scholarly communication open access publishing article publication charges academic publishing costs editorial process gold open access green open access author self-archiving university publishing budgets scholarly journal expenses cost of academic publishing digital lecture materials academic labor compensation research funding electronic publishing open access repositories impact on universities publishing workflow editor and typesetter costs peer review expenses academic content creation scholarly communication publication funding models author responsibilities institutional support scholarly infrastructure academic publishing article production costs editorial process manuscript editing peer review expenses typesetting fees open access models Gold Open Access Green Open Access author publication charges self-archiving institutional repositories university funding UK open access policy research dissemination electronic publishing scholarly communication lecture materials online academic workload technology adoption in academia researcher compensation journal article costs publishing economics academic labor bibliographic management digital archiving academic publishing costs journal article publishing editorial costs typesetting costs peer review costs author publication charges open access fees Gold open access Green open access article processing charges OA publishing self-archiving university publishing budgets research funding scholarly communication expenses digital publishing publication workflow academic labor compensation faculty workload open educational resources online lecture publishing research dissemination costs funding models for scholarly publishing economic impact of open access academic publishing models UK open access policy publishing infrastructure costs academic publishing editorial costs article processing charges open access gold open access green open access self-archiving publication fees scholarly journals academic labor university funding research funding publishing costs peer review digital publishing electronic journals academic workloads technology adoption institutional repositories academic compensation academic publishing article processing charges open access gold open access green open access self-archiving publication costs editorial costs peer review typesetting author fees university funding scholarly communication electronic publishing academic workload faculty compensation open educational resources digital repositories research funding publishing models
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro01a	The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, UK independence British sovereignty EU foreign policy EU security policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power EU vs UK powers Brexit foreign policy UK negotiation freedom UK international influence UK policy autonomy EU trade negotiations repatriation of powers UK global negotiations Foreign Office authority European Union governance trade policy powers UK external affairs regaining sovereignty post-Brexit policy UK foreign policy independence British sovereignty EU EU common foreign and security policy EU trade commissioner powers exclusive EU powers Brexit foreign policy implications UK trade negotiations post-EU UK outside European Union UK Foreign Office authority UK influence outside EU UK freedom of manoeuvre repatriation of powers EU-UK relations Brexit sovereignty transfer European Commission trade policy UK foreign policy British sovereignty European Union EU common foreign policy EU security policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit UK independence EU exit trade negotiations international relations policymaking UK autonomy UK influence foreign affairs national sovereignty EU membership negotiation power UK foreign policy post-Brexit UK's sovereignty after leaving EU EU common foreign and security policy EU trade policy vs UK independence exclusive powers EU foreign policy UK influence outside EU UK-EU trade negotiation powers UK independent trade agreements effects of Brexit on UK diplomacy UK Foreign Office post-EU impact of EU membership on UK sovereignty regaining control UK trade policy UK global negotiation options post-Brexit Brexit foreign policy implications UK EU exclusive powers analysis UK foreign policy independence British sovereignty European Union influence EU common foreign and security policy EU exclusive power UK exit from EU UK Foreign Office authority EU trade commissioner role UK negotiation freedom UK international relations Brexit sovereignty returning powers to UK UK trade negotiation UK global influence EU-UK policy differences post-Brexit UK diplomacy UK foreign policy independence Brexit sovereignty EU common foreign and security policy UK exclusive powers post-Brexit EU trade commissioner role Foreign Office authority EU economic negotiations UK global influence post-EU UK trade negotiation options European Union policy making UK external affairs sovereignty reclaim UK powers from EU impacts of Brexit on diplomacy UK freedom in international relations EU exclusive competence UK security policy post-Brexit UK foreign policy British sovereignty European Union EU common foreign and security policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit regaining powers UK influence diplomatic freedom international negotiations trade policy European Commission EU membership policy autonomy decision-making power external relations economic negotiations national sovereignty foreign affairs EU vs UK authority post-Brexit UK international trade supranational powers UK global role UK foreign policy independence UK sovereignty EU EU common foreign policy EU security policy EU economic negotiations EU trade commissioner EU exclusive power UK Foreign Office powers Brexit foreign policy UK negotiation options UK trade policy EU member state sovereignty European Commission trade policy UK influence post-Brexit UK-EU relations repatriation of powers UK UK external affairs UK freedom to manoeuvre Brexit impact on foreign policy UK global negotiations UK foreign policy British sovereignty European Union EU common foreign and security policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power Brexit UK independence trade negotiations foreign office authority policymaking trade policy EU exit implications UK diplomatic power negotiation options European Commission international relations national influence global maneuverability sovereignty restoration UK foreign policy British sovereignty EU foreign policy EU security policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power EU UK Prime Minister UK parliament post-Brexit foreign policy UK-EU relations UK trade negotiation European Union withdrawal UK diplomatic autonomy international negotiations UK Common Foreign and Security Policy EU-UK trade UK independence Foreign Office powers Brexit consequences UK global influence UK external affairs
test-health-dhiacihwph-con01a	Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment research and development patent access patent protection intellectual property drug patents pharmaceutical research Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime CAMR high quality generics drug export policy patent pools compulsory licensing Western countries pharmaceutical progress innovation incentives drug donation programs drug patents in Africa research-based companies pharmaceutical industry investment generic drug manufacturers access to medicine pharmaceutical regulation access to patented drugs Africa generic drug policy patent waiver essential medicines global health drug production regulation generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation research investment patent protection drug patents compulsory licensing Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical industry high quality generics exporting generics intellectual property R&D incentives drug development patent law access to medicines pharmaceutical progress international trade global health technology transfer patent relinquishment access to patented drugs innovation policy drug discovery Western countries G8 developing countries Africa pharmaceutical donations pricing policy access versus innovation research incentives pharmaceutical economics generic drug policies patent rights biopharmaceuticals drug market public pharmaceutical innovation generic drug market patent protection research and development intellectual property rights profits reinvestment drug accessibility Canada’s Access to Medicines Regime compulsory licensing pharmaceutical patents Western countries drug donation programs incentives for research access to essential medicines impact on pharmaceutical industry global health policy high-quality generics innovation stifling pharmaceutical progress developing countries drug pricing policies generic drug regulations market exclusivity pharmaceutical investment technology transfer drug manufacturing standards impact of generic drugs on pharmaceutical innovation generic drug policies and R&D investment compulsory licensing and innovation decline generic drug exports and patent rights pharmaceutical companies profit reinvestment effect of CAMR amendments on research incentives generic drug access and industry sustainability Western obligations for generic drug donations generic drugs and incentive structures high quality generics versus pharmaceutical progress Canada's Access to Medicine Regime and patents drug patent protection and global health research-based pharmaceutical companies and generics innovation challenges in generic drug markets effects of generic donations on drug development generic drug policy pharmaceutical innovation patent rights intellectual property high quality generics Canada Access to Medicines Regime CAMR pharmaceutical exports reinvestment in R&D research-based pharmaceutical companies drug patents drug accessibility Africa generic drug regulations incentive for research pharmaceutical progress compulsory licensing medication donation programs global health policy innovation incentives pharmaceutical industry investment drug patent waiver generic drug innovation pharmaceutical patents Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR amendments pharmaceutical research investment generic drugs Africa patent protection drug reinvestment impact innovation incentives pharmaceutical progress threats developing countries drug policy high quality generics export compulsory licensing effects patent waiver consequences research-based pharmaceutical companies drug donation policies Western countries generic drug mandates Africa pharmaceutical access reinvestment reduction due to generics global drug innovation challenges generic medications pharmaceutical patents innovation impact drug reinvestment pharmaceutical R&D drug industry profits patent law compulsory licensing patent protection high-quality generics drug export pharmaceutical progression research incentives access to medicines CAMR Canadian drug policy Western country drug policies generic drug production investment in research drug access Africa drug donation programs pharmaceutical industry challenges drug development funding research-based companies intellectual property public health policy generic drug policy pharmaceutical innovation drug patent laws Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR amendments compulsory licensing research investment drug donation programs intellectual property rights pharmaceutical R&D funding global health policy access to medicines patent protection high quality generics pharmaceutical industry profits patent infringement Western countries drug export incentives for drug research medicine accessibility Africa pharmaceutical progress threats generic drug export regulations drug patent waivers pharmaceutical company profits drug patent disputes compulsory generic donation Africa generic drug market patent law amendments drug industry reinvestment effects of generics on innovation pharmaceutical development generic drug policies pharmaceutical innovation patent law international trade research and development incentives access to medicines intellectual property rights compulsory licensing pharmaceutical investment global health impact drug affordability public health policy technology transfer Western pharmaceutical companies access to patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime drug donation programs innovation deterrents African healthcare pharmaceutical progress barriers profit reinvestment R&D funding global drug supply chain generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation drug patents Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research investment patent law drug export policy high quality generics compulsory licensing research and development R&D impact developing countries Africa drug access Western countries pharmaceutical policy drug donation incentive structures pharmaceutical progress patent relinquishment generic manufacturing rights
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro01a	Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 childhood obesity school nutrition healthy eating school lunches physical education nutritional education school health programs junk food bans dietary guidelines wellness policies student health healthy food initiatives cafeteria reform policy intervention health education food environment obesity prevention student wellness government regulations health promotion curriculum development nutrition standards public health media influence community involvement resource allocation budget cuts biological factors social determinants school wellness programs free school meals extracurricular activities parental involvement childhood obesity school nutrition programs healthy school lunches physical education nutritional education school cafeteria reform health promotion in schools school wellness policies student health education policy school-based interventions obesity prevention media influence on schools civil society action government policy schools school food programs personal responsibility education social determinants of obesity school environment budget cuts schools milk programs schools fruit programs schools school health initiatives comprehensive school health wellness curriculum healthful eating school dietary guidelines public health schools school lunch standards school health education childhood obesity school nutrition healthy school lunches physical education school health programs school cafeteria food nutritional education health curriculum school wellness policies student health obesity prevention budget cuts in schools school meal reform healthy eating initiatives government policy school environment food choices health education community involvement school-based interventions free school meals public health childhood wellness healthy lifestyle student well-being policy implementation educational practice school responsibility social responsibility food insecurity media influence on schools school nutrition initiatives healthy school lunches nutrition education in schools physical education in schools combating childhood obesity in schools school wellness policies cafeteria food reform school health programs school-based obesity prevention government role in school nutrition improving school meal quality impact of budget cuts on school health nutritional standards in schools free fruit and milk in schools teaching healthy lifestyle in schools schools as obesity prevention agents media influence on school health policy civil society and school health challenges in school nutrition reform student health and academic performance school responsibility for student wellness policy recommendations for school health obstacles to healthy school meals role childhood obesity school nutrition healthy school lunches physical education school health programs nutritional education school cafeteria reform media coverage schools civil society initiatives school wellness policies childhood health interventions educational curricula health school-based obesity prevention government policy schools resource limitations schools budget cuts education biological social factors obesity free school meals student health environment personal social education teaching healthy lifestyles policy makers schools obesity epidemic solutions public health schools school meal standards school nutrition programs healthy school lunches childhood obesity prevention physical education in schools school cafeteria food reform challenges in school meal improvement impact of media on school health policies civil society and school health initiatives government role in school nutrition school curriculum and health education school lunch budget constraints biological and social factors in obesity policy recommendations for school health nutritional standards in schools expanding health education topics school wellness policies student access to healthy food reducing junk food in schools educational approaches to healthy living school environment and student health school nutrition childhood obesity health education physical education cafeteria reform healthy school meals nutritional programs school lunch policy obesity prevention media coverage civil society initiatives curriculum reform personal and social education dietary guidelines free school meals vitamin supplementation funding challenges budget cuts wellness policies physical activity healthful alternatives biological factors social determinants government intervention healthy choices wellness environment childhood health nutritional standards student well-being food programs educational policy obesity epidemic public health wellness initiatives school responsibility advocacy groups policy makers childhood obesity school nutrition programs healthy school lunches school cafeteria reform physical education health education school wellness policies nutrition education school-based obesity prevention school curriculum health junk food in schools educational policy childhood nutrition government policy school health school food standards student health promotion Michelle Obama school health campaign school lunch budget cuts school health initiatives free school meals programs school milk and fruit programs public health education schools biological and social factors obesity healthy lifestyle education school environment healthy choices academic time and child health nutrition interventions schools school diet improvement school health advocacy media coverage school childhood obesity school nutrition physical education cafeteria meals healthy eating health education school lunch programs nutritional curricula school wellness policies public health interventions food policy dietary guidelines budget constraints obesity prevention school food environment government initiatives school health programs civil society campaigns student health personal and social education educational reform policy advocacy healthy lifestyle behavioral interventions biological and social factors community involvement parental engagement junk food bans meal standards health promotion adolescent health childhood obesity prevention school nutrition programs healthy school lunches physical education in schools school wellness policies cafeteria food reform student health initiatives nutrition education school-based health interventions government policy on school meals food environment in schools health education curriculum school meal guidelines combating obesity in education public health in schools school resource allocation impact of media on school health civil society and school health free school meals school-based nutrition initiatives barriers to healthy school meals school health partnerships obesity policy advocacy student dietary behavior challenges in school health reform
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro02a	The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. guilt bereavement survivor's guilt parental grief loss responsibility psychological trauma emotional burden Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder PTSD child loss suicide risk mental health depression self-blame family tragedy coping mechanisms complicated grief emotional distress psychiatric impact death of a child prevention psychological therapy trauma response grieving process guilt bereavement parental guilt saving a life psychological burden survivor's guilt parental grief failing to save suicide risk PTSD parental suicide child loss trauma mental health post-traumatic stress caregiver burden emotional distress moral injury regret depression grieving process parental guilt caregiver burden moral responsibility bereavement complicated grief suicide risk post-traumatic stress disorder psychological impact regret loss child death emotional distress parental depression survivor guilt coping mechanisms mental health death of a child parental suicide family trauma grief support parental guilt after child's death psychological burden of survivor guilt parent unable to save child trauma post-traumatic stress in bereaved parents guilt and suicide risk in parents effects of perceived responsibility on grief emotional impact of not saving a loved one survivor guilt and mental health outcomes parents grieving child loss guilt guilt and PTSD in bereavement interventions for parental survivor guilt support for parents coping with guilt psychological consequences of not preventing a death parental guilt and wish to hasten death guilt-related PTSD in bereaved families coping strategies for survivor guilt parental guilt survivor guilt bereavement traumatic loss parental grief moral injury psychological burden complicated grief post-traumatic stress disorder suicide risk emotional trauma responsibility for death wish to hasten death psycho-oncology mental health impact family members parental responsibility guilt and suicide caregiving burden psychological consequences depression in parents death of a child child loss emotional distress clinical studies support for bereaved parents parental guilt trauma survivor guilt psychology post-traumatic stress syndrome parents parental grief suicide risk guilt and bereavement mental health saving a child guilt impact psycho-oncology parental trauma Monforte-Royo wish to hasten death burden of guilt after loss psychological effects of loss on parents guilt and parental suicide guilt-related PTSD parent coping mechanisms child loss guilt bereavement caregiver guilt parental grief survivor guilt emotional burden psychological distress loss child death post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD suicide risk mental health grief reactions trauma self-blame parental responsibility coping mechanisms depressive symptoms bereaved parents moral responsibility psychiatric consequences complicated grief emotional trauma wish to hasten death psycho-oncology parental guilt survivor guilt guilt and mental health burden of guilt guilt and suicide risk post-traumatic stress disorder parents PTSD parental loss guilt and child loss psychological impact of losing a child suicide risk bereavement guilt and grief psychological sequelae child death mental health after child loss guilt-induced PTSD bereavement intervention parents coping strategies guilt mental trauma parental loss wish to hasten death parents parental suicide prevention grief counseling for parents child death and parental guilt psycho-oncology parental grief guilt and suicidal ideation clinical studies parental guilt guilt caregiver burden parental guilt bereavement suicide risk post-traumatic stress disorder moral distress grieving process psychological trauma mental health loss of a child self-blame emotional distress family dynamics survivor’s guilt coping mechanisms depression maladaptive guilt psychological impact support systems trauma outcomes euthanasia end-of-life decisions Monforte-Royo wish to hasten death parental guilt bereavement suicide risk post-traumatic stress disorder family dynamics moral responsibility grief mental health child loss survivor’s guilt emotional burden psychological impact trauma coping mechanisms prevention strategies
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense nuclear arsenal nuclear weapons complex Energy Department US-Russian relations Senate ratification NATO missile defense nuclear force reduction strategic verification NATO-Russian cooperation ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile-defense exercises nuclear arms limitation modernization funding nuclear infrastructure defensive launchers Washington Treaty Article 5 nuclear security nuclear liability arms control U.S. deterrence nuclear stability arms reduction U.S. missile defense plans treaty verification mechanisms nuclear arms race modernization plan bipartisan support Russia cooperation New START treaty US nuclear modernization nuclear arsenal funding missile defense nuclear weapons complex Energy Department modernization Senate ratification US-Russia relations missile defense cooperation NATO missile defense strategic arms reduction verification mechanisms nuclear security nuclear liability strategic stability Jon Kyl Obama administration nuclear policy Article 5 NATO joint ballistic missile assessment theater missile-defense exercises US military policy Republican support New START Biden New START arguments Cold War arms reduction nuclear nonproliferation Russia cooperation nuclear arms control reduction of strategic nuclear forces US missile defense plans infrastructure modernization modernization New START treaty nuclear modernization US missile defense nuclear arsenal nuclear weapons infrastructure arms control treaty ratification nuclear deterrence strategic stability US-Russia relations NATO missile defense ballistic missile threat assessment Senate approval nuclear verification nuclear force reduction nuclear security nuclear nonproliferation Biden Obama administration Jon Kyl Energy Department NATO-Russian cooperation missile launchers nuclear liability arms reduction security concerns modernization funding ballistic missile defense strategic nuclear forces Article 5 Washington Treaty New START treaty benefits US nuclear modernization funding US missile defense under New START infrastructure essential to nuclear arsenal bipartisan support for New START Sen. Jon Kyl nuclear modernization $84 billion nuclear weapons complex funding Obama administration nuclear policy New START treaty ratification negotiations missile defense limitations in New START launchers conversion restrictions US-Russia missile defense cooperation NATO Article 5 and missile defense NATO-Russian missile defense agreements ballistic missile threat assessment NATO Russia theater missile-defense exercises NATO Russia strategic nuclear force reductions nuclear verification mechanisms US nuclear arsenal liability security and medical concerns nuclear weapons US-R New START treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense nuclear arsenal infrastructure Energy Department nuclear funding Sen. Jon Kyl US-Russia relations NATO missile defense Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO-Russian cooperation theater missile-defense exercises ballistic missile threat assessment strategic nuclear force reduction arms control verification nuclear weapons liability nuclear arms reduction US missile defense policy nuclear deterrence Obama administration nuclear policy Senate ratification strategic stability modernization funding nuclear weapons complex US strategic forces Russia opposition missile defense Lisbon Summit agreements nuclear medical concerns Republican support New START Henry Kissinger George New START treaty US nuclear modernization US missile defense nuclear arsenal funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Jon Kyl nuclear modernization Obama administration nuclear policy Senate ratification New START missile defense limitations Russia opposition missile defense NATO missile defense US-Russia arms control NATO-Russia relations ballistic missile threat assessment New START verification mechanisms strategic nuclear reductions US nuclear infrastructure Article 5 NATO nuclear weapons liability US-Russian cooperation nuclear security New START support Biden New START arguments Republican support New START nuclear proliferation US national security modernization program implementation Washington Post New START New START treaty US nuclear modernization nuclear arsenal missile defense US-Russia relations NATO missile defense Washington Treaty Article 5 nuclear weapons infrastructure Energy Department nuclear complex Senate ratification strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms theater missile-defense exercises territorial missile defense US military civilian leadership modernization funding Sen. Jon Kyl Obama administration nuclear force reduction arms control security concerns medical concerns bilateral cooperation NATO-Russian relations strategic stability nuclear liability defense spending ballistic missile threat assessment nuclear deterrence nonproliferation New START treaty US nuclear modernization US missile defense nuclear arsenal funding Energy Department nuclear complex Obama administration nuclear policy Sen. Jon Kyl nuclear efforts nuclear infrastructure modernization treaty ratification negotiations verification mechanisms US-Russia arms control US-Russian relations NATO missile defense NATO-Russian cooperation Washington Treaty Article 5 strategic nuclear force reduction theater missile-defense exercises nuclear weapons liability nuclear security medical concerns nuclear weapons ballistic missile threat assessment nuclear deterrence bipartisan nuclear policy Senate approval New START Republican support New START US national security Cold War nuclear levels New START New START treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense nuclear arms control Energy Department funding Sen. Jon Kyl Obama administration US-Russia relations NATO missile defense ballistic missile threat assessment strategic nuclear forces reduction verification mechanisms US missile defense policy NATO-Russian cooperation military infrastructure modernization Article 5 Washington Treaty nuclear weapons liability security concerns medical concerns US strategic stability nuclear arsenal maintenance Senate ratification treaty negotiations US nuclear arsenal ballistic missile defense strategic arms reduction nuclear deterrence international security arms control treaties New START nuclear arms control US missile defense nuclear modernization US-Russia relations NATO missile defense cooperation nuclear verification nuclear stockpile reduction arms treaty ratification nuclear nonproliferation strategic stability energy department nuclear funding Senate approval ballistic missile threat assessment NATO-Russian collaboration US nuclear arsenal nuclear policy treaty limitations launcher conversion strategic deterrence nuclear infrastructure defense budget nuclear weapons complex Article 5 military modernization nuclear security medical concerns nuclear weapons strategic nuclear forces Cold War arms treaties Obama administration Joe Biden Sen. Jon Kyl"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con03a	"Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. coca chewing health risks prohibition UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious effects evidence of harm coca vs caffeine cocaine production unique health considerations drug policy prohibition justification 1950 UN report detrimental effects coca leaf regulation addictive substances public health international drug control coca leaf ban Martin Jelsma legislative reform stimulant use human health impact transnational institute coca chewing health risks coca ban justification UN Commission on Coca Leaf health effects of coca chewing coca leaf prohibition ECOSOC coca report coca leaves detrimental coca and human health coca vs caffeine coca drug diversion cocaine production risks coca leaf policy legislative reform coca coca harm evidence coca prohibition arguments coca chewing health risks prohibition UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf ECOSOC coca leaf report 1950 health effects noxious detrimental human health cocaine production psychoactive substances legislative reform drug policy Martin Jelsma Transnational Institute substance abuse caffeine comparison drug regulation harms of coca drug control prohibition rationale traditional use narcotics addictive potential public health drug legislation coca chewing health risks coca prohibition justification UN Commission of Inquiry coca leaf report health effects of coca chewing coca vs caffeine comparison coca diversion to cocaine dangers of coca use ECOSOC coca leaf mandate noxious effects of coca chewing legislative reform coca chewing reasons to ban coca leaf historical evidence coca harm coca chewing and public health differences between coca and other stimulants risk assessment coca leaf consumption policy on coca chewing coca leaf prohibition rationale harmful traditional practices coca drug policies coca leaf prohibition arguments coca coca chewing health risks UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf 1950 report ECOSOC prohibition harmful effects human health cocaine production caffeine comparison noxious substances drug policy legislative reform coca leaf ban Martin Jelsma Transnational Institute psychoactive substances drug control traditional practices addiction substance abuse health risks of coca chewing UN coca leaf report 1950 coca vs caffeine health effects of coca chewing prohibition of coca chewing dangers of coca chewing ECOSOC commission on coca coca leaf and drug policy coca chewing and cocaine production arguments for coca prohibition detrimental effects of coca leaf UN stance on coca justification for banning coca coca chewing health evidence coca leaf regulation legislative reform on coca historical reasons for coca ban coca chewing harmfulness public health and coca leaf coca chewing and international law coca chewing health risks prohibition UN Commission of Inquiry coca leaf ECOSOC harmful effects noxious detrimental health harms caffeine comparison substance abuse drug policy cocaine production legal status addiction toxicology public health 1950 report legislative reform Martin Jelsma Transnational Institute drug control psychoactive substances traditional practices narcotics plant-based stimulants coca chewing health risks coca leaf ban UN Commission on Coca Leaf ECOSOC coca policy coca noxious effects public health coca chewing coca chewing prohibition justification coca versus caffeine coca diversion cocaine drug policy coca leaf health impact coca leaves 1950 UN coca report detrimental effects coca chewing legislative reform coca Martin Jelsma coca Transnational Institute drug policy coca leaf regulation evidence supporting coca ban health considerations coca consumption coca-related drug abuse coca chewing health risks prohibition UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf ECOSOC 1950 report harmful effects coca leaf human health cocaine production public health drug policy addictive substances adverse effects legislative reform caffeine comparison drug control transnational institute legal status narcotics regulation international conventions health risks human health impact negative effects prohibition rationale coca leaf drug policy addiction cocaine production legal status harmful substances UN Commission report ECOSOC comparison with caffeine substance abuse public health concerns"
test-health-hdond-pro03a	Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. organ donor eligibility organ allocation ethics reciprocity principle moral entitlement fairness in organ distribution donor prioritization just deserts ethical organ recipient selection mutual benefit distributive justice donation incentives fairness principle altruism and organ donation moral desert theory equal treatment medical ethics social contract deservingness criteria non-donor policies organ sharing ethics utilitarianism in organ allocation justice in healthcare reward for altruism recipient selection fairness donor-recipient reciprocity organ allocation ethics organ donation reciprocity deserving organ recipients moral justification for donor priority fairness in transplantation just deserts in healthcare principle of fairness transplant equity priority points systems incentive for organ donation ethical organ distribution distributive justice in organ allocation social contract and organ donation non-donor eligibility moral claims to organ transplants utilitarianism and organ donation donor status and organ receipt fairness in medical resource allocation societal obligations in organ donation reciprocal altruism organ transplants organ donation organ allocation fair allocation reciprocity principle medical ethics distributive justice moral deservingness donor priority transplant ethics fairness in organ distribution altruism moral obligation justice in healthcare ethical recipient criteria organ transplant policy deserving recipients non-donor consequences incentive for donation priority systems utilitarianism moral philosophy societal desert healthcare justice transplant equity responsibility in donation organ donation ethics reciprocity in organ allocation moral principles in organ transplants deserving organ recipients fairness in organ distribution donor vs non-donor organ priority organ transplant eligibility criteria ethical arguments for donor priority justice in allocation of scarce resources philosophical basis for organ allocation moral obligations in organ donation incentives for organ donors societal values and organ transplantation principles of justice in medicine comparative ethics: organ donation vs other resources policy implications for organ allocation arguments against non-donor eligibility hypothetical reciprocity in healthcare prioritization in medical resource allocation desert and justice in public policy organ allocation fairness reciprocity ethics moral deservingness donor recipient priority distributive justice medical ethics incentive organ donation fairness healthcare organ transplant policy ethical allocation organs principle of justice altruism organ donation priority systems transplant desert moral philosophy utilitarianism critique organ allocation organ donation ethics reciprocity in organ allocation moral deservingness of organ recipients organ donor priority fairness in organ transplants philosophical arguments for donor priority justice in organ distribution ethical principles in transplantation donor and non-donor treatment desert and medical ethics moral obligations organ transplant arguments for organ donor priority utilitarianism organ allocation reasons for reciprocity in donation fairness versus usefulness organ allocation ethical frameworks organ transplants philosophy organ donation deservingness in healthcare prioritizing organ donors bioethics organ reciprocity organ transplantation donor eligibility transplant ethics moral reciprocity reciprocity principle fairness in organ allocation ethical organ distribution just deserts distributive justice fairness deservingness moral responsibility altruism donor priority transplant policy fairness versus utility moral deservingness societal values ethical medical allocation equity in healthcare organ allocation criteria incentive to donate non-donor ethics self-interest versus altruism justice in healthcare reciprocity ethics organ donor priority organ transplant eligibility moral deservingness fairness in organ allocation ethical principles of donation donor versus non-donor rights justice in medical distribution merit-based organ assignment organ allocation criteria fairness in healthcare distributive justice organ donation prioritizing organ donors incentive for organ donation moral obligations transplant societal values donation desert theory organ allocation bioethics of reciprocity equitable organ distribution ethical dilemmas transplantation organ donation ethics organ allocation fairness reciprocity principle deservingness in healthcare distributive justice moral obligation organ donors donation incentives fairness in organ transplants eligibility criteria organ recipients transplant ethics altruism and organ donation desert theory moral deservingness fairness in resource allocation medical ethics organ donation incentive-based allocation priority for donors ethical theories donation utilitarianism organ allocation justice in healthcare organ allocation ethics reciprocity in organ donation moral deservingness transplant eligibility fairness in organ distribution justice in healthcare organ donor priority ethical principles medical merit-based allocation social value transplant philosophical arguments organ donation fairness recipient selection distributive justice incentivizing organ donation utilitarianism organ allocation healthcare prioritization equity organ transplant moral obligation donation virtue ethics organ allocation altruism organ donors
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro03a	The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, religious freedom religious symbols workplace discrimination Nadia Eweida British Airways policy cross ban identity and faith religious attire uniform policy health and safety legislation Chaplin case personal beliefs employee rights religious expression religious accommodation faith-based identity employment law cultural symbolism human rights institutional policies religious expression religious symbols workplace religious rights faith-based identity religious discrimination cross ban British Airways religious policy Nadia Eweida case uniform policy employee religious accommodation Chaplin cross case health and safety vs. religious freedom UK tribunal religious cases religious liberty religious attire at work workplace diversity Archbishop of Canterbury cross ban human rights law employment law religious beliefs freedom of belief symbolic expression UK employment discrimination dress code exemptions Christian symbols in workplace religious accommodation legal cases religious freedom faith expression workplace discrimination religious symbols dress code policy British Airways Nadia Eweida case cross ban employee rights identity and belief employment law equality and diversity religious accommodation Christian symbolism uniform regulations health and safety Chaplin case symbolic expression bureaucracy criticism Archbishop of Canterbury religious rights at work personal conviction policy change staff religious imagery secular vs. religious values legal precedents religious expression in the workplace cross wearing legal cases British Airways religious symbols policy Nadia Eweida case outcome Chaplin cross ban health and safety freedom of religion employment law impact of religious symbols on uniform policies workplace religious discrimination UK Archbishop of Canterbury cross ban statement religious identity and self-expression changes in UK workplace dress codes legal precedents for religious jewelry faith-based employment disputes religious rights tribunal decisions impact of cross bans on employee morale secularism vs. religious freedom in the UK religious accommodations in corporate policies responses to cross bans from religious leaders UK media coverage on religious symbols religious freedom faith-based identity religious symbols at work workplace uniform policy Nadia Eweida case British Airways religious policy employee rights cross ban controversy health and safety legislation personal risk acceptance Chaplin case bureaucratic decision-making religious accommodation UK employment law expression of belief Christianity in the workplace religious discrimination legal cases on religious expression employee dress codes freedom of expression management vs. employee rights Archbishop of Canterbury cross ban workplace diversity court cases on faith symbols media coverage religious rights religious freedom religious symbols in the workplace cross wearing policy Nadia Eweida case British Airways religious policy employee rights faith and identity Chaplin cross case health and safety vs religion religious discrimination uniform policy and religion religious accommodation Christianity in workplace workplace dress codes religious expression employment court cases on religious wear religious belief protection UK employment law European Court of Human Rights religion religious imagery at work religious rights legal cases religious expression cross-wearing ban workplace religious symbols faith and identity uniform policy British Airways policy change Nadia Eweida case health and safety legislation Chaplin case religious freedom employment discrimination religious accommodation bureaucratic regulation Christianity at work freedom of belief religious attire at work employer religious policies employee rights UK religious discrimination cases Archbishop of Canterbury comments religious vs secular rules legal cases on religious symbols personal liberty human rights diversity and inclusion symbolic imagery belief-based identity staff religious rights impact of religious symbols workplace dress codes religious expression religious symbols in workplace freedom of religion Nadia Eweida case British Airways cross ban uniform policy employee rights religious accommodation workplace discrimination Chaplin case health and safety at work cross and chain safety religious versus secular values faith-based identity religious liberty legal cases religious symbols UK Archbishop of Canterbury cross ban UK employment law religion Christian employee rights BBC news religion Daily Mail Christianity tribunal The Telegraph cross ban religious freedom religious symbols workplace dress codes cross necklace ban Nadia Eweida case British Airways policy expression of faith employee rights health and safety legislation religious accommodation workplace discrimination Chaplin case employer regulations religious identity individual rights faith-based expression uniform policy Archbishop of Canterbury religious diversity human rights law European Court of Human Rights religious attire secularism in the workplace religious manifestation UK employment law religious freedom workplace discrimination faith symbols cross ban British Airways policy Nadia Eweida health and safety legislation Chaplin case uniform policy personal identity religious expression employee rights religious accommodation workplace equality Christianity in the workplace religious symbols in employment religious beliefs and law employment tribunal Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic policies human rights religious attire dress code controversy UK employment law faith-based discrimination
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con02a	Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, apartheid racial caricature black masculinity colonial stereotypes cultural sensitivity polygamy Zulu culture art censorship postcolonialism Sarah Baartman black representation South African history racial prejudice cultural offense visual propaganda historical trauma social dignity protest art media controversy racial insult Goodman Gallery City Press public outcry political symbolism African identity Spear painting controversy Jacob Zuma artwork race representation South Africa black male stereotypes historical caricature lascivious depiction sexualisation black men prejudice art South Africa Zulu culture polygamy offense public art Goodman Gallery protest City Press art removal Sarah Baartmanisation black body representation cultural sensitivity colonial legacy post-apartheid prejudice media racism South Africa art censorship cultural context reaction racial injustice South Africa racial caricature black masculinity visual representation art censorship cultural sensitivity African identity colonial legacy polygamy stigma Zulu traditions media controversy post-apartheid South Africa historical trauma derogatory imagery political protest art ethics social offense public reaction black body politics stereotyping power dynamics cultural prejudice artistic expression freedom of speech indigenous customs racial insult media portrayal Infantilisation in art criticism prejudice in South African art racial stereotypes in artwork historical context of ‘The Spear’ portrayal of Black men in media polygamy and cultural representation offense in political art Goodman Gallery controversy City Press and art censorship Zulu culture and social status protest reactions to art black masculinity stereotypes art and social justice in South Africa Sarah Baartmanisation of black bodies media response to President’s depiction race and identity politics in contemporary art infantilisation prejudice The Spear South African art racial caricature Black masculinity lascivious stereotypes sexualized imagery historical context Zulu culture polygamy cultural offense protest art Goodman Gallery City Press media controversy Jacob Zuma colonial legacy Sarah Baartman black body representation art censorship cultural sensitivity racial discrimination post-apartheid society visual culture African identity public reaction political symbolism race and art social protest colonial imagery artistic controversy freedom of expression South Africa historical context racism black representation in art polygamy cultural critique Jacob Zuma artwork The Spear painting debate Goodman Gallery protests City Press censorship media portrayal black men infantilisation and prejudice post-apartheid societal tensions iconography and offence South Africa depiction of black masculinity Sarah Baartmanisation racial stereotypes in art cultural sensitivity art exhibitions public reaction offensive art Zulu cultural practices South African political art race and media discourse infantilisation prejudice historical context The Spear South Africa caricature Black people Black men racial stereotypes lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment colonialism apartheid offensive art cultural offense polygamy Zulu culture social standing Goodman Gallery City Press protest public outrage censorship art controversy Sarah Baartman black body racial representation media portrayal Sipho Hlongwane Simphiwe Dana political grandstanding cultural sensitivity post-apartheid identity politics insult dignity infantilisation prejudice The Spear controversy South Africa racism racial caricature Black stereotypes Black masculinity sexualization colonial legacy representation in art cultural offence polygamy Zulu culture historical context art Goodman Gallery City Press controversy protest response Sarah Baartman black body objectification art censorship offensive artwork post-apartheid identity racial insensitivity Sipho Hlongwane Simphiwe Dana Infantilisation prejudice art controversy The Spear South African history caricature Black representation racial stereotypes sexualization Black men inferiority narrative polygamy Zulu culture cultural offense protest Goodman Gallery City Press freedom of expression censorship social standing Sarah Baartman colonial legacy racial politics identity visual culture post-apartheid public reaction insult Sipho Hlongwane Simphiwe Dana racially charged art historical trauma infantilisation prejudice racial stereotypes caricature black masculinity lasciviousness sexualization dehumanization South African history art controversy The Spear painting cultural offense polygamy Zulu culture social standing postcolonialism apartheid legacy protest art freedom of expression media criticism Sarah Baartman black body representation racial humiliation visual culture Goodman Gallery City Press public outrage artistic censorship cultural sensitivity historical trauma
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 religious symbols ban enforcement public buildings France school ban conspicuous religious apparel secularism legal restrictions religious dress codes police authority security guards public education law implementation French law dress restrictions secular policies European bans religious freedom police checks policy implementation ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous religious apparel police checks security enforcement teacher enforcement legislative measures religious dress code secularism public policy legal restrictions religious freedom state neutrality implementation challenges societal impact European laws government regulation precedent cases case studies comparative analysis cultural context legal framework religious symbols ban enforcement public buildings France schools conspicuous religious apparel secularism laïcité headscarf ban law enforcement public policy religious freedom controversial laws security checks public spaces regulatory measures teacher enforcement security guards legal precedent European countries government regulation social integration visible religious symbols legislation cultural assimilation case studies historical bans state neutrality public sector comparative analysis ban on religious symbols in public buildings enforcing religious symbol bans bans in schools France religious apparel restrictions enforcement public dress code religious symbols effectiveness of religious symbol bans case studies religious bans France public policy religious symbols authority enforcement religious dress codes legal frameworks religious bans conspicuous religious apparel bans school uniform religious symbol policy teacher enforcement of religious bans security guards religious symbol checks societal impact of religious symbol bans historical religious symbol bans religious dress code laws Europe religious freedom vs public policy compliance with religious symbol restrictions legal precedents religious symbols public spaces religious symbols ban enforcement simplicity public buildings France conspicuous religious apparel school religious symbol bans religious dress code secularism laws teachers enforcing bans security guards law enforcement headscarf ban French secularism freedom of expression religious liberty BBC News French scarf ban European religious regulations school dress codes public policy religious freedom government regulation of religion legal precedents cultural integration religious neutrality religious symbol ban enforcement ease of enforcing religious bans public building religious symbol restrictions France religious symbol policy conspicuous religious apparel ban school religious symbol ban comparison of religious bans in societies role of teachers in enforcing bans security guards religious symbol enforcement implementation of religious apparel laws visibility of religious symbols France 2004 religious symbols law legal precedent for religious bans effectiveness of religious bans religious expression regulation compliance with religious bans public space religious dress codes religious symbols ban enforcement public buildings France French scarf ban conspicuous religious apparel police authorities schools education public spaces legislation secularism law enforcement dress code religious clothing security guards policy school policy 2004 ban hijab burqa headscarf visibility implementation teaching staff BBC News school rules religious symbols ban enforcement of religious symbol bans France religious symbol ban religious symbols in schools conspicuous religious apparel public buildings religious bans police enforcement religious ban teacher enforcement religious ban security guard enforcement ban secularism in schools French secularism law law enforcement religious clothing headscarf ban France hijab ban schools laïcité France religious apparel public policy visibility of religious symbols regulation of religious attire religious freedom law European religious bans BBC News French scarf ban legal precedent religious bans public vs private religious expression comparison international religious symbol bans religious neutrality public sector ban on religious symbols enforcement of bans conspicuous religious apparel public buildings secularism France religious symbol ban enforcement mechanisms school dress codes authority enforcement religious symbols in schools French secular policy teacher enforcement security guard checks religious attire restrictions laïcité freedom of religion social impact of bans European religious symbol laws public policy state neutrality religious freedom headscarf ban implementation challenges legal precedent cultural impact ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France conspicuous religious apparel school ban security enforcement legal precedent secularism law implementation public policy European regulations headscarf ban cultural integration church-state separation authority role compliance monitoring dress code public institutions education policy
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro01a	"There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. affirmative action moral obligation social justice compensatory justice reparations racial equity discrimination equal opportunity minority rights diversity initiatives anti-discrimination policies socioeconomic disparities historical injustices restorative justice equity programs educational access employment equity marginalized groups systemic bias civil rights African American experience social responsibility institutional racism corrective measures reparative programs fairness inclusion social equality minority empowerment policy intervention affirmative action moral obligation compensatory justice social responsibility reparations historical injustice discrimination racial inequality minority rights equal opportunity social equity restorative justice social justice compensating victims diversity initiatives systemic bias marginalized communities Civil Rights employment equity educational access institutional racism policy remedies inclusion justice for minorities correcting disparities redress measures affirmative action moral obligation social justice compensation discrimination reparations equality equity civil rights African American minority rights educational opportunities employment opportunities social inequality historical injustice racial discrimination community empowerment restorative justice institutional racism systemic discrimination social responsibility psychological harm physical harm symbolic advantages diversity initiatives affirmative action moral justification affirmative action ethical obligation society responsibility compensate discrimination victims reparations for past discrimination affirmative action social justice moral reasons for affirmative action compensatory justice affirmative action racial discrimination affirmative action benefits of affirmative action programs affirmative action address historical injustices society's duty to right past wrongs justice and affirmative action restorative justice affirmative action affirmative action and equal opportunity affirmative action to remedy systemic discrimination philosophical arguments for affirmative action moral duty affirmative action policies affirmative action support based on ethics affirmative action and community healing affirmative action as compensation affirmative action moral obligation social justice reparations discrimination racial inequality compensatory justice historical injustice educational opportunity employment equity minority rights systemic racism institutional discrimination restorative justice equal opportunity African American experience civil rights societal responsibility social equity legal redress psychological harm economic disparity social inclusion anti-discrimination policies affirmative action benefits moral obligation for affirmative action compensatory justice anti-discrimination policies reparations for discrimination societal responsibility restorative justice fairness in education equal employment opportunities redressing historical injustices racial inequality solutions social justice initiatives support for marginalized communities philosophical basis for affirmative action psychological impact of discrimination economic disadvantages from discrimination ethical case for affirmative action affirmative action and African Americans diversity and inclusion programs historical context of affirmative action affirmative action moral obligation social justice reparations discrimination restorative justice compensation equity equal opportunity systemic inequality historical injustice minority rights redress civil rights diversity programs inclusion underrepresented groups racial inequality African American experience educational opportunity employment discrimination psychological harm community acceptance social responsibility corrective policy affirmative action benefits moral responsibility affirmative action compensatory justice reparative justice historical discrimination social justice policies equality of opportunity anti-discrimination policies educational equity employment equity redress for past injustices societal obligation compensation minority rights advocacy impact of racism social inequality ethical arguments affirmative action restorative programs black experience affirmative action community restitution barriers to success institutional discrimination affirmative action necessity moral justification affirmative action African American rights compensating marginalized groups psychological harm of discrimination physical harm discrimination affirmative action policy impact reparations for discrimination affirmative action moral obligation social justice compensatory justice reparations historical discrimination racial inequality equity programs diversity initiatives civil rights systemic injustice marginalized communities equal opportunity social responsibility public policy reform restorative justice anti-discrimination African American rights educational access employment equity structural racism societal repair inclusive policy justice for minorities rectifying injustice affirmative action moral obligation compensatory justice discrimination social justice reparations equal opportunity minority rights racial inequality historical injustice restorative justice diversity programs educational equity employment equity civil rights systemic discrimination underrepresented groups African American disadvantage social responsibility inclusion policies societal redress anti-discrimination policy institutional racism equity initiatives compensatory policies"
test-environment-assgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animal rights moral consideration human rights brain size self-awareness consciousness social behavior communication ethical treatment speciesism sentience moral status rights of animals moral trade-off greater good human-animal distinctions cognitive abilities animal welfare utilitarianism ethical justification moral value comparative cognition animal suffering anthropocentrism intrinsic value animal rights animal welfare moral status of animals human-animal differences speciesism cognitive abilities sentience self-awareness in animals moral consideration utilitarianism ethical treatment of animals animal consciousness human exceptionalism rights vs welfare moral philosophy animal suffering bioethics moral trade-off greater good ethical justification justification for animal use arguments against animal rights intrinsic value comparative cognition animal personhood animal rights human rights moral status cognitive abilities sentience ethical consideration personhood animal welfare utilitarianism moral trade-off speciesism consciousness self-awareness animal cognition moral philosophy ethics of animal use greater good social behavior communication in animals animal suffering moral agency justice for animals animal ethics human-animal distinction animal rights debate animals vs humans moral consideration human intelligence and rights animal consciousness and rights ethical treatment of animals moral trade-off with animals greater good animal ethics animal suffering vs human benefit objections to animal rights self-awareness in animals social behavior in animals communication in animals differences in moral worth animals humans utilitarianism and animal harm speciesism justification cognitive capacity and moral rights sentience and ethical rights human-animal moral distinction arguments against animal rights animal welfare vs animal rights ethical arguments for human superiority moral status of non-human animals animal rights human rights moral consideration consciousness sentience self-awareness ethical treatment cognitive abilities moral status speciesism animal welfare intrinsic value rights theories utilitarianism moral trade-offs suffering intelligence social behavior communication skills ethical philosophy moral worth comparative ethics great ape personhood animal cognition justice for animals animal rights debate moral consideration for animals human vs animal cognition philosophical arguments animal rights utilitarianism animal ethics speciesism animal consciousness animal welfare vs rights moral trade-offs animals cognitive abilities animals vs humans justification harming animals sentience and rights ethical treatment animals differences human animal rights arguments against animal rights animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities self-awareness sentience speciesism ethical treatment animal welfare moral status human exceptionalism compassion death awareness social behavior communication ethical trade-off greater good utilitarianism intrinsic value comparative rights moral justification personhood consciousness intelligence nonhuman animals moral harm harm-benefit analysis animal suffering ethical theory anthropocentrism animal rights moral consideration human rights vs animal rights animal cognition sentience ethical treatment of animals moral status of animals animal welfare human exceptionalism animal consciousness self-awareness in animals animal ethics debate moral trade-offs speciesism justification for animal use human-animal hierarchy utilitarianism and animals animal suffering instrumental value of animals animal exploitation great ape personhood nonhuman rights rights theory animal advocacy human moral agency animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities speciesism ethical treatment sentience consciousness self-awareness animal cognition moral status human-animal differences utilitarian ethics moral trade-off animal welfare animal suffering greater good ethical justification personhood bioethics animal rights human rights moral consideration speciesism animal sentience cognitive abilities ethical trade-offs utilitarianism animal welfare personhood moral status consciousness self-awareness nature of death animal cognition moral philosophy anthropocentrism interspecies ethics greater good harm-benefit analysis
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con04a	Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. recidivism prison costs incarceration taxpayer burden prison overcrowding punitive justice retributive justice offender management sentencing policy correctional funding criminal justice reform public safety repeat offenders criminal deterrence prison effectiveness rehabilitation efficacy prison population penal policy justice expenditure cost-benefit analysis economic impact offender rehabilitation prison alternatives justice system efficiency crime reduction strategies recidivism prison costs offender rehabilitation criminal justice spending incarceration rates taxpayer burden re-offending statistics justice policy prison overcrowding sentence length public safety economic impact of prisons effectiveness of rehabilitation cost-benefit analysis punitive justice alternatives to rehabilitation criminal reform correctional programs sentencing disparities prison population rehabilitation outcomes recidivism prevention conservative justice rehabilitation program funding offender reintegration criminal justice economics recidivism prison costs offender rehabilitation retributive justice incarceration rates criminal justice economics taxpayer burden prison overcrowding public safety sentencing policy prison reform rehabilitation program effectiveness punitive measures criminal deterrence justice system efficiency repeat offenders crime prevention sentencing disparities correctional spending cost-benefit analysis prison population societal impact probation alternatives restorative justice criminal punishment cost-benefit analysis of rehabilitation programs prison budget allocation recidivism statistics by country effectiveness of criminal rehabilitation taxpayer burden criminal justice comparison of incarceration vs rehabilitation costs long-term outcomes of prisoner release alternative sentencing effectiveness economic impact of recidivism rehabilitation program success rates justice policy reform proposals crime prevention through incarceration social return on investment rehabilitation criticisms of prison rehabilitation prisoner reoffending rates minimum incarceration standards punitive justice vs restorative justice fiscal responsibility in criminal justice impact of imprisonment on society global spending on prisons and rehabilitation recidivism rates cost-benefit analysis prison expenditure reoffending statistics incarceration impact rehabilitation program effectiveness punitive justice criminal justice policy taxpayer burden offender reintegration sentencing disparities economic efficiency prison overcrowding deterrence theory public safety rehabilitation vs. retribution correctional alternatives criminal reform evidence-based policy offender management prison rehabilitation cost-effectiveness of rehabilitation recidivism rates economic impact of prison programs alternatives to prisoner rehabilitation retributive justice incarceration vs rehabilitation effectiveness of prison sentences public spending on prisons taxpayer burden prisons evidence against rehabilitation programs policy recommendations prisons crime deterrence prison overcrowding solutions cost-benefit analysis rehabilitation criminal justice reform impact of rehabilitation on reoffending UK prison system costs social return on rehabilitation rehabilitation program efficacy prison rehabilitation cost-benefit analysis recidivism rates offender reform criminal justice economics public safety incarceration expenses taxpayer burden sentencing policy prison overcrowding rehabilitation effectiveness punitive justice retributive justice correctional budgets offender reintegration prison reforms government spending prison population criminal deterrence justice system efficiency social reintegration prison outcome statistics long-term incarceration costs criminal behavior offender management rehabilitation alternatives prison rehabilitation debate economic impact of rehabilitation cost-benefit analysis prison programs recidivism statistics effectiveness of offender rehabilitation alternatives to rehabilitation incarceration vs rehabilitation taxpayer burden prison system prison reform policies criminal justice spending punitive justice system rehabilitation program outcomes crime reduction strategies prison overcrowding solutions sentencing policy analysis conservative justice policy prison costs UK reoffending rates UK evidence-based criminal justice restorative justice alternatives recidivism criminal justice costs prison overcrowding taxpayer burden punitive sentencing deterrence public safety rehabilitation effectiveness sentencing disparities prison reform economic impact offender management reoffending statistics incarceration policy rehabilitation alternatives cost-benefit analysis retribution vs rehabilitation criminal justice policy societal protection government spending sentencing guidelines correctional system prison expenditures criminal behavior rehabilitation outcomes justice system efficiency recidivism criminal justice reform prison costs prison overcrowding public safety deterrence retributive justice rehabilitation effectiveness sentencing policies offender management taxpayer burden incarceration rates societal reintegration correctional programs cost-benefit analysis prison alternatives restorative justice crime prevention repeat offenders penal policy evidence-based practice criminal justice spending offender rehabilitation recidivism reduction prison abolition justice system efficiency
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con03a	"The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. Euro 2012 boycott Poland Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian people Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk European leaders democratic aspirations European Union European countries politics and sports tournament impact Front for Change Arseniy Yatsenyuk international support democracy in Ukraine political protests sports events boycott Polish-Ukrainian relations opposition leaders voter margin election results political impact sports diplomacy boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk European Union political impact sports politics democratic aspirations international relations UEFA Euro 2012 Polish-Ukrainian relations European leaders sports diplomacy election results Ukraine protest public opinion Timoshenko vs Yanukovych Ukraine democracy tournament disruption political boycott impact on citizens international sports events Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine boycott Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk European Union democracy Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk international relations sports diplomacy political protest UEFA political impact public opinion electoral margin European leaders tournament hosting human rights Eastern Europe sports politics Ukrainian people Polish-Ukrainian cooperation political opposition European solidarity Euro 2012 boycott impact Ukraine Poland tournament politics effects of sports boycott political consequences Euro 2012 Yanukovych representation Ukraine European leaders Ukraine championship Poland Ukraine relations Euro 2012 Ukrainian democracy European Union sports and international relations opposition to Yanukovych policies Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk Euro 2012 Arseniy Yatsenyuk boycott statement Yulia Timoshenko election results European support for Ukrainians sporting event political boycott media coverage Euro 2012 boycott UEFA championship diplomatic response Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine boycott Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Donald Tusk European Union politics in sports democracy sporting events international relations Polish-Ukrainian relations political protest electoral margin democratic aspirations European leaders tournament impact public opinion government legitimacy sporting boycott media coverage Ukrainian politics Polish government political conflict international support championship human rights sports diplomacy UEFA Eastern Europe Euro 2012 boycott impact on Poland impact on Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk political influence on sports European leaders response Arseniy Yatsenyuk statement support for Ukrainian people democracy in Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko European Union integration negative effects of boycott sports and politics Front for Change presidential election Ukraine 2010 international relations sporting events boycott Poland-Ukraine relations Ukraine democracy movement Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine boycott Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Donald Tusk European Union Ukrainian people Polish Prime Minister democracy politics Front for Change tournament impact political protest international relations football championship democratic aspirations Eastern Europe sports boycott government criticism electoral margin European leaders public opinion support for Ukraine opposition leaders human rights tournament hosting event organization international support Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine politics Poland impact Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European Union support democracy in Ukraine Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk political intervention in sports international relations European leaders sporting events boycott Eastern Europe politics Ukraine-Poland cooperation Ukraine elections UEFA Euro 2012 Ukrainian people opposition response EU-Ukraine relations sports diplomacy international boycott effects Yanukovych policies European championship politics Poland Ukraine hosting Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine Poland Yanukovych Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Donald Tusk Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European Union democracy political protest tournament impact Polish-Ukrainian relations European leaders sports diplomacy electoral margins Ukrainian people political representation support for democracy international relations championship attendance political controversy democratic aspirations sports boycott negative consequences game politics European countries presidential election Ukraine media coverage Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine Poland Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change democratic aspirations European Union sports and politics international relations political protest Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk election results political impact European solidarity tournament consequences sports diplomacy human rights political controversy political legitimacy Slavic countries government criticism European leaders diplomatic attendance public perception event hosting regional cooperation"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con02a	Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa conflict African wars armed conflict non-state conflicts regional violence civil wars ethnic conflict Uppsala Conflict Data Program conflict trends Africa conflict statistics Africa peace processes Africa conflict 2012 intra-state conflict conflict resolution Africa violence data Africa conflict escalation conflict reduction Africa historical conflicts Africa Asia conflict comparison security Africa African rebel groups peacekeeping Africa post-colonial conflict conflict management Africa Africa armed conflicts African wars African civil wars Africa conflict statistics African regional violence non-state conflicts Africa conflict trends Africa Africa peace efforts Africa conflict data Uppsala Conflict Data Program Africa African security sub-Saharan Africa conflict interstate conflicts Africa intrastate wars Africa conflict resolution Africa violence trends Africa number of conflicts Africa conflict management Africa sources of African conflicts history of African wars Africa armed conflicts war region comparison conflict statistics non-state conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP conflict trends Asia war frequency conflict management peace efforts regional violence intrastate conflict interstate conflict conflict data 2012 historical conflicts African wars conflict resolution African stability civil unrest security issues Africa 2012 conflict escalation regional conflict analysis Africa armed conflicts statistics Africa warlike continent evidence Africa conflict data 2012 non-state conflicts in Africa comparative conflict data Africa Asia trends in African conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program Africa Africa conflict statistics by year Africa internal wars causes of conflicts in Africa conflict resolution in Africa persistent conflicts Africa regional comparison armed conflicts Africa peace prospects African instability trends Africa armed conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP non-state conflicts Africa African wars conflict statistics by continent armed conflicts 2012 conflict trends Africa sub-Saharan conflicts non-state violence Africa war frequency Africa regional conflict comparison Asia vs Africa conflict Africa military conflicts political violence Africa civil wars Africa peacebuilding Africa conflict resolution Africa ongoing conflicts Africa Africa conflict data 2011 UCDP data Africa African instability security challenges Africa history of conflict Africa conflict management Africa Africa armed conflicts statistics Africa war data 2012 non-state conflicts Africa Africa versus Asia conflicts conflict trends Africa 2000s Uppsala Conflict Data Program Africa warlike continents ranking Africa conflict frequency historical conflicts Africa persistent wars Africa non-state violence Africa global conflict comparison unresolved conflicts Africa sub-Saharan Africa wars Africa political instability conflict resolution Africa modern African wars Africa conflict management challenges peace efforts Africa trends in African violence Africa armed conflict war regional conflicts intra-state wars inter-state wars non-state actors civil wars ethnic conflict Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP conflict trends conflict frequency Asia comparison conflict statistics violence peace security 2012 conflict resolution sub-Saharan Africa international relations conflict management humanitarian crises war data peacebuilding 20th century conflicts 21st century conflicts conflict escalation military intervention non-state conflict state fragility ongoing wars security challenges regional instability Africa armed conflicts African wars statistics Africa conflict data 2012 African non-state conflicts conflict trends Africa ongoing wars Africa Uppsala Conflict Data Program Africa region conflict comparison African civil wars 2012 non-state violence Africa peace efforts Africa Africa conflict management Asia Africa conflict comparison historical African conflicts annual conflict rates Africa 2011 Africa wars 2004 Africa conflicts African conflict decline UCDP Africa reports African war hotspots sub-Saharan conflict statistics African insurgencies root causes African wars future of African conflicts African peace initiatives Africa armed conflicts Africa war statistics Africa conflicts 2012 non-state conflicts Africa conflict trends Africa Africa military history conflict resolution Africa Africa vs Asia conflict comparison Uppsala Conflict Data Program Africa peacebuilding African civil wars regional conflict data Africa security challenges Africa conflict management sub-Saharan conflicts Africa violent incidents Africa political instability African militia activity post-colonial conflicts Africa humanitarian crisis Africa armed conflict civil war ethnic violence regional instability peacebuilding post-colonial Africa conflict resolution political violence non-state actors insurgency terrorism peacekeeping Uppsala Conflict Data Program security studies conflict trends African Union interventions root causes socioeconomic factors international mediation humanitarian impact governance challenges resource conflicts state fragility conflict prevention peace agreements
test-health-dhiacihwph-con02a	Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ generic drugs patented drugs drug price perception consumer trust pharmaceutical effectiveness drug safety generic drug stigma affordable medicine drug screening standards drug regulation Africa medication side effects drug accessibility essential medicines pharmaceutical branding drug quality concerns public health developing world medicine drug reputation medication cost comparison generic vs branded drugs generic drugs patented drugs drug pricing pharmaceutical trust consumer perception drug effectiveness drug safety medication quality drug regulation Africa pharmaceuticals drug screening branded drugs drug cost comparison drug distrust medication adherence generic versus brand adverse drug reactions drug accessibility developing world healthcare essential medicines public health crisis pharmaceutical standards medication stigma drug efficacy brand loyalty generic drugs patented drugs drug effectiveness consumer trust drug price perception pharmaceutical quality generic drug safety generic vs brand-name medication side effects drug screening Africa public health pharmaceuticals access to essential medicines drug regulation medication distrust developing world medicine pharmaceutical cost pharmaceutical regulation Africa drug approval standards drug reputation healthcare inequality consumer trust in generic drugs public perception of generic vs patented drugs effectiveness of low-cost pharmaceuticals safety concerns with generic medications generic drug side effects reports trust issues with cheap medicine in Africa quality control of pharmaceuticals in developing countries barriers to access essential medicines drug price and quality correlation generic drugs stigma consumer behavior pharmaceutical choices regulatory screening of drugs in Africa reports of harm from generic drugs USA price difference pharmaceutical consumer response distrust in low-cost medications generic drugs patented drugs drug pricing consumer trust drug effectiveness perception branded vs generic pharmaceutical safety drug regulation Africa drug quality generic drug stigma access to medicines drug screening standards drug side effects developing world healthcare essential medicines public health access medication affordability drug reputation drug efficacy generic drugs safety generic vs patented drugs drug price perception consumer trust pharmaceuticals quality of generic medications pharmaceutical regulation Africa drug screening standards public health developing countries essential medicines access barriers side effects generic drugs pharmaceutical pricing medicine effectiveness perception trusted pharmaceuticals brands drug approval processes global drug regulation standards generic drugs branded drugs patented drugs drug trust consumer perception drug price differences pharmaceutical quality drug effectiveness drug safety generic drug concerns drug reputation medication cost drug screening Africa drug regulation drug efficacy medicine access essential medicines drug risk consumer distrust generic vs brand public health side effects suicide risk developing world medicines drug approval drug reliability generic drugs trust generic vs branded drugs drug price perception pharmaceutical consumer trust drug efficacy perception generic drug safety drug regulation Africa drug screening standards cheaper medication skepticism public health access drugs essential medicines barriers pharmaceutical pricing impact branded drug effectiveness consumer drug decision factors generic drug side effects drug affordability concerns US generic drug reports Africa drug screening medicine quality perceptions developing world pharmaceuticals generic drugs drug trust drug pricing pharmaceutical effectiveness branded drugs consumer perception drug safety drug affordability drug regulation Africa pharmaceuticals drug screening drug quality generic vs branded medicine access drug stigma public health medication misconceptions drug reputation generic drug risks essential medicines developing world pharmaceuticals drug distrust healthcare disparities drug efficacy drug regulation Africa generic drugs drug trust pharmaceutical pricing generic vs branded drugs consumer perception drug safety drug efficacy drug regulation Africa drug quality concerns generic drug side effects patient trust pharmaceuticals low-cost medicine credibility access to essential medicines brand name drugs public health trust drug labeling medication skepticism pharmaceutical standards health outcomes drug market differences
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro01a	Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, climate migration sovereign relocation land purchase state sovereignty displaced populations sea level rise climate refugees island nations national relocation international law resettlement strategies territory acquisition climate change adaptation statelessness environmental displacement migration policy host countries population resettlement Kiribati Fiji Seychelles rising oceans climate justice global governance small island developing states climate migration climate change displacement state relocation sovereign land purchase population resettlement small island states sea level rise climate refugees statelessness nation relocation Fiji land purchase Kiribati relocation environmental migration international sovereignty land acquisition for relocation adaptation strategies island nation survival forced migration global climate policy resettlement agreements climate change sea level rise climate migration relocation of nations statelessness land purchase sovereignty transfer small island states environmental displacement Kiribati Seychelles Fiji national relocation population resettlement forced migration international law environmental refugees sovereign land acquisition climate adaptation loss of territory climate migration solutions island nation relocation purchasing sovereign land resettlement options for Seychelles sovereign nation preservation strategies examples of Kiribati relocation international land acquisition for nations policy responses to rising sea levels survival strategies for small island states statelessness prevention climate change negotiating sovereignty transfer humanitarian migration frameworks host country options for relocation last resort migration plans national identity preservation relocation climate migration sovereign relocation land purchase statelessness environmental displacement rising sea levels small island states national sovereignty relocation policy population resettlement climate refugees territorial acquisition adaptation strategies Seychelles Kiribati Fiji forced migration environmental refugees international law global warming host country relocation sovereignty sea level rise nation preservation land for sovereignty inter-country agreements climate migration sovereignty relocation small island nations displacement purchasing foreign land nation-state resettlement rising sea levels adaptation statelessness solutions environmental migration policy Kiribati relocation Seychelles population relocation climate refugee strategies land acquisition for nations managed retreat international land negotiations sovereign land purchase national diaspora integration climate migration statelessness land purchase sovereignty transfer forced relocation rising sea levels small island states environmental displacement population resettlement nation relocation climate refugees international law host country adaptation strategies Kiribati Fiji sustainable relocation national sovereignty environmental policy island nation survival global warming impacts sea level rise climate crisis human rights displacement solutions territory acquisition climate migration sovereign relocation relocation strategy island nation displacement land purchase for nations climate refugees statelessness solutions Kiribati land acquisition sovereignty transfer climate change adaptation rising sea levels national exodus managed retreat population resettlement host country negotiation environmental displacement territory acquisition Seychelles relocation oceanic nations international relocation nation preservation small island developing states Fiji land purchase environmental refugees policy response transnational migration climate change sea level rise island nations sovereignty relocation population displacement land purchase statelessness environmental migration small island developing states Fiji Kiribati adaptation strategies national identity international law host countries resettlement habitat loss Pacific islands existential threat global warming environmental refugees legal frameworks migration policy sustainable solutions transnational agreements climate migration climate change relocation sovereign land purchase state sovereignty small island nations statelessness population relocation rising sea levels resettlement strategies land acquisition international law displaced populations climate refugees Seychelles relocation island nation survival Kiribati Fiji land deal managed retreat environmental displacement host countries for relocation safeguarding national identity
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con01a	Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. torture prohibition human rights ethical boundaries legal safeguards absolute ban moral absolutism interrogation practices security policy abuse prevention slippery slope law enforcement ethics Abu Ghraib detainee treatment international law enhanced interrogation rule of law criminal justice personal judgement legal clarity moral relativism police misconduct governmental accountability humanitarian law torture justification routine abuse torture ban torture prohibition ethical implications slippery slope human rights interrogation methods legality of torture security officials Abu Ghraib abuse of power moral clarity complete prohibition routine use of torture torture and legality justification of torture torture prevention consequences of torture legal ambiguity personal judgement in torture torture under duress torture and law enforcement consequences of legalizing torture moral boundaries human dignity torture and crime torture absolute prohibition ethics human rights legality security officials interrogation slippery slope abuse prevention Abu Ghraib moral clarity legal framework enhanced interrogation law enforcement detainee treatment international law torture normalization accountability pressure on officials criminal justice precedent humanitarian law policy implications zero tolerance moral dilemma rule of law arguments against torture complete ban on torture ethical implications of torture routine use of torture torture in interrogation drawbacks of legalizing torture Abu Ghraib torture scandal slippery slope of torture justification torture and human rights pressure on security officials torture in counterterrorism consequences of torture legalization moral dangers of torture exceptions torture policy debate historical abuse cases effectiveness of torture legal framework against torture psychological impact on officials erosion of legal standards normalization of cruel treatment torture interrogation ethics complete ban legal status human rights security officials moral ambiguity Abu Ghraib slippery slope abuse of power routine use law enforcement suspect treatment psychological pressure justifications for torture accountability forced confessions international law Geneva Conventions criminal justice state violence preventative detention detainee rights ethical dilemmas security policy justification of torture consequences of allowing torture slippery slope argument torture absolute ban on torture legal status of torture ethical implications torture torture and human rights security officials discretion torture torture and abuse cases Abu Ghraib torture normalization of torture moral dilemmas torture exceptions to torture ban torture prevention effectiveness of torture ban torture and law enforcement torture moral hazards misuse of torture laws torture escalation scenarios torture and international law torture complete ban human rights legality ethics security officials abuse interrogation moral ambiguity rule of law Abu Ghraib slippery slope precedent law enforcement due process legal prohibition international law Geneva Convention detainee treatment psychological impact judicial oversight criminal justice coercion civil liberties human dignity crime prevention security policy interrogation methods accountability legal standards torture ethics complete ban on torture torture legality interrogation methods human rights torture prohibition security official pressure abuse of power Abu Ghraib scandal torture and law slippery slope torture moral implications torture justification forced confessions inhumane treatment legal framework torture preventing torture security vs ethics counter-terrorism torture human rights abuse international law torture psychological impact torture police misconduct government policy torture torture consequences criminal justice system torture complete ban legality human rights ethical dilemma security officials Abu Ghraib abuse of power slippery slope law enforcement interrogation methods moral ambiguity utilitarianism preventive measures due process human dignity international law war crimes psychological impact criminal justice state responsibility precedent rule of law torture ban moral absolutism legal prohibition ethical boundaries slippery slope human rights security policy interrogation methods Abu Ghraib abuse prevention judicial discretion rule of law counterterrorism ethics force solicitation detainee treatment international law torture justification security official responsibility custodial violence law enforcement ethics
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction microfinance impact vulnerability reduction financial inclusion asset building social capital social protection resilience empowerment financial literacy income generation self-sufficiency capacity building economic development community networks access to finance rural development livelihood diversification financial empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction microfinance benefits vulnerability reduction asset access financial inclusion social capital social protection financial skills training self-sufficiency empowerment rural development household resilience livelihood diversification inclusive finance community development microcredit income generation economic empowerment financial literacy sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction asset building financial inclusion social capital vulnerability reduction economic empowerment microcredit financial literacy income generation community development social protection rural development self-reliance household resilience access to finance empowerment of the poor microenterprise informal economy capacity building livelihoods approach in microfinance impact of livelihoods approach microfinance and poverty reduction benefits of microfinance microfinance and vulnerability microfinance and asset access role of social capital in microfinance financial skills through microfinance microfinance social protection livelihoods model for poverty alleviation microfinance empowerment sustainability through microfinance microfinance versus direct aid microfinance case studies IFAD livelihoods approach insights sustainable livelihoods poverty alleviation microfinance impact social capital asset access vulnerability reduction financial inclusion empowerment social protection financial education community networks self-sufficiency income generation IFAD poverty reduction strategies rural development development finance resilience economic empowerment financial sustainability sustainable livelihoods livelihoods framework poverty reduction microfinance benefits social protection asset access vulnerability reduction financial inclusion social capital financial empowerment self-sufficiency community resilience economic development IFAD 2013 financial skills training job loss mitigation social networks livelihood assets rural development poverty alleviation sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction microfinance benefits vulnerability reduction asset access financial inclusion social capital social protection financial skills self-sufficiency economic empowerment financial resilience IFAD community empowerment livelihood strategies poverty alleviation sustainable livelihoods microfinance benefits poverty reduction financial inclusion social protection asset access social capital economic empowerment vulnerability reduction financial literacy income generation self-sufficiency community development IFAD microfinance microcredit livelihood enhancement rural development poverty alleviation microfinance impact resilience building financial skills training grassroots development inclusive finance economic sustainability self-reliance sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction microfinance impact vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial inclusion economic empowerment financial literacy income generation social protection rural development community resilience self-sufficiency IFAD reports development interventions livelihood strategies household welfare informal networks financial sustainability sustainable livelihoods asset-based approach poverty reduction microfinance impact social protection vulnerability reduction financial inclusion community resilience social capital economic empowerment financial literacy self-sufficiency IFAD 2013 poverty alleviation rural development livelihood assets financial services income generation community development microcredit benefits
test-international-ghwcitca-pro04a	A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, cybersecurity international law cyber warfare cyber defense cyber agreements cyber norms state-sponsored attacks internet governance digital diplomacy cybercrime prevention mutual trust conflict prevention global security cyber espionage hacker attacks diplomatic relations cyber peace cyber risk management multilateral treaties cyber regulation cybersecurity agreement international cyber law global cyber norms cyber-attack prevention digital peace cyber conflict resolution state-sponsored cyber-attacks cyber espionage regulation cross-border cybercrime cyber deterrence strategies responsible state behavior in cyberspace UN cyber treaty cyber warfare limits multinational cyber cooperation trust-building in cyberspace cyber arms control cyber diplomacy internet governance cyber risk management international cooperation against hacking network security treaty cyber peace framework reducing cyber tensions cyber attack attribution nation-state hacking regulations cybersecurity international law cyber warfare cyber norms cyber diplomacy cybercrime cyber defense cyber arms control information security state-sponsored attacks cyber peace agreements cyber conflict prevention internet governance digital trust global cooperation cyber deterrence hacker attribution cyber espionage nation-state actors multilateral treaties cyber risk management cyber incident attribution digital infrastructure protection cyber attack costs cyber regulations intergovernmental agreements cyber treaty advantages benefits of banning cyber-attacks international cyber agreement global cybersecurity pact state responsibility in cyber warfare regulation of cyber conflict cyber-espionage treaty pros mutual gain from cyber treaties cyber-attack cost deterrence reducing international cyber risks improving global digital trust cooperation against cyber threats impact on business and trade precedent for cyber norms cyber-attack victim statistics US-China cyber relations cyber defense policy outcomes diplomatic trust-building effectiveness of cyber treaties cyber-attack accountability cyber treaty international agreement cyber-attacks cyber-espionage state-sponsored hacking China cyber operations Department of Defense report conflict prevention cybersecurity regulation international relations hacking attribution hacker victims trust-building United States cybersecurity China cybersecurity defense policy military cyber strategy cyber risk management digital diplomacy treaty benefits multilateral cybersecurity diplomatic relations internet warfare cyber-attack consequences national security global cooperation cyber deterrence cyber treaty advantages international cyber agreements banning cyber-attacks cyber conflict prevention state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber espionage treaty global cybersecurity cooperation cyber-attack attribution benefits of cyber treaties national security cyber agreements reducing cyber warfare cyber-attack regulation trust in international relations cyber treaties for business United States cyber-attack response China cyber-attack victim cyber-attack cost offensive cyber operations treaty for global cyber stability building international trust through cyber agreements cybersecurity international cyber treaty cyber-attack prevention cyber warfare cyber defense cyber espionage state-sponsored hacking cyber norms digital diplomacy trust between nations global cyber regulation bilateral agreements multinational agreements cyber peace hacking deterrents internet security digital conflict international law cybercrime mitigation Chinese cyber activities US-China cyber relations cyber conflict reduction cybercrime victimization global cybersecurity cooperation information security policy governmental cyber threats transnational cybercrime hacking legislation cyber trust-building international relations cyber cybersecurity treaty benefits cyber treaty international cyber law cyber-attack prevention cyber-espionage regulation state-sponsored cyber-attacks cyber conflict mitigation global cybersecurity cyber norms cyber diplomacy cybersecurity cooperation digital trust cybercrime reduction international cooperation cyber cybersecurity treaties multinational cyber agreements cyber governance cyber-attack attribution cyber-attack accountability China cyber security US cyber policy hacker attacks treaty cross-border cyber threats preventing cyber warfare cyber treaty cyber-attacks international law cybersecurity cyber espionage global cooperation conflict prevention state-sponsored attacks cyber defense diplomatic relations cybercrime treaty enforcement global governance hacktivism digital trust cyber regulation cyber policy nation-state actors internet security mutual benefit global security treaty negotiation cyber threat cross-border attacks cyber peace offensive cyber operations cybersecurity international law cybercrime cyber warfare cyber deterrence global cooperation cyber defense digital diplomacy cyber norms state-sponsored attacks cyber threats conflict prevention cyber espionage hacker attacks critical infrastructure protection mutual trust information security cyber peace treaty enforcement global governance cyber regulations nation-state actors internet governance cyber risk management transnational cyber threats
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro02a	It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, employee rights HIV workplace discrimination HIV positive employee protection legal protection HIV workplace prejudice HIV disclosure employer obligations HIV Americans with Disabilities Act HIV workplace compassion employer knowledge HIV status wrongful termination HIV discrimination laws HIV employee advocacy HIV workplace accommodation HIV stigma employment law HIV/AIDS civil rights HIV workplace discrimination HIV employee rights HIV stigma employment HIV disclosure workplace employer obligations HIV HIV/AIDS workplace policy employment law HIV Americans with Disabilities Act HIV workplace compassion HIV protecting HIV positive employees terminating HIV positive employee legal protection HIV discrimination employer knowledge HIV status workplace prejudice HIV HIV/AIDS employee confidentiality employee rights HIV discrimination workplace discrimination HIV positive employment law legal protections wrongful termination employer knowledge Americans with Disabilities Act ADA HIV/AIDS workplace accommodation civil rights compassion in workplace employer responsibility prejudice firing for HIV status proving discrimination legal burden of proof disability rights equal employment opportunity workplace fairness HIV stigma supportive work environment HIV workplace discrimination employee rights HIV HIV positive employee legal protection firing employees with HIV laws HIV status workplace confidentiality Americans with Disabilities Act HIV proof of employer knowledge HIV status compassionate workplace practices HIV employer obligations HIV positive staff anti-discrimination laws HIV workplace support HIV positive employees legal recourse HIV discrimination HIV disclosure rights workplace employment termination HIV protections employer awareness HIV legal responsibilities workplace accommodations HIV positive protections for HIV employees wrongful termination HIV positive employer prejudice HIV legal cases promoting inclusion HIV employees HIV employment rights workplace discrimination HIV positive employee protection wrongful termination HIV legal recourse HIV employees employer liability HIV Americans with Disabilities Act HIV proving discrimination HIV workplace employee disclosure HIV status employer obligations HIV compassionate workplace policies HIV stigma employment civil rights HIV employment law HIV/AIDS workplace accommodation HIV anti-discrimination law support for HIV positive workers HIV and job security legal protections HIV/AIDS workplace inclusion HIV employee rights HIV workplace discrimination HIV positive employee protections illegal firing HIV employer obligations HIV workplace compassion HIV Americans with Disabilities Act HIV proving discrimination HIV workplace legal protections HIV disability rights HIV employment law HIV positive employer knowledge HIV status civil rights HIV employees employee rights HIV-positive workplace discrimination legal protection employment law wrongful termination prejudice confidentiality disclosure Americans with Disabilities Act ADA proof of discrimination employer responsibility workplace compassion disability rights workplace accommodations civil rights stigma employee protection labor law HIV workplace discrimination employee rights HIV HIV positive employee protections HIV employment law HIV/AIDS workplace policy HIV disclosure at work employer obligations HIV proving HIV discrimination Americans with Disabilities Act HIV workplace stigma HIV HIV confidentiality workplace legal recourse HIV firing workplace compassion HIV accommodating HIV positive employees HIV status privacy employment wrongful termination HIV workplace diversity inclusion HIV equal opportunity HIV/AIDS fair employment practices HIV US Department of Justice HIV employment HIV workplace discrimination employee rights HIV HIV positive employment protection HIV stigma at work HIV legal protections Americans with Disabilities Act HIV employer obligations HIV HIV disclosure workplace anti-discrimination law HIV workplace compassion HIV HIV confidentiality rights HIV/AIDS employment law proving discrimination HIV HIV positive workers rights workplace prejudice HIV employee rights HIV discrimination workplace discrimination HIV/AIDS workplace policies employer responsibilities Americans with Disabilities Act ADA protections wrongful termination disclosure of HIV status employment law anti-discrimination laws workplace accommodation legal protections employee privacy employer liability workplace stigma compassionate workplace practices HIV-positive employee support human resources policies workplace inclusivity
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro01a	Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: human rights free speech internet freedom censorship Google China information access digital rights online expression freedom of information government control search engine corporate responsibility business ethics repression self-censorship Human Rights Watch civil liberties technology global standards international law press freedom transparency accountability Google censorship China internet censorship free speech China human rights internet information freedom search engine neutrality corporate social responsibility digital rights online information access Google China controversy censorship policies multinational ethics internet freedom freedom of expression repression China information control tech companies human rights global digital policy China media control free speech information freedom censorship internet censorship human rights Google China Chinese government online repression access to information digital rights search engine neutrality corporate responsibility business ethics freedom of expression global internet technology and human rights information access government censorship press freedom Google search censorship effects of internet censorship in China human rights and internet access freedom of information online corporate responsibility in human rights Google China censorship controversy impact of search engine censorship free speech and technology companies examples of companies resisting censorship global implications of digital censorship ethical business practices in China Google’s stance on human rights access to information as a human right search engine compliance with authoritarian regimes information freedom and economic impact advocacy for uncensored internet international response to Google-China conflict comparisons of search censorship by country technology and human rights advocacy digital rights organizations' perspectives Google censorship human rights free speech China internet freedom information access corporate responsibility digital rights internet repression Google China policy business ethics global technology companies human rights advocacy freedom of information international norms search engine neutrality tech industry activism internet regulation Human Rights Watch government censorship multinational corporations digital activism Google China censorship free speech China human rights internet internet censorship ethics Google corporate responsibility information freedom China multinational tech ethics digital rights China search engine censorship global tech policy corporate social responsibility access to information rights Human Rights Watch Google China's internet regulation tech companies and human rights freedom of expression online search engine censorship Google China free speech information access human rights internet censorship online freedom digital rights government control freedom of information corporate social responsibility China internet policy anti-censorship Human Rights Watch repression Google ethics multinational corporations internet regulation digital activism business ethics Google censorship search engine transparency freedom of information human rights in China free speech online internet censorship China Google China policy digital rights corporate social responsibility information access restrictions business ethics China global internet freedom Human Rights Watch Google technology and human rights government censorship media freedom China online repression multinational companies China activist internet rights Google social impact Google censorship human rights free speech information access China internet freedom online censorship freedom of expression digital rights corporate responsibility internet regulation government control Chinese government policies technology ethics international business press freedom Human Rights Watch search engine transparency global internet policy Google China online repression free expression internet censorship online censorship google china information access human rights violations freedom of speech digital rights corporate social responsibility global internet policy chinese internet regulation government censorship tech ethics internet freedom international business ethics repressive regimes information suppression civil liberties tech industry standards censorship resistance
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro02a	Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations colonialism post-colonial identity former colonies independence historical memory slavery legacy ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial powers colonial legacy prejudice international relations Italy Libya reparations global community economic exploitation mending fences developing countries decolonization restorative justice historical accountability nation-building reconciliation cooperative relationships historical trauma post-colonial development past injustices collective memory power dynamics reparations colonialism colonial legacy post-colonial identity decolonization restorative justice historical injustices slavery ethnic tensions national identity independence Libya reparations Italy and Libya post-colonial development economic redress historical memory international relations global cooperation former colonies colonial powers nation-building social healing Rwanda Burundi reconciliation post-slavery society economic compensation apology for colonization building trust equal partnership systemic inequality colonial reparations postcolonial identity decolonization slavery legacy historical memory postcolonial development ethnic conflict Rwanda Burundi colonial legacy international relations Italy Libya reparations colonial injustice historical accountability global justice colonial responsibility reconciliation developing countries former colonies co-operative relationships postcolonial healing economic exploitation reparative justice restorative justice transitional justice memory politics acknowledgment of harm symbolic gestures national healing postcolonial scars reparations for former colonies closing colonial legacy healing colonial scars impact of colonialism moving beyond colonial past post-colonial identity formation history of slavery and memory reconciling with colonial history reparations as historical justice reparation payments case studies Italy Libya reparations ending colonial ties overcoming colonial trauma reparations for historical wrongs international relationships and reparations economic independence after colonialism ethnic tensions colonial legacy Rwanda Burundi colonial history tangible actions for post-colonial healing global community reparations developing nations historical justice recognizing former colonies as nations co-operative post-col reparations colonial legacy post-colonial identity decolonization slavery memory historical injustices ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy-Libya reparations international relations global community former colonies economic exploitation colonial powers national sovereignty reconciliation historical trauma Western relations symbolic gestures development aid post-colonial development cross-cultural relations restitution colonial history transitional justice reparations for colonialism colonial legacy solutions healing post-colonial wounds former colonies independence post-colonial identity colonialism reparations examples Italy Libya reparations colonial history and ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial history impact of colonialism on development ending colonial ties moving on from colonisation global community and reparations reparations for developing countries international relations and reparations mending post-colonial relationships slavery memory colonial legacy acknowledging colonial past economic exploitation by colonisers reparations and cooperation reparations colonialism postcolonial identity historical trauma decolonization former colonies slavery legacy ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era consequences reconciliation international relations Italy Libya reparations healing colonial scars global justice national sovereignty cooperative relationships economic exploitation recognition of sovereignty global community repairing historical injustices memory politics symbolic restitution decolonial reparations developmental equality historical accountability anti-colonialism restitution policies reparations colonial legacy postcolonial identity slavery remembrance historical trauma ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial powers decolonization Italy Libya reparations international relations global community economic justice historical accountability reconciliation reparative justice equal partnership former colonies development healing colonial wounds symbolic gestures tangible reparations transitional justice neocolonialism West-Africa relations Europe-Africa relations racial justice colonization aftermath reparations colonialism postcolonial identity slavery legacy historical memory former colonies decolonization ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy-Libya reparations international relations global community postcolonial development economic justice historical accountability national reconciliation colonial powers mending fences collective memory nation-building global equality restorative justice transitional justice colonial legacy cooperation decolonial reparations reparations postcolonial identity decolonization colonial legacy historical injustice slavery memory ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial powers independence nation-building Italy Libya reparations international relations global community postcolonial development economic exploitation reconciliation historical trauma symbolic gestures cooperative relationships anti-colonialism former colonies Western colonialism acknowledgment of past restorative justice
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro03a	Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. alternatives to animal testing in vitro methods tissue culture computer modeling chemical property databases human tissue research organ-on-a-chip ethical research methods cruelty-free research predictive toxicology non-animal research human-based models 3D cell culture microdosing synthetic biology computational toxicology regulatory alternatives biomedical research alternatives lab-grown organs scientific progress without animals replacement techniques reduction of animal use ethical science PETA animal-free testing animal testing alternatives animal-free research in vitro testing tissue culture computer modeling predictive toxicology ethical research non-animal methods human tissue research chemical property simulation cruelty-free science advanced research technology replacing animal experiments laboratory alternatives human-based testing scientific ethics PETA biomedical alternatives regulatory changes historical animal use scientific advancements bioethics reduction of animal use replacement strategies cell culture methods alternatives to animal testing in vitro methods tissue culture computer modeling human cell-based assays ethical research non-animal experimentation chemical property prediction organ-on-a-chip human tissue research predictive toxicology pharmacological modeling human-relevant models replacement of animal testing biomedical research alternatives humane science regulatory alternatives scientific advancements animal welfare research ethics alternatives to animal testing modern research methods computer modeling in research in vitro testing human tissue experiments ethical research practices animal experimentation laws chemical safety without animal testing animal rights in science advances in research technology non-animal testing methods tissue culture studies predictive computer simulations replacing animal testing history of animal research moral arguments against animal testing PETA alternatives to animal testing regulatory changes in research human-relevant research models effectiveness of non-animal research animal testing alternatives in vitro methods tissue culture research computer modeling ethical research chemical property prediction computational toxicology simulated experimentation human tissue testing organ-on-chip technology cruelty-free science biomedical research innovation animal welfare legal requirements animal testing historical animal research scientific advancement without animals laboratory animal ethics predictive analytics in research non-animal testing methods technological advancements in research animal testing alternatives history of animal experimentation ethical concerns animal research computer modeling chemical interactions tissue culture research human tissue experimentation predictive toxicology advancements in research methods animal-free testing methods morality of animal testing regulatory changes animal research reducing animal use in science in vitro testing human-relevant research models chemical safety assessment without animals scientific advancements replace animal testing replacement of animal experiments computer simulations in research PETA animal testing stance post-animal research benefits animal testing alternatives ethical research in vitro methods tissue culture computer modeling chemical property prediction human tissue experimentation human skin testing cruelty-free research animal welfare modern research methods non-animal testing toxicology alternatives computational toxicology organ-on-a-chip biomedical innovation regulatory changes laboratory animal replacement humane science scientific advancement without animals 3Rs principle cell-based assays biotechnology ethics animal rights PETA biomedical research ethics chemical safety assessment alternative testing legislation animal testing alternatives animal-free research methods ethical research practices in vitro testing tissue culture experimentation computer modeling in research predictive toxicology human cell-based assays cruelty-free testing human tissue research non-animal scientific innovation regulatory policy animal testing medical research ethics biotechnology advancements simulation in scientific research PETA alternatives scientific research without animals computational toxicology human-relevant research models animal welfare in science alternatives to animal testing in vitro methods computer modeling tissue culture research human skin experimentation chemical interaction prediction animal ethics advancements in research protocols history of animal testing regulatory requirements humane research methods human-based research non-animal testing modern scientific techniques replacement of animal models predictive toxicology bioethics laboratory best practices animal welfare scientific innovation cruelty-free research laboratory technology ethical science effectiveness of animal-free experiments alternatives to animal testing in vitro methods tissue culture research computer modeling in drug development predictive toxicology human cell-based assays ethical research practices non-animal testing techniques organ-on-a-chip technology computational biology regulatory changes in animal testing legislative alternatives to animal research 3D cell cultures microdosing in humans use of human tissues in research animal welfare in science technological advances in biomedical research human-relevant testing methods reduction of animal use in laboratories
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro03a	It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout political awareness civic participation informed electorate candidate transparency policy research public opinion democratic decision-making controversial issues unpopular policies budget impact voting behavior electoral impact political education voter motivation policy scrutiny median voter theory citizen responsibility electoral reform public discourse political knowledge issue-based voting active citizenship compulsory voting increased political engagement voter turnout political participation civic education voter awareness informed electorate candidate transparency policy research democratic decision-making unpopular policies complex issues controversial topics political responsibility electorate motivation Australian voting behavior voter education public policy political knowledge electoral reform participatory democracy mandatory voting effects civic duty voter information better governance policy scrutiny political accountability electoral impact compulsory voting voter turnout political engagement civic participation informed electorate voter education political awareness candidate transparency policy research public opinion unpopular policies controversial issues political decision-making budget impact realistic policies median voter vote choice election reform democratic participation political accountability compulsory voting benefits compulsory voting and political engagement effects of mandatory voting compulsory voting and voter knowledge influence of compulsory voting on political awareness compulsory voting and candidate transparency compulsory voting impact on policy understanding compulsory voting and informed electorate compulsory voting and political decision quality compulsory voting case studies Australia compulsory voting and issue-based voting compulsory voting and governance outcomes compulsory voting and active citizenship compulsory voting and political participation compulsory voting opposition and debate mandatory voting research compulsory voting and political representation compulsory voting and voter turnout statistics compulsory voting pros and cons compulsory voting lessons from Australia compulsory voting voter engagement political participation civic responsibility voter turnout informed electorate candidate transparency political awareness election reform democratic participation public policy voter education electoral systems median voter theory policy impact political accountability controversial issues democratic decision-making representation Australian politics political behavior electoral influence voting reforms political efficacy civic education public opinion voting research electoral engagement political transparency policy evaluation compulsory voting benefits political engagement increase voter turnout effects informed electorate candidate transparency voter education civic responsibility public policy awareness pros of mandatory voting impact on political decisions controversial issues debate democratic participation political accountability voter research behavior compulsory voting Australia political literacy compulsory voting debate voter motivation electoral outcomes political system improvement compulsory voting voter turnout political engagement civic participation informed electorate candidate transparency political awareness controversial issues public policy voter education electoral behavior democratic process political decision-making budget concerns unpopular policies civic responsibility political accountability issue research policy evaluation active citizenship political knowledge electoral reform voting behavior public opinion political transparency democratic legitimacy compulsory voting benefits voter engagement political participation voter turnout political awareness informed electorate candidate transparency political education democratic legitimacy public opinion civic responsibility citizen involvement policy scrutiny voter motivation political accountability electoral reforms mandatory voting political discourse opinion formation debate quality electoral decision-making voter research issue-based voting policy impact better governance Australian voting system compulsory voting voter turnout political engagement informed electorate civic duty political awareness candidate transparency policy research unpopular policies public opinion democratic participation voter education election impact political accountability controversial issues informed decision-making median voter theory budget implications political responsibility electoral reform compulsory voting voter engagement political awareness voter turnout candidate transparency political education civic participation informed electorate public policy debate controversial issues unpopular policies voter behavior electoral systems political accountability voting motivation democratic participation policy knowledge political decision-making electorate literacy rational voter voter research election impact median voter theory Australian voting behavior ECPR conference
test-health-hdond-pro04a	People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. organ transplantation tissue donation altruistic donation posthumous donation living donor deceased donor ethical obligation public health medical ethics bodily autonomy societal benefit opt-out system presumed consent mandatory donation donor registry transplant waiting list life-saving surgery healthcare policy donation incentives minimal risk civic duty bioethics state intervention organ shortage donor awareness consent laws medical necessity moral responsibility humanitarian act social responsibility organ transplantation life-saving procedures deceased donation living donation altruistic donation organ donation ethics bodily autonomy consent for organ donation presumed consent opt-in system opt-out system state incentives public health benefit donor registration posthumous donation medical necessity transplant waiting list ethical justification civic duty state intervention minimal harm seatbelt analogy donation awareness public policy societal benefit organ shortage legal frameworks donation barriers medical ethics human body integrity organ transplantation ethical organ donation living donors cadaveric donation donor registration medical ethics altruism bodily autonomy public health policy presumed consent opt-out system organ recipient transplant waiting list donation incentives organ allocation end-of-life decisions consent laws transplant surgery state intervention life-saving procedures organ donation ethical justification state mandate organ donation benefits of organ donation minimal donor cost posthumous organ donation state interest public health organ donation incentivization bodily integrity and organ donation seatbelt law analogy organ donor registration process opt-out organ donation system compulsory organ donation policy objections to organ donation organ donation myths altruism and organ donation organ shortage solutions organ donor consent ethics saving lives through organ donation societal benefits organ donation public awareness organ donation organ donation ethical organ donation organ donation policy posthumous organ donation benefits of organ donation state-mandated organ donation organ donor registration minimal risk donation altruism in organ donation organ donation incentives bodily integrity public health policy state intervention organ donation ethics seatbelt laws analogy mandatory organ donation utilitarian ethics donor consent cost-benefit analysis organ donation life-saving medical interventions public good organ donation donation after death organ donor myths organ shortage solutions organ donation advocacy organ donation benefits ethical arguments for organ donation incentives for organ donation organ donor registration state responsibility organ donation minimal cost organ donation saving lives organ donation mandatory organ donation bodily integrity organ donation organ donation and public policy altruism organ donation organ donation and civil duty opt-out organ donation organ donation statistics increasing organ donor rates arguments against organ donation objections organ donation vs bodily autonomy organ donor myths organ donation after death government role organ donation organ donation benefits ethical justification altruism incentives bodily integrity minimal harm lifesaving deceased donation living donation public policy state intervention government mandates medical ethics transplant donor registration moral obligation organ shortage consent mandated choice presumed consent opt-in opt-out free will civic duty utilitarianism social responsibility public health saving lives end-of-life decisions mandatory organ donation presumed consent opt-out system organ donor registration ethical organ donation state intervention organ donation organ donation legislation public health and organ donation altruistic organ donation objections to organ donation incentives for donors organ shortage solutions deceased organ donation living organ donation societal benefits organ donation moral obligation organ donation bodily autonomy and donation comparative states' organ donation laws organ donation awareness campaigns organ donation myths organ transplantation altruism medical ethics bodily autonomy public health policy organ donor registration posthumous donation state incentives bioethics life-saving interventions minimal risk societal benefit mandatory organ donation consent laws moral obligation donor-family impact transplant waiting lists healthcare legislation opt-out system state intervention organ donation benefits ethical organ donation organ donor registration state incentives organ donation bodily integrity organ donation minimal risk organ donation life-saving organ donation posthumous organ donation organ donation policy altruism organ donation mandatory organ donation state intervention organ donation cost-benefit organ donation public health ethics organ donation myths organ shortage organ donor consent organ donation legislation deceased organ donation organ donation responsibilities
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro01a	"Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Eurozone European Union currency union single market economic integration exchange rate risk currency conversion charges business investment trade barriers British economy foreign direct investment European Central Bank Sterling pound cross-border finance multinational corporations Nissan financial markets EU membership monetary policy Anthony Browne Euro adoption competitiveness export markets interest rates globalization economic growth economic impact business expansion market access financial stability investment climate Eurozone European single currency currency conversion charges exchange rate risk investment British economy Euro adoption foreign direct investment UK business expansion cross-border finance Nissan Euro statement Euroland businesses British companies raising capital trade barriers Eurozone benefits UK economic impact currency risk export competitiveness financial integration single market Anthony Browne Euro decision monetary union EU membership business environment multinational corporations foreign investment automotive industry economic consequences Eurozone European Union currency integration exchange rate risk foreign direct investment single market capital mobility economic impact British economy competitiveness financial markets multinational corporations trade barriers monetary union investment incentives Nissan Anthony Browne EU membership pound sterling business expansion interest rates currency fluctuations economic growth market access cross-border financing Britain economic impact Eurozone membership benefits of joining the Euro for UK disadvantages of staying out of Euro Eurozone investment opportunities currency conversion charges impact exchange rate risk UK businesses foreign investment in Britain Eurozone Eurozone integration business effects Nissan Eurozone production strategy UK business financing challenges outside Eurozone Anthony Browne Euro argument case studies UK companies Euro UK competitiveness Eurozone British government Euro policy effect on British exporters non-Eurozone trading costs UK versus Eurozone Eurozone financial market access for UK long-term economic effects Euro exclusion UK multinational companies Eurozone preference business case for Eurozone integration currency risk exchange rate fluctuations financial markets investment incentives single currency benefits cross-border investment British economic policy European Monetary Union UK competitiveness foreign direct investment multinational corporations cost of non-Euro membership trade barriers economic harmonization Nissan Eurozone strategy capital mobility market expansion British business funding international finance economic growth impact Euro adoption UK-Euro relations currency conversion costs business expansion constraints comparative economic analysis Britain Eurozone economic impact Euro adoption UK consequences single currency benefits UK disadvantages of not joining Euro UK business currency risk currency conversion charges Eurozone investment in Eurozone vs Britain foreign investment UK Euro Nissan Eurozone production decision exchange rate risk Britain Anthony Browne Euro argument European single currency effect UK Eurozone business financing advantages UK economic competitiveness Euro Brexit and Euro currency UK trade barriers Eurozone car industry Euro impact UK Nissan Eurozone relocation Eurozone integration UK Sterling vs Euro economic growth Eurozone European Union single currency currency conversion charges exchange rate risk foreign investment financial integration business expansion British economy economic impact Euro adoption UK monetary policy investment opportunities cross-border financing Nissan multinational corporations market access competitive disadvantage Anthony Browne Olly Morgan The Guardian EU membership financial barriers international trade capital mobility production costs cost savings economic benefits Euro scepticism economic forecasts policy implications Eurozone membership benefits UK economic impact Euro exclusion Euro vs pound sterling exchange rate risk Britain European single currency investment British business currency barriers Nissan Eurozone production Euro adoption economic arguments UK currency conversion costs Britain euro business expansion Euro area financial integration UK monetary policy Eurozone foreign direct investment single market competitiveness UK Euro impact on UK exports European economic integration multinational investment UK euro membership drawbacks UK Anthony Browne euro debate Nissan UK euro statement Britain Eurozone European single currency economic impact currency conversion charges exchange rate risk investment business expansion financial integration Anthony Browne Nissan UK economy Euro membership foreign investment single market monetary union competitiveness trade barriers capital raising production location decisions EU integration economic disadvantage export market cross-border finance eurozone currency union economic integration exchange rate risk investment barriers single currency British economy Euro adoption foreign direct investment business competitiveness currency conversion costs financial markets European Union cross-border investment Nissan Anthony Browne UK Euro debate economic impact single market trade advantages"
test-environment-assgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. animal experimentation research ethics animal welfare alternative methods animal testing regulations humane science EU directives US animal laws laboratory animals scientific alternatives animal protection 3Rs framework refinement replacement reduction ethical research bioethics non-animal testing animal rights scientific innovation cruelty-free research animal suffering responsible research regulatory compliance in vitro methods computational models reduction of animal use animal care standards animal experimentation animal testing legislation EU animal research laws US animal research regulations alternatives to animal testing 3Rs principle refinement of animal experiments replacement alternatives reduction in animal use humane science ethical animal research animal welfare in research regulatory compliance laboratory animal ethics non-animal methods in vitro alternatives animal suffering minimization scientific validity research ethics responsible animal use animal welfare animal experimentation biomedical research EU legislation US regulations research ethics animal alternatives 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction humane endpoints laboratory animals ethical review regulatory compliance animal testing alternatives scientific validity animal suffering welfare improvement animal rights preclinical research non-animal models in vitro methods computational models ethical oversight animal research alternatives animal testing regulations EU animal testing laws US 3Rs principles animal welfare refining animal testing replacing animal testing reducing animal testing ethical animal research animal welfare legislation animal testing alternatives humane research methods animal research reduction alternatives to animal experiments improving animal research ethics impact of 3Rs on animal suffering advancements in animal testing animal testing in biomedical research regulatory frameworks for animal research minimizing animal suffering in research legislation protecting research animals animal welfare regulations animal experimentation alternatives 3Rs principle animal research ethics EU animal testing laws US animal testing legislation refinement of animal testing replacement alternatives reduction in animal testing humane animal research ethical scientific research alternative research methods laboratory animal protection animal suffering reduction biomedical research policies regulatory compliance animal use animal model refinement non-animal scientific methods cruelty-free research animal research oversight animal testing regulations 3Rs principles animal welfare laws research alternatives animal testing ethics animal research reduction animal testing refinement EU animal research laws US animal testing laws replace animal testing reduce animal suffering animal research guidelines humane animal testing alternative testing methods ethical animal research animal testing policies scientific alternatives to animal testing animal use reduction refine animal research methods improvements in animal research animal welfare research ethics alternatives to animal testing animal rights legislation EU regulations US laws 3Rs principles replacement alternatives refinement methods reduction strategies humane research laboratory animals scientific research animal suffering biomedical research animal models ethical standards animal experimentation research policy animal protection preclinical studies in vitro methods non-animal testing regulatory compliance animal use reduction cruelty-free research humane endpoints animal research regulations animal welfare laws EU animal testing laws US animal testing laws animal research alternatives 3Rs principle Refinement in animal research Reduction animal testing Replacement animal testing animal suffering reduction animal testing ethics humane research practices alternative testing methods regulatory compliance animal research biomedical research ethics laboratory animal care ethical considerations animal testing minimizing animal use advancing science animal welfare animal research policy animal welfare animal ethics alternative research methods humane research EU animal testing regulations US animal research laws 3Rs principles refinement in animal testing reduction of animal use replacement of animal models alternatives to animal testing biotechnology alternatives animal suffering reduction regulatory compliance animal research oversight laboratory animal care ethical review boards scientific validity animal research policy animal experimentation biomedical research standards animal welfare research ethics animal testing regulations alternative methods EU animal research laws US animal testing policies 3Rs principle replacement alternatives refinement techniques reduction strategies humane endpoints ethical review committees laboratory animal standards cruelty-free research non-animal models in vitro methods animal suffering reduction scientific validity animal rights legal frameworks
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con01a	The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: graduated response three strikes policy internet privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI copyright enforcement internet monitoring digital rights surveillance technology user data data logging privacy invasion online privacy copyright holders third-party monitoring targeted advertising data protection consumer rights electronic surveillance data retention internet censorship personal information privacy law communications regulation mass surveillance legal implications network traffic analysis digital fingerprinting data security graduated response policy invasion of privacy internet surveillance deep packet inspection DPI copyright enforcement internet monitoring digital rights data privacy traffic analysis content filtering user privacy surveillance technology ISP monitoring targeted advertising online privacy data protection legal implications copyright fingerprinting mass surveillance graduated response three strikes policy internet privacy digital rights surveillance deep packet inspection DPI copyright enforcement data monitoring ISP filtering online privacy violations data logging content fingerprinting third-party monitoring targeted advertising data protection user anonymity net neutrality data retention communications policy copyright law privacy invasion civil liberties internet censorship network surveillance legal implications Angela Daly internet regulation data security consumer rights graduated response privacy concerns deep packet inspection legality internet monitoring and privacy copyright enforcement surveillance DPI and consumer rights state invasion of privacy internet data protection and DPI third-party monitoring internet traffic copyright holders access to user data targeted advertising DPI privacy risks of DPI legislative implications deep packet inspection communications policy privacy DPI data logging internet regulation DPI ethical issues content companies data usage internet freedom and surveillance Angela Daly DPI analysis policy challenges deep packet inspection user privacy internet regulation copyright policy privacy expansion graduate response policy invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet monitoring internet logging digital privacy personal data copyright enforcement content surveillance internet traffic analysis data fingerprinting online privacy rights third-party monitoring advertising companies targeted advertising data exploitation privacy violations communications policy legal implications technology and law data protection internet freedom Angela Daly legality of DPI communications regulation copyright holder access surveillance technologies consumer privacy information security graduated response policy privacy deep packet inspection DPI controversy internet surveillance copyright digital rights management privacy ISP monitoring legal issues DPI ethical concerns copyright enforcement privacy breach internet traffic monitoring risks DPI and data protection state surveillance and privacy rights deep packet inspection advertising misuse third-party traffic monitoring copyright holders data access digital content fingerprinting privacy DPI legitimate uses communications law and privacy policy debate internet monitoring online privacy digital enforcement Angela Daly DPI legality privacy invasion state policy graduate response policy privacy invasion state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet monitoring internet traffic logging digital privacy data fingerprinting copyright enforcement consumer data third-party monitoring content creators surveillance technology internet privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data misuse legislative frameworks civil liberties communications policy data protection online surveillance legal implications Angela Daly communications regulation graduate response policy internet privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring copyright enforcement digital rights consumer data privacy data protection surveillance technology ISP monitoring user privacy violation internet censorship privacy law communication policy copyright infringement detection content creator rights digital fingerprinting targeted advertising third-party data access online security internet regulation Angela Daly DPI legality Internet freedom telecommunications law personal data monitoring invasive technology information security digital surveillance advertising data abuse graduate response policy privacy invasion state surveillance monitoring internet traffic deep packet inspection DPI internet privacy user data monitoring online surveillance copyright enforcement digital rights data protection third party access consumer privacy targeted advertising information security data logging internet protocol violations content monitoring copyright fingerprints copyright holder access data misuse advertising companies DPI legality Angela Daly communications policy communications regulation law and policy digital privacy ethics policy implications privacy law internet freedom surveillance technology consumer rights mass monitoring data retention digital surveillance regulatory challenges University of Glasgow communications law graduated response invasion of privacy state surveillance internet monitoring deep packet inspection DPI privacy violation copyright enforcement internet traffic logging digital rights third-party monitoring data fingerprinting content creator consumer privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data access content companies data misuse Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy competition law regulation digital surveillance ethical implications internet freedom privacy law data protection surveillance technology user consent
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. arms control nuclear proliferation US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program nonproliferation START treaty nuclear arms reduction Russian cooperation United States foreign policy nuclear weapons Iran sanctions rogue states North Korea nuclear security loose nukes international security Middle East Israel nuclear deterrence Afghanistan terrorism military cooperation NATO-Russia Council global security missile defense sanctions enforcement strategic stability transparency nuclear material treaty ratification anti-aircraft missile systems arms treaties intelligence sharing proliferation prevention disarmament nuclear threat reset relations diplomatic relations New START treaty US-Russia cooperation Iran nuclear program nuclear proliferation arms control nuclear weapons Iranian threat Middle East security nuclear material security rogue states North Korea terrorism loose nukes Russian assistance Afghanistan international leadership sanctions on Iran NATO-Russia relations missile defense nuclear transparency strategic stability nuclear nonproliferation US foreign policy Russian sanctions missile sales to Iran ratification consequences global security European security reset with Russia nuclear arms reduction US national interest New START arms control US-Russia cooperation Iran nuclear program nuclear proliferation Iranian nuclear threat nuclear weapons Russia sanctions Iran US national security rogue states North Korea loose nukes nuclear material security terrorism Afghanistan NATO-Russia relations missile defense nuclear transparency strategic stability Russian assistance Middle East security international leadership treaty ratification nuclear arms reduction global security Jewish issue Biden Anti-Defamation League sanctions missile system sales European security reset relations Republican case bipartisan support Obama administration weapons of mass destruction New START treaty and Iran nuclear program US-Russia cooperation on nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League stance on New START implications of New START ratification failure American leadership in stopping Iranian nuclear weapons Iranian nuclear threat and national security Senate reservations about New START Russian support against Iran nuclear proliferation rogue nuclear states and global security transparency in US-Russia nuclear relations Russia's role in controlling loose nukes Russian assistance in Afghanistan security benefits of US-Russia strategic stability repercussions of not ratifying New START New START and improved US-Russia relations Russian cooperation in Iran sanctions Russian cancellation of arms sales New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russia cooperation nuclear proliferation arms control Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman American international leadership Iranian nuclear threat Middle East security nuclear weapons prevention rogue nuclear states Iran North Korea terrorism transparency strategic stability loose nukes Afghanistan security arms control agreements US national interest NATO-Russia relations sanctions on Iran anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council European security Russia-Iran relations US foreign policy nuclear nonproliferation reset relations with Russia New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation treaty ratification Anti-Defamation League American international leadership Iranian nuclear threat US national security Israel security Middle East rogue nuclear states North Korea nuclear terrorism arms control treaty Russian cooperation nuclear material security loose nukes Afghanistan security international terrorism NATO-Russia cooperation European security reset relations with Russia sanctions on Iran military cooperation anti-aircraft missile system global security US-Russia relations treaty benefits nuclear stability bipartisan support nonproliferation Russian sanctions W New START treaty arms control US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Iran nuclear program nuclear weapons international security Anti-Defamation League sanctions on Iran rogue states nuclear material security North Korea loose nukes Afghanistan security terrorism transparency strategic stability Russian cooperation US foreign policy missile defense NATO-Russia Council European security reset relations arms reduction nonproliferation Russian sanctions enforcement multilateral diplomacy nuclear deterrence treaty ratification missile system sales Middle East security US-Israel relations global security Vice President Joe Biden Henry Kiss New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russia cooperation nuclear proliferation Iran sanctions Russian support anti-nuclear weapons rogue nuclear states Afghanistan security arms control treaty loose nukes nuclear material security North Korea nuclear threat nuclear transparency US international leadership Israel security Middle East nuclear threat ADL statement US Senate treaty ratification missile defense systems NATO-Russia Council European security US foreign policy Russian sanctions nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations strategic stability nuclear nonproliferation nuclear deterrence Biden New START Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagle New START arms control US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program nuclear proliferation Russian cooperation nuclear weapons international security nonproliferation sanctions on Iran rogue nuclear states North Korea nuclear terrorism loose nukes Afghanistan security NATO-Russia cooperation missile defense strategic stability US foreign policy Middle East security nuclear arms reduction transparency arms treaties global security anti-aircraft missile sales US leadership reset with Russia congressional ratification bipartisan support nuclear deterrence terrorist threats European security international diplomacy arms control nuclear nonproliferation US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program nuclear proliferation strategic stability Russian cooperation nuclear security rogue states North Korea counterterrorism loose nukes international sanctions NATO-Russia cooperation missile defense Afghanistan security nuclear arms reduction global security US national security Middle East security Russian sanctions on Iran missile technology non-state actors terrorism prevention bilateral treaties diplomatic relations verification mechanisms nuclear weapons Israel security international leadership multilateral diplomacy"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro01a	"South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia self-determination independence Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights referendum Georgia political status cultural development economic development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation international observers legitimacy sovereignty national identity ethnic conflict secession autonomy recognition minority rights United Nations peaceful settlement democratic processes right to self-government territorial integrity international community 2006 referendum population desire self-governance South Ossetia self-determination independence international law Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter referendum human rights violation Georgia international recognition political status democratic processes World Conference on Human Rights right to self-determination legitimacy ethnic conflict sovereignty territorial integrity international observers minority rights secession statehood United Nations self-governance decolonization national identity population referendum percentage of support international community human rights law self-determination South Ossetia Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights independence referendum 2006 referendum Georgia sovereignty secession right to independence international recognition Ossetian independence population vote democratic processes human rights violation international observers legitimacy of independence minority rights ethnic conflict world conference on human rights international standards political status cultural rights economic rights legal precedent disputed territories national self-determination separatism political autonomy post-Soviet conflicts Caucasus region territorial integrity self South Ossetia self-determination South Ossetia independence referendum Vienna Declaration self-determination UN Charter right to self-determination international law self-determination South Ossetia human rights violation South Ossetia independence legitimacy South Ossetia international recognition South Ossetia democratic processes South Ossetia political status South Ossetia 2006 referendum results international observers South Ossetia South Ossetia vs Georgia unrecognized states self-determination human rights and self-determination South Ossetia case study precedents for self-determ South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation independence referendum 2006 referendum Georgia international observers legitimacy of independence secession minority rights sovereignty right to independence recognition ethnic conflict democratic processes political status population vote international community precedents in self-determination human rights law self-governance South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration 1993 Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter self-determination international law right to self-determination World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation self-determination South Ossetian independence referendum 2006 international observers South Ossetia South Ossetia independence legitimacy percentage population independence democratic self-determination South Ossetia case for South Ossetia independence legitimacy of self-determination claims suppression of self-determination rights Georgia South Ossetia independence dispute international recognition of South Ossetia South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights independence referendum Georgia political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation democratic processes international observers population vote legitimacy independence movement legal precedent United Nations BBC News 2006 referendum international community national sovereignty secession ethnic conflict minority rights South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights violation South Ossetia independence Georgia conflict 2006 South Ossetia referendum international observers political status ethnic conflict right to independence minority rights referendum legitimacy democratic process UN resolutions secession sovereignty World Conference on Human Rights international recognition human rights law post-Soviet states Caucasus region self-governance autonomy movements international community response referendum results geopolitical conflict independence movements South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights independence 2006 referendum Georgia international observers legitimacy minority rights political status economic development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights sovereignty secession non-recognition collective rights national identity international community right to independence South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights World Conference on Human Rights independence referendum 2006 referendum Georgia independence movement international recognition secession legitimacy democratic processes human rights violation ethnic conflict self-governance national sovereignty international observers population vote political status cultural development legal precedent disputed territories"
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. microfinance community empowerment savings groups Village Savings and Loans Associations financial inclusion informal finance poverty alleviation CARE Oxfam Savings for Change women's empowerment financial literacy household risk reduction investment in education health investment food security social capital gender empowerment community development Sub-Saharan Africa financial decision-making livelihood security gender-based violence reduction poverty reduction small-scale development grassroots initiatives community-based microfinance innovation in microfinance community empowerment microfinance community development microfinance impact savings groups Village Savings and Loan Associations financial inclusion informal saving Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Oxfam Savings for Change women's empowerment financial literacy startup capital household risk reduction poverty alleviation community-based finance gender equality food security rural finance financial decision-making social capital development organizations microcredit financial training innovations in microfinance gender-based violence reduction Africa development NGO interventions self-help groups financial security livelihood improvement community empowerment microfinance development savings household risk reduction CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial inclusion poverty alleviation Sub-Saharan Africa informal financial services financial capital investment in education investment in health livelihood security skill development Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women's empowerment financial decision-making food security gender-based violence reduction community-based financing social impact economic empowerment capacity building financial literacy social cohesion women's groups Africa development innovative microfinance community savings groups community empowerment through microfinance microfinance impact on household savings microfinance and poverty reduction Village Savings and Loan Associations Africa CARE microfinance initiatives Oxfam Savings for Change results microfinance gender empowerment microfinance reducing household risk informal savings in Sub-Saharan Africa community-based financial inclusion microfinance and women’s decision-making skills training and microfinance microfinance for educational investment microfinance for health outcomes microfinance and food security microfinance impact on gender based violence microfinance innovation in Africa financial security through microfinance community cohesion through savings groups microfinance and sustainable development micro microfinance community empowerment savings groups Village Savings and Loans Associations financial inclusion household risk reduction financial literacy women’s empowerment informal finance Africa Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Oxfam Savings for Change economic development community-based finance financial security education investment health investment livelihood security food security social capital gender-based violence decision-making women’s financial inclusion rural development community bond poverty alleviation startup capital financial training economic resilience microfinance benefits community empowerment village savings and loans associations CARE microfinance initiatives Oxfam Savings for Change informal savings Africa financial inclusion women's empowerment microfinance financial literacy training poverty reduction microfinance rural development microfinance social capital community savings economic resilience Africa household risk reduction savings gender equity microfinance microfinance impact Sub-Saharan Africa savings groups impact community-based finance access to financial services microfinance and food security community empowerment microfinance development savings informal finance community-based finance Sub-Saharan Africa household risk reduction financial inclusion CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations poverty alleviation financial capital education investment health investment livelihood security financial skills Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women's empowerment Senegal Mali startup capital food security financial decision-making community bonding gender-based violence reduction financial literacy financial resilience poverty reduction economic empowerment social innovation microcredit community development women's financial inclusion household welfare community empowerment microfinance small is beautiful community-based finance savings groups Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE microfinance Sub-Saharan Africa finance informal savings household risk reduction Oxfam Savings for Change women’s financial empowerment livelihood security financial inclusion poverty reduction financial decision making gender-based violence reduction women’s training microfinance economic development sustainable finance savings mobilization financial capital food security African microfinance innovations community bonds startup capital social development grassroots finance financial literacy rural development Africa savings trends microfinance community empowerment village savings and loan associations informal savings household risk reduction financial inclusion Africa Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Oxfam Savings for Change women’s empowerment financial literacy community development poverty alleviation gender equality social capital livelihood security financial training startup capital food security education investment health investment rural finance gender-based violence reduction community-based finance savings mobilization microcredit social innovation financial decision-making Sub-Saharan Africa savings women in microfinance microfinance community empowerment savings groups Village Savings and Loan Associations informal finance financial inclusion rural development women’s empowerment financial literacy gender equality social capital poverty reduction food security community resilience sustainable livelihoods economic development household risk management financial decision-making grassroots innovation Sub-Saharan Africa Oxfam CARE startup capital gender-based violence social cohesion education investment health investment development organizations Mali Senegal
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con01a	War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, human aggression innate violence evolutionary psychology group conflict tribalism social competition Hobbesian theory natural condition militarism anthropology of war sociobiology intergroup dynamics primal instincts historical warfare human evolution competition for resources psychological roots of conflict origins of war war inevitability Leviathan human nature debate biological determinism early human societies conflict resolution war studies peace studies cultural anthropology aggression theory social behavior group survival violence in history human aggression evolutionary psychology group conflict tribalism innate violence sociobiology war origins militarism conflict resolution anthropology of war nature vs nurture human behavior Hobbes Leviathan historical warfare social dynamics competition for resources peace studies military history conflict theory innate hostility war inevitability group dynamics Richard Gabriel Karen Metz human aggression innate violence evolutionary psychology tribalism group conflict social dominance competition militarism Hobbesian theory Leviathan anthropology of war ancient warfare historical conflict war origins conflict resolution belligerence natural state sociobiology human evolution perpetual war nature vs nurture peace initiatives Richard Gabriel Karen Metz origins of war in human nature why is war inherent in humans Hobbes view on conflict history of group conflict inevitability of war psychological roots of war ancient military history evolution of warfare human aggression and war philosophical arguments about war is war natural ending war debate historical inevitability of conflict Richard Gabriel war history Karen Metz war book causes of human conflict philosophy of war and peace military evolution Leviathan chapter XIII analysis nature versus nurture in war human aggression evolutionary psychology origins of war anthropology of conflict Hobbesian theory Leviathan natural state intergroup violence military history primal instincts sociobiology perpetual conflict social contract theory conflict resolution peace studies innate violence historical warfare ancient militaries Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz human nature debate psychological roots of war human conflict history causes of war inevitability of war prehistory warfare philosophy of conflict nature vs nurture Thomas Hobbes war prevention evolution of warfare origins of war human nature and conflict Hobbes war theory Leviathan human nature psychology of war innate aggression history of warfare causes of conflict inevitability of war Thomas Hobbes conflict group conflict in humans evolution of warfare peace vs human nature anthropology of war sociobiology and conflict militaries in history ending war feasibility Hobbesian theory analysis nature of violence roots of human aggression Richard Gabriel war history human aggression inherent violence evolutionary psychology social conflict military history group rivalry tribalism Hobbesian theory state of nature Leviathan warfare origins anthropology of war causes of war peace studies human behavior primal instincts historical conflict intergroup competition violence evolution end of war utopian ideals militarization nature vs nurture Richard Gabriel Karen Metz human aggression origins of war evolutionary psychology of conflict Hobbes war theory innate violence anthropology of warfare social evolution and conflict militarism history human nature debate perpetual conflict peace theory violence in society causes of war Leviathan analysis Richard Gabriel war history history of militaries warfare psychology group conflict evolution human destructiveness ending war feasibility human aggression evolutionary psychology tribalism social psychology group conflict Hobbesian theory human evolution militarism anthropology of war origins of violence innate behavior war causes conflict resolution history of warfare sociobiology human competition peace studies political philosophy Leviathan behavioral ecology human aggression evolutionary psychology innate violence anthropology of war origins of conflict history of warfare Hobbesian theory social behavior group dynamics tribalism militarism peace studies conflict resolution psychological roots of war sociology of conflict historical militaries human nature debate war prevention biological determinism philosophy of war
test-health-dhiacihwph-con03a	Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 generic drugs essential medicines HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer drugs pharmaceutical access drug production Africa global health medication availability drug affordability healthcare access antiretroviral therapy drug resistance drug efficacy public health policy malaria prevention HIV generics pharmaceutical supply health impact drug distribution treatment accessibility essential drug list medicine supply chain medicine duplication health equity generic drugs essential medicines HIV treatment malaria medication cancer drugs pharmaceutical access drug availability Africa healthcare antiretroviral drugs malaria prevention generic pharmaceutical production drug affordability medicine accessibility public health impact WHO malaria data drug supply generic medicine distribution essential drug coverage existing drug supply African health outcomes generic drugs essential medicines HIV treatment malaria medication cancer therapies drug availability pharmaceutical access Africa healthcare generic drug production drug distribution public health pharmaceutical industry high quality generics malaria prevention mortality reduction WHO reports African pharmaceuticals drug accessibility treatment effectiveness health policy drug manufacturing disease burden medicine affordability healthcare infrastructure life-saving medications global health generic drugs availability essential medicines Africa HIV generic treatments malaria drug accessibility cancer generics African pharmaceutical supply reduction in malaria deaths impact of generic medicines necessity of new pharmaceuticals in Africa drug production for developing countries World Health Organization malaria data pharmaceutical infrastructure Africa effectiveness of existing generics challenges in drug accessibility global health drug distribution generic drugs essential medicines HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical accessibility drug availability Africa high quality generics drug production necessity malaria mortality reduction African healthcare pharmaceutical manufacturing drug distribution Africa WHO malaria statistics Taylor generic drugs Africa HIV generic medication malaria generic medication cancer generic medication African pharmaceutical supply generic drug market drug accessibility Africa generic drugs availability HIV treatment generic drugs malaria medication generics cancer drugs generics pharmaceuticals in Africa access to essential medicines drug affordability Africa malaria treatment success reduction in malaria deaths high quality generics pharmaceutical production necessity drug accessibility Africa WHO malaria statistics impact of generics on public health generic drug policy Africa generic drugs HIV treatment malaria medication cancer drugs pharmaceutical accessibility affordable medicines antiretroviral therapy drug manufacturing patent expiration essential medicines drug availability Africa drug distribution pharmaceutical production medicine supply drug efficacy medical access Africa global health public health medicine coverage drug pricing World Health Organisation drug resistance healthcare infrastructure treatment accessibility medicine affordability generic drugs essential medicines HIV treatment generics malaria drugs access cancer generic medications pharmaceutical production in Africa drug accessibility Africa pharmaceutical generics malaria treatment statistics HIV medication availability WHO malaria facts drug supply Africa pharmaceutical distribution healthcare Africa essential drug list global generic drugs treatment efficacy Africa generic drug market medication production drug policy Africa generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical accessibility drug availability Africa generic drug production essential medicines high quality generics pharmaceutical necessity malaria prevention African health outcomes drug effectiveness pharmaceutical supply Africa drug access improvement WHO malaria statistics health intervention impact mortality reduction Africa essential drug distribution generic drug policy generic drugs essential medicines HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical accessibility drug production in Africa high quality generics effective therapies WHO malaria statistics African healthcare generic drug supply pharmaceutical distribution medication availability disease mortality reduction public health impact
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro01a	Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) animal rights moral worth speciesism animal suffering animal consciousness ethical treatment vertebrates pain perception behavioral similarity physiological similarity anatomical similarity discrimination moral equality sentience empathy animal feelings human-animal comparison Peter Singer ethics animal welfare animal rights animal welfare sentience moral considerability speciesism pain perception animal suffering ethical treatment vertebrate similarity human-animal differences animal consciousness moral status discrimination animal cognition animal emotions Peter Singer moral philosophy anti-speciesism animal ethics ethical reasoning animal behavior animal feeling comparative anatomy comparative physiology moral worth compassion towards animals animal personhood rights of nonhuman animals moral obligations empathy for animals animal rights animal welfare speciesism moral worth ethical treatment animal sentience vertebrates human-animal similarities pain perception animal consciousness moral discrimination animal ethics moral status suffering equal consideration nonhuman animals ethical obligations interspecies justice animal feelings discrimination physiologic similarity psychological similarity animal behavior moral philosophy intrinsic value animal rights arguments vertebrate sentience animal suffering and rights speciesism debate moral worth of animals philosophical arguments for animal rights animal and human similarities discrimination against animals ethical treatment of animals animal consciousness pain perception in animals Peter Singer animal equality comparison to racial and sexual discrimination Stephen Clark animal morality animal rights ethics animal consciousness philosophy rights based on sentience justification for animal rights moral status of non-human animals physiological and behavioral similarities anti-speciesism arguments intrinsic value of animals ethical consistency in rights arguments against human exceptionalism extending moral community to animals animal rights animal sentience speciesism moral worth ethical treatment of animals vertebrate similarities pain perception animal suffering moral discrimination animal consciousness nonhuman animals human-animal differences anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral resemblance moral equality comparative ethics Peter Singer animal welfare anti-speciesism moral consideration moral agency rights theory discrimination analogy ethical philosophy animal cognition animal rights sentience moral consideration speciesism vertebrate similarities animal suffering ethical treatment of animals Peter Singer moral worth discrimination animal consciousness equality of species pain perception in animals animal behavior animal emotions animal ethics human-animal differences rights of nonhuman animals animal welfare utilitarianism intrinsic value of animals moral status of animals anti-speciesism Clark S. animal mind human-animal comparison animal rights animal welfare speciesism discrimination moral worth sentience consciousness pain perception suffering ethical treatment moral philosophy animal behavior physiology anatomy human-animal similarities ethical reasoning anti-cruelty non-human animals moral consideration justice equality Peter Singer Stephen Clark animal ethics rights-based ethics utilitarianism empathy mental states moral discrimination race sex arbitrary differences comparative psychology animal rights animal suffering animal sentience vertebrate ethics moral worth speciesism animal consciousness pain perception animal welfare ethical treatment of animals interspecies comparison non-human animals moral discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark animal behavior ethical philosophy animal experimentation animal personhood moral status comparative psychology moral philosophy animal cognition argument from analogy animal pain animal feelings animal advocacy nonhuman rights animal liberation animal equality animal ethics animal rights speciesism moral worth pain perception sentience vertebrate similarities human-animal comparison anti-cruelty moral discrimination animal suffering physiological resemblance anatomical similarity behavioral analogy animal consciousness moral status Peter Singer moral philosophy ethical treatment of animals animal sentience human rights analogy animal welfare Clark S. equal consideration animal feelings prejudice comparison animal behavior ethical obligations animal rights moral status vertebrate similarities pain perception sentience speciesism discrimination moral worth analogy to racism analogy to sexism ethical treatment interspecies differences animal suffering physiological resemblance behavioral resemblance consciousness Peter Singer animal equality moral philosophy nonhuman rights ethical discrimination human-animal comparison empathy intrinsic value Clark S. animal sentience moral community ethical obligations
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con04a	Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. boycotts Olympic Games 2008 Beijing Olympics Euro 2012 human rights Ukraine Timoshenko European leaders hypocrisy sporting events international sports China Tibet crackdown US boycott George Bush Bill Clinton 2014 Winter Olympics Russia political protests event hosting history of boycotts international relations sports diplomacy global politics human rights violations double standards international response government actions global leadership major sports events precedent sports boycotts impact on host countries Olympic boycotts human rights abuses Beijing 2008 Euro 2012 Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko political hypocrisy double standards sporting event hosts international relations Bush Beijing Olympics Clinton boycott call Tibet crackdown Russia Winter Olympics 2014 sports diplomacy government protest selective outrage sports politics major sporting events European leaders response precedent of boycotts global reactions history of Olympic boycotts international criticism ethical consistency human rights and sports sportsboycott justification boycott Olympics Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights Timoshenko Beijing 2008 sporting events political protest international relations Bush Clinton China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 European leaders hypocrisy major sports events double standards global politics sports diplomacy government response host countries 2008 Olympics human rights boycotts Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights hypocrisy in sports boycotts Yulia Timoshenko controversy sports events and human rights abuses precedent of major sporting event boycotts Bush Beijing Olympics attendance Clinton Beijing Olympics boycott call China Tibet crackdown Olympics comparison Ukraine China human rights records 2014 Sochi Olympics Russia human rights international reactions to sporting event boycotts European leaders Euro 2012 boycott debate selective outrage in sports boycotts effectiveness of Olympic boycotts history of Olympic political protests Olympic boycotts human rights violations Euro 2012 controversy Ukraine political crisis Timoshenko case international sporting events government responses Beijing 2008 Olympics China Tibet crackdown political hypocrisy European Union stance Russia Winter Olympics 2014 global diplomatic pressure sporting event ethics past boycott precedents leader participation international relations sports and politics Bush Beijing Olympics Clinton boycott call selective outrage Olympic boycotts history human rights and sports events Euro 2012 boycott debate Yulia Timoshenko treatment 2008 Beijing Olympics response China human rights Olympics Ukraine human rights record Russia Sochi 2014 Olympics boycott sporting event boycotts hypocrisy political actions at international sports Western leaders Olympic attendance sports and international relations precedent of boycotting sports events political pressure on Olympics human rights advocacy in sports boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights Ukraine Euro 2012 European leaders hypocrisy Timoshenko sporting events political protests major sporting events international relations double standards China Beijing Olympics Tibet crackdown Russia Winter Olympics 2014 political pressure diplomatic boycott international sports Clinton Bush global activism precedent historical comparison Olympic boycotts 2008 Beijing Olympics Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine human rights Timoshenko treatment sports and politics hypocrisy in boycotts major sporting events human rights Clinton Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet crackdown Russia Winter Olympics 2014 European leaders boycott international sporting event protests global politics sports precedent Olympic boycotts selective outrage sports historical sports boycotts human rights sports policy international relations Olympics sports diplomacy Olympic boycotts human rights violations sporting event protests political activism sports Euro 2012 Ukraine global sports diplomacy Yulia Timoshenko case China Tibet crackdown 2008 Beijing Olympics Winter Olympics Russia 2014 international sporting controversies government responses precedent of boycotts sports and human rights European political pressure Clinton Bush Olympics selective outrage global human rights standards hypocrisy sports boycotts impact of sports boycotts historical examples sports boycotts Olympic boycotts human rights Euro 2012 Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko political protests sporting events international relations China Olympics 2008 Tibet crackdown Russia Winter Olympics 2014 Western leaders hypocrisy in foreign policy precedent government response diplomatic pressure athlete participation historical comparisons international reactions sporting ethics
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro03a	Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. affirmative action social prejudice discrimination lingering effects societal perception group identity demonstration effect equality opportunity marginalized groups minority empowerment racial stereotypes gender equality representation overcoming bias social mobility power dynamics stereotype reduction perception change social integration self-perception societal attitudes diversity inclusion equal opportunity past discrimination institutional bias social justice disadvantaged groups capability responsibility success empowerment stigma reduction role models affirmative action social prejudice combating prejudice lingering discrimination subtle bias group perception stereotype reduction discrimination effects demonstration effect social mobility representation minority empowerment equality in leadership societal perceptions group self-perception minority success role models racial equality gender equality power dynamics systemic discrimination social justice overcoming stereotypes diversity in leadership affirmative action benefits diversity equity inclusion equal opportunity social justice anti-discrimination representation systemic bias workplace diversity minority empowerment stereotype reduction unconscious bias structural inequality social mobility educational access employment equity meritocracy gender equality racial equality bridging disparities societal perception prejudice reduction representation matters role models intersectionality cultural competence breaking barriers empowerment social integration positive discrimination historical injustice affirmative action social prejudice reduction effects of affirmative action on societal attitudes lingering impacts of past discrimination subtle prejudice and affirmative action demonstration effect of affirmative action representation of minority groups in positions of power challenging stereotypes through affirmative action self-perception of historically marginalized groups societal perceptions of race and gender benefits of affirmative action policies affirmative action and equality of opportunity combating racial and gender stereotypes affirmative action success stories affirmative action and breaking the glass ceiling social mobility and affirmative action affirmative action as redress for historical injustices changing group perceptions via affirmative action affirmative action and group empowerment impact of affirmative action affirmative action social prejudice racial bias gender discrimination equality initiatives perception change stereotype reduction societal integration diversity programs representation empowerment demonstration effect systemic bias social mobility inclusivity prejudice correction self-perception group identity opportunity equality affirmative policies historical discrimination marginalized groups social justice equity measures structural barriers underrepresented communities affirmative action benefits affirmative action social impact combating social prejudice effects of past discrimination demonstration effect affirmative action positive role models minorities overcoming implicit bias changing societal perceptions representation in leadership affirmative action success stories diversity in workplace inclusion initiatives breaking stereotypes affirmative action historical discrimination remedies empowering marginalized groups equal opportunity policies impact on group self-perception affirmative action and social mobility prejudice reduction strategies long-term effects affirmative action affirmative action social prejudice reduce discrimination historical bias societal perception equality demonstration effect representation marginalized groups minority empowerment self-perception group identity social mobility stereotypes opportunity diversity affirmative policies power dynamics structural inequality justice underrepresented groups social integration equality of opportunity positive role models inclusion workplace diversity racial justice gender equality combating stereotypes success stories prejudice reduction affirmative action benefits social prejudice reduction lingering past discrimination demonstration effect societal perceptions group self-perception reversing stereotypes equality in power diversity in leadership minority empowerment breaking glass ceiling racial equality gender equality representation matters workplace diversity overcoming bias inclusion initiatives combating subtle prejudice social mobility equal opportunity policy affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination lingering bias subtle prejudice societal perception group stereotypes demonstration effect empowerment representation marginalized communities racial equality gender equality social mobility diversity inclusion breaking stereotypes self-perception societal attitudes power dynamics equal opportunity success barriers minority achievement underrepresented groups discrimination remedies social justice meritocracy equity initiatives public perception diversity in leadership affirmative action social prejudice structural discrimination implicit bias stereotype threat social mobility equality of opportunity marginalized groups representation diversity inclusion systemic racism social perception empowerment minority advancement educational attainment workplace diversity social justice equity policies intergroup relations
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro02a	"Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: censorship Google business proposition corporate identity don’t be evil corporate motto China Chinese censorship search market user trust search relevancy alternative search engines compliance self-censorship internet freedom freedom of information reputation market share brand perception ethical business transparency online privacy user experience global markets regulation government restrictions Google China search engine competition company values information access Google censorship business strategy corporate reputation user trust search engine alternatives Chinese internet regulation ethical business practices corporate values motto ""don’t be evil"" market dominance user perception search result relevance information freedom government restrictions global business ethics censorship China Google business strategy corporate identity don’t be evil search engine trust search relevance user trust market dominance alternative search engines compliance corporate ethics reputation Chinese regulations business impact user perception information freedom corporate values business proposition search market censorship impact search result quality brand reputation ethical business practices Google censorship China Google corporate identity Google don’t be evil motto Google business proposition impact of Chinese censorship on Google censorship and user trust relevance of Google search results alternative search engines China Google market dominance threats Google compliance with censorship user perception of Google search business ethics and Google Google reputation China censorship affects search quality Rebecca Blood Google China pragmatic vs idealistic corporate decisions Google losses from censorship search engine market competition Google brand trust erosion consequences of search result censorship Google censorship business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship search engine trust search market dominance relevant search results alternative search engines user trust search relevance brand integrity corporate ethics compliance impact user perception market competition search algorithm freedom of information ethical business practices Google China decision Google China censorship Google corporate identity business proposition don't be evil motto search market dominance user trust in search relevance of search results alternative search engines effect of censorship on business compliance with Chinese laws search engine competition erosion of trust user perception of Google pragmatic vs idealistic decisions Rebecca Blood Google China search result integrity Google reputation corporate ethics and profit global search market censorship impact on business Google censorship corporate identity business proposition search engine trust relevance of search results user trust market dominance Chinese censorship alternative search engines corporate motto ""don't be evil"" compliance impact brand reputation ethical business China internet regulation search accuracy market competition user perception information freedom search result reliability Rebecca Blood Google China decision Google censorship business impact Google corporate identity Google ""don’t be evil"" motto relevance of search results Chinese censorship compliance Google user trust search engine alternatives Google brand damage search market dominance trust in Google search effects of censorship on business corporate reputation and censorship censorship undermining Google business consequences of censorship competition in search market Google versus Chinese censorship user perception of Google credibility of Google results Google-China business ethics trust erosion Google Google censorship corporate identity business proposition search engine trust Chinese censorship relevance of search results user trust alternative search engines Google motto don't be evil market dominance corporate ethics search engine competition user perception information access search result quality compliance risks brand reputation global strategy corporate values Google censorship corporate identity business ethics search engine trust user trust relevance of search results Chinese Internet censorship ""don’t be evil"" motto corporate reputation alternative search engines market dominance business strategy information access freedom of information brand image user perception international regulations compliance online transparency corporate responsibility"
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro01a	It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, HIV in the workplace employer responsibilities employee health workplace HIV policy sickness cover disability chronic illness worker productivity employee replacement medical costs retirement costs occupational health infection control workforce management employment law HIV discrimination employee privacy medical records workplace accommodations HIV stigma economic impact social impact employer perspectives rights of HIV-positive employees disability law healthcare provision insurance employment retention absenteeism workplace support employee welfare workplace ethics employer interests HIV positive employees workplace HIV policy sickness cover disability benefits employee replacement workforce productivity HIV discrimination employment law workplace accommodation medical confidentiality medical privacy economic impact of HIV social impact of HIV occupational health chronic illness employment employee rights infectious disease in workplace HIV stigma HR policies labor market effects HIV/AIDS in labor workplace support for HIV societal costs of HIV HIV-related absenteeism HIV in the workplace employer responsibilities HIV sickness cover HIV replacement workers HIV medical costs HIV employers retirement costs HIV HIV and productivity HIV positive employees workplace discrimination HIV employee privacy HIV HIV employment law HIV-related illnesses immune system workplace impact HIV economic impact HIV employers HIV positive worker rights HIV stigma in employment HIV workplace policy managing chronic illness employees HIV workforce management HIV societal impact workplaces privacy vs public health HIV HIV positive employee support legal obligations HIV employers workplace health programs HIV employment discrimination HIV HIV workplace policies impact of HIV on employment employer responsibilities HIV HIV positive employee rights managing chronic illness at work employer attitudes towards HIV balancing privacy and productivity medical confidentiality HIV workplace economic impact HIV workforce sickness cover for HIV employees employee replacement strategies HIV reduction in employee productivity HIV stigma HIV employment social impact of HIV in workforce employer concerns HIV positive workers legal obligations HIV positive staff healthcare costs HIV employers coping with HIV in the workplace benefits versus privacy HIV supporting HIV positive employees employer perspectives HIV HIV workplace policy employee health management HIV-related productivity workplace discrimination HIV sickness cover HIV replacement workers HIV HIV employee rights HIV medical privacy economic impact HIV employment social consequences HIV workplace HIV in developing countries employer responsibilities HIV HIV positive worker challenges HIV stigma workplace HIV employment law managing chronic illness at work HIV and employee retention HIV occupational health supporting HIV employees HIV disclosure workplace workplace accommodations HIV HIV workforce participation employer attitudes HIV inclusive employment HIV HIV workplace policies employer rights HIV employee medical privacy HIV HIV positive employment challenges HIV and productivity loss sickness cover HIV employees replacement workers HIV HIV employment discrimination economic impact HIV workforce managing HIV in the workplace employer perspectives HIV HIV and social stability business response HIV epidemic long-term illness employment policy HIV-related retirement costs workplace accommodations HIV privacy vs. public health HIV balancing employer and employee rights HIV HIV and workforce sustainability HIV employment law employers HIV workplace health sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs employee productivity immune system infections HIV positive workers discrimination employment law economic impact social collapse privacy medical records rights workplace policy chronic illness debilitating conditions occupational health stigma labor market employee welfare corporate responsibility absenteeism workforce management terminal illness health insurance public health workplace discrimination employment rights social responsibility infectious diseases HIV/AIDS reasonable accommodation workplace diversity inclusive workplace potential liability HIV in the workplace employer responsibilities HIV sickness cover HIV employees HIV employee productivity HIV employment law HIV positive workers rights HIV disclosure workplace managing HIV workforce HIV discrimination employment workplace HIV policy HIV medical retirement cost HIV workplace privacy HIV and employee benefits supporting HIV positive staff HIV workplace health policy HIV worker replacement economic impact HIV workforce HIV employment discrimination legal issues HIV employers workplace infection risk HIV HIV positive employee support programs HIV and labor laws occupational health HIV HIV workplace safety HIV stigma employment employer interests workplace HIV policies chronic illness management employee health benefits sickness cover replacement workforce medical retirement costs HIV impact on productivity workplace discrimination HIV-positive workers employer attitudes HIV HIV workplace stigma immune system illness infection risk at work privacy of medical records employee rights HIV societal impact HIV HIV in the workplace labor market HIV economic effects HIV social stability HIV accommodating chronic illness employees HIV legal protections disability in employment inclusive hiring practices occupational health HIV support programs AIDS awareness workplace managing employee illness employer responsibilities employers HIV workplace policy sickness cover employee productivity replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system absenteeism workplace discrimination HIV positive employees employment law privacy of medical records workplace rights economic impact social impact HIV management chronic illness in workplace hiring practices employee health workplace accommodations HIV stigma occupational health legal obligations employer responsibilities disability management workforce planning
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro01a	What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 colonialism decolonisation cultural oppression cultural assimilation ethnocentrism cultural imperialism indigenous rights Western supremacy race superiority colonisation impact forced assimilation native language suppression traditional clothing ban indigenous education cultural genocide Native American boarding schools physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor White Man’s Burden property rights violation military repression colonial violence Indian Mutiny 1857 British colonial rule postcolonial critique reparations historical injustice apology for colonisation indigenous sovereignty cultural restoration colonialism moral wrongs colonisation ethics ethnocentrism cultural superiority western imperialism traditional culture suppression indigenous rights Native American assimilation colonial education systems cultural erasure traditional clothing bans language loss child abuse colonial era forced labor colonialism White Man’s Burden colonial property rights military repression Indian Mutiny 1857 rebellion British colonial violence postcolonial reparations apology for colonialism human rights colonialism cultural genocide colonial trauma anti-colonialism decolonisation reparative justice colonial legacy indigenous justice colonialism imperialism cultural assimilation ethnocentrism indigenous rights westernization forced schooling Native American boarding schools loss of language traditional dress physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military oppression rebellion Indian Mutiny British colonial violence reparations apology cultural suppression human rights colonizer attitudes cultural superiority decolonization postcolonialism restitution indigenous resistance colonial era moral wrongs effects of colonisation on indigenous cultures ethnocentrism in colonial policies westernization of education in colonies impact of colonisation on Native Americans denial of indigenous rights forced assimilation in colonial education cultural erasure under colonisation abuses in colonial boarding schools colonial justifications like White Man’s Burden loss of property and social rights due to colonisation use of military force by colonial powers resistance and rebellion in colonised countries British response to Indian Mutiny human rights violations during colonisation calls for reparations for colonial injustices legacy of colonialism in modern colonial era colonisation moral wrongs ethnocentrism cultural superiority westernization indigenous traditions Native American education forced assimilation language suppression traditional clothing bans physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military oppression Indian Mutiny 1857 British colonial violence indigenous rights human rights violations colonial reparations postcolonial justice cultural erasure colonial legacy apology for colonisation decolonisation education policies colonisation cultural genocide historical accountability colonial oppression colonialism and human rights indigenous rights violations impact of colonisation cultural assimilation policies ethnocentrism in colonisation westernisation of education forced assimilation Native Americans denial of indigenous languages abuse in colonial schools The White Man’s Burden property rights under colonialism British colonial violence in India Indian Mutiny 1857-58 colonial reparations historical injustices colonisation legacy of colonial abuse colonial violence and trauma justification of colonisation indigenous cultural erasure colonialism colonial era colonisation imperialism ethnocentrism cultural superiority racial hierarchy Western traditions indigenous traditions assimilation forced Western education Native American boarding schools cultural erasure traditional clothing ban language suppression child abuse forced labor White Man’s Burden colonial ignorance indigenous rights property rights military repression rebellion India colonisation Indian Mutiny British colonial violence postcolonial reparations human rights violations apology cultural genocide systemic oppression decolonization cultural identity restitution postcolonial justice historical injustice colonialism moral wrongs of colonization ethnocentrism Western superiority cultural assimilation Native American boarding schools indigenous rights forced assimilation suppression of native languages traditional clothing bans physical abuse in colonial schools sexual abuse in colonial institutions forced labor under colonization White Man’s Burden property rights colonialism military repression colonial era Indian Mutiny 1857 British colonial atrocities indigenous cultural erasure human rights colonialism colonial reparations colonial apologies legacy of colonization decolonization postcolonial justice systemic racism colonization historical trauma colonization colonialism colonial era colonisation ethnocentrism cultural assimilation Westernisation indigenous rights cultural imperialism Native American education traditional clothing prohibition language suppression physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military repression Indian Mutiny 1857 British colonialism India colonial violence reparations postcolonial justice historical trauma cultural genocide decolonisation apology restitution human rights violations colonialism colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentrism cultural superiority westernization indigenous rights cultural assimilation forced assimilation native education traditional clothing language suppression physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military repression rebellion Indian Mutiny 1857 British colonial rule retribution human rights violations reparations apology decolonization postcolonial studies cultural imperialism legacies of colonialism restorative justice
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro02a	Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications animal experimentation animal welfare animal rights laboratory animals harm to animals animal suffering euthanasia of animals experimental animals animal death vivisection animal ethics animal testing reduction alternatives animal cruelty animal liberation laboratory euthanasia animal use statistics moral status of animals animal pain animal distress bioethics replacement alternatives animal research regulation animal care 3Rs principle animal experimentation ban non-animal testing methods animal use policy animal experimentation animal welfare animal suffering euthanasia laboratory animals ethical considerations harm principle animal mortality humane endpoints research ethics animal rights animal testing reduction alternatives replacement alternatives refinement techniques laboratory animal care animal use statistics post-experiment fate domesticated animal release pet adoption barriers behavioral abnormalities animal interest animal death research ban ethical justification animal sentience utilitarian ethics status quo experimental procedures animal rescue constraints animal experimentation animal welfare animal ethics laboratory animals animal rights animal suffering euthanasia alternatives to animal testing animal use statistics animal care pain and distress in animals 3Rs principle (Replacement Reduction Refinement) humane endpoints post-experiment fate animal rehabilitation animal rehoming animal legislation animal cruelty scientific justification animal protection laws animal testing ethical concerns alternatives to animal research animal welfare in scientific studies reduction of animal use in experiments humane endpoints in research impact of animal experimentation animal rights arguments ethical frameworks for animal research suffering in laboratory animals animal euthanasia policies replacement strategies for animal models animal suffering minimization legislation on animal testing 3Rs principle (Replacement Reduction Refinement) moral status of animals in research long-term consequences of animal experimentation psychological effects on laboratory animals post-experiment animal care domesticated laboratory animal fate animal research policy debate animal experimentation ethical considerations animal welfare laboratory animals animal suffering euthanasia policies animal rights alternatives to animal testing 3Rs principle (Replacement Reduction Refinement) biomedical research ethics animal protection laws humane endpoints animal rehoming psychological effects on animals domestication issues animal liberation research ethics committees reduction in animal use speciesism legislative frameworks veterinary oversight translatability of animal models animal sentience public opinion on animal research scientific necessity replacement technologies in vitro alternatives computational models animal care standards post-experiment animal fate animal experimentation ethics animal testing alternatives animal welfare in research harm-benefit analysis animal research ethical treatment laboratory animals animal rights research reduction of animal testing replacement in animal research refinement in animal experiments animal suffering in science animal euthanasia statistics impact of animal testing animal sentience debate animal research regulations moral implications animal testing humane endpoints laboratory studies 3Rs animal research animal housing and care research post-experiment animal fate public opinion animal research animal experimentation animal welfare ethical issues euthanasia of laboratory animals animal suffering laboratory animal mortality animal rights alternatives to animal testing reduction of animal use animal suffering in research animal ethics harm-benefit analysis animal protection laws laboratory animal care European Commission guidelines animal experimentation statistics animal cruelty animal liberation moral status of animals humane endpoints scientific animal research replacement alternatives animal testing regulations animal sentience captivity stress behavioral abnormalities domesticated animal reintroduction laboratory animal retirement pet trade feasibility animal research bans animal killing justification animal experimentation ethics animal welfare in research alternatives to animal testing reduction of animal use animal suffering in science euthanasia of lab animals humane endpoints in research animal rights laboratory animal care impact of animal research animal research statistics replacement methods animal sentience debate animal rehoming after research behavioral abnormalities in lab animals animal experimentation regulations animal research controversy ethical justification for animal testing public opinion on animal research 3Rs principle (replacement reduction refinement) animal death in research genetically modified animals in labs animal research policy scientific advances without animal use animal pain assessment animal welfare animal ethics animal rights laboratory animals animal suffering euthanasia of animals animal experimentation alternatives to animal testing reduction of animal use animal pain animal distress humane endpoints three Rs (replacement reduction refinement) animal liberation animal sentience moral status of animals animal cruelty laboratory animal care animal sacrifice post-experiment euthanasia animal rehoming behavioral abnormalities in lab animals domesticated animal release pet trade challenges public perception of animal research ethical justification suffering vs. death harm-benefit analysis animal protection laws European regulations on animal use animal welfare ethical considerations animal ethics alternatives to animal testing animal suffering laboratory animals 3Rs principle animal experimentation animal rights humane endpoints animal euthanasia cruelty-free research animal pain management animal protection laws replacement methods reduction strategies refinement techniques institutional animal care dissection alternatives in vivo vs in vitro animal model limitations animal research statistics animal sentience moral status of animals regulatory guidelines animal research policy
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro04a	Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 mandatory voting electoral participation voter turnout civic duty electoral laws democracy voting enforcement fines for not voting voting penalties legal requirements electoral commission suffrage comparative politics case studies political participation voting reform election laws enfranchisement international comparisons voter engagement compulsory suffrage non-voter penalties voting age voter compliance implementation challenges compulsory voting mandatory voting enforced voting electoral participation voting laws voter turnout civic duty election penalties voter compliance Australia election system Australian Electoral Commission global implementation of compulsory voting compulsory suffrage electoral enforcement international examples compulsory voting voting sanctions democratic participation universal suffrage enforcement compulsory voting effectiveness legal requirements voting mandatory voting electoral participation election laws civic duty voter turnout Australian Electoral Commission voting penalties suffrage electoral compliance democratic process voter enforcement federal elections voting age voting legislation electoral reform international comparison voter obligations compulsory suffrage implementation challenges election administration benefits of compulsory voting compulsory voting in other countries compulsory voting effectiveness compulsory voting enforcement penalties for not voting compulsory voting history compulsory voting pros and cons impact of compulsory voting on turnout compulsory voting legal framework compulsory voting and democracy compulsory voting comparison Australia compulsory voting global examples implementation challenges compulsory voting compulsory voting public opinion compulsory voting exemptions compulsory voting case studies compulsory voting statistics compulsory voting administrative process arguments against compulsory voting compulsory voting compliance rates compulsory voting Australian electoral system voter turnout mandatory voting laws voting penalties implementation challenges international comparisons electoral commission Australia enforcement of voting voter participation rates benefits of compulsory voting democratic participation legal obligations to vote federal elections Australia history of compulsory voting fines for not voting valid and sufficient reason compulsory voting effectiveness global compulsory voting public opinion on compulsory voting compulsory voting benefits compulsory voting disadvantages compulsory voting Australia statistics history of compulsory voting Australia compulsory voting implementation globally compulsory voting legal framework compulsory voting penalties countries with compulsory voting compulsory voting vs voluntary voting compulsory voting turnout effects voter participation Australia compulsory voting success stories Australian electoral laws enforcement of compulsory voting reasons for not voting Australia compulsory voting debates compulsory voting research papers effects of compulsory voting on democracy compulsory voting in modern democracies compulsory voting citation sources compulsory voting mandatory voting voter turnout electoral participation voting laws Australia federal elections electoral commission voting penalties election fines implementation international comparisons enforcement mechanisms democratic participation civic duty voting age electoral process valid reason voting compliance voting policy global examples voting enforcement compulsory suffrage comparative analysis voter engagement legal requirements election systems compulsory elections compulsory voting benefits compulsory voting disadvantages compulsory voting implementation compulsory voting pros and cons compulsory voting statistics voter turnout Australia voter turnout compulsory voting compulsory voting penalties history of compulsory voting compulsory voting worldwide electoral systems compulsory voting compulsory voting enforcement effects of compulsory voting compulsory voting democracy compulsory voting civic duty compulsory voting legal framework voluntary vs compulsory voting compulsory voting countries voting laws Australia compulsory voting challenges compulsory voting public opinion compulsory voting compliance compulsory voting impact on elections effectiveness of compulsory voting Australian Electoral Commission case studies compulsory voting compulsory voting political participation compulsory voting policy compulsory voting benefits compulsory voting criticisms compulsory voting impact voter turnout Australia electoral commission enforcement compulsory voting penalties valid reasons not to vote implementation in other countries historical context Australia election law Australia compulsory voting statistics global compulsory voting voter participation democracy Australia compulsory voting effectiveness compulsory voting voting laws voter turnout electoral participation Australia federal elections voting penalties valid excuses electoral commission civic duty democratic processes voter compliance law enforcement international comparison implementation challenges electoral reforms political engagement compulsory voter registration voting sanctions court enforcement voting statistics global adoption case study Australian democracy election policy
test-economy-egecegphw-con01a	The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 Heathrow expansion third runway airport noise air pollution population density urbanization flight path noise pollution BAA statistics HACAN report Department for Transport standards decibel levels Richmond borough Hounslow borough London residents community impact aircraft noise environmental concerns urban airports airport capacity alternative airport locations quality of life government policy local opposition environmental effects public health flight increase urban planning noise measurement airport controversy air traffic affected residents noise thresholds noise standards noise impact airport development third runway Heathrow expansion airport noise pollution population density urban constraints flight path impact local community noise concerns Department for Transport noise standards decibel thresholds Richmond borough Hounslow borough affected population estimates HACAN report BAA statistics noise level controversy environmental impact alternative airport locations urban planning air traffic increase noise mitigation public health effects London noise pollution aviation expansion debate Heathrow capacity issues environmental justice sustainable airport development government policy affected London communities Heathrow expansion third runway airport noise pollution population density urban expansion flight path noise Department for Transport decibel levels noise impact Richmond Hounslow London airports environmental impact air traffic community opposition HACAN report BAA statistics aviation emissions noise monitoring urban planning alternative airport locations public health government policy aircraft noise standards residential impact airport capacity Heathrow third runway environmental impacts Heathrow airport noise pollution Heathrow expansion population density concerns alternative airport locations UK urban constraints Heathrow expansion flight path noise impact Heathrow Department for Transport noise thresholds HACAN report Heathrow Richmond Hounslow noise levels BAA noise estimates Heathrow local community noise complaints Heathrow expansion impact on London residents government noise assessment methodology health effects of airport noise effective noise abatement policies alternatives to Heathrow expansion regional airport capacity increase UK comparing airport noise standards urban air pollution from airports stakeholder opinions Heathrow expansion public perception Heathrow developments Heathrow expansion third runway airport noise pollution London population density urban airports flight path impact environmental effects noise decibel threshold Richmond borough Hounslow borough affected residents Department for Transport government noise standards HACAN report BAA statistics noise measurement controversy local community concerns airport capacity planning alternative airport sites urbanization constraints quality of life health impacts of noise air pollution Heathrow public opposition Heathrow London airport expansion aircraft noise assessment airport environmental policy Heathrow expansion impacts third runway controversy airport noise pollution high population density Heathrow alternative airport locations UK Heathrow flight path residents HACAN noise report Department for Transport noise standards London airport noise experience BAA noise statistics Richmond Hounslow noise levels urban constraints Heathrow environmental impact Heathrow UK airport capacity solutions Heathrow local community concerns flight frequency noise increase government noise thresholds Heathrow expansion opposition UK aviation policy London air traffic environmental issues Heathrow airport third runway airport expansion noise pollution air pollution flight path urbanization population density London residential impact government noise standards Department for Transport decibel levels Richmond Hounslow HACAN report BAA statistics flight frequency affected communities environmental impact health risks air traffic airport capacity urban planning alternative locations NIMBY quality of life sound insulation environmental regulations London boroughs community opposition noise monitoring policy debate public health sustainable development Heathrow expansion third runway controversy airport noise pollution population density urban planning alternative airport locations flight path noise impact London airport environmental issues BAA noise statistics HACAN noise report Department for Transport noise criteria Richmond and Hounslow noise levels community opposition to Heathrow air traffic noise UK environmental effects of airport expansion urbanized area airport constraints government noise policy airport capacity planning local resident health concerns noise decibel thresholds London boroughs affected by noise airport expansion alternatives Heathrow expansion third runway airport noise pollution urban population density alternative airport locations flight path impact aircraft noise levels community noise concerns Department for Transport Richmond noise impact Hounslow airport expansion London noise pollution BAA noise statistics HACAN report Heathrow capacity solutions environmental impact assessment urban planning airport airport community opposition aviation noise health effects decibel thresholds UK airport policy Heathrow expansion third runway noise pollution air pollution population density urban planning airport capacity flight path community impact noise levels decibels affected residents Richmond Hounslow urbanized areas local opposition HACAN report Department for Transport BAA statistics London noise experience government studies environmental effects health concerns aviation policy alternative airport sites sustainable development
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro02a	"Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Eurozone currency union financial hub Frankfurt European Central Bank City of London euro adoption economic integration single currency foreign investment financial institutions Germany Docklands economic impact member states financial markets monetary policy international banking capital flows European finance banking sector economic competitiveness London’s status European Union economic harmonization cross-border trade euro scepticism Britain Eurozone membership UK and Euro impacts London's financial centre status European Central Bank location Frankfurt finance hub Germany financial influence Euro economic effects UK foreign financial institutions UK Euro and UK economic activity UK-EU financial relations Docklands office development ECB London vs Frankfurt Britain Euro decision consequences EU Member States trade UK economic disadvantages UK Euro City of London finance financial services relocation Europe Anthony Browne Euro book UK monetary policy Euro Brexit financial sector Eurozone European Union currency union Frankfurt financial centre European Central Bank Britain's economic policy foreign investment City of London financial institutions monetary union economic integration single currency UK-EU relations international banking Euro adoption financial markets Brexit implications economic competitiveness financial sector London vs Frankfurt EU membership Britain Eurozone membership impact UK financial centre status London vs Frankfurt financial rivalry effects of Queen's head removal on banknotes economic disadvantages of Euro exclusion European Central Bank location implications Germany financial centre strategy foreign investment in London finance City of London's future outside Euro cross-border economic activity UK Euro Anthony Browne Euro argument EU single currency impact UK Britain's integration with European markets London's global finance competitiveness Frankfurt rise vs London decline post-Eurozone UK economic predictions international perception UK financial policy risks of UK staying out Eurozone Britain's relationship with European financial institutions foreign bank location decisions Eurozone Britain Eurozone membership London financial centre economic disadvantage Britain European Central Bank location Frankfurt financial centre UK-Euro indecision UK banknotes monarchy foreign financial institutions City of London economy Euro impact UK trade Frankfurt vs London finance foreign investment UK Germany financial strategy UK economic relations EU European Member States economy Britain Euro membership debate impact of Euro on London financial centre Frankfurt rise as financial hub European Central Bank location decision economic consequences of Britain outside Euro financial institutions relocating post-Euro decision comparison London vs Frankfurt financial status foreign investment in UK financial sector European financial integration loss of economic influence UK Germany financial policy Eurozone Anthony Browne Euro book analysis consequences of Britain's indecision Euro Eurozone benefits for financial centres City of London banking industry Europe Britain Queen's head banknotes London economic disadvantage financial centre Europe Euro European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence office-building programme Docklands foreign owners financial institutions economic activity Member States currency union monetary policy eurozone single currency financial markets global finance international banking investment trade City of London euro adoption financial sector Anthony Browne Britain Eurozone membership London financial center status European Central Bank location Frankfurt financial hub Germany financial influence City of London foreign investment Euro impact UK economy financial institutions relocation UK economic disadvantage Euro European Member States trade Docklands vs Frankfurt Anthony Browne Euro book Britain joining Euro debate London's global finance ranking UK economic policy Euro Brexit and Euro currency union banking regulation Europe UK-EU financial integration foreign banks in London Eurozone membership British economy City of London Frankfurt financial center European Central Bank financial institutions relocation UK Euro adoption economic competitiveness foreign investment London Docklands Germany financial policy single currency impact financial influence monetary union foreign ownership EU integration European Union finance financial markets economic policy Anthony Browne Eurozone currency union UK financial sector European Central Bank Frankfurt financial center economic integration monetary policy City of London foreign investment financial institutions relocation single market economic competitiveness European Union cross-border trade financial regulation Brexit impact banking sector Euro adoption international finance economic policy"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con02a	ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: graduated response Internet Service Provider ISP cooperation non-cooperative ISP digital copyright enforcement three strikes policy copyright infringement ISP incentives peer-to-peer file sharing monitoring costs compliance costs digital piracy copyright policy effectiveness enforcement challenges anti-piracy measures regulatory compliance cost-benefit analysis consumer migration market competition policy loopholes ISP regulation implementation barriers copyright law UK digital economy internet regulation digital rights management Internet Service Provider compliance graduated response policy opposition ISP non-cooperation three strikes law ISP costs of monitoring copyright infringement economic impact on ISPs digital copyright enforcement peer-to-peer file sharing anti-piracy policy ISP response UK graduated response system regulatory burden for ISPs ISP customer migration enforcement challenges copyright law ISP enforcement digital piracy deterrence ISP market incentives collective ISP action digital rights management ISPs legislative impact on ISPs ISP operational costs internet service provider non-cooperation graduated response three strikes policy copyright enforcement digital piracy ISP incentive monitoring costs policy compliance consumer migration user behavior regulation copyright infringement legislative framework implementation challenges cost analysis market competition ISP policy resistance enforcement burden policy evasion peer-to-peer sharing graduated response policy ISP refusal Internet Service Provider cooperation challenges ISP incentives non-cooperation user migration to non-cooperative ISPs economic impact graduated response ISPs monitoring costs for ISPs cost burden small ISPs estimated implementation costs graduated response three strikes policy ISP compliance ISP market competition graduated response policy enforcement feasibility ISPs deterrent effect ISP refusal ISP regulatory framework graduated response copyright enforcement ISP opposition digital piracy monitoring ISP costs ISP non-cooperation graduated response Internet Service Providers digital copyright enforcement user migration monitoring costs compliance incentives enforcement costs market competition digital piracy policy effectiveness graduated response effectiveness cost analysis three strikes policy enforcement challenges ISP incentives collective action regulatory policy copyright infringement anti-piracy measures ISP non-cooperation with graduated response graduated response policy challenges ISP incentives not to comply cost of implementing graduated response ISP monitoring costs impact of non-cooperating ISPs user migration to non-cooperative ISPs three strikes policy ISP response enforcement difficulties graduated response economic burden on ISPs network policy compliance issues ISP competitive advantage graduated response system costs digital copyright enforcement ISPs collective ISP cooperation challenges ISP non-cooperation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers digital copyright enforcement three strikes policy monitoring costs enforcement incentives subscriber migration compliance issues digital piracy copyright infringement cost analysis small ISP burden policy implementation regulatory challenges user behavior deterrence effectiveness financial impact market competition Michael Geist enforcement costs legal obligations industry incentives UK copyright law ISP legal compliance ISP non-cooperation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers monitoring costs policy enforcement ISP incentives digital copyright enforcement three strikes system ISP user migration copyright infringement policy compliance ISP compliance resistance cost of implementation digital rights management ISP cooperation challenges digital piracy online copyright policies UK ISP costs digital policy economics user privacy concerns network monitoring expenses anti-piracy regulation file sharing enforcement ISP regulatory burden competitive advantage ISPs graduated response policy ISP cooperation Internet Service Providers digital piracy enforcement copyright infringement monitoring cost user migration non-cooperating ISPs competitive advantage compliance incentives enforcement costs three strikes policy regulatory challenges consumer privacy network neutrality smaller ISP burden technology implementation legal framework cost-benefit analysis policy effectiveness alternative enforcement models market dynamics graduated response ISP cooperation digital copyright enforcement three strikes policy cost of compliance ISP incentives monitoring costs user migration digital piracy copyright infringement policy implementation challenges regulatory burden anti-piracy measures enforcement costs competitive advantage internet regulation telecommunications policy collective action problem ISP non-cooperation Michael Geist UK copyright law government regulation copyright enforcement models
test-environment-assgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. clinical trials drug development pharmaceutical research preclinical testing human trials safety assessment efficacy evaluation biomedical research laboratory animals new chemical entities first-in-human studies toxicology screening therapeutic innovation medical advancements risk reduction regulatory approval experimental drugs scientific testing ethical considerations pharmaceutical safety clinical trials pharmaceutical research preclinical testing drug development safety assessment efficacy evaluation novel therapeutics biomedical research toxicity studies regulatory approval experimental medicine translational research human trials ethical considerations alternative testing methods laboratory animals first-in-human studies breakthrough medicines innovative treatments risk mitigation clinical trials preclinical testing drug development safety assessment efficacy evaluation pharmaceutical innovation experimental medicine human trials toxicity studies medical breakthroughs ethical considerations regulatory approval translational research laboratory animals biomedical research drug safety first-in-human studies investigational drugs pharmacology risk assessment benefits of animal testing in drug development role of animal testing in new drug safety animal testing versus human testing risks importance of animal tests before clinical trials ethical considerations of animal testing in pharmaceuticals non-animal testing alternatives effectiveness animal testing necessity for drug innovation how animal testing reduces risk for human volunteers process of drug testing from animals to humans percentage of new drugs requiring animal tests impact of animal testing on medical advancements challenges in developing new drugs without animal testing animal testing regulations in drug research real-world examples of animal testing success animal testing in pharmaceutical research ethics animal experimentation clinical trials drug development preclinical testing human volunteers pharmaceutical innovation safety assessment risk reduction medical breakthroughs biomedical research regulatory approval toxicity studies ethical considerations novel therapeutics translational research efficacy evaluation laboratory animals drug safety adverse effects first-in-human trials animal testing benefits drug safety evaluation new drug development clinical trial phases preclinical testing human drug testing risks pharmaceutical innovation non-animal testing alternatives ethical considerations in drug research animal models in biomedical research drug approval process experimental drug safety medical advancements through animal testing impact of animal research risk mitigation in drug trials drug development preclinical trials clinical trials pharmaceutical testing biomedical research animal models laboratory animals safety assessment efficacy evaluation translational medicine risk reduction human volunteers medical innovation ethical considerations regulatory approval therapeutic advancements toxicology studies experimental medicine research methodology scientific validation breakthrough treatments novel compounds medical breakthroughs drug development animal testing benefits new pharmaceuticals clinical trials human safety preclinical testing drug safety assessment ethical considerations medical research pharmaceutical innovation drug approval process experimental drugs risk reduction scientific advancements laboratory animals non-animal testing methods biomedical research regulatory requirements translational medicine novel therapeutics clinical trials pharmaceutical research preclinical studies drug safety medical innovation human volunteers biomedical research therapeutic development efficacy testing risk assessment regulatory approval experimental medicine toxicology studies ethics of animal testing first-in-human trials drug discovery translational medicine innovative therapies laboratory animals medical breakthroughs clinical trials preclinical studies drug development pharmaceutical research safety assessment efficacy evaluation biomedical research toxicity testing regulatory approval ethical considerations human volunteers first-in-human trials translational medicine experimental therapies pharmacology risk mitigation medical advancements innovative treatments drug discovery laboratory animals alternative methods in vivo studies new chemical entities medical breakthroughs healthcare innovation
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START Treaty nuclear modernization US nuclear arsenal missile defense US-Russia relations NATO missile defense Senate ratification strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons reduction nuclear deterrence missile defense cooperation nuclear infrastructure Energy Department nuclear funding Jon Kyl Obama administration nuclear policy NATO-Russian cooperation ballistic missile threat assessment strategic stability nuclear security arms control nuclear nonproliferation nuclear liability security concerns modernization funding New START Treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense nuclear arms control strategic stability US-Russia relations NATO missile defense nuclear arsenal infrastructure nuclear weapons funding energy department nuclear complex Sen. Jon Kyl Senate ratification nuclear verification mechanisms reduction of strategic nuclear forces nuclear security missile launcher conversion NATO-Russian cooperation territorial missile defense ballistic missile threat assessment nuclear treaty verification US defense policy Obama administration nuclear policy Biden on New START Article 5 NATO nuclear liability nuclear arms reduction nuclear nonproliferation bipartisan support New START modernization costs Russian opposition New START treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense nuclear arsenal nuclear weapons complex Energy Department Sen. Jon Kyl treaty ratification nuclear deterrence US-Russia relations strategic stability ballistic missile defense NATO missile defense NATO-Russia cooperation verification mechanisms arms reduction nuclear security nuclear nonproliferation nuclear infrastructure Obama administration Article 5 Washington Treaty theater missile defense Senate approval strategic nuclear forces Russian cooperation modernization funding strategic arms limitation nuclear liability nuclear disarmament US military policy Cold War arms control disarmament verification nuclear New START treaty modernization US nuclear arsenal modernization missile defense and New START US-Russia missile defense cooperation NATO missile defense New START US nuclear weapons funding Senate approval New START strategic nuclear force reductions New START verification mechanisms limitations on missile defense systems US-Russia relations and arms control modernization funding negotiations advantages of fewer nuclear weapons security concerns New START treaty medical risks nuclear arms bipartisan support New START Congressional funding nuclear modernization NATO-Russian missile defense cooperation US missile defense policy New START and global stability Article 5 and missile defense Obama administration nuclear policy Sen. Jon K New START treaty US nuclear modernization nuclear weapons complex missile defense US-Russia relations NATO missile defense nuclear arms reduction verification mechanisms strategic nuclear forces Washington Treaty Article 5 Senate ratification defense infrastructure funding US missile deployment NATO-Russian cooperation ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile-defense exercises nuclear weapons liability nuclear security US strategic stability arms control agreements Obama administration nuclear policy Sen. Jon Kyl Russia opposition missile defense modernization funding US nuclear arsenal maintenance START ratification negotiations Biden New START argument nuclear verification nuclear nonproliferation Cold New START treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense nuclear arsenal funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl nuclear efforts Obama administration nuclear policy US-Russia nuclear agreements strategic nuclear force reductions NATO missile defense cooperation US missile defense plans missile launcher conversion limits Russia opposition missile defense nuclear verification mechanisms US-Russian relations NATO-Russian cooperation nuclear liability US nuclear capabilities nuclear arms control bipartisan support New START Senate ratification START Article 5 NATO joint ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile-defense exercises nuclear security concerns New START treaty nuclear modernization US missile defense nuclear arsenal infrastructure investment Energy Department weapons complex funding arms control Senate ratification Jon Kyl Obama administration modernization program strategic stability NATO missile defense US-Russia relations ballistic missile threat assessment verification mechanisms Article 5 NATO-Russian cooperation nuclear disarmament arms reduction security concerns deterrence defense spending strategic nuclear forces Lisbon agreements nuclear security defense policy 21st century arms control Republican support bipartisan consensus Biden Kissinger Washington Treaty mutual trust confidence-building New START treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense US-Russia relations nuclear arsenal maintenance Energy Department nuclear budget Sen. Jon Kyl NATO missile defense US military capabilities nuclear arms reduction verification mechanisms strategic nuclear forces nuclear weapons infrastructure Russian cooperation NATO-Russian relations missile launcher conversion limits ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile-defense exercises territorial missile defense Obama administration nuclear policy Senate ratification Article 5 Washington Treaty nuclear arms liability nuclear security medical concerns nuclear weapons US nuclear policy Cold War arms control US missile defense plans modernization funding arms control verification New START treaty US nuclear modernization missile defense US-Russia relations NATO missile defense Article 5 Washington Treaty nuclear arsenal maintenance Senate ratification nuclear weapons infrastructure Energy Department funding Jon Kyl modernization funding strategic nuclear forces reduction verification mechanisms NATO-Russian cooperation ballistic missile threat assessment territorial missile defense nuclear arms control nuclear security nuclear liability arms reduction advantages Obama administration nuclear policy US deterrence nuclear weapons complex treaty verification US missile defense plans Russia opposition missile defense military civilian leadership strategic stability 21st century nuclear policy New START strategic arms reduction US nuclear modernization US missile defense treaty ratification nuclear arsenal funding energy department nuclear budget Sen. Jon Kyl Obama administration nuclear weapons complex US-Russia relations NATO missile defense ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile-defense exercises NATO-Russia cooperation verification mechanisms Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic stability nuclear weapons liability nuclear force levels arms control strategic balance missile launcher conversion ballistic missile defense arms reduction negotiation Senate approval nuclear security nuclear infrastructure bilateral arms control agreements nuclear deterrence Cold War arms treaties nuclear force"
test-international-miasimyhw-con03a	Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. non-migrants marginalized groups female-headed households rural areas agricultural employment youth unemployment gender inequality agrarian crisis migration impact remittances human capital care burden employment opportunities elderly labor force return migration labour market exclusion livelihood adaptation regional migration EAC labor market social consequences demographic shifts migration patterns unequal development labor force participation household structure migration gender gap migration non-migrants left behind free labour market EAC labour market gender disparities age disparities youth employment women's employment agriculture sector livelihood adaptation return migration retirees unequal impact rural out-migration Botswana female-headed households human capital agrarian crisis care burden remittances labour market exclusion socioeconomic effects labour mobility demographic effects East African Community migration and development non-migrants migration impact labour market inequalities gender disparities youth unemployment rural depopulation female-headed households agrarian crisis remittances return migration social exclusion employment in agriculture human capital EAC labour statistics livelihood adaptation migration and productivity care burden forced adaptation migration policy vulnerable groups developmental migration post-migration effects labour market access social mobility household resilience non-migrants in labour markets gender disparities migration youth employment exclusion agricultural sector employment migration effects of male out-migration female-headed households migration impact migration and rural development labor market inequity East Africa migration and care burdens return migration effects migration productivity impact remittances uncertainty migration and agrarian crisis EAC labor market statistics migration and social transformation adaptation strategies of left-behind migration and household structures migration impact on women migration impact on elderly returnee migrant productivity migration and intergenerational inequality labour market exclusion non-migrants migration impact gender disparities youth employment agricultural employment EAC labour market rural development female-headed households remittances human capital agrarian crisis return migration forced adaptation livelihood creation economic inequality social consequences of migration Botswana case study male out-migration care burden migration productivity intergenerational effects ageing workforce retirement migration migration inequality non-migrant demographics female-headed households youth unemployment women in labour market agrarian crisis remittances EAC labour market data rural depopulation gender disparities migration aging workforce migration impact of male out-migration livelihoods post-migration return migration employment in agriculture migration developmental impact labour market access women youth household structure migration social consequences migration migration policy gaps labour migration non-migrants migration impacts EAC labour market gender disparity youth unemployment agricultural employment free labour market rural depopulation remittances female-headed households human capital Botswana migration agrarian crisis migration inequality return migration retirement migration livelihoods adaptation care burden migration and productivity migration studies demographic impacts migration policy employment inequality East African Community socio-economic effects non-migrants migration impact left behind populations gender disparities youth unemployment female-headed households rural labor market agrarian crisis human capital loss EAC labor market aging workforce agriculture employment male out-migration family structure changes remittances adaptation strategies return migration migration and productivity care burden on women East African Community employment patterns labor market exclusion social impacts of migration non-migrants migration impact labour market inequality women employment youth unemployment agricultural employment EAC labour market gender disparity ageing workforce rural out-migration Botswana case study female-headed households remittances care burden agrarian crisis return migration social implications developmental migration migration and productivity livelihood adaptation employment statistics migration gender effects labour market inequality migration non-migrants gender disparities youth employment agriculture employment women labour force ageing workforce EAC labour statistics labour migration impact rural depopulation remittances family structure female-headed households male out-migration human capital loss agrarian crisis care burden return migration retiree migrants migration and development migration livelihoods
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con02a	Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. recidivism rehabilitation programs criminal justice prisoner reoffending offender behavior recidivism rates correctional effectiveness program evaluation sentencing policies criminal desistance punitive justice evidence-based interventions criminal rehabilitation reoffending statistics prison reform alternatives to incarceration criminal recidivism rehabilitation failure correctional system offender treatment reformation of offenders custodial sentences punitive measures justice system evaluation behavioral change interventions rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates prisoner reform offender treatment outcomes criminal justice intervention reoffending statistics UK rehabilitation program evaluation prison rehabilitation failure correctional program success rates alternatives to rehabilitation punitive versus rehabilitative justice evidence-based criminal justice deterrence vs rehabilitation prison sentence justification rehabilitation policy critique criminal behavior persistence prisoner reentry challenges reducing recidivism strategies effectiveness of prison programs offender recidivism analysis recidivism offender rehabilitation criminal justice reoffending rates correctional programs prison reform sentencing policy criminal behavior rehabilitation effectiveness evidence-based interventions crime prevention restorative justice punitive measures incarceration rehabilitation failure prison outcomes criminal recidivism statistics alternatives to incarceration rehabilitation critiques reentry programs offender change long-term outcomes UK criminal justice parole outcomes rehabilitation effectiveness statistics recidivism rates rehabilitation UK criminal justice rehabilitation critique alternatives to rehabilitation criminal justice rehabilitation false promise rehabilitation vs punishment offender behaviour post-release long-term outcomes rehabilitation programmes reasons for rehabilitation failure evidence-based rehabilitation programmes justifications for incarceration rehabilitation ethical considerations judicial sentencing rehabilitation ineffectiveness of prisoner rehabilitation rehabilitation programme evaluation studies history of rehabilitation criminal justice critiques of recidivism data policy impacts rehabilitation failure indefinite detention rehabilitation excuses reforming offender rehabilitation approaches recidivism offender rehabilitation criminal justice reoffending rates prisoner reform correctional programs efficacy of rehabilitation punitive justice reintegration desistance restorative justice prison sentences UK criminal statistics rehabilitation effectiveness sentencing policy prison reform recidivism statistics correctional effectiveness rehabilitative justice parole outcomes evidence-based programs criminal behavior reentry programs criminology alternatives to incarceration prison rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates UK do rehabilitation programs work criminal behavior relapse rehabilitative programs failure evidence against offender rehabilitation alternative prisoner interventions rehabilitation myths sentencing and rehabilitation rehabilitation as justification for longer sentences prison reform effectiveness reducing re-offending strategies criminal justice rehabilitation criticism punitive vs rehabilitative justice long-term outcomes of rehabilitation rehabilitation false promise rehabilitation statistics UK offender change likelihood rehabilitation policy debate impact of incarceration on recidivism rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates re-offending offender behavior criminal justice program evaluation prison reform recidivism statistics offender rehabilitation UK criminal justice system punitive sentencing rehabilitation failure prison programs corrections effectiveness behavioral change criminal rehabilitation debate incarceration outcomes rehabilitative policy justice system efficacy sentencing practices false promise rehabilitation rehabilitation evidence criminology studies rehabilitation vs punishment correctional program success rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates criminal justice reform offender rehabilitation programs prison rehabilitation statistics UK recidivism causes prison sentence justification punishment vs rehabilitation reoffending rates prison reform debate alternatives to rehabilitation rehabilitation failure criminal behavior persistence parole and rehabilitation rehabilitation myths effectiveness of inmate programs repeat offending criminal justice system flaws rehabilitation policy critiques incarceration impact recidivism offender rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior relapse correctional program outcomes prison reform evidence-based interventions desistance from crime UK rehabilitation statistics re-offending rates sentencing policy penal system critique alternative sentencing restorative justice incarceration impact prisoner reentry programs rehabilitation failure criminal justice reform rehabilitation debates offender treatment efficacy rehabilitation myths recidivism reoffending rates correctional programs criminal justice penal system effectiveness evidence-based interventions alternatives to rehabilitation sentencing policy restorative justice prison reform offender treatment desistance incarceration length punitive measures criminal behavior persistence rehabilitation failure risk assessment parole reintegration criminology studies cost-benefit analysis reentry programs criminal law public safety repeat offenders mental health services substance abuse treatment recidivism reduction strategies community corrections
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro03a	Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions cyber warfare international cyber law state-sponsored cyber attacks legal response to cyber attacks cyber self-defense jus ad bellum jus in bello Tallinn Manual international humanitarian law attribution of cyber attacks sovereignty in cyberspace escalation ladder norms in cyberspace cyber deterrence collective security United Nations and cyber security law of armed conflict retaliation in cyberspace proportionality principle cyber norms development state responsibility non-intervention principle public attribution cyber sanctions diplomatic response to cyber attacks lack of accountability media coverage of cyber attacks international condemnation geostrategic cyber incidents cyber warfare international cyber law state-sponsored cyber attacks legal response to cyber attacks state self-defense cyber cyber attack legitimacy law of armed conflict cyber cyber operations international law attribution of cyber attacks norms in cyberspace cyber deterrence cyber retaliation peacetime cyber law cyber conflict regulations UN cyber norms Tallinn Manual sovereignty in cyberspace jus ad bellum cyber collective self-defense cyber cyber norms gap non-kinetic warfare law political consequences cyber attack public awareness cyber conflict USA Iran cyber conflict international condemnation cyber attacks cyber security law retaliatory mechanisms cyber international humanitarian law cyber warfare law jus ad bellum Tallinn Manual state sovereignty countermeasures cyber self-defense attribution of cyber attacks UN Charter Article 51 proportional response due diligence escalation ladder peacetime cyber operations collective security Law of Armed Conflict digital retaliation cyber norms interstate cyber conflict global governance sovereignty in cyberspace public attribution cyber deterrence international condemnation cyber security policy cross-border cyber attacks state responsibility legal frameworks cyber conflict resolution news coverage of cyber attacks USA Iran cyber conflict international law on cyber warfare legal response to state-sponsored cyber attacks self-defence in cyberspace gaps in cyber conflict regulation state sovereignty and cyber attacks limitations of current international cyber law attribution challenges in cyber attacks escalation in cyber conflict norm development in cyber security media coverage of cyber attacks public perception of cyber warfare deterrence in cyberspace cyber norms and global opinion accountability for cyber aggression non-kinetic warfare legal frameworks US-Iran cyber conflict responses to non-armed cyber attacks collective security in cyberspace UN response to cyber warfare state responsibility for cyber operations international cyber law state response to cyber attacks cyber warfare regulation legal framework cyber attacks state self-defense cyber international humanitarian law cyber attribution of cyber attacks cyber attack legitimacy law of armed conflict cyberspace peacetime cyber operations law cyber conflict escalation state responsibility cyberspace sovereignty in cyberspace cyber deterrence state versus state cyber attacks norm development cyberspace public awareness cyber warfare media coverage cyber attacks cyber attack consequences cyber norms enforcement USA Iran cyber attacks global opinion cyber aggression cyber attack accountability international legal gaps cyber collective security cyberspace international law cyber response state cyber defense cyber attack legality self-defense in cyberspace cyber warfare regulations cyber retaliation by states cyber attack armed conflict international condemnation cyber attacks USA Iran cyber conflict public awareness cyber warfare global opinion cyber security digital self-defense rights attribution challenges cyber attacks legal frameworks cyber attacks non-kinetic warfare law cyber attacks state response international law legal response cyber warfare state self-defence armed conflict legitimacy illegitimacy regulation attribution USA Iran cyber conflict cybersecurity state-sponsored attacks sovereignty global opinion condemnation public awareness international norms retaliatory measures digital conflict legal gaps humanitarian law jus ad bellum collective security cyber deterrence UN Charter cyber defense cyber norms accountability escalation customary law state responsibility grey zone operations international cyber law state cyber response cyber self-defense cyber warfare regulation cyber attack legitimacy response to state-sponsored cyber attacks international humanitarian law cyber attribution in cyber attacks peacetime cyber operations escalation in cyberspace cyber norms global cyber governance cyber deterrence cyber conflict news coverage cyber attack public opinion case studies USA Iran cyber cyber attack condemnation legal frameworks for cyber response cyber security policy international response mechanisms cyber rules of engagement non-kinetic warfare law cyber countermeasures digital sovereignty ethics in cyber warfare cyber attribution challenges collective defense cyberspace state cyber warfare international law state response legal framework self-defense attribution cyber sovereignty peacetime cyber attacks non-kinetic conflict international norms state responsibility cyber deterrence diplomatic response collective security UN Charter jus ad bellum Tallinn Manual cybercrime treaties escalation foreign policy global governance cybersecurity policy rules of engagement cyber non-aggression state accountability cyberattack consequences international condemnation information warfare media coverage public awareness cyber norms development USA-Iran cyber conflict international cooperation international cyber law state sovereignty in cyberspace legal frameworks for cyber warfare cyber attack response mechanisms attribution in cyber conflicts international humanitarian law cybersecurity state self-defense cyber attacks Tallinn Manual cyber deterrence collective security cyberspace UN cyber regulation normative frameworks cyber Geneva Convention cyber relevance cyber retaliation legality state responsibility cyber operations public awareness cyber attacks international condemnation cyber warfare USA-Iran cyber conflict global norms cyber attacks legal gaps cyber defense
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con01a	Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. individual rights civil liberties autonomy self-determination responsible gambling entertainment choice online betting gambling regulation government intervention freedom of choice legalisation of gambling personal autonomy gambling laws digital betting consumer protection liberty anti-gambling advocacy gambling advertising personal responsibility recreational gambling privacy rights moral regulation gambling policy social acceptance ethical gambling individual liberty gambling regulation government intervention civil rights personal choice gambling legislation responsible gambling online betting consumer autonomy recreational gambling public policy advertising restrictions moral regulation freedom of expression legal gambling gambling laws digital gambling gambling accessibility harm reduction ethical gambling individual autonomy gambling regulation gambling rights online betting legal gambling responsible gambling gambling laws government intervention gambling restrictions personal choice civil liberties personal responsibility moral legislation gambling freedom gambling policy ethical gambling internet gambling gambling advertising harm reduction consumer protection personal freedom and gambling arguments for gambling legalization individual rights online gambling government regulation gambling debate gambling as leisure activity ethics of gambling restrictions freedom to gamble online gambling personal choice banning gambling pros and cons impact of online gambling on personal freedom government influence on gambling laws self-regulation gambling industry gambling advertising freedom opposition to gambling laws online gambling accessibility gambling societal impacts regulating vs banning gambling personal responsibility gambling economic benefits gambling privatization vs regulation of gambling individual rights autonomy gambling regulation online betting personal choice legal restrictions freedom of expression financial autonomy responsible gambling recreational gambling government intervention liberty advertising rights consumer protection gambling laws digital gambling self-determination ethical gambling social attitudes public policy gambling personal rights gambling government regulation gambling individual choice gambling legal restrictions online gambling freedom gambling personal responsibility gambling advertising bans gambling public policy gambling moral debate gambling social impact gambling pro and con arguments gambling legal framework gambling freedom of choice gambling harm reduction gambling consumer protection gambling liberty gambling civil liberties online betting regulation gambling law reform gambling ethical issues gambling and society responsible gambling practices individual rights civil liberties autonomy self-determination behavioral regulation government intervention personal choice liberty adult consent recreational activities moral regulation anti-gambling laws gambling legislation public policy online betting gambling regulation harm reduction responsible gambling consumer freedom economic liberty privacy free market risk tolerance legal gambling entertainment choices paternalism debate advertising freedom self-regulation internet gambling cultural attitudes individual rights gambling legislation personal autonomy recreational gambling gambling regulations online betting freedom responsible gambling government intervention gambling restrictions civil liberties freedom of choice self-regulation gambling gambling harm reduction ethical gambling gambling advertising digital gambling platforms gambling policy debate consumer protection gambling anti-gambling advocacy gambling social impact gambling prohibition legal gambling frameworks gambling and society gambling moral debate online gambling benefits individual autonomy civil liberties responsible gambling gambling regulation personal choice online betting gambling rights legal gambling gambling policy recreational gambling gambling ethics individual rights gambling legislation internet gambling harm reduction government intervention gambling awareness freedom of expression gambling restrictions consumer protection autonomy individual rights gambling legislation government regulation personal responsibility online gambling regulation gambling addiction responsible gambling freedom of choice self-determination social impacts consumer protection gambling policy civil liberties economic impact moral regulation advertising restrictions betting laws libertarian perspective recreational gambling
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con01a	This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. sports and politics sportsmanship political neutrality football tournaments UEFA stance Ukraine political situation non-political entertainment sport event boycott human rights activism in sports politicization of sports pro-democracy athletes Euro 2012 controversy sport event organization separation of sport and politics international sports policy athlete activism government intervention in sports protest in sports events entertainment vs political agendas political stunts in sports sports event politics separation of sport and politics non-political sports UEFA stance Ukraine political situation government interference Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment international sports non-political sphere bringing nations together sport and unity pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko anti-politicization of sports sports politicization political boycotts human rights government agendas political stunts sports minister Hugh Robertson Euro Cup boycott Tymoshenko European leaders Passport Foreignpolicy The Telegraph sports diplomacy sport as entertainment sports-politics separation sports event neutrality politicization of sports Euro 2012 controversy UEFA political stance sports boycotts sports and human rights Ukraine political situation football tournament neutrality sports activism sporting event diplomacy sports and governance pro-democracy sports figures sports for unity political interference in sports sports and entertainment athletes and political protests sports organization policies sports as a non-political platform government intervention in sports sports and politics separation sports event political neutrality UEFA stance on Ukraine crisis Euro 2012 political boycott role of sports in international relations sport and human rights activism politicization of football tournaments sports diplomacy examples impact of political boycotts on sports athletes' views on sports and politics sports as a unifying force pro-democracy activists on sports impact of government actions on sports events cases of sports event boycotts sports and government interference sports entertainment versus political statements neutrality of sports organizations sports policy and politics sporting events and political protests Euro 2012 controversy sports and politics politicization of sports Euro 2012 Uefa political stance sports event vs political event sports boycott Ukraine political situation football and activism Vatali Klitschko human rights agendas in sports event organization neutrality government interference in sports entertainment and sports unity sports minister boycott Tymoshenko Euro 2012 European leaders sports boycott sports diplomacy sports and government non-political sports sphere sporting events and protests sports activism sports and politics separation politicization of sports Euro 2012 political controversy sport event neutrality UEFA non-political stance Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott sport as entertainment human rights and sports government interference in sports political stunts in sports sports event activism Vitali Klitschko political views European leaders sports boycotts sport diplomacy sport and international relations ethics in sports events sports event political protests football tournament unity sport event impartiality political agendas in sports sports event political neutrality separation of sports and politics UEFA policy Euro 2012 football tournament non-political entertainment nations united anti-politicization Vatali Klitschko sports boycott human rights agenda democracy activism government interference political stunts Ukraine political situation Tymoshenko European leaders sport governance event autonomy political influence in sports international tournaments athlete activism political protests in sports sports and politics separation politicization of sports UEFA stance on politics Euro 2012 political controversies Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott sports event neutrality sports and human rights sports entertainment vs politics football tournaments and politics political boycotts sporting events Vatali Klitschko politicization sports sports event government interference sports activism Ukraine sports diplomacy Euro 2012 government response Tymoshenko Euro Cup boycott sports event political stunts sports organizers neutrality sports uniting nations politics-free sports events sports event political event sport and politics separation of sport and politics UEFA position Ukraine political situation Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations coming together non-political sport Vatali Klitschko politicization of sports political boycott pro-democracy activists human rights agenda government interference sports minister Hugh Robertson Tymoshenko European leaders Euro Cup boycott sport activism sport diplomacy political protests in sports football and politics tournament hosting controversy sports diplomacy sports and politics de-politicization sports organizations neutrality Euro 2012 Ukraine sports boycotts human rights in sports Uefa stance sports as entertainment sports nationalism political boycotts Vatali Klitschko Tymoshenko protest political stunts in sports non-political events sport as unity sport and human rights international sports tournaments football and politics sports activism
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. poverty alleviation entrepreneurship microfinance access to capital startup funding financial inclusion small business loans economic empowerment community development microcredit social enterprise business incubation lending initiatives financial literacy wealth creation inclusive finance grassroots entrepreneurship self-employment sustainable development capital access property ownership land acquisition market entry economic mobility investment opportunities microfinance financial inclusion startup capital entrepreneurship small business loans poverty alleviation access to credit community empowerment social entrepreneurship microloans economic development financial services inclusive finance microenterprise capital access financial empowerment lending initiatives grassroots business property ownership land acquisition personal security income generation sustainable livelihoods microfinance entrepreneurship startup capital financial inclusion poverty alleviation economic empowerment small business microloans social entrepreneurship sustainable development financial literacy microcredit community development access to finance self-employment wealth creation business financing economic mobility inclusive finance grassroots innovation entrepreneurial solutions to poverty microfinance for poverty alleviation access to startup capital for the poor empowering entrepreneurs in underserved communities microloans for community development Lend with Care case study financial inclusion and economic growth microfinance and property ownership role of microfinance in developing economies benefits of access to financial capital enabling small business in low-income areas cumulative impact of microfinance microfinance and land acquisition microfinance for personal security and dignity social impact of entrepreneurship poverty reduction through financial access financing business ideas for the poor inclusive capitalism and microfinance microfinance initiatives for community empowerment microfinance financial inclusion venture capital seed funding economic empowerment community development startup funding financial literacy small business loans inclusive finance social entrepreneurship impact investing microloans sustainable development wealth creation access to credit poverty alleviation grassroots entrepreneurship economic mobility property rights cooperative banking financial services microenterprise self-employment social impact financial independence microfinance poverty alleviation financial inclusion access to startup capital entrepreneurial finance small business funding microloans community empowerment social entrepreneurship economic development Lend with Care inclusive capitalism business ideas support property ownership wealth creation capital access for the poor financial empowerment startup funding for underserved communities microenterprise impact investing sustainable development poverty alleviation entrepreneurship microfinance financial inclusion startup capital venture funding small business loans access to credit community development economic empowerment microloans social enterprise Lend with Care property ownership land acquisition personal security financial dignity wealth creation community investment business incubation economic mobility market entry inclusive finance self-employment financial independence ending poverty entrepreneurialism microfinance startup capital financial inclusion access to credit community empowerment small business loans microloans microcredit social entrepreneurship inclusive finance alleviating poverty grassroots entrepreneurship economic development property ownership land acquisition financial empowerment Lend with Care community investment sustainable development capital access business startup funding financial services for the poor poverty reduction economic participation personal security economic resilience market entry dignity through ownership entrepreneurship poverty alleviation microfinance startup capital financial inclusion community empowerment access to finance small business funding economic development microloans financial literacy market access property ownership land acquisition personal security income generation sustainable development Lend with Care inclusive capitalism social entrepreneurship microfinance financial inclusion small business funding access to credit microloans community investment social entrepreneurship poverty alleviation economic empowerment startup funding grassroots capitalism inclusive finance entrepreneurial support property ownership land acquisition personal security dignity financial independence market participation wealth generation
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro02a	"Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . religion belief certainty divine inspiration hatred justification violence discrimination free speech harm God justification massacre barbarity history religious leaders conviction public order legislation rioting public disorder hate speech homophobia racism violence incitement religious rhetoric anti-gay statements political speech violence prevention speech restriction Public Order Act 1986 homophobic attacks New York hate crime US politics speech consequences legislative response hate speech religious extremism incitement to violence homophobic violence discrimination public order legislation free speech limitations religious justification for violence hate crimes Public Order Act 1986 violence prevention freedom of expression vs harm religious intolerance historical atrocities anti-gay rhetoric political hate speech New York homophobic attacks preacher responsibility speech and public safety legislative responses to hate religious hate crimes hate speech religious extremism free speech limitations incitement to violence discriminatory practices Public Order Act homophobic rhetoric religious justification for violence hate crime legislation speech regulation violence prevention freedom of expression anti-gay violence legal restrictions on speech religious intolerance history of religious violence political speech role of clergy harmful speech public disorder speech consequences hate speech laws social impact of speech protection from hate LGBTQ rights minority protection legislative response to hate speech and violence connection religion and violence religious justification for violence certainty of belief and extremism free speech vs hate speech impact of religious rhetoric on violence history of divinely inspired hatred ""With God on our side"" historical examples role of preachers in promoting violence Public Order Act 1986 and hate speech legislation against homophobic language homophobic and racist speech link to violence religious speech limitations gay rights and political hate speech New York homophobic attacks case study anti-gay statements and resulting violence balancing free speech and harm prevention legal restrictions on hate speech prevention of religiously motivated violence history hate speech religious intolerance freedom of expression violence incitement discrimination homophobia religious justification public order Public Order Act 1986 legislative response political rhetoric anti-gay speech minority rights risk of harm censorship debate moral certainty speech regulation faith-based violence ethical responsibility social consequences historical examples religious extremism group identity protection vs. liberty speech limitations hate crime legislation political influence persecution speech and harm legal restrictions societal safety hate speech religious intolerance freedom of speech limitations violence incited by religion homophobic violence public order law justification of speech restrictions religion and certainty hate crime legislation religiously motivated violence speech causing harm anti-gay rhetoric consequences limits on free expression discrimination and religion Public Order Act 1986 New York homophobic attacks religious justification for violence speech restrictions and safety divisive religious language history of religious violence religion religious certainty belief certainty divine justification divinely inspired hatred violence justification discrimination free speech limitations hate speech religious hate speech homophobia homophobic violence racism racist language public disorder Public Order Act 1986 legal restrictions speech legislation freedom of expression religious violence historical massacres barbarity preachers faith-based violence anti-gay rhetoric republican politicians homophobic attacks hate crime prevention of violence legislative response freedom vs safety history of religious violence speech harm speech regulation incitement to violence religious violence hate speech legislation freedom of speech vs hate speech public order act homophobic violence religious justification for violence anti-gay rhetoric discrimination and religion hate crime prevention speech causing harm religious certainty and violence historical religious violence legislative response to hate speech homophobia in politics justifications for restricting free speech impact of anti-gay statements free speech limitations religious leaders and violence riot legislation socially harmful speech law and public order hate speech and public safety hate speech religious violence freedom of speech limitations Public Order Act 1986 homophobic attacks justification for speech restrictions religiously inspired violence discriminatory practices New York anti-gay violence political hate speech legislative responses to hate speech historical religious violence violence caused by hate speech impact of certainty in belief homophobic rhetoric consequences free speech vs public safety hate crime legislation “With God on our side” justification role of preachers in inciting violence political incitement to violence anti-gay political statements hate speech religious extremism freedom of speech public order homophobia violence incitement discrimination religious justification anti-gay rhetoric legislative response Public Order Act 1986 speech restriction hate crime religious violence political speech social harm morality and law group identity historical massacres extremist ideology"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro01a	Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 civic duty compulsory voting voting rights democratic participation civic responsibilities paying taxes school attendance obeying laws jury duty military service suffrage historical enfranchisement democracy personal freedom societal cohesion civic obligations electoral participation citizenship duties voting sacrifice political rights voter turnout civic responsibility mandatory voting compulsory voting citizen obligations democratic participation tax compliance public education military service conscription jury service law obedience social cohesion electoral rights enfranchisement history suffrage movement sacrifices for democracy freedom and civic duties democratic rights civil liberties democracy history voting significance responsibilities of citizenship mandatory civic duties democracy and civic obligations societal stability public duty voter turnout rights and responsibilities historical struggles for voting democratic sacrifice civic duties compulsory voting democracy taxpayer responsibility school attendance road rules military conscription jury duty enfranchisement suffrage voting rights societal cohesion individual freedom citizen obligation modern history democratic participation historical sacrifice suffragettes civil responsibilities societal stability voting as civic duty importance of compulsory voting comparison with other civic duties benefits of civic participation history of voting rights sacrifice for enfranchisement suffragettes and soldier sacrifices compulsory voting and personal freedom societal cohesion from civic duties mandatory civic activities paying taxes civic duty attending school civic obligation obeying laws as civic responsibility military conscription jury duty requirements promoting voter turnout ethical responsibility to vote impact of voting on democracy preserving democratic rights respect for historical sacrifices arguments for compulsory voting democracy and voter participation compulsory voting civic responsibilities democratic participation suffrage voter turnout legal obligations taxpayer duties jury service military draft road safety laws education requirements civic engagement enfranchisement historical struggles for voting democracy social cohesion freedom and obligations rights and duties political participation societal stability compulsory voting benefits civic duty examples importance of voting voting and democracy comparison of civic duties historical fight for suffrage voting as a right voting obligations military conscription civic duty jury duty civic duty tax paying as civic duty attending school responsibility freedom and civic duties reasons to vote respecting sacrifices for democracy voting civic duty compulsory voting democracy suffrage enfranchisement civic responsibility paying taxes jury duty military conscription obeying laws school attendance civil obligations social cohesion stable society freedom individual rights public duty societal participation electoral rights democratic rights electoral participation suffragettes voting rights history of voting respect for sacrifice political participation Liberal Democrat Voice civic engagement civic responsibility compulsory voting advantages of voting importance of voting voting rights democratic participation history of suffrage paying taxes jury duty obeying laws military conscription benefits of civic duties obligations in democracy voter turnout sacrifice for enfranchisement democracy and freedom role of citizens public duty reasons to vote society stability voting and civil rights historical struggles for voting suffragette movement liberal democracy social contract individual freedom civic engagement mandatory voting debate public service respect for veterans social cohesion compulsory voting civic responsibility political participation democratic rights civic engagement voter turnout citizen obligations social cohesion societal stability paying taxes military conscription jury duty education requirements civil liberties suffrage movement enfranchisement historical struggles for voting freedom vs. duty social contract democracy history public service compulsory voting civic responsibility democratic participation suffrage enfranchisement jury duty taxation public education military service social cohesion mandatory voting voter turnout political participation electoral rights freedom vs obligation historical struggle for voting civic engagement societal stability democratic rights citizen duties
test-international-ghwcitca-pro02a	States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, cybersecurity international monitoring treaty enforcement cyber defense cyber-attack prevention cyber espionage international organizations United Nations dispute resolution cyber treaties private cybersecurity firms cyber threat intelligence cybercrime investigation cyberattack attribution global governance international cooperation cyber norms International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber law cyber policy state monitoring digital forensics cyber incident response international punishment mechanisms cyber defense forces multinational agreements cyber peacekeeping cybersecurity cooperation international cyber treaties cyber-attack monitoring treaty enforcement cyber defense forces private cyber monitoring international investigation agencies cyber dispute resolution state cyber monitoring independent international institution cyber treaty compliance UN cyber organization International Atomic Energy Agency model International Criminal Court model cyber espionage exposure Mandiant case study global cyber governance cyber-attack attribution state responsibility for cyber-attacks international cyber law enforcement cybersecurity international monitoring cyber treaties cyber-attack prevention cyber defense forces cyber espionage private cybersecurity firms cyber attribution international law treaty enforcement United Nations International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber incident investigation dispute resolution state accountability cybercrime prosecution digital forensics multinational cooperation transnational cyber threats cyber norms international institutions cyber regulations treaty compliance cyber sanctions cyber-attack treaty monitoring international cyber monitoring body cyber-attack dispute resolution state-level cyber surveillance independent cyber monitoring agency international cybercrime court UN cyber monitoring model global cyber defense forces private sector cyber-attack monitoring Mandiant cyber threat exposure cyber-attack evidence collection treaty compliance in cyber security cyber-attack punishment mechanism international cyber incident investigation IAEA model for cyber monitoring multinational cyber-attack oversight cyber-attack reporting frameworks international response to state-sponsored cyber-attacks public-private cyber monitoring collaboration global cyber espionage detection cybersecurity international monitoring treaty enforcement cyber defense cyber-attacks international institutions dispute resolution cyber espionage private security firms Mandiant United States cyber defense People’s Liberation Army cyber unit cyber treaty United Nations International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cybercrime investigation international law digital evidence cross-border cyber operations government accountability cyber incident response national security information sharing cyber attack attribution global governance cyber-attack monitoring international cyber treaties global cyber defense international monitoring bodies cyber treaty enforcement independent cyber oversight UN cyber agency model cyber dispute resolution private sector cyber monitoring cross-border cyber regulations international cybercrime court cyber-attack evidence gathering global cyber security cooperation treaty violation punishment cyber espionage prevention multinational cyber investigations international cybersecurity agreement public-private cyber monitoring incident investigation mechanisms international cyber threat response cyber-attack monitoring international treaty cyber defense state monitoring private cybersecurity firms cyber espionage international enforcement cyber incident investigation UN cyber organization International Atomic Energy Agency model International Criminal Court model cybersecurity policy mutual monitoring dispute settlement digital evidence corporate cyber-attacks government cyber-attacks cyber treaty compliance independent cyber authority cyber attribution cyber governance People’s Liberation Army cyber Mandiant international cyber regulation cyber law enforcement cyberpunishment cyber threat tracing international security cybersecurity cooperation cybersecurity treaty international cyber monitoring cyber-attack detection interstate cyber surveillance cyber defense forces international cyber regulation cybercrime treaty enforcement global cyber governance international cyber cooperation cyber-attack attribution international dispute resolution cyber cyber incident investigation private sector cyber monitoring global cyber policy UN cyber agency International Atomic Energy Agency model International Criminal Court cyber jurisdiction cyber treaty compliance digital evidence gathering cyber espionage monitoring national versus corporate cyber defense cyberattack international response cross-border cyber threats Mandiant cyber reports cyber defense alliances global cyber norms cyber conflict resolution cybersecurity cyber-attacks international treaties state monitoring cyber defense cyber espionage private security firms cyber forensics international cooperation cyber governance dispute resolution United Nations International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cybercrime investigation global internet policy digital evidence attribution of cyber-attacks international law cyber norms digital sovereignty cyber sanctions cyber deterrence international enforcement multilateral monitoring cyber threat intelligence cybersecurity frameworks government accountability cyber incident response cyber treaty compliance cybersecurity international monitoring treaty enforcement cyber-attacks cyber defense state surveillance private cybersecurity firms international law dispute resolution United Nations International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber espionage cyber attribution cyber governance cyber treaties cybercrime prosecution cyber incident investigation cyber policy cyber threat intelligence
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con03a	If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics legal principles democratic liberties rule of law preservation of way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development Western powers fundamental rights judicial safeguards political control civil liberties human rights core values constitutional protections government accountability moral standards legal integrity democratic institutions justice system authoritarianism terrorism sociopolitical stability ethical governance democratic erosion legal principles rule of law democratic values civil liberties human rights religious extremism democratic development political control Western democracies equality decency government accountability constitutional rights erosion of freedoms war on terror justice fanaticism legal safeguards state power international law legal principles rule of law democratic values civil liberties human rights religious extremism political control preservation of democracy equality decency Western powers democracy constitutional rights justice due process war on terror government accountability defending freedoms erosion of rights security vs liberty ethical governance principles of justice fanaticism threats to democracy abandonment of law defending legal principles rule of law in democracy consequences of abandoning legal principles preservation of democratic values democratic governments and liberties equality and decency in law fighting extremism without sacrificing principles risks of undermining democracy legal principles versus political expediency Western response to extremism historic development of democracy religious extremism and democracy dangers of compromising justice long-term effects of abandoning legal standards protecting freedoms in times of crisis rule of law democratic principles civil liberties legal integrity religious extremism democratic development political ethics moral consistency equality decency Western values legal defense justice constitutional rights political philosophy Western democracy human rights fundamental freedoms war on terror government accountability preservation of democracy democratic institutions principle-based governance authoritarianism ethical governance rule of law legal principles democratic values preservation of democracy protecting civil liberties impact of abandoning principles religious extremism vs democracy defending equality and decency risks of compromising principles western powers and civil rights war on terror and rule of law consequences of sacrificing freedoms democracy and rule of law constitutional values reaction to fundamentalism ethical response to extremism balancing security and liberty historical development of democracy principles vs security government responsibility safeguarding basic rights rule of law legal principles civil liberties democratic values human rights equality decency religious extremism Western powers democratic development political ideology fundamental rights freedom moral principles justice authoritarianism national security war on terror constitutional rights government responsibility fanaticism legal integrity democracy preservation ethical governance social justice legal principles democratic liberties rule of law religious extremism democratic development political control preservation of way of life equality decency Western powers liberty defense abandonment of principles democratic values fanatics legal ethics human rights civil liberties constitutional principles war on terror moral integrity governmental accountability western democracy basic principles political philosophy legal fundamentalism democratic erosion extremism threat democratic institutions legal principles rule of law democratic values civil liberties human rights religious extremism democratic development equality decency political control way of life Western powers constitutional law justice fundamental rights terrorism wartime ethics government accountability moral principles principle abandonment fanaticism social consequences civil society state power legal ethics rule of law democratic values legal integrity civil liberties equality decency religious extremism democratic development Western powers political principles human rights constitutional principles moral standards counterterrorism ethics fundamental freedoms judicial independence legal safeguards political philosophy democratic institutions wartime ethics
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 ICC enforcement international criminal apprehension transnational crime cross-border operations international law enforcement multinational policing arrest warrants ICTY NATO arrest powers war criminal detention international tribunal enforcement extradition international cooperation Kony case international police force arrest authority multinational intervention judicial enforcement cross-border justice organizational mandate international criminal tribunals ICC enforcement international criminal apprehension cross-border arrests multinational police forces war crimes arrest authority Joseph Kony precedent international criminal jurisdiction ICTY enforcement experience NATO arrest authority international arrest warrants organizational arrest authority international law enforcement cooperation war criminal detention international tribunal arrest powers multilateral crime fighting global criminal justice enforcement extradition for international criminals international policing military-backed arrest operations coordination against transnational crime ICC enforcement international criminal justice cross-border law enforcement multinational police arrest warrants international cooperation jurisdiction international criminal tribunal war criminals extradition international policing authority responsibility NATO international law ICC powers global justice fugitive apprehension international warrants multinational military support ICC enforcement authority importance benefits of international criminal enforcement arms cross-border powers for ICC ICC vs. national authorities effectiveness of multinational police forces lessons from ICTY enforcement NATO's role in international criminal arrests problems of unclear enforcement mandates necessity of international arrest authority Joseph Kony case study ICC coordination between states and ICC enforcement mechanisms for international courts success factors for arresting war criminals the role of military support in international law enforcement resolving enforcement gaps in international justice ICC warrant implementation challenges international organizations and law enforcement improving international criminal capture legitimacy of ICC enforcement historical examples of international arrest cooperation ICC enforcement mechanisms international criminal apprehension cross-border arrest authority multinational police forces NATO arrest power International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY lessons international arrest warrants organizational responsibility arrest warrant enforcement international law enforcement cooperation Joseph Kony fugitives international criminal law extradition challenges law enforcement coordination war crimes enforcement international tribunal enforcement effectiveness of ICC state cooperation with ICC legal authority for international arrests ICC enforcement authority international criminal court expansion cross-border criminal apprehension multinational police cooperation Joseph Kony ICC case International Criminal Tribunal enforcement NATO arrest authority international warrants enforcement effectiveness of ICC clarification of arrest powers transnational crime pursuit practical enforcement ICC multinational law enforcement ICTY lessons for ICC improvements to ICC arrest capability cross-border legal collaboration ICC international jurisdiction global criminal justice enforcement coordinated transnational criminal response international arrest warrant execution ICC enforcement arrest warrants international criminal court cross-border arrests transnational crime multinational police NATO military support international fugitives international law enforcement Joseph Kony ICTY international criminal prosecution war criminals organizational authority legal jurisdiction international cooperation extradition processes police coordination judicial enforcement sovereignty international justice international tribunals border evasion international crime fighting peacekeeping forces international mandates criminal apprehension ICC enforcement arm international criminal court cross-border enforcement international fugitive apprehension multinational police cooperation transnational criminal justice arrest warrant enforcement international criminal prosecution global law enforcement Joseph Kony arrest ICTY enforcement NATO arrest powers war criminal detention international criminal tribunals extradition cooperation international police forces cross-border justice multinational military support international warrant jurisdiction international law enforcement agencies ICC enforcement mechanisms international criminal apprehension cross-border law enforcement multinational police cooperation war criminal arrest arrest warrant enforcement international criminal justice NATO role in ICTY organization authority for arrests international law enforcement coordination transnational crime pursuit ICTY multinational forces police-military collaboration strengthening ICC mandate effective international arrest strategies international criminal court ICC enforcement cross-border law enforcement international criminal law international fugitives multinational police forces arrest warrants war criminals NATO arrests ICTY enforcement international cooperation transnational crime international justice apprehension of criminals law enforcement authority international tribunals judicial enforcement legal authority arrest powers jurisdictional clarity Joseph Kony war crimes prosecution international police coordination
test-law-umtlilhotac-con03a	Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. public trial international criminal law historical record deterrence trial broadcasting crime documentation court transparency victim testimony fair trial perception legal accountability media coverage judicial transparency crime deterrence legal history trial footage criminal justice witness evidence post-trial analysis public awareness myth debunking broadcast trials public trial records international criminal law history televised trials courtroom transparency historical trial documentation trial footage criminal justice transparency victims' testimonies legal deterrence public access to trials myth reduction in justice fair trial perception judicial transparency archival trial footage victim impact statements international tribunal broadcast trial broadcast benefits legal process recording preserving trial evidence public trial televised trial historical documentation legal transparency judicial transparency international criminal justice trial broadcasting audiovisual records victim testimony judicial proceedings legal deterrence court footage Nuremberg principles public accountability legal history myth reduction victim advocacy case study fair trial legal education crime deterrence media coverage court transparency historical evidence justice system documented evidence public broadcasting of trials historical record of criminal trials international criminal law transparency televised trials public access recording trial proceedings deterrent effect of public trials victims' voices in court video archives of court proceedings combating trial misinformation fairness of international trials impact of broadcasting on justice documentation of war crimes trials open justice benefits preserving victims’ testimonies transparency in war crimes tribunals educational value of broadcasting trials public perception of justice myth reduction through court broadcasting accountability in international courts trial broadcasts for future study broadcasting trials public record international criminal law historical record Nuremberg principles criminal trials trial transparency deterrence trial footage victim testimony myth reduction fairness of trials recorded evidence legal history posterity public access judicial accountability media coverage victim’s voice legal documentation war crimes crimes against humanity transitional justice trial broadcasting benefits public record international criminal law Nuremberg precedent historical record deterrence heinous crimes trial transparency victim testimony broadcast recording trial proceedings open justice principle trial fairness myths documenting criminal trials historical footage international justice victims' voices international law educational value trial footage preventing conflicting narratives trial legitimacy broadcast international justice media coverage broadcasting trials public record international criminal law historical record war crimes crimes against humanity trial transparency deterrence legal precedent recorded testimony judicial documentation victim testimony court footage crime documentation myth reduction fair trial justice transparency open justice legal proceedings historical archive legal deterrence international justice victim's voice legal evidence criminal accountability media coverage court records legal history trial archives public awareness justice process international criminal law public trial record Nuremberg trials historical record trial broadcasting benefits deterrence criminal behavior trial transparency victim testimony recording preventing historical revisionism criminal trial transparency media coverage war crimes access to justice documenting atrocities trial fairness perception international justice deterrence public access legal proceedings archival trial footage victim voices justice public awareness war crimes legal process documentation public record international criminal law Nuremberg trials historical documentation televised trials trial transparency legal deterrence judicial accountability trial footage victim testimony criminal justice preventing misinformation legal precedent trial broadcast historical memory justice system openness evidentiary record war crimes crimes against humanity court proceedings trial fairness legal history myth debunking victims’ voices legal transparency archival footage judicial process public awareness legal education crime deterrence public record trial transparency international criminal law historical documentation Nuremberg principles legal deterrence judicial broadcasting victim testimony trial footage atrocity trials historical accountability legal history public awareness evidence recording criminal justice legal fairness trial legitimacy court transparency mass crimes international tribunals human rights educational value myth reduction legal precedent justice system media coverage legal process war crimes crimes against humanity victim impact statements
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con05a	Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] prosecutorial immunity political incentives reelection lifetime tenure diplomatic immunity accountability unpunished misconduct politician motivation office abuse term limits corruption public duty democratic norms legal protection public trust political privilege immunity consequences ethical standards government transparency political salary elected officials immunity abuse prosecutorial immunity political incentives diplomatic immunity elected officials office tenure reelection motivation political accountability immunity abuse age and effectiveness politician misconduct government ethics public office benefits term limits democratic institutions corruption prevention politician salary legal immunity incentive structures public trust government oversight prosecutorial immunity political incentives office tenure diplomatic immunity politician reelection immunity abuse accountability democratic governance politician effectiveness political corruption public office incentive structures legal immunity unchecked power political ethics compensation in politics public trust governance reform political salary term limits prosecutorial immunity effects political office incentives immunity and political tenure diplomatic immunity consequences immunity from prosecution in politics impact of immunity on reelection politician age and effectiveness salary and incentives for politicians abuse of political immunity immunity-induced misconduct immunity and political accountability reelection driven by immunity pros and cons of diplomatic immunity political immunity and government performance salary structures in democracies immunity’s role in political motivation public office and legal protection removing immunity for politicians limiting prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity case studies prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity political corruption reelection incentives term limits accountability office misconduct aging politicians democracy safeguards political salaries deterrents to abuse public office ethics immunities in government legal consequences politician effectiveness abuse of power democratic reforms election motivations government transparency judicial oversight prosecutorial immunity political incentives perverse incentives diplomatic immunity immunity from prosecution politicians seeking reelection aging politicians effectiveness in office democratic governance political salaries corruption in politics accountability political misconduct reelection motives consequences of immunity politician behavior officeholder longevity deterrence mechanisms abuse of power legal immunity political reform prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity political office incentives reelection motivation politician accountability abuse of power legal protection for politicians minor indiscretions democratic salary policies officeholder misconduct immunity consequences political corruption public servant compensation perverse incentives immunity from prosecution effectiveness of aging politicians ethical governance deterrents for malpractice legal immunity drawbacks incentives in politics prosecutorial immunity political accountability democratic incentives diplomatic immunity office tenure political corruption reelection motivations aging politicians minor indiscretions political salaries elected officials public office abuse legal immunity political ethics governance standards deterrents to misconduct political office benefits corruption incentives public trust in government politician effectiveness prosecutorial immunity political corruption office tenure diplomatic immunity benefits of immunity political accountability reelection incentives age and effectiveness salary of politicians deterrence of misconduct democratic safeguards abuse of immunity comparative democracy political ethics corruption prevention legal protection for officials career politicians term limits governance political responsibility political immunity prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity incentives for reelection political corruption accountability in government aging politicians term limits ethics in politics parliamentary privilege legal immunity abuse of power anti-corruption measures incentives in public office salary caps for politicians deterrence of misconduct officeholder privileges reelection motivation effectiveness of elderly politicians consequences of immunity democratic safeguards political salary regulations
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro03a	Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 cluster munitions international law arms treaties humanitarian law U.S. foreign policy global reputation Western democracies international diplomacy disarmament UK-U.S. relations treaty compliance military alliances NATO civilian casualties war crimes moral authority soft power international norms arms control humanitarian impact post-conflict recovery demining efforts military ethics international cooperation reputation damage human rights diplomacy challenges global leadership international pressure coalition politics cluster munitions international law humanitarian impact U.S. foreign policy Convention on Cluster Munitions U.S. global image arms treaties military alliances Western democracies international reputation humanitarian law transatlantic relations diplomacy arms control agreements U.K.-U.S. relations humanitarian norms military ethics soft power global leadership international norms civilian casualties international condemnation global influence U.S. exceptionalism NATO treaty compliance demining efforts international pressure U.S.-Europe relations cluster munitions arms control international law humanitarian law U.S. foreign policy international reputation Western democracies U.K.-U.S. relations Convention on Cluster Munitions treaty compliance arms treaty global image humanitarian impact international cooperation allied relations political alliances military policy liberal democracy demining efforts international pressure diplomatic consequences military ethics arms proliferation soft power global standing war conventions human rights international condemnation state reputation global governance cluster bomb treaty international relations U.S. global reputation cluster munitions impact of cluster bombs on U.S. alliances U.S. refusal cluster bomb ban diplomatic effects U.K. stance cluster bombs influence on U.S. Western democracies cluster munitions consensus political fallout U.S. cluster bomb policy cluster munitions ban international pressure U.S. comparison U.S. allies cluster bomb policies U.S. decision cluster bombs effect on transatlantic relations U.S. leadership Western liberal democracy cluster bomb issue image of U.S. among Western allies cluster munitions NATO allies response U.S. cluster cluster munitions U.S. foreign policy international law Convention on Cluster Munitions Western liberal democracies humanitarian law international reputation global image allied relations U.K.-U.S. relations treaty compliance arms control demining efforts military ethics international cooperation geopolitical consequences human rights soft power transatlantic relations global security U.S. exceptionalism weapons bans multilateral diplomacy political alliances global governance U.S. cluster bomb policy international reputation of U.S. Western liberal democracies cluster bombs U.S. image cluster munitions U.S. foreign policy munitions humanitarian impacts cluster bombs international relations cluster munitions U.S.-U.K. cluster bomb stance demining cooperation U.S. treaty on cluster munitions U.S. military allies cluster bombs U.S. global political influence cluster bomb ban diplomatic effects U.S. compliance arms treaties Western allies disarmament global perception U.S. cluster bombs U.S. humanitarian obligations allied pressure cluster bombs U cluster munitions international humanitarian law Convention on Cluster Munitions U.S. foreign policy arms control military alliances NATO global reputation international relations war crimes civilian casualties human rights diplomatic relations Western democracies U.K.-U.S. relations treaty non-signatories demining efforts soft power global leadership international norms unilateral actions humanitarian impact weapon bans transatlantic alliance legitimacy global governance cluster bomb ban U.S. international image U.S. cluster munitions policy Western liberal democracies cluster bombs international humanitarian law U.S.-UK alliance cluster bombs Convention on Cluster Munitions U.S. refusal to sign treaty U.S. demining efforts global arms treaties U.S. political clout U.S. humanitarian policy impact on U.S. alliances humanitarian consequences cluster munitions international relations U.S. arms control treaties NATO and cluster munitions reputation of U.S. abroad U.S. foreign policy criticism U.S. and international human cluster munitions international relations U.S. foreign policy humanitarian law arms control treaty global reputation allied diplomacy civilian casualties Ottawa Convention Convention on Cluster Munitions U.K.-U.S. relations NATO partners Western democracies international humanitarian norm moral leadership mine action demining assistance treaty compliance military ethics human rights disarmament global security U.S. exceptionalism soft power transatlantic relations arms proliferation international law coalition building alliance management global governance cluster munitions international law arms treaties humanitarian impact US foreign policy civilian casualties Convention on Cluster Munitions diplomacy UK policy NATO allies international reputation global perception demining efforts coalition support arms control humanitarian norms international cooperation soft power war crimes military ethics
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro03a	Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: internet censorship China free speech global pressure Google internet freedom free expression Great Firewall Chinese internet government censorship online rights digital rights Hillary Clinton U.S. Secretary of State democratic countries public awareness political pressure global awareness information control tech companies global media internet regulation state censorship freedom of information online activism internet censorship China Google censorship free speech global pressure internet freedom great firewall Chinese internet policies public awareness political pressure democratic countries government transparency digital rights online freedom global response Google decision international attention Hillary Clinton internet freedom United States response Chinese government actions multinational technology influence global internet policy media coverage international advocacy internet regulation online expression world news technology companies censorship resistance internet censorship China free speech Google global pressure internet freedom great firewall Chinese government democracy public awareness political pressure U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton conference censorship policies international response digital rights human rights online censorship world news government transparency technology companies global agenda digital activism online freedom Google China censorship global reaction to Google uncensored search international response to Chinese internet censorship impact of Google decision on China's free speech US government statements on Chinese censorship Hillary Clinton internet freedom speech public awareness of the Great Firewall diplomatic pressure on China internet freedom effect of Google uncensoring on world politics examples of internet companies opposing censorship global internet policy change raising global awareness of censorship case studies Google vs China impact on Chinese citizens’ knowledge advocacy for online freedom worldwide role of tech firms in human rights influence of US tech companies on foreign policy internet censorship China Google decision free speech great firewall global pressure internet freedom international response online censorship human rights public awareness political influence tech companies Hillary Clinton speech U.S. Secretary of State digital rights information control Chinese government global agenda democratic countries media coverage freedom of expression world news policy change civil liberties conference on internet freedom internet censorship China Google censorship China great firewall of China global pressure China free speech internet freedom activism US stance on internet freedom global response to China's censorship Google decision uncensored China Hillary Clinton internet freedom speech impact of uncensored search China Google and Chinese internet policies international advocacy free speech China global awareness Chinese internet controls democratic countries response China censorship reforms in Chinese free speech tech companies role internet freedom effects of internet freedom on China pressure for free speech China global internet policy debate internet company advocacy China internet censorship China free speech Google decision global pressure internet freedom world news U.S. Secretary of State internet companies Chinese internet censorship threat to freedom great firewall public awareness high-profile decision democratic countries political pressure policy change Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom 2011 government actions digital rights international response public opinion advocacy online expression media coverage international relations China internet censorship Google censorship decision global pressure China free speech Chinese internet policies internet freedom China great firewall awareness international response censorship Google internet freedom Hillary Clinton internet freedom speech US policy China censorship impact of not censoring China public awareness Chinese censorship political pressure China free speech global reaction Google censorship free speech advocacy China Google activism China censorship foreign policy digital rights China internet companies censorship China Chinese government internet control internet censorship free speech China Google great firewall internet freedom global pressure US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton democratic countries public awareness political pressure government policies online freedom information dissemination international relations human rights media coverage digital rights technology policy internet censorship China free speech Google China Great Firewall global public opinion political pressure China internet freedom censorship impact international relations digital rights free expression online activism US foreign policy Hillary Clinton internet speech tech company ethics global information access Chinese government policies online freedom advocacy multinational corporations government transparency
test-economy-egecegphw-con02a	Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, airport expansion environmental impact climate change greenhouse gas emissions air pollution EU pollution limits CO2 emissions UK climate commitments third runway aviation emissions public health Heathrow pollution air quality government lobbying deaths linked to pollution sustainable aviation carbon footprint legal compliance emission reduction targets aviation policy Heathrow expansion environmental impact climate change EU pollution limits UK greenhouse gas targets carbon emissions third runway air pollution CO2 emissions aviation emissions government lobbying pollution laws Heathrow deaths public health flight increase renewable energy transportation emissions sustainable aviation legal compliance climate policy air quality UK emissions commitment airport capacity human health impact pollution mortality climate targets GHG reduction emission mitigation sustainable development EU environmental regulation aviation emissions airport expansion third runway air pollution carbon footprint UK climate targets EU air quality standards greenhouse gases environmental impact Heathrow expansion legal limits on pollution carbon dioxide emissions government lobbying public health risks premature deaths climate policy sustainable aviation transport emissions air quality legislation climate change mitigation Heathrow expansion environmental impact Heathrow third runway climate change Heathrow airport pollution deaths UK greenhouse gas reduction targets EU legal air pollution limits Heathrow Effects of increased flights on emissions Heathrow third runway government lobbying Heathrow environmental consequences Pollution laws EU Heathrow Human health effects Heathrow expansion Heathrow carbon dioxide emissions ranking Greenhouse gas commitments UK Heathrow Heathrow airport air quality standards UK aviation industry climate obligations Heathrow expansion policy debate Heathrow expansion environmental impact climate change UK pollution limits EU emission standards greenhouse gas reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions aviation pollution air quality UK climate commitments pollution deaths government lobbying Brussels pollution laws human health risks airport emissions CO2 regulations sustainable aviation aviation policy UK environmental law Heathrow expansion environmental impact Heathrow third runway carbon emissions UK climate change commitments EU pollution legal limits Heathrow greenhouse gas reduction UK Heathrow air quality concerns Heathrow flight emissions aviation contribution to climate change UK pollution deaths Heathrow government lobbying EU pollution laws Heathrow third runway health risks UK carbon emission targets environmental costs airport expansion air pollution UK airports Heathrow sustainability challenges Heathrow expansion environmental impact climate change EU legal pollution limits UK greenhouse gas reduction carbon dioxide emissions third runway aviation emissions air pollution government lobbying Brussels pollution laws human health effects premature deaths air quality standards UK carbon targets sustainable aviation airport infrastructure environmental regulations greenhouse gas commitments public health toxic air flight increase policy compliance national emissions environmental law enforcement UK-EU agreements Heathrow expansion environmental impact climate change UK pollution limits EU legal limits greenhouse gas reduction carbon dioxide emissions third runway airport emissions government lobbying pollution laws human health air quality aviation emissions CO2 targets air travel growth pollution deaths UK environmental commitments flight increase EU pollution regulations airport infrastructure sustainable aviation air pollution statistics climate policy UK Heathrow health risks air traffic and emissions carbon footprint airports UK carbon reduction strategy EU greenhouse gas policy airport expansion controversy Heathrow expansion environmental impact climate change EU pollution limits UK greenhouse gas targets CO2 emissions third runway air pollution carbon footprint flight increase government lobbying Brussels human health effects pollution-related deaths mitigation policy illegal pollution levels UK legal commitments airport emissions transportation pollution air quality regulations sustainable aviation alternative transportation policy intervention environmental law public health ecological sustainability airport expansion climate impact greenhouse gas emissions EU pollution limits UK environmental policy carbon footprint air quality third runway aviation emissions CO2 targets environmental regulations public health risks air pollution deaths Heathrow sustainability aviation policy environmental lobbying pollution mitigation flight increase UK climate commitments sustainable transport
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro04a	Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. reparations colonialism economic imbalance economic disparity former colonies colonial powers wealth extraction natural resources exploitation human resources exploitation compensation economic justice decolonisation Britain France imperialism economic legacy historical injustice unequal development exploitation resource depletion cheap labor post-colonial economy reparative justice wealth redistribution colonial compensation global inequality economic restitution colonial exploitation economic consequences restorative justice reparations economic imbalance colonialism postcolonial economy colonial exploitation natural resources depletion human resources exploitation economic disparity colonial powers Britain France colonial compensation postcolonial reparations historical injustices resource extraction labor exploitation economic justice former colonies wealth transfer decolonization restitution global economic inequality colonial legacy colonization impact colonial restitution compensation for colonization international reparations colonial damage economic redress slavery reparations postcolonial development reparations colonialism economic imbalance compensation former colonies natural resources exploitation human resources exploitation economic disparity Britain France postcolonial economy wealth redistribution colonial legacy resource extraction labour exploitation imperialism decolonisation global inequality economic justice restitution historical accountability colonial compensation neo-colonialism economic development structural adjustment international aid slavery reparations colonial debt reparations for former colonies colonialism economic impact economic compensation post-colonialism natural resource exploitation colonialism human resources colonial legacy colonial powers reparations Britain colonial reparations France colonial reparations economic disparity due to colonialism logic of reparations colonial labor exploitation restoration of former colonies economies post-colonial economic recovery justice for colonized nations compensation for resource depletion balancing global economic inequality reparations historical precedents anti-colonial reparations arguments moral responsibility of colonizers post-colonial development funds reparations colonialism economic imbalance former colonies natural resource exploitation human resource exploitation economic motivation colonisation economic disparity compensation economic justice Britain France post-colonial economies resource extraction wealth redistribution decolonization historical accountability global economic inequality labour exploitation colonial legacy reparations for colonialism economic impact of colonialism compensation to former colonies colonial exploitation natural resources colonial exploitation human resources Britain colonial reparations France colonial reparations addressing economic disparity colonies motives for colonisation economic reparations for historical injustices postcolonial economic recovery effects of colonisation on economies reparations and global justice natural resource exploitation colonial era labor exploitation colonies equalising economic disparity reparations history of colonial compensation reparations former British colonies reparations former French colonies reparations economic imbalance colonialism economic motive colonisation former colonies natural resource damage human resource exploitation economic sustainability resource extraction colonial exploitation cheap labor free labor market supply British colonialism French colonialism economic disparity compensation post-colonial recovery colonial impact underdevelopment natural resource plundering human capital loss economic equalization wealth transfer historical injustice decolonization restitution wealth redistribution colonial power patrick e. bryan haitian revolution colonial legacy imperialism global inequality economic justice colonial reparations economic imbalance colonialism postcolonial compensation colonial exploitation restitution former colonies natural resource depletion colonialism colonial human resources impact economic disparity former colonies colonial wealth extraction colonial legacy economic impact France colonial reparations Britain colonial reparations colonialism compensation payments colonial era economic justice reparations natural resources historical reparations colonialism economic injustice colonialism colonial powers responsibility postcolonial development aid colonial reparations policy reparations economic imbalance colonialism former colonies economic damage natural resources human resources exploitation colonisation economic motive global inequality compensation economic disparity resource extraction colonial powers Britain France labor exploitation wealth transfer postcolonial development historical injustice economic justice global south sustainable economy restitution neo-colonialism decolonization economic recovery international law economic reparations developmental aid colonial reparations economic justice colonial exploitation wealth redistribution post-colonial recovery natural resource extraction labor exploitation colonial legacy compensation for colonialism economic disparity historical accountability decolonization Britain colonialism France colonialism reparative justice global inequality restitution colonial economic motives former colonies development colonial resource depletion
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro05a	Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. animal welfare animal rights animal research ethics legal exceptions animal protection laws animal cruelty scientific procedures act moral tension animal laboratory regulations humane treatment animal experimentation societal attitudes legal consistency animal suffering criminal offense ethical standards public awareness pet welfare farm animal rights animal abuse prevention animal legislation policy reform animal rights animal welfare animal research ethics legal exceptions animal cruelty laws scientific procedures laboratory animals moral tension animal protection legislation animal suffering ethical treatment consistency in animal law animal experimentation animal testing regulations humane treatment legal loopholes enforcement of animal welfare public attitudes animal advocacy societal values animal abuse prevention animal law reform animal welfare policy animal sentience animal liberation criminal offense animal cruelty legal consistency animal rights activism animal protection organizations animal justice animal welfare animal rights animal research ethics animal cruelty laws scientific procedures act animal protection legislation animal experimentation legal exceptions for animal use moral tension animal research societal attitudes animal welfare consistency animal laws animal suffering humane treatment animals animal rights advocacy ethical treatment of animals animal abuse prevention farm animal welfare animal testing regulation public opinion animal rights animal law reform animal research ethics animal welfare laws legal exceptions for animal testing 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act moral implications of animal testing societal views on animal cruelty consistency in animal welfare legislation public perception of animal research impact of animal testing laws on animal rights state responsibility in animal protection comparison of animal research and animal cruelty persuasion against animal entertainment cruelty legal treatment of animals in society enhancing animal welfare through law banning animal experimentation animal rights advocacy ethical consistency in animal treatment impact of research exceptions on animal welfare global standards for animal welfare animal laboratory regulations animal welfare animal rights animal research laws animal experimentation ethics legal exceptions for animal testing 1986 Animals Scientific Procedures Act animal cruelty legislation moral tension animal research animal protection laws consistency in animal treatment animal cruelty vs scientific progress bans on cockfighting dancing bears laws pet and farm animal welfare societal attitudes animal ethics public policy animal rights legal reforms animal welfare criminal offense animal cruelty societal values animal rights regulatory frameworks animal research animal welfare legislation ethical treatment of animals animal rights laws consistency in animal protection legal exceptions for animal research moral issues in animal experimentation reforming animal research laws public perception of animal cruelty societal impact of animal rights animal testing legal frameworks strengthening animal welfare policies universal standards for animal treatment criminalization of animal cruelty alternatives to animal experimentation impact of legal inconsistency on animal welfare animal cruelty laws cross-country comparison of animal welfare humane treatment in scientific research advocacy for animal rights legal protection for laboratory animals animal welfare animal rights animal protection laws animal research ethics animal experimentation laboratory animals 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act legal exceptions for animal research animal cruelty humane treatment animal suffering animal advocacy legislative consistency moral tension animal research animal protection policy animal law enforcement animal suffering prevention farm animal welfare pet welfare anti-cruelty laws animal testing regulation ethical treatment of animals scientific research on animals animal law reform public attitudes to animal rights legal protection animals societal views animal treatment ethical dilemmas animal experimentation cruelty prevention measures prohibition cock fighting animal welfare laws animal rights animal research ethics legal exceptions animal testing 1986 Animals Scientific Procedures Act animal cruelty laws consistency animal protection ethical treatment animals laboratory animals regulation animal cruelty society animal experimentation debate legislative animal rights public perception animal welfare animal advocacy global animal rights comparison policy animal testing humane research alternatives animal protection regulation animal suffering prevention societal animal ethics animal welfare animal rights animal research laws animal cruelty ethical treatment of animals animal protection legislation scientific procedures act legal exceptions for animal research moral tension animal testing animal welfare advocacy societal attitudes animal rights consistency in animal laws cockfighting legislation dancing bears regulation animal abuse prevention animal law reform humane treatment standards animal experimentation ethics animal suffering legality enforcement animal welfare laws animal rights animal welfare animal research ethics legal exceptions animal cruelty laws Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act UK animal laws animal experimentation moral tension animal testing regulation animal protection animal suffering anti-cruelty legislation animal advocacy societal attitudes to animals consistency in legal protection ethical treatment of animals laboratory animal welfare reform animal laws public opinion animal rights
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro03a	"Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Euro adoption UK Eurozone entry European single currency benefits British economy price transparency economies of scale single market integration cheaper imports inflation effects conversion costs British goods pricing market competition consumer savings cross-border trade anti-EU sentiment tabloid influence currency transition trade barriers economic integration European market access cost of living UK monetary policy Eurozone advantages Euro adoption European monetary union British Eurozone membership currency conversion costs Eurozone inflation price transparency single European market economies of scale price harmonization consumer savings trade benefits cheaper imports economic integration UK-EU relations anti-Euro arguments tabloid influence xenophobia in media British economic policy effects of Euro adoption European market advantages Euro British currency European single currency UK Eurozone entry euro adoption price transparency economies of scale single market trade benefits cost savings conversion costs Euro inflation cheaper imports British goods prices EU integration exchange rate stability consumer benefits European market cross-border trade Eurozone advantages price harmonization economic impact Euro adoption economic impact British tabloids Euroscepticism UK Eurozone membership benefits single currency price transparency European single market economies of scale British goods price reduction UK inflation Euro conversion cheaper goods Euro UK Eurozone entry pros and cons UK consumer savings Euro UK public opinion single currency Euro transition costs UK British economy integration Europe anti-Euro arguments UK Euro adoption trade advantages Euroscepticism British tabloids xenophobia European single currency Euro adoption price transparency economies of scale single market UK inflation currency conversion costs consumer prices market integration UK economic policy British goods prices European markets Eurozone benefits trade advantages cost savings cross-border shopping monetary union UK Euro debate benefits of Euro British economy price convergence Eurozone membership Euro adoption benefits UK eurozone membership price transparency euro single market economies of scale UK inflation euro British goods price reduction conversion costs euro British tabloids euro criticism eurozone savings euro vs pound advantages cheaper goods European market impact of euro in UK eurozone integration benefits UK economic integration euro and British consumer prices eurozone cost savings European market access UK British eurozone scaremongering euro adoption short term costs UK prices European single currency Eurozone European Union single currency British economy Euro adoption price transparency economies of scale trade integration economic benefits market harmonization currency conversion inflation impact cross-border trade cost savings consumer prices British goods European market currency unification international competitiveness inflation concerns monetary union UK membership open market tariff reduction import costs export potential financial integration economic policy fiscal convergence labor mobility eurozone benefits British euro adoption UK single currency price transparency euro economies of scale Europe UK inflation euro conversion European market access tabloid euroscepticism xenophobic rhetoric Britain UK cheaper goods euro British eurozone membership euro conversion costs UK UK-European trade price reductions euro adoption economic integration Britain pro-euro arguments UK UK massive savings euro Browne euro Britain Euroscepticism British tabloids xenophobic scaremongering European single currency cheaper goods conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale single market Euro adoption British goods prices European market integration consumer savings economic impact exchange rates monetary union UK Euro debate cross-border trade market efficiency euro european union single currency britain price transparency economies of scale british goods european market inflation conversion costs trade savings market integration consumer prices economic benefits tabloid skepticism xenophobia euro adoption uk economy currency union"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con03a	The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: due process presumption of innocence reversal of burden of proof automated enforcement copyright infringement detection software digital fingerprinting ISPs copyright holders judicial intervention private enforcement sanction process accused rights civil liberties procedural fairness legal safeguards false positives consumer rights evidence verification automated allegations graduated response policy procedural justice fair trial legal accountability right to defense copyright enforcement legal process non-judicial sanctions accusation accuracy stakeholder roles graduated response due process violation copyright detection automated enforcement digital rights copyright infringement accusatory algorithms presumption of innocence reversal of burden of proof ISP liability judicial intervention private enforcement copyright penalties digital evidence consumer rights copyright law software fingerprinting commercial copyright vendors copyright sanctions legal safeguards civil liberties access to justice copyright monitoring false accusations copyright enforcement graduated response policies due process violations automated infringement detection copyright monitoring software ISP liability presumption of innocence burden of proof reversal judicial oversight private enforcement copyright accusations digital rights consumer protection legal safeguards fair trial rights copyright infringement detection rights of the accused fair use DMCA copyright litigation copyright sanctions accountability in enforcement commercial copyright vendors false positives copyright law reform graduated response due process violation automated copyright detection software ISP copyright infringement accusations lack of judicial oversight copyright enforcement reversal burden of proof copyright presumption of innocence copyright infringement software-based accusation copyright commercial copyright detection vendors unjust copyright infringement accusations consumers private organizations copyright enforcement copyright holders as judge and executioner sanctions without court intervention copyright legal implications graduated response fairness of copyright detection methods due process in digital copyright enforcement graduated response due process violation copyright infringement detection automated copyright enforcement ISP liability digital rights automated crawlers fingerprinting technology commercial copyright vendors false copyright accusations extrajudicial sanctions private enforcement judicial oversight burden of proof reversal presumption of innocence copyright policy criticism consumer rights digital privacy copyright enforcement software legal safeguards digital due process copyright punishment non-judicial penalties rights of the accused fair trial legal process in copyright law Peter K. Yu fair use concerns digital civil liberties copyright holder powers graduated response due process violation copyright enforcement automated copyright detection ISP role copyright infringement accusation commercial copyright software judicial intervention lack private enforcement copyright reversal burden of proof presumption of innocence digital rights copyright law criticism anti-piracy measures consumer rights copyright litigation copyright policy Peter K. Yu graduated response copyright enforcement fairness due process digital rights graduated response due process copyright enforcement automated detection copyright infringement digital fingerprinting commercial vendors ISPs false positives unjust accusations judicial intervention private enforcement presumption of innocence reversal of burden of proof copyright sanctions legal safeguards procedural fairness notice and takedown digital rights civil liberties consumer rights legal remedy legal recourse fairness in prosecution defense rights copyright policy digital surveillance Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process violation copyright enforcement automated detection copyright infringement software fingerprinting technology copyright crawlers ISP copyright notices false copyright accusations lack of judicial oversight private enforcement reversal burden of proof presumption of innocence copyright law critique digital rights internet policy copyright sanctions copyright holder power consumer rights Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright enforcement automated detection software crawlers fingerprinting technology commercial copyright vendors ISP liability judicial oversight consumer rights unjust copyright accusations private enforcement presumption of innocence burden of proof reversal extrajudicial sanctions digital copyright law access to justice fair trial copyright infringement detection procedural safeguards legal remedies user privacy Florida Law Review Peter K. Yu copyright policy reform graduated response due process violation copyright enforcement automated infringement detection copyright enforcement software ISP copyright enforcement lack of judicial oversight presumption of innocence burden of proof reversal copyright accusation process copyright policy critique private enforcement of law automated copyright claims copyright law abuses internet user rights digital rights management copyright holder role legal safeguards accused rights procedural fairness copyright penalties anti-piracy measures due process rights evidence assessment Florida Law Review
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. universal human rights cultural relativism collective compromise moral relativism value pluralism international law ethical universality human rights doctrine legal relativism minority rights moral absolutism cultural diversity legal pluralism group rights customary law cross-cultural ethics global justice rights protection plural value systems international community state sovereignty moral subjectivism cultural norms universal values moral philosophy human dignity cultural traditions social justice war crimes ICC child soldiers human rights conflicts legal reconciliation cultural criticism moral conflicts universalism vs relativism collective morality universal human rights cultural relativism collective compromises ethical pluralism cross-cultural ethics international law moral relativism cultural values legal pluralism human rights doctrine minority rights majority values cultural exceptions ritual practices war crimes child soldiers international criminal court law and morality global justice normative universality community beliefs cultural diversity value conflicts legal relativism ethical universality cultural practices and law contested human rights group morality legal compromise plural value systems universal human rights cultural relativism ethical relativism collective compromise legal pluralism international law moral universality cultural diversity value systems human rights doctrine minority rights majority rule group norms ritual practices legal relativism competing values cross-cultural justice intercultural conflict ICC (International Criminal Court) war crimes child soldiers legal harmonization global ethics community standards cultural practices human rights enforcement social justice multiculturalism sovereignty versus universality customary law civil rights international human rights law moral absolutism universal norms cultural exceptions law and morality universal human rights cultural relativism relative morality cross-cultural ethics evolution of cultural values law and pluralism objections to universal rights majority versus minority rights reconciliation of plural value systems international law and culture human rights enforcement child soldiers and war crimes ritualized harmful practices defense of war crimes ICC and cultural defense collective versus individual rights perverse cultural practices charismatic leaders and cultural justification law adaptation to culture critique of cultural relativism challenges to universal principles universal human rights cultural relativism moral relativism collective values pluralism law and morality customary practices cultural context conflict resolution international law legal pluralism value evolution minority rights majority rule human rights doctrine collective compromise war crimes child soldiers ICC ritual behavior moral universality cultural diversity cross-cultural ethics normative systems global justice ethical absolutism moral subjectivism cultural practices legal adaptation international community nation-state laws cultural relativism universal human rights pluralism legal pluralism moral relativism international law collective values cultural diversity human rights doctrine cultural norms multiculturalism ethical relativism conflict of values customary law minority rights majority rule law and morality international community legal adaptation child soldiers war crimes ICC justice cultural practices moral universality community values global ethics human rights enforcement cultural compromises universal human rights cultural relativism cultural values moral relativism human rights law legal pluralism ethical universalism plural value systems international law collective morality group rights individual rights cultural practices social norms ritual behavior relativist ethics cultural diversity conflict resolution minority rights majority rule cultural compromise moral objectivism cultural differences human rights doctrine international community nation states law adaptation competing values war crimes child soldiers International Criminal Court cultural defense leadership accountability legal systems global justice ethical standards cultural evolution universal human rights cultural relativism moral relativism cultural values collective compromises international law pluralism moral universality legal pluralism human rights objections cross-cultural ethics sovereignty vs universalism global justice cultural diversity value systems reconciliation minority rights majority rule customary law human rights doctrine cultural practices law evolution ethical universalism civilizational values ritual practices war crimes ICC child soldiers cultural defense human rights enforcement state sovereignty global legal standards human rights cultural relativism moral relativism universal values collective compromise cultural diversity legal pluralism international law ethical standards cross-cultural ethics minority rights majority rule normative ethics war crimes child soldiers global justice moral universality pluralism intercultural dialogue human dignity social cohesion customary law universalism vs relativism ICC (International Criminal Court) value systems multiculturalism human rights doctrine cultural practices moral responsibility community values human rights universalism cultural relativism moral relativism value pluralism legal pluralism international law collective values culturally specific rights ethical diversity customary law human rights conflict societal norms global justice cross-cultural ethics universal values local traditions legal compromise minority rights majority rule moral absolutism cultural practices social norms international human rights law value conflicts legal adaptation cultural exceptions ethical universalism collective responsibility human rights objections international criminal court war crimes child soldiers cultural defense
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con01a	A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 fat tax individual freedom personal liberty government overreach policy autonomy taxation ethics paternalism nanny state government intervention personal responsibility autonomy rights civil liberties public health policy economic freedom consumer choice libertarianism taxation policy state authority freedom of choice intrusive government minimal state basic government services individual rights moral philosophy taxation justice regulatory policy social contract negative liberty individual sovereignty forced behavior modification personal autonomy government mandate soft paternalism public vs private interests fat tax individual autonomy government intervention personal freedom public health policy taxation ethics government overreach nanny state personal responsibility economic liberty legislative limits behavioral regulation libertarianism state authority boundaries civil liberties paternalism social contract taxation and choice freedom of consumption state role in health excessive regulation proportionality of law policy justification fairness in taxation self-determination nanny state personal autonomy liberty paternalism government intervention public health policy taxation individual rights consumer freedom economic freedom behavioral economics market regulation lifestyle choices food taxation ethical government state authority civil liberties health incentives policy overreach libertarianism social contract fat tax alternatives government overreach examples individual liberty and taxation criticisms of fat tax role of government in personal choices basic government services slippery slope arguments against fat tax tax policy and personal freedom food taxation fairness paternalism in public policy limits of government authority fat tax effectiveness debate personal responsibility vs government intervention consumer rights and taxation economic impact of fat tax ethical considerations of fat tax historical examples of government overreach comparison to credit card regulations taxation and civil liberties arguments for limited government unintended consequences of fat tax fat tax individual freedom government authority personal choice paternalism public health policy taxation ethics limited government civil liberties government overreach autonomy state intervention libertarianism consumer sovereignty fiscal policy social contract basic services individual rights fairness in taxation role of government fat tax debate individual liberty taxation government overreach tax policy personal freedom and taxes role of government basic services economic interventionism paternalism public policy food taxes fairness freedom of choice government state authority limits taxation autonomy and taxation ethics of fat taxes public health vs. personal rights social contract government taxation anti-paternalism arguments limiting government intervention tax policy and civil liberty precedent for government taxation slippery slope taxation individual responsibility vs. state control fat tax sin tax individual liberty personal choice government overreach paternalism civil liberties public policy basic government services education policy legal protection minimal state libertarianism autonomy personal responsibility economic intervention consumer freedom health regulation taxation ethics fairness in society government intervention self-determination freedom of choice unhealthy eating lifestyle regulation public health policy state authority negative liberty regulatory policy social contract moral limits of law fat tax debate government intervention in personal choice individual liberty taxation overreach government authority role of government basic services nanny state criticism personal responsibility taxation paternalism public policy sin taxes ethics food taxation controversy health incentives legal limits libertarianism government policy individual autonomy public health economic effects fat tax fairness tax policy public health vs personal freedom libertarian critique fat tax scope of government intervention regulatory overstep taxation taxation and civil liberties fat tax debate individual liberty government overreach personal freedom public health policy taxation ethics paternalism autonomy government intervention personal responsibility liberty vs security economic freedom consumer choice sin taxes government role in public health policy justification social contract theory obesity policy health incentives social justice freedom of choice regulatory policy taxation fairness moral philosophy government limits government intervention paternalism personal freedom autonomy public health policy taxation ethics sin taxes liberty individual rights regulatory overreach consumer choice public versus private responsibility behavioral economics state authority self-determination food policy freedom of consumption government limits negative liberty moral hazard
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro04a	Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. HIV workplace policies employee health programs HIV-positive employee retention workplace discrimination HIV HIV awareness training corporate social responsibility HIV fair employment practices workplace stigma HIV inclusive workplace initiatives employee assistance programs HIV medical benefits HIV workplace pensions HIV HIV education programs employee wellbeing HIV employee rights HIV HIV support services diversity and inclusion HIV health and safety HIV employee engagement HIV managing chronic illness workplace HIV workplace policies HIV-positive employee support HIV awareness programs business responsibility HIV workplace discrimination HIV HIV stigma reduction fair treatment HIV employees employee health initiatives HIV education campaigns corporate HIV action inclusive workplace HIV occupational health HIV employee benefits HIV HIV-inclusive policies HIV workforce integration combating HIV prejudice HIV-related workplace training HIV medical arrangements employee rights HIV employer HIV obligations HIV workplace policies corporate social responsibility employee health programs HIV-positive employee support workplace inclusion anti-discrimination HIV stigma reduction workplace education employee awareness fair treatment policies HIV workplace initiatives diversity and inclusion medical benefits workplace pensions occupational health workplace training employee rights workplace safety business response to HIV employee welfare HIV workplace policies corporate HIV responsibility employee HIV support programs fair treatment of HIV-positive employees combating HIV stigma at work HIV awareness in businesses HIV education for employees inclusive workplace health policies workplace HIV prevention strategies employer HIV awareness initiatives equitable medical benefits for HIV-positive staff HIV-related employee benefits HIV in workplace training inclusive pensions for HIV-positive employees supporting HIV-positive workers business response to HIV addressing HIV discrimination at work HIV-positive employee retention workplace discrimination policies HIV employee well-being HIV response HIV workplace policies employee support programs HIV-positive employee retention workplace inclusion anti-discrimination measures employee education HIV workplace stigma reduction employer responsibilities HIV HIV awareness training HIV statistics workforce medical benefits HIV workplace pensions HIV equality in the workplace staff prejudice HIV health and safety policies HIV responsible corporate behavior HIV workplace diversity HIV HIV-related workplace procedures HIV workplace programs employee HIV support HIV-positive employee rights HIV awareness training workplace HIV policies combating HIV stigma at work fair treatment of HIV-positive staff HIV education for employees inclusive business HIV strategies responsible business practices HIV workplace HIV prevention equality for HIV-positive employees HIV employee benefits medical arrangements for HIV workplace diversity HIV combating prejudice against HIV employer HIV responsibilities HIV-positive staff retention workplace dignity HIV pensions for HIV-positive workers HIV workplace policies employee support programs HIV-positive employees fair treatment workplace inclusion combating stigma employee education HIV awareness workplace discrimination corporate responsibility medical benefits workplace pensions employee retention workplace diversity HIV statistics occupational health workplace equity staff training health education anti-discrimination policies HIV workplace policies HIV-positive employee support workplace HIV education HIV stigma reduction workplace discrimination HIV HIV employee retention fair treatment HIV employees HIV awareness programs HIV in business corporate responsibility HIV HIV-inclusive hiring HIV workplace accommodations HIV confidentiality policies HIV employee benefits workplace diversity HIV HIV occupational health business leadership HIV employee well-being HIV HIV training seminars anti-prejudice HIV initiatives workplace inclusivity HIV HIV pension planning HIV medical arrangements workplace HIV workplace programs employee health management HIV-positive employee support workplace stigma reduction fair treatment policies business responsibility HIV employee education HIV workplace inclusivity HIV HIV awareness training workplace discrimination prevention medical benefits HIV workplace pensions HIV corporate HIV policies employee well-being HIV workplace health equity employee prejudice HIV HIV workplace challenges HR HIV strategies anti-discrimination HIV HIV-positive rights workplace HIV workplace policies employee support programs HIV awareness stigma reduction workplace inclusivity fair treatment employee education workplace discrimination HIV-positive employees workplace accommodation workplace diversity health benefits employee rights HIV prevention corporate social responsibility human resources policies occupational health workplace training employee retention inclusive work environment
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con02a	Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. online gambling enforcement internet regulation government control cross-border gambling internet censorship web restrictions offshore gambling sites legal challenges gambling legislation anti-gambling measures digital circumvention VPN use global internet remote access effectiveness of bans unregulated markets digital law enforcement blocking gambling websites user evasion techniques international jurisdictions internet gambling enforcement online gambling regulation cross-border gambling laws offshore gambling sites internet censorship effectiveness digital circumvention VPN gambling access global jurisdiction limits gambling site blocking online betting restrictions evading gambling bans international online gambling unregulated gambling markets government control internet internet freedom gambling illicit online gambling cybersecurity gambling regulation shadow gambling networks digital privacy gambling prohibited betting sites internet censorship online gambling regulation digital jurisdiction VPN circumvention offshore gambling sites enforcement challenges cross-border internet law website blocking regulatory loopholes cyber law enforcement internet freedom digital gambling policy anonymous online betting government internet controls international cooperation online gambling statistics unregulated gambling markets technological evasion legal grey areas online gambling addiction online gambling regulation challenges cross-border online gambling effectiveness of internet gambling bans limitations of internet censorship international gambling websites evading gambling site bans government internet enforcement online gambling legal loopholes virtual private networks online gambling global jurisdiction over gambling online gambling user statistics impact of gambling bans internet freedom and gambling technology subverting gambling bans effectiveness of ISP-level site blocking international cooperation on gambling darknet gambling access online gambling market growth online gambling law enforcement circumvention tools online gambling online gambling regulation internet law enforcement cross-border gambling online gambling evasion government internet censorship offshore gambling sites effectiveness of gambling bans digital jurisdiction global gambling market VPNs bypass gambling bans international internet policy online gambling statistics cybercrime and gambling unlicensed gambling operators American Gambling Association findings online gambling regulation effectiveness of internet bans government control internet online casino legislation internet censorship methods enforcement of gambling laws online offshore gambling websites internet anonymity and gambling circumvention of web blocks impact of online gambling laws global internet jurisdiction online gambling statistics effectiveness of site blocking cross-border internet law limitations of national internet law online gambling enforcement government regulation internet jurisdiction offshore gambling sites blocking measures digital restrictions VPN circumvention legal loopholes server location international law policy effectiveness internet censorship user anonymity anti-gambling laws gambling statistics regulatory challenges compliance issues black market gambling consumer protection legal enforcement limits online gambling enforcement internet gambling regulations international gambling laws government internet censorship online gambling bans effectiveness illegal online gambling global internet restrictions cross-border gambling internet freedom and gambling VPN online gambling access online gambling site blocking online gambling loopholes online gambling prevalence online gambling legal challenges tech solutions to gambling bans online gambling harm reduction gambling policy enforcement digital gambling prohibition jurisdictional issues gambling anonymous online gambling online gambling regulation internet jurisdiction international gambling laws internet censorship VPN circumvention gambling site blocking prohibition effectiveness cross-border enforcement digital privacy alternative payment methods illegal gambling statistics global online gambling market offshore gambling sites cybersecurity regulatory limitations digital law enforcement internet freedom internet sovereignty online gaming trends government intervention online gambling regulation internet censorship cross-border enforcement digital jurisdiction VPN circumvention offshore gambling sites effectiveness of government bans legal loopholes international law cybercrime internet freedom regulatory challenges online gambling statistics prohibitive measures enforcement limitations technological workarounds online betting legislative effectiveness underground gambling internet privacy
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con03a	How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates offender monitoring program evaluation outcome measurement social reintegration prisoner reentry criminal psychology risk assessment behavioral change root causes of crime criminal justice reform education and crime socio-economic factors moral development welfare systems prevention strategies public safety supervision post-release mental health support administrative feasibility cost-benefit analysis criminal tendencies recidivism prevention offender support services intervention programs societal reintegration personalised rehabilitation rehabilitation effectiveness evaluating rehabilitation programs recidivism rates offender monitoring measuring rehabilitation success post-release outcomes reoffending statistics prisoner tracking psychological assessment behavioral change program evaluation methods cost-benefit analysis feasibility of rehabilitation systems alternatives to incarceration root causes of criminal behavior criminal psychology social determinants of crime economic factors crime education and morality welfare system and crime early intervention strategies preventive measures criminal propensity inherent criminality personality disorders and crime post-release supervision reintegration into society public safety impact evidence-based corrections criminal justice reform rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates offender monitoring post-release outcomes prisoner reintegration behavior change assessment program evaluation psychological assessment cost-benefit analysis individualized interventions supervision methods risk assessment tools root causes of criminality education and crime socioeconomic factors and crime welfare and offending prison vs rehabilitation moral development re-offending predictors societal reintegration criminal psychology feasibility of rehabilitation programs system of rehabilitation effectiveness measure rehabilitation success evaluating prisoner rehabilitation recidivism rates rehabilitation rehabilitation outcome assessment identifying effective rehabilitation programs rehabilitation system feasibility rehabilitation administration costs long-term prisoner monitoring lifelong counselling for ex-prisoners rehabilitation program enforcement root causes of criminality crime prevention through welfare education system and criminality morality education crime prevention economic crisis crime correlation early intervention crime nipping criminal urges inherent criminal mentality upbringing and criminality rehabilitation vs incarceration reoffending prevention strategies supervised prisoner release risk of recidivism public safety rehabilitation programs rehabilitation reform alternatives rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates offender outcomes program evaluation post-release supervision cost-benefit analysis administrative feasibility root causes of crime criminal psychology socioeconomic factors education and crime morality development prison alternatives welfare and criminality criminal predisposition reoffending prevention post-incarceration support criminal justice reform early intervention incarceration vs rehabilitation offender reintegration moral education supervision strategies measuring success correctional system evaluation evidence-based interventions rehabilitation system effectiveness recidivism rates offender evaluation metrics measuring rehabilitation success individualized assessments post-release monitoring cost-benefit analysis feasibility of enforcement prisoner tracking methods lifelong counselling root causes of criminality prevention vs. rehabilitation educational system and morality social welfare impact on crime early intervention strategies criminal psychology nature vs. nurture in criminality supervision levels after release re-offending risk factors societal reintegration criminal justice reform rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism rates offender monitoring program evaluation individualized outcomes tagged offenders long-term counseling feasibility studies rehabilitation costs criminal root causes socio-economic factors education system failure morality in education welfare and crime prevention strategies early intervention offender psychology re-offending prevention incarceration vs rehabilitation social reintegration criminal mentality supervision post-release criminal justice reform prison system analysis economic crisis and crime public safety measures evidence-based rehabilitation offender risk assessment behavioral change program enforcement rehabilitation metrics monitoring systems rehabilitation system evaluation recidivism rates offender reintegration measuring rehabilitation success criminal justice reform root causes of crime education system and crime welfare and criminality psychological factors in criminal behavior prison system effectiveness cost-benefit analysis rehabilitation offender supervision post-release support crime prevention strategies individualized assessment mental health and rehabilitation societal reintegration economic crisis and crime moral education criminal behavior psychology public safety outcomes rehabilitation versus incarceration feasibility of rehabilitation programs early intervention crime prevention lifelong counseling for offenders rehabilitation evaluation offender recidivism rates program efficacy individual progress tracking rehabilitation metrics criminal psychology recidivism prevention reintegration outcomes root causes of crime socioeconomic factors education and criminality welfare impact on crime prison reform offender supervision post-release support administrative feasibility moral education crime prevention strategies psychological assessment public safety criminal justice reform recidivism rates rehabilitation outcomes program evaluation offender monitoring supervised release post-release support cost-effectiveness root causes of crime psychological assessment intervention effectiveness criminal profiling educational programs socio-economic factors moral education welfare support crime prevention mental health treatment criminogenic needs risk assessment tools social reintegration community supervision personalized rehabilitation longitudinal studies re-offending statistics effectiveness metrics criminal justice reform
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con02a	A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. boycott effectiveness political sanctions European Union diplomacy Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights Ukraine democracy Euro 2012 Yanukovych policy reform international pressure Olympic boycotts Cold War Olympics Moscow 1980 Olympics Los Angeles 1984 Olympics Soviet-Afghan War sports and human rights targeted sanctions EU-Ukraine relations diplomatic engagement long-term reforms humanitarian advocacy historical boycott outcomes Ukraine boycott Yulia Timoshenko European Union policy Ukrainian human rights political prisoners Ukraine Yanukovych government human rights improvements European leaders response abuse of office Ukraine Euro 2012 controversy international pressure Ukraine sporting event boycotts Cold War Olympic boycott Moscow 1980 Olympics USSR Afghanistan invasion effectiveness of boycotts democracy in Ukraine diplomatic engagement Ukraine long-term reform Ukraine EU-Ukraine relations Ukraine European leaders Yulia Timoshenko human rights democracy Yanukovych political prisoners abuse of office Euro 2012 Olympic boycotts international pressure diplomatic actions sanctions Cold War Moscow Olympics USSR Afghanistan invasion Los Angeles Olympics sporting boycotts impact policy effectiveness regime change international relations advocacy authoritarianism treatment of prisoners political reform civil society long-term strategies diplomatic engagement historical precedents boycott effectiveness European leaders Ukraine policy Yulia Timoshenko release prospects Ukrainian human rights situation impact of sports boycotts Euro 2012 political consequences Cold War Olympic boycotts Yanukovych incentives for reform alternatives to boycotts Ukraine political prisoners international pressure Ukraine human rights improvements sports events history of Olympic boycotts effectiveness of sanctions Ukraine comparison 1980 1984 Olympics boycotts diplomatic approaches Ukraine sports diplomacy Ukraine long-term solutions Ukraine human rights EU-Ukraine relations outcomes of political boycotts boycott effectiveness European leaders Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko release Ukrainian human rights abuse of office charges Yanukovych policies human rights democracy Ukraine Olympic boycotts history Cold War Olympics 1980 Moscow Olympics US boycott USSR Afghanistan international pressure Ukraine Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott diplomatic actions Ukraine long-term reforms Ukraine sports political protest European Union Ukraine relations Ukraine political prisoners human rights improvement methods past sports boycotts outcomes boycott effectiveness European leaders Ukraine stance Yulia Timoshenko release Ukrainian human rights political pressure Ukraine diplomatic alternatives to boycotts historical Olympic boycotts impact Yanukovych human rights incentives long-term policy change Ukraine Euro 2012 Ukraine politics human rights European diplomacy effectiveness of sports boycotts international response Ukraine consequences of political boycotts Cold War Olympics boycotts strategies for human rights reform EU-Ukraine relations abuse of office charges Ukraine human rights improvements Ukraine lessons from past boycotts boycott effectiveness European leaders diplomatic strategies Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights democracy Yanukovych political prisoners human rights improvement international pressure concrete actions sanctions sports diplomacy Olympic boycotts Cold War Moscow Olympics 1980 US-Soviet relations Afghanistan invasion retaliation Euro 2012 political reform targeted measures Ukraine politics past precedents policy impact long-term solutions Ukraine boycott effectiveness European Union diplomacy Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko release campaign Ukrainian human rights reforms Yanukovych policy change Olympic boycott outcomes international sports event diplomacy Cold War Olympic boycotts Euro 2012 political influence EU-Ukraine relations political prisoner advocacy Europe sanctions vs. boycotts Ukraine human rights impact sports boycotts historical sports boycotts Ukrainian democracy improvement long-term EU strategy Ukraine targeted EU policies Ukraine Olympic boycotts historical analysis diplomatic pressure Ukraine Timoshenko case international response boycott effectiveness diplomatic strategies human rights Yulia Timoshenko Ukraine political situation European Union policy political prisoners Yanukovych government historical boycotts Olympic Games boycotts Cold War international pressure sanctions vs boycott European diplomacy Ukraine-EU relations human rights advocacy democracy promotion long-term impact concrete actions international sports events boycott effectiveness diplomatic pressure Yulia Timoshenko case Ukrainian human rights European Union foreign policy Yanukovych government human rights improvement strategies international sanctions political prisoners Ukraine historical Olympic boycotts Cold War Olympic boycotts Euro 2012 Ukraine international relations Ukraine human rights diplomacy nonviolent pressure tactics
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. agricultural development food security microfinance rural livelihoods smallholder farmers climate resilience sustainable agriculture risk reduction rural finance community empowerment microcredit agricultural tools rental rural poverty alleviation Kiva rural access to capital agrarian reform Zimbabwe agriculture small-scale farming sustainable rural growth farming input loans NGO support agricultural innovation rural development Africa farming crisis community agriculture programs agricultural development sustainable agriculture smallholder farmers microcredit food security Africa rural finance climate resilience agricultural innovation agroecology finance for farmers poverty reduction rural livelihoods agricultural productivity agribusiness Africa community-based agriculture inclusive finance agricultural technology adaptive farming financial inclusion Africa women in agriculture cooperative farming farm input loans agricultural policy Africa NGO agricultural initiatives agricultural risk management agricultural development Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change adaptation risk reduction political instability small-scale farming sustainable agriculture agricultural productivity community development agricultural finance Zimbabwe microloans Kiva agricultural tools rental rural credit farming resources poverty reduction local livelihoods agricultural NGOs agricultural innovation agricultural resilience agricultural microfinance Africa agrarian crisis solutions Africa sustainable small-scale farming Africa rural food security Africa climate change impact agriculture Africa microfinance for small farmers Zimbabwe Kiva agricultural loans Africa community-based agriculture Africa improving agriculture resilience Africa tools rental system for farmers Africa microfinance NGOs supporting agriculture Africa reducing agricultural risk Africa benefits of small-scale farming Africa empowering rural communities Africa agricultural innovation microfinance Africa agricultural reconstruction agrarian crisis Africa microfinance rural development food security solutions climate change adaptation agriculture agricultural risk management smallholder farming Africa sustainable agriculture practices microfinance impact farming rural poverty alleviation Africa political instability agriculture small-scale farm productivity Kiva agricultural loans affordable agricultural capital agriculture tool rental programs rural entrepreneurship Africa Zimbabwe small scale farming agricultural innovation Africa community-based agriculture NGO support agriculture agricultural development Africa agrarian crisis solutions microfinance rural Africa food security small farmers climate change agriculture resilience sustainable farming practices Africa microfinance impacts agriculture small-scale farming benefits Kiva microfinance projects Zimbabwe smallholder farming rural community empowerment agricultural tool rental systems risk reduction agriculture Africa community-based agriculture initiatives affordable capital for farmers rural poverty alleviation agriculture NGO support agriculture Africa agricultural productivity Zimbabwe agricultural finance solutions agricultural innovation Africa agricultural resilience food security rural development sustainable agriculture smallholder farmers climate adaptation microloans financial inclusion farmer cooperatives agricultural productivity rural livelihoods poverty reduction community empowerment risk mitigation Kiva microfinance tool lending Zimbabwe agrarian reform agricultural innovation farm inputs agricultural credit rural finance agricultural support programs small-scale farming NGO interventions agricultural challenges Africa rural economic growth agricultural system rebuilding Africa agrarian crisis Africa microfinance rural Africa food security Africa climate change agriculture Africa small scale agriculture Africa sustainable agriculture Africa microfinance smallholder farmers Africa rural community development Africa agricultural risk reduction Africa political stability agriculture Africa Kiva microfinance Africa affordable agricultural loans Africa farming equipment rental Africa smallholder farmer support Africa agricultural productivity Zimbabwe community-based agriculture Africa NGO agricultural interventions Africa agricultural innovation Africa agricultural resources Africa rural economic growth Africa Zimbabwe agriculture development agricultural resilience Africa agricultural development Africa agrarian crisis rural microfinance food security climate change adaptation smallholder farmers sustainable agriculture rural livelihoods agricultural financing risk reduction community development political instability micro-lending agricultural productivity Zimbabwe farming Kiva loans farm equipment rental poverty alleviation rural economic growth local food systems agricultural innovation agriculture reform agrarian transformation rural development food security strategies sustainable farming smallholder farmers microcredit microloans rural finance agricultural resilience climate adaptation resource access agricultural productivity farming innovation community empowerment poverty reduction NGO interventions agricultural technology tool sharing rural livelihoods subsistence farming women in agriculture African agriculture agricultural policy farm inputs agricultural sustainability
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro02a	Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 compulsory voting broadening representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy low-income voters excluded communities electoral participation social inclusion political representation voter turnout socioeconomic disparities marginalized groups political engagement policy responsiveness democratic inclusion mandatory voting voting reform political disempowerment civic engagement party policy bias social justice participatory democracy political marginalization representation equity UK Labour party partisan gridlock William Galston compulsory voting voter turnout disadvantaged groups political representation voter apathy poverty and voting social exclusion income and voting educational attainment electoral participation political marginalisation policy development political parties voting behavior voter disenfranchisement UK Labour party middle England social inclusion political polarisation proportional representation mandatory voting public policy democratic participation electoral reform political engagement stakeholder consideration partisan gridlock mandatory voting electoral participation political inclusion voter turnout policy representation social exclusion democratic engagement voter inequality disadvantaged electorates socioeconomic factors political disengagement electoral reform enfranchisement social justice political accountability partisan polarization marginalized communities income disparity educational attainment voter mobilization political responsiveness electoral policy compulsory suffrage public policy civic duty compulsory voting expands representation compulsory voting and disadvantaged groups voter apathy and socio-economic status compulsory voting and political inclusion political parties and disenfranchised voters impact of compulsory voting on policy compulsory voting and political polarisation examples of compulsory voting benefits Labour party and core supporters UK policy responses to non-voting groups mandatory voting effects increasing political participation among poor decreasing voter exclusion compulsory voting and social equity addressing socio-economic disparities in voting voter turnout and income reducing partisan gridlock with compulsory voting Institute for Public Policy Research voting William Galston mandatory voting compulsory voting broadening representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy low-income voters political isolation policy neglect political engagement social exclusion mandatory voting voter turnout socioeconomic disparities electoral participation equal representation partisan gridlock policy responsiveness marginalized communities Labour party middle England inclusive democracy political polarization voter disenfranchisement public policy research stakeholder inclusion political parties voting inequality compulsory voting benefits voter apathy solutions increasing voter turnout disadvantaged enfranchising marginalized groups political participation poor impact of mandatory voting inclusivity in elections policy responsiveness to low-income reducing political polarization voting socioeconomic factors voter turnout expanding electoral representation compulsory voting UK example political party incentives turnout social equity elections impact of disenfranchisement income level and voting rates education and voter participation Labour party core supporters middle England voting trends mandatory voting and partisanship compulsory voting voter participation disenfranchised groups marginalized communities political representation social exclusion voter turnout disadvantaged populations socioeconomic status income inequality educational attainment apathy policy responsiveness political parties policy making political engagement political inclusivity democratic participation electoral equity political polarization middle England Labour party core supporters stakeholder inclusion proportional representation mandatory voting partisan gridlock public policy compulsory voting voter turnout representation of disadvantaged groups electoral participation political engagement voter apathy low-income voters political inclusivity social exclusion voting patterns socioeconomic status policy responsiveness political alienation inclusiveness in democracy impact on policy marginalized communities political polarization mandatory voting impact voting rights electoral reform widening participation policy neglect social justice in voting political accountability broadening electorate compulsory voting voter participation disadvantaged groups political representation voter apathy socioeconomic status excluded sectors electoral engagement political parties policy responsiveness UK voting patterns Labour party middle England political polarisation social inclusion mandatory voting partisan gridlock political disenfranchisement civic duty electoral reform inclusive democracy compulsory voting electoral participation disenfranchised groups marginalized communities political inclusion voter turnout socioeconomic disparities political engagement voter apathy civic duty policy representation political polarization social inequality democratic legitimacy social exclusion political accountability income inequality education level voting behavior political parties mandatory voting electoral reforms representation fairness minority representation political equity
test-international-ghwcitca-pro03a	The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, cybersecurity cyber warfare cybercrime cyber threats digital sovereignty non-state actors information warfare state monopoly on violence cyber-terrorism internet governance cyber-attacks hacking digital weapons cyber defense national security cyber policy state legitimacy digital insurgency online militancy cyber capabilities cyber deterrence state authority internet regulation military cyber operations digital infrastructure security cyber arms race online anonymity hacker groups critical infrastructure cyber resilience internet governance cyber warfare state monopoly on violence cyber-attacks non-state actors digital sovereignty state security cyber defense cyberterrorism asymmetric warfare information security cybersecurity policy digital insurgency state legitimacy hacking groups cybercrime cyber capabilities digital warfare cyber power security threats cyber militarization cross-border attacks digital threats state authority internet-enabled conflict critical infrastructure cyber weapons cyber security strategies digital decentralization national security government response to cyber threats internet governance cyber sovereignty cyber warfare state monopoly on violence digital insurgency cyber-attacks non-state actors cyber-terrorism digital weapons democratization of force digital security cyber defense state legitimacy digital militarization cyber policy cross-border cyber threats information warfare cybercrime state vs non-state conflict online radicalization virtual warfare cyber capabilities decentralization of power hacking groups cyber Pearl Harbor cybersecurity policy digital statecraft digital deterrence internet and state monopoly on force cyber-attacks and national security impact of internet on state power cyberwarfare and state legitimacy democratization of force via internet role of non-state actors in cyberwar cyberweapons proliferation state control of cyberweapons evolution of state authority in cyberspace cyber threats to government authority internet-enabled terrorism internet-facilitated conflict the state and non-state digital actors historical monopoly of force by states future of warfare and the internet cyber-attack as modern warfare challenges to state sovereignty online security implications of internet evolution limits of state control in digital internet and state power cyber-attacks and state monopoly democratization of force state vs non-state cyber actors legitimacy of force in cyberspace cyber warfare information technology and state authority cyber security policy digital age and sovereignty monopoly on violence feudal system vs modern state non-state actors in warfare cyber threats to national security cyber terrorism cyber weapons accessibility cross-border cyber operations Leon Panetta cyber-attack quote Pearl Harbor cyber analogy cyber defense strategies responsible actors in cyberspace internet-enabled insurgency military power digital transformation internet and state monopoly on force state legitimacy and cyber-attacks cyber warfare and national security democratization of military power online non-state actors in cyber conflict cyber threats to state authority internet-enabled terrorism cyber-attack prevention measures cybersecurity policy and government impact of internet on traditional state power Leon Panetta cyber attack warning cross-border cyber threats weaponization of cyberspace state response to cybercrime legitimacy of cyber actors cyber weapons proliferation government regulation of cyber capabilities history of state military monopolies cyber deterrence strategies state versus non-state cyber actors internet state monopoly use of force cyber-attacks cyber warfare cyber security non-state actors digital threats online crime cyber terrorism cyber capabilities digital insurgency state legitimacy digital governance cyber crime groups hacking cybersecurity policy cross-border attacks sovereignty cyber defense military technology cyber weapons non-governmental actors national security digital sovereignty information warfare cyber deterrence cyber policy digital arms state authority state control technical capability digital infrastructure internet governance cyber strategy threat actors warfare evolution cyber warfare state monopoly on violence internet and state power cyber-attacks and sovereignty non-state actors cyber threats digital era state authority legitimacy of force in cyberspace cyber security policy transnational cybercrime cyberterrorism digital democratization of violence state control over cyber weapons internet enabled insurgency challenge to state sovereignty cybersecurity governance information warfare decentralized cyber capabilities cyber laws and international relations hacking and state legitimacy protecting critical infrastructure public policy on cyber threats cybersecurity and national defense internet and political authority cyberattack attribution cybersecurity arms race cybersecurity cyber warfare state monopoly on force democratization of violence cyber-attacks non-state actors digital threats information warfare internet and state power cyber terrorism cyber crime transnational attacks state sovereignty cyber defense digital militarization information security digital weapons cyber policy internet governance state legitimacy military technology evolution cybersecurity state sovereignty cyber warfare digital sovereignty cyber threats cybercrime non-state actors cyberterrorism digital weapons information warfare internet governance cyber defense monopoly on violence state legitimacy cross-border attacks cyber law critical infrastructure cyber policy online insurgency digital militias cyber capabilities cyber arms control state monopoly online radicalization digital security cyber attack prevention
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con02a	Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. violence in justice system civil liberties presumption of innocence human rights abuse by state torture anti-terrorism Phillips Chief Justice ideological battle due process fair trial wrongful accusation state power limits rule of law protection against abuse state-sanctioned violence criminal justice reform historical liberties legal safeguards terrorism response ethical governance violence in justice system civil liberties rule of law presumption of innocence human rights torture debate terrorism response fair trial due process abuse by authorities state brutality legal safeguards protections against false accusations justice and human rights anti-terrorism laws ethical policing judicial fairness Phillips quote ideological battle against terror historical legal principles security versus liberty justice system violence civil liberties human rights presumption of innocence torture suspected terrorists state abuse fair trial false accusation due process British Chief Justice Phillips anti-terrorism ideological battle human rights protection state accountability legal safeguards criminal justice ethical governance judicial principles legal history rights protection rule of law legal reform counter-terrorism policies justice system violence presumption of innocence human rights and counterterrorism use of torture consequences fair trial importance abuse by state officers erosion of civil liberties historical development of legal protections Chief Justice Phillips human rights terrorism ideological battle against terror safeguards against false accusation impact of violence on justice institutions ethical response to terrorism scale of terrorism vs warfare maintaining rule of law torture and legal principles protecting liberties in times of crisis rights of accused in terrorism cases justice system violence civil liberties human rights presumption of innocence abuse by state police brutality historical development of liberties Chief Justice Phillips terrorism anti-terror laws ideological battle torture suspected terrorists rule of law fair trial false accusation punishment protection of accused due process legal safeguards state power criminal justice principles trial rights legal history human dignity counterterrorism ethics principles of justice state violence twentieth century warfare philosophical foundations of justice torture and justice system human rights and terrorism presumption of innocence state violence and civil liberties fair trial protections justice system abuse Chief Justice Phillips human rights quote ideological battle against terrorism loss of legal protections protection against false accusations torture and legal principles combating terrorism humanely justice system and human rights historic civil liberties threats due process in counter-terrorism anti-torture legal principles justice vs security debate justice system violence human rights civil liberties presumption of innocence fair trial judicial process torture state abuse due process rule of law terrorism anti-terrorism accountability false accusation punishment British Chief Justice Phillips ideological battle centuries of progress abuses of power humane treatment legal rights criminal justice reform legal safeguards ethical policing civil society legal precedent international law protections against abuse state authority democratic values legal history criminal procedure justice system violence in justice civil liberties human rights presumption of innocence rule of law state abuse due process torture and terrorism anti-terrorism policies fair trial rights ethical law enforcement Chief Justice Phillips ideology and justice historical legal principles protections against false accusation criminal justice reform use of force by state torture debate human rights in counter-terrorism legal safeguards balancing security and rights punishment and justice innocence until proven guilty impact of violence on justice justice system violence civil liberties presumption of innocence human rights state abuse Chief Justice Phillips terrorism torture suspected terrorists fair trial false accusation due process legal protections rule of law state power ethical policing anti-terrorism judicial principles criminal justice reform justice system violence civil liberties presumption of innocence human rights police abuse Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror terrorism torture suspected terrorists due process fair trial false accusation punishment ideological battle state power legal principles rule of law 20th century warfare legal protections civil rights criminal justice counterterrorism legal history abuse of authority
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro03a	"Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. prejudice discrimination homophobia intolerance religion and prejudice religious justification hate speech public disorder racism sexism neo-Nazi hate groups state support Abrahamic faiths natural order homosexuality and religion sin Catechism religious intolerance equality social justice anti-LGBT sentiment religious authority church and state minority rights hate crime religious doctrine social division historical attitudes to homosexuality heterosexism Maguire Boswell religious consultation homophobia religious intolerance religious justification of hatred religiously motivated prejudice discrimination racism sexism neo-Nazi ideology hate speech religious homophobia state support of religious groups Abrahamic faiths and sexuality natural order and religion homosexuality and religion sins against nature Catechism and homosexuality historical views on homosexuality social acceptance of homophobia combating prejudice legal responses to hate speech public disorder laws equality LGBT rights intersectionality religious freedom vs. anti-discrimination homophobia prejudice discrimination religious intolerance religious justification of hatred anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment state support of religious intolerance racism sexism Abrahamic faiths natural order doctrine church and homosexuality Catechism and homosexuality public disorder laws neo-Nazi comparison heterosexism Daniel C. Maguire John Boswell Marriage of Likeness historical attitudes toward homosexuality sins ""crying out to heaven "" hate speech religious freedom vs hate speech secularism religion and state LGBTQ+ rights combating bigotry religious authorities and prejudice intersectionality social division homophobia in religion religious justification for prejudice comparison of homophobia and racism state support of homophobic churches hate speech and public disorder laws double standards in hate crime enforcement Abrahamic faiths and homosexuality historical attitudes toward homosexuality religious authority and natural order homophobia as hate crime tackling respectable prejudices government response to religious intolerance catechism and homosexuality religion and division in society intersection of religion and state support Victorian-era sexuality and religion legal consequences for hate speech racism versus homophobia sexism versus homophobia Maguire heterosexism contemporary world religion Boswell marriage of likeness prejudice homophobia religion and discrimination state support of religious intolerance neo-Nazi comparison racism sexism Abrahamic faiths and homosexuality natural order historical perspective on homosexuality religious justification of hatred Catechism and sin contemporary religious intolerance vitriolic views public disorder and hate speech respectability of prejudice Boswell John Maguire Daniel C. Heterosexism religious consultation division in society legal responses to hate religion and public policy tolerance and religious authority church and state relations banning hate groups modern societal dangers homophobia in religion justification of prejudice religious intolerance state support of discrimination comparison of homophobia to racism sexism and homophobia Abrahamic faiths and homosexuality natural order and religious authority history of religious views on homosexuality public disorder and hate speech church and state complicity tackling hate crimes religious freedom vs hate speech contemporary religious heterosexism dangerous religious rhetoric societal impact of prejudice prejudice society religion justification hatred division homophobia discrimination racism sexism intolerance churches homosexuality state support Abrahamic faiths natural order sin catechism dangerous doctrine public disorder neo-Nazi authority religious prejudice social justice historical context equality human rights hate speech bigotry state tolerance intersectionality homophobia prejudice in religion religious justification for hatred homophobia vs racism homophobia vs sexism church and state religious intolerance Abrahamic faiths and sexuality historical views on homosexuality catechism and sin neo-Nazi comparison public disorder laws religious freedom and discrimination state support for prejudice combating homophobia intersectionality prejudice contemporary religious heterosexism legal responses to hate speech LGBT rights religious history of sexuality equality and religion hatred in society tackling prejudice Daniel C. Maguire John Boswell homophobia prejudice discrimination religion and prejudice religious justification societal division hatred racism sexism Abrahamic faiths religious authority natural order sins against society historical attitudes toward homosexuality state support of religious discrimination Catechism and sin modern society and intolerance neo-Nazi comparison public disorder laws Maguire heterosexism Boswell homosexuality history tackling bigotry religious intolerance equality LGBT rights religious freedom vs. discrimination hate speech intersections of race gender sexual orientation religious institutions and homophobia social justice homophobia religious intolerance prejudice discrimination hate speech LGBTQ+ rights religious justification social justice Abrahamic faiths racism sexism neo-Nazi comparison legal response public disorder state support historical homophobia sin Catechism natural order equality civil rights religious authority social division modern society biased institutions"
test-education-ughbuesbf-con05a	State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: government intervention academic freedom higher education policy university autonomy state funding legislative control curriculum standards institutional governance educational independence academic governance political influence funding restrictions academic decision-making government oversight university boards legislative reforms free university education academic integrity external control state influence government control university autonomy academic freedom higher education policy university governance state funding curriculum regulation acceptance criteria political influence academic independence legislative intervention board representation educational standards free university education Ireland universities Universities Act 1997 state interference public funding impact institutional autonomy higher education reform academic decision-making state oversight external control university administration government intervention academic freedom university autonomy educational policy higher education governance legislative influence academic independence state funding curriculum regulation public universities institutional control policy impact educational reform funding mechanisms centralized control academic standards governance structures Ireland universities Universities Act 1997 board representation free tuition state oversight state control university admissions negative impact government influence on curriculum disadvantages academic independence threats from state funding effects of government regulation higher education university autonomy vs state oversight legislative control university governance problems negative consequences political intervention universities impact of Board representation by government free scholarship risks with state control independent university operation benefits government role in shaping university policies loss of academic freedom through state funding state power and academic decision-making higher education policy government overreach universities act 1997 academic autonomy Ireland university governance reform effects state funding and university curriculum standards government interference university standards adverse effects of state-controlled university admission public state control university autonomy academic freedom higher education governance curriculum standards government funding legislative intervention university boards educational policy academic independence public universities free scholarship government oversight institutional autonomy policy impact university governance freedom of inquiry academic regulation higher education policy university legislation state influence curriculum autonomy Ireland university act academic governance educational independence state interference in higher education academic freedom limitations government funding university autonomy Ireland university governance university independence threats state-imposed curriculum standards negative effects of state control education legislative impact on universities Ireland free university education drawbacks government influence academic decision-making university board government representation universities act 1997 academic impact academic independence state funding higher education policy state control consequences of state-controlled universities state intervention university autonomy academic freedom curriculum regulation government funding higher education policy legislative control academic governance institutional independence educational standards free scholarship state influence policy impact educational legislation board representation public universities academic integrity funding strings Ireland higher education university governance Universities Act 1997 state agenda educational reform negative consequences academic standards state intervention higher education government control university curriculum negative impact university autonomy academic freedom state interference education policy government funding state regulation university governance effects government oversight universities independence in higher education institutions public funding academic independence Ireland university government influence legislative changes university governance academic standards government control university board state representation free university education drawbacks state-imposed curriculum effects university independence legislation higher education policy analysis government involvement academic decision-making state funding university consequences universities act Ireland analysis academic freedom higher education policy government intervention university autonomy state funding legislative influence governance structures curriculum independence academic governance educational policy political influence on education institutional autonomy public universities state overreach academic standards education reform university boards state-university relations financial control academic decision-making academic autonomy government intervention higher education policy university governance institutional independence academic freedom political influence legislative impact state funding educational reform public universities policy implications centralized control academic standards university administration
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con04a	Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. political accountability political corruption political immunity public perception public trust politician prosecution accountability in government transparency in politics political scandals officeholder responsibility political impunity restoring public confidence legal accountability political ethics anti-corruption measures judicial oversight rule of law trust in government institutions political office integrity prosecuting politicians public opinion on immunity government legitimacy scandal recovery democratic accountability political office reputation political accountability politician prosecution corruption perception public trust legal immunity officeholder accountability politician impunity political scandal restoring public confidence anti-corruption measures public perception politics holding politicians accountable transparency in government prosecuting political figures ethical governance public office integrity trust in government institutions accountability mechanisms removing immunity democratic accountability political accountability corruption public confidence political scandal prosecuting politicians officeholder immunity public perception government transparency political ethics trust in government impunity rule of law political responsibility anti-corruption measures democratic governance legal accountability political trust public office integrity political reform justice system political accountability politician prosecution effects of immunity laws public trust in government political corruption perception consequences of political immunity transparency in politics restoring confidence in politicians holding politicians accountable legal accountability for officeholders impact of immunity on democracy PR consequences for political offices scandals and political image anti-corruption measures prosecution as deterrent public opinion on immunity damage to institutional reputation legal reform for politicians ethics in government trust in political institutions political accountability political immunity corruption perception public trust political scandals prosecuting politicians officeholder accountability public confidence political impunity anti-corruption measures political transparency democratic institutions public perception legal prosecution political ethics restoration of trust government legitimacy rule of law institutional integrity trust in government political accountability politician immunity public trust in government corruption in politics prosecuting politicians legal accountability for officials political scandal consequences restoring faith in government transparency in political office impact of immunity laws political ethics holding politicians accountable trust in political institutions effects of political immunity government corruption perception accountability and democracy political office integrity consequences of non-accountability political accountability corruption public trust office holder prosecution legal immunity political scandal public perception government transparency institutional integrity rule of law anti-corruption measures political ethics trust in government office misconduct legal consequences for politicians restoring confidence public confidence accountability in politics justice system holding politicians accountable political accountability politician immunity government corruption public trust in politics holding politicians accountable prosecuting politicians political office reputation political scandal legal immunity politicians democracy and accountability restoring public confidence anti-corruption measures transparency in government political ethics judicial accountability politicians constitutional immunity politicians on trial political office integrity abuse of power politicians political reforms political accountability corruption scandals public trust political immunity prosecuting politicians corruption perception democratic accountability political transparency officeholder responsibility legal accountability government ethics abuse of power restoring confidence political reform anti-corruption measures prosecutorial oversight holding politicians accountable scandal response institutional integrity rule of law political accountability political immunity corruption public perception trust in government prosecution of politicians political scandals transparency public confidence political ethics officeholder accountability democratic institutions rule of law impunity anti-corruption measures political responsibility public trust legal immunity political reform public relations political accountability mechanisms prosecuting officials restoring confidence institutional integrity government legitimacy
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro03a	It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, HIV disclosure workplace safety employee health occupational exposure HIV transmission risk healthcare workers industrial accidents duty to inform legal obligations moral responsibility bodily fluids infection control employer responsibility employee rights health risks workplace accidents confidentiality prevention strategies Centers for Disease Control Department of Health and Human Services public health policy HIV workplace transmission occupational exposure HIV HIV disclosure obligation healthworker HIV risk workplace safety HIV employee HIV infection risk industrial accidents HIV employer duty HIV protection medical staff HIV legal obligation HIV disclosure HIV-positive worker rights CDC HIV guidelines HIV transmission prevention workplace bodily fluids transmission risk healthcare worker HIV transmission workplace health HIV HIV confidentiality law occupational health and safety HIV HIV policy workplace HIV disclosure workplace safety occupational exposure HIV transmission risk employee health employer responsibility bodily fluids healthworker obligations legal duty moral duty industrial accidents CDC guidelines infection control workplace policy employee rights occupational health healthcare workers HIV-positive staff workplace infection risk communicable diseases universal precautions employee protection workplace regulations HIV disclosure workplace HIV transmission risk employment employer duty HIV information workplace safety HIV occupational exposure HIV healthworker HIV disclosure ethics legal obligations HIV positive employees CDC guidelines HIV workplace employee rights HIV transmission industrial accident bloodborne pathogens confidentiality HIV status work moral duty HIV positive staff workplace health risk management mandatory HIV disclosure laws protecting workers HIV exposure HIV transmission workplace safety occupational exposure employee rights bodily fluids healthworkers disclosure obligation legal responsibility moral duty industrial accidents risk assessment employee protection healthcare workers employer obligations infection control CDC guidelines HIV-positive disclosure workplace policy transmission prevention workplace health Centers for Disease Control Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace workplace HIV risk healthworker HIV disclosure employee HIV disclosure HIV occupational exposure HIV legal obligations HIV moral obligations employer duty HIV bodily fluids transmission HIV workplace safety HIV information employees industrial accident HIV risk CDC HIV workplace HIV transmission prevention occupational health HIV HIV medical staff HIV employee rights HIV employee protection HIV risk management workplace infection control HIV HIV-positive workplace transmission occupational exposure co-workers employee safety bodily fluids disclosure obligation health workers healthcare professionals doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents workplace safety employer responsibility legal obligation moral obligation CDC HIV prevention employee rights infection control risk disclosure workplace health policy Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Department of Health and Human Services occupational health workplace risk HIV awareness HIV transmission workplace occupational health HIV HIV disclosure legal obligation co-worker safety HIV employer duty HIV HIV risk assessment workplace healthworkers HIV transmission workplace exposure HIV industrial accident HIV risk bloodborne pathogens workplace CDC HIV guidelines healthcare worker HIV disclosure employee health protection HIV workplace HIV prevention HIV-related workplace policy HIV occupational exposure HIV healthcare policy workplace infection control legal requirements HIV disclosure HIV-positive healthcare worker HIV workplace disclosure HIV transmission workplace occupational health HIV employee rights HIV healthworker HIV disclosure workplace safety HIV employer obligations HIV workplace exposure bloodborne pathogens industrial accidents HIV risk legal duties HIV workplace CDC HIV guidelines healthcare worker HIV policies occupational risk HIV transmission prevention workplace employee safety HIV HIV-positive health professionals workplace infection control employer legal responsibilities HIV workplace HIV policy HIV occupational hazard HIV workplace disclosure occupational health safety HIV transmission risk employee rights workplace confidentiality bodily fluid exposure legal obligations moral obligations healthcare worker HIV disclosure industrial accident HIV risk employer duty of care CDC HIV guidelines workplace infection control employee protection policies HIV stigma workplace occupational exposure prevention
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro01a	An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, International Criminal Court ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international law prosecution of grave crimes crimes against humanity international consensus peace and security apprehension of perpetrators international enforcement arm international tribunal international legal cooperation arrest warrants extradition international policing UN enforcement mechanisms state sovereignty non-intervention principle international accountability war crimes genocide crimes of aggression universal jurisdiction international cooperation in law enforcement ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute enforcement mechanisms international law international tribunals war crimes crimes against humanity genocide international prosecution apprehension of suspects international arrest warrants peace and security international police force ICC jurisdiction global justice international law enforcement accountability universal jurisdiction international cooperation ICC limitations state sovereignty extradition international criminal enforcement arm international court authority effectiveness of ICC international legal framework United Nations support global enforcement agency implementation of Rome Statute ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international law crimes against humanity war crimes genocide international consensus prosecution of international crimes apprehension of perpetrators international enforcement arm international force state sovereignty international court jurisdiction peace and security global justice international cooperation extradition international policing treaty obligations ICC jurisdiction global legal mechanisms accountability for grave crimes impartial enforcement sovereign immunity legal enforcement mechanisms ICC enforcement mechanisms international criminal justice enforcement Rome Statute enforcement provisions creation of ICC enforcement arm international crimes prosecution ICC jurisdiction limits apprehension of international criminals international criminal accountability independent international enforcement force international justice implementation limitations of national courts ICC enforcement challenges ICC peace and security international justice authority for ICC enforcement international justice cooperation effectiveness Rome Statute international law enforcement ICC international consensus on grave crimes ICC mandate enforcement practical enforcement international criminal court ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international crimes enforcement arm international law global criminal justice international prosecution crimes against humanity war crimes international cooperation peace and security international court jurisdiction global governance international arrest warrants separate enforcement force ICC mandate state sovereignty international consensus international court enforcement international legal enforcement apprehension of perpetrators international judicial authority lasting respect for justice ICC authority international community supranational enforcement non-state intervention international legal instruments transnational justice ICC enforcement mechanisms international criminal court enforcement arm Rome Statute enforcement international justice enforcement apprehending war criminals international criminal prosecutions global justice system crimes against humanity prosecution international law enforcement United Nations enforcement establishing ICC police force international cooperation for ICC extradition of war criminals state sovereignty ICC non-state intervention ICC improving international courts strengthening ICC effectiveness accountability for grave crimes enforcing international criminal justice peace and security international law ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international crimes prosecution of grave crimes international consensus apprehension of perpetrators enforcement arm international enforcement force global justice international law war crimes crimes against humanity genocide peace and security well-being of the world state sovereignty international court jurisdiction lasting respect for justice international cooperation non-state intervention extradition ICC mandate international legal framework accountability for international crimes ICC enforcement International Criminal Court enforcement mechanisms Rome Statute enforcement international justice enforcement international criminal justice ICC apprehension force international law enforcement ICC arrest procedures enforcement arm of ICC international crimes prosecution war crimes enforcement crimes against humanity enforcement international treaties enforcement peace and security ICC international cooperation ICC ICC jurisdiction ICC legal authority ICC police force global criminal justice international criminal law enforcement extradition to ICC sovereignty and ICC international human rights enforcement ICC operational challenges crime of aggression enforcement state cooperation with ICC independent enforcement body ICC ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international court international crimes accountability prosecution apprehension international consensus justice enforcement international force global security crime deterrence international cooperation state sovereignty tribunal enforcement peace and security war crimes crimes against humanity genocide extradition law enforcement international law UN Security Council arrest warrants global governance international policing ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international law crimes against humanity war crimes international enforcement mechanisms international police force extradition procedures international cooperation state sovereignty criminal prosecution international consensus international legal framework UN Security Council international court authority apprehension of suspects peace and security international judicial cooperation global justice enforcement challenges
test-environment-assgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal welfare laboratory animals humane treatment ethical research animal care pain management animal rights animal experimentation veterinary oversight animal testing ethics animal husbandry animal wellbeing moral justification laboratory standards animal use guidelines humane euthanasia experimental animals animal pain relief laboratory animal welfare animal protection laws animal welfare laboratory animal care ethical animal research humane euthanasia animal pain management veterinary oversight animal well-being animal welfare standards animal research ethics animal housing conditions animal experimentation regulations refinement techniques animal health monitoring animal enrichment animal rights vs. research 3Rs principle alternatives to animal testing animal suffering prevention humane endpoints animal husbandry practices animal welfare humane treatment laboratory animals pain management ethical animal research animal care standards animal suffering animal euthanasia laboratory animal health animal experimentation ethics analgesics in research humane slaughter animal husbandry animal rights animal well-being animal testing regulations benefits of animal research animal research oversight research animal guidelines comparative animal living conditions animal welfare in research ethical treatment of laboratory animals pain management in animal research humane euthanasia methods benefits of animal research animal quality and experimental results animal research vs. wild animal life moral objections to animal testing animal research and ethics comparison to livestock treatment regulations for animal research animal care protocols justification for animal experimentation standards of care in animal labs oversight of animal welfare alternatives to animal testing animal research and public opinion scientific benefits vs. animal suffering animal rights and scientific progress advancements in animal research ethics animal welfare humane treatment animal pain management research animal care painkillers in animal research animal euthanasia methods ethical animal research laboratory animal standards animal research regulations animal husbandry in labs animal use ethics animal research benefits laboratory animal quality of life animal rights debate animal experimentation justification alternatives to animal testing animal suffering minimization animal research oversight comparative animal living conditions animal research legislation animal welfare in research humane treatment of laboratory animals ethics of animal research animal pain management in experiments animal euthanasia methods animal research versus wild conditions moral objections to animal experimentation laboratory animal care standards animal research regulations comparison animal research and livestock benefits of animal research suffering in laboratory animals animal rights in scientific studies justification for animal testing laboratory animal humane endpoints animal welfare laboratory animals ethical treatment animal pain management humane euthanasia veterinary care experimental ethics animal husbandry research regulations animal wellbeing institutional animal care humane practices scientific research ethics pain relief in animals animal care standards animal ethics committee animal health monitoring quality of life animal experimentation animal use justification animal welfare in research humane treatment of lab animals ethics of animal experimentation animal pain management research animal care standards laboratories benefits of animal research animal euthanasia protocols laboratory animal wellbeing animal research moral debates animal research regulations research animal quality of life animal research vs wild survival humane endpoints in animal studies laboratory animal health monitoring justification for animal research research animal welfare policies animal welfare ethical animal research laboratory animal care humane treatment animal pain management research animal housing veterinary oversight animal experiment protocols animal rights animal euthanasia procedures animal well-being laboratory animal standards animal research regulations pain relief in animal testing animal suffering minimization animal ethics committees animal health monitoring research animal enrichment 3Rs principle (Replacement Reduction Refinement) animal experimentation justification animal welfare ethical animal research laboratory animal care humane treatment animal pain management animal euthanasia methods painkillers in animal research animal health monitoring animal experimentation ethics animal husbandry in research comparison to wild animal life moral justification animal research animal research regulations animal rights responsible animal use animal testing standards animal well-being research animal quality of life alternatives to animal testing animal suffering prevention
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con01a	Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 human rights state sovereignty internet access universal rights socioeconomic context state responsibility customary international law treaties judicial decisions international legal sources community values state practice recognition of rights development of human rights digital rights civil liberties universal access legal theory legitimacy of rights social inclusion right to information globalization equality of access state obligations digital divide international recognition internet access human right state sovereignty universal human rights state dependency socio-economic context customary international law international treaties judicial decisions state practice internet as legal right internet accessibility digital rights human rights law legal recognition of internet international human rights law cultural relativism government responsibility social context economic development right to internet internet governance universal declaration of human rights information society digital divide legal status of internet internet access digital rights universal human rights international law state sovereignty socio-economic context customary law treaties judicial decisions state practice legal recognition community values human rights norms technological development civil liberties information society digital divide right to information policy implementation global standards legal theory human rights instruments state responsibility right to communication social justice information and communication technology (ICT) legal validity fundamental rights global governance digital inclusion internet access as a human right state dependency of human rights socio-economic context and human rights international law and internet access customary law and human rights treaties and recognition of rights state practice in human rights recognition sources of international law human rights legal theory internet rights human rights universality debate human rights effectiveness in developing states digital rights and socioeconomic development judicial decisions and emerging rights limitations of human rights recognition human rights and community values international recognition of digital rights internet as a basic necessity barriers to universal digital access legitimacy of human rights norms evolution of human rights in international law internet access universal human rights state sovereignty international law customary law state practice socio-economic context legal recognition human rights norms treaties judicial decisions digital rights right to internet global standards international human rights law community desires state responsibility development status sources of law evolving rights legal theory internet access as human right universal human rights debate state responsibility human rights international law internet access internet access global recognition customary law human rights treaties and internet rights judicial decisions internet access socio-economic context human rights state practice human rights internet rights legal theory development human rights norms international law barriers to universal human rights dependency of rights on states acceptance of internet as human right international legal sources internet obligations of states internet access theoretical foundations human rights evolution of human rights international law critique of internet universal right human rights state sovereignty internet access universal rights socio-economic context state responsibility international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions legal recognition legal theory efficacy validity human rights norms international norms normative development community desires socio-economic development legal sources universal declaration of human rights digital rights right to internet human rights limitations international human rights law internet access human right state dependency human rights socio economic context rights international law sources human rights state practice human rights customary law and human rights treaties on human rights judicial decisions human rights universality of human rights development of human rights norms limitations internet as human right human rights in international law state responsibility internet access legal theory human rights human rights state sovereignty community desires human rights advanced states human rights recognition of new human rights validity internet right customary international law internet digital rights international law internet access social justice universal human rights debate barriers to internet as human right internet freedom digital rights international human rights law universal declaration of human rights state sovereignty socioeconomic development customary international law treaty obligations access to information digital divide Internet governance legal recognition civil and political rights economic social and cultural rights state responsibility global digital inclusion fundamental rights technological disparities ICT policy human rights frameworks universal service right to communication digital literacy principle of equality norm emergence judicial interpretation digital infrastructure development disparities internet access human rights universality state sovereignty international law customary law treaties judicial decisions socio-economic context state responsibility digital rights legal recognition community norms rights implementation international norms global governance legal theory state practice human rights evolution digital divide adoption barriers socio-political factors right to information modern communication internet as necessity fundamental rights legal status rights discourse technology access economic development
test-religion-yercfrggms-con01a	In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). agnosticism atheism skepticism rationalism evidentialism fallibilism epistemic humility belief nonbelief doubt evidence knowledge theism proof David Hume empirical inquiry religious epistemology faith burden of proof philosophical skepticism uncertainty neutrality absence of evidence suspension of judgment divine existence naturalism agnosticism atheism epistemology burden of proof skepticism fallibilism rational belief fideism nonbelief evidentialism God existence agnostic atheism philosophy of religion David Hume uncertainty empirical evidence religious epistemology doubt knowledge claims rejection of theism absence of evidence argument from ignorance neutrality in belief suspension of judgment necessity of evidence agnosticism atheism skepticism evidence epistemology rationalism belief knowledge doubt theism fallibilism burden of proof proof of God absence of evidence positive claims negative claims David Hume human understanding religious epistemology skepticism in religion philosophy of religion evidentialism fideism rational belief faith theological noncognitivism metaphysical uncertainty default position neutrality certainty provisional belief agnosticism vs atheism debate rational position on God's existence evidence for God existence evidence against God existence definition of agnosticism definition of atheism epistemological humility in religion David Hume on religious belief skepticism and lack of evidence burden of proof in atheism negative atheism vs positive atheism fallibility of human knowledge philosophy of religion skepticism theist claims and evidence faith-based nature of atheism rebuttal absence of evidence and belief formation admitting lack of knowledge in metaphysics Humean philosophy and religion agnosticism as rational default honest positions on God agnosticism atheism rationalism skepticism evidentialism burden of proof epistemology theism empirical evidence Hume fallibilism doubt religious belief philosophy of religion fideism negative evidence positive evidence truth claims human understanding faith-based belief absence of evidence metaphysics epistemic humility scientific skepticism argument from ignorance nonbelief neutral stance Russell’s teapot logical positivism agnosticism vs atheism burden of proof god existence rational response to god claim evidence for existence of god evidence against god existence skepticism and belief in god David Hume religious epistemology faith-based vs evidence-based belief philosophical agnosticism fallibility and knowledge limits atheism rejection or lack of belief positive claims and evidence religion and evidence standards naturalism and agnosticism epistemic humility religion proving nonexistence of god agnosticism definition honest intellectual doubt religion philosophy of religion logic and god belief agnosticism atheism skepticism rationality evidentialism epistemology burden of proof fallibilism absence of evidence existence of God theism doubt philosophical inquiry David Hume empirical evidence knowledge claims religious belief uncertainty philosophical skepticism proof of God negative evidence positive evidence faith reasonable belief admission of ignorance rational response human fallibility Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding Oxford University Press philosophy of religion agnosticism atheism skepticism epistemology philosophy of religion burden of proof David Hume fallibilism evidentialism rational belief theism negative atheism positive atheism absence of evidence doubt faith-based positions God existence debate knowledge versus belief agnostic atheism religious epistemology Pyrrhonian skepticism Fideism empirical evidence rationalism justification of belief agnosticism atheism rationalism skepticism epistemology burden of proof evidence belief nonbelief doubt human fallibility philosophical inquiry religious epistemology negative evidence theism agnostic atheism scientific skepticism David Hume Humean philosophy methodological doubt faith uncertainty absence of evidence existence of God empirical evidence philosophy of religion neutral stance noncommitment justification epistemic humility rational doubt logical agnosticism knowledge claims proof standards theory of knowledge agnosticism atheism theism skepticism rationalism burden of proof epistemology evidence faith doubt David Hume belief knowledge philosophy of religion fallibilism empirical evidence claim justification religious epistemology negative atheism positive atheism absence of evidence logical positivism naturalism fideism probability metaphysics agnostic atheism existential uncertainty proof of God nonbelief
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro03a	There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations compensation historical wrongs colonial powers restitution Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Japan Korea World War II British compensation Maori colonial damages land seizure Iraq Kuwait compensation invasion occupation post-conflict settlements universal education Africa colonial accountability redress payments economic justice international reparations precedents for reparations reconciliation payments financial compensation global powers infrastructural development historical grievances war reparations reparations compensation historical wrongs colonialism post-colonial justice Germany Israel reparations Holocaust compensation Japan Korea reparations British Maori compensation Iraq Kuwait reparations colonial powers economic restitution post-war reparations universal education funding Africa reparations global reparations precedent state compensation infrastructure benefits restorative justice financial restitution decolonization reparations reparations compensation historical wrongs global powers Holocaust Germany Israel payments Jewish property restitution infrastructure development Japanese reparations Korea colonial compensation Britain New Zealand Maori land seizure Iraq Kuwait compensation invasion damages post-war reparations colonial powers liability universal education Africa decolonization restorative justice transitional justice financial restitution apology policies international law state responsibility reconciliation economic aid post-conflict reparations indigenous rights compensation models precedent reparations precedents for reparations examples of state reparations reparations paid by global powers historical compensation cases post-war reparations history reparations for colonialism impact of reparations on infrastructure reparations for Holocaust survivors Japan Korea reparations WWII Britain compensation to Maoris Iraq compensation to Kuwait colonial powers and compensation paying reparations for historical wrongs arguments for reparations to former colonies free universal education reparations Africa effectiveness of reparations reparations international law economic benefits of reparations compensation for land seizure reparations for identity loss reparations compensation historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II national identity Britain New Zealand Maoris colonialism land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation universal education Africa colonial powers precedent international compensation post-conflict justice restitution remediation economic development restorative justice global governance indigenous rights transitional justice reparations historical examples Germany Holocaust reparations Japanese reparations to Korea British compensation to Maoris Iraq compensation to Kuwait compensation for colonialism global powers reparations reparations infrastructure benefits colonial powers paying for education reparations for historical wrongs universal education Africa reparations case studies of reparations international compensation precedents reparations and economic development reparations for land seizure post-war reparations financial restitution for historical injustices reparations compensation historical wrongs precedent Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property economic security Japan Korea World War II Britain New Zealand Maoris colonialism land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers universal education Africa global powers infrastructure industry agriculture recognition payments international law restorative justice post-war compensation decolonization economic development restitution reparations compensation historical wrongs precedent global powers Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Japanese reparations Korea World War II Britain New Zealand Maoris colonial compensation land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion compensation universal education colonial legacy Africa economic security infrastructure development foreign aid post-conflict restitution transitional justice postcolonial reparations state accountability international law restorative justice historical injustice compensation examples moral responsibility reparations policy intergovernmental treaties reparations historical compensation transitional justice restitution post-conflict reconstruction war reparations colonial compensation economic redress Holocaust reparations German payments Israel Japanese reparations Korea British compensation Maori Iraq Kuwait compensation stolen property restitution indigenous rights post-colonial justice universal education Africa reparations policy international law reparations global justice precedent reparations payments infrastructure development reparations case studies reparations moral responsibility compensation models colonial legacy reparations reparations historical compensation colonial reparations global powers post-war restitution Holocaust compensation German reparations Israel infrastructure Japanese reparations Korea compensation British compensation Maori land Iraqi compensation Kuwait invasion colonial wrongs free universal education Africa colonial powers responsibility economic security property restitution international precedents post-colonial justice treaty settlements war crimes compensation restorative justice
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro02a	Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 cluster munitions humanitarian law international humanitarian law Geneva Conventions landmine ban unexploded ordnance U.S. foreign policy treaty compliance arms control Convention on Cluster Munitions global disarmament weapons ban legitimacy of international law human rights violations law of armed conflict indiscriminate weapons civilian harm international credibility legal inconsistency international relations United Nations security policy state compliance weapons treaties global governance cluster munitions international humanitarian law US cluster bomb policy Convention on Cluster Munitions landmine ban Ottawa Treaty explosive remnants of war international legal credibility humanitarian impact US resistance to disarmament compliance with international treaties indiscriminate weapons law of armed conflict legitimacy of international law global arms control customary international law human rights violations weapon bans legal inconsistencies US influence on international law accountability in armed conflict cluster munitions Convention on Cluster Munitions Geneva Conventions humanitarian law United States policy landmine ban unexploded ordnance treaty compliance arms control international humanitarian law civilian casualties war crimes legal loopholes weapons ban human rights treaty ratification customary international law accountability international legitimacy military ethics post-conflict dangers international treaties disarmament United Nations international norms cluster bombs international law US refusal cluster bomb ban international law inconsistency cluster bombs land mines comparison US influence international law banning cluster munitions international standards credibility international legal system enforcement international law cluster munitions humanitarian impact cluster bombs cluster bomb treaty non-signatories international law contradictions US legitimacy international legal system international community cluster bomb ban US political power international law cluster munitions human rights violations transparency robustness international law weakening international legal system land mines vs cluster munitions legality obstacles enforcing international law compliance international arms treaties cluster munitions international humanitarian law treaty compliance U.S. cluster bomb policy landmine treaties Ottawa Treaty Convention on Cluster Munitions legal inconsistency international legal credibility humanitarian impact unexploded ordnance indiscriminate weapons U.S. influence on international law human rights violations international law enforcement arms control agreements weapons prohibition global disarmament international legal legitimacy military accountability cluster bombs international law cluster munitions legal inconsistency U.S. refusal cluster bomb ban international legal system credibility international humanitarian law ban on cluster munitions dud cluster bombs land mines indiscriminate weapons international law U.S. influence international law human rights violations cluster bombs credibility international legal system enforcement international legal rules legitimacy international law global cluster bomb regulation land mine treaty inconsistency international law political power arms control treaties humanitarian impact cluster munitions cluster munitions international humanitarian law legal inconsistency U.S. policy weapon ban landmine treaty Ottawa Convention unexploded ordnance civilian casualties law of armed conflict indiscriminate weapons global disarmament human rights violations international credibility legal enforcement international norms United Nations Geneva Conventions customary international law arms control moral legitimacy treaty compliance state responsibility legitimacy crisis legal loopholes cluster bombs international law U.S. cluster bomb policy humanitarian law land mines ban unexploded ordnance international humanitarian law treaty compliance credibility of international law U.S. influence international law legitimacy international law international legal system indiscriminate weapons U.S. arms policy Convention on Cluster Munitions war crimes arms control treaties international conflict U.S. military policy ethical warfare compliance with treaties ban cluster munitions Geneva Conventions collateral damage multilateral treaties weapon bans arms proliferation international law enforcement United Nations global security policy cluster munitions international humanitarian law Geneva Conventions Convention on Cluster Munitions landmines U.S. foreign policy treaty compliance legal inconsistency arms control war crimes humanitarian impact unexploded ordnance civilian casualties global disarmament international law credibility state sovereignty U.S. exceptionalism enforcement mechanisms accountability legitimacy human rights violations legal precedent warfare regulations customary international law United Nations arms treaties cluster munitions humanitarian law arms control treaties Convention on Cluster Munitions U.S. foreign policy international humanitarian law landmine ban Ottawa Treaty unexploded ordnance civilian casualties Geneva Conventions treaty compliance military ethics international criminal law global disarmament war crimes human rights violations international legitimacy United Nations weapons proliferation security council customary international law sovereignty international norms treaty ratification global governance
test-economy-egecegphw-con03a	The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, economic impact airport expansion cost-benefit analysis NEF study London airports connectivity global business destinations flight capacity flight efficiency plane size short-haul flights alternative airports Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted Heathrow passenger demand recession business travel technology flight restrictions UK-China flights runway capacity air travel policy environmental concerns airport utilization aviation statistics economic impact airport expansion cost-benefit NEF study Heathrow London airport connectivity global business flight comparisons airport utilization rates increasing plane size airline load factors short haul flight redirection alternative London airports passenger trends post-recession future business travel demand technological impacts air travel international flight agreements UK-China flight restrictions capacity constraints economic justification expansion airport infrastructure alternatives London runway capacity Heathrow alternatives expansion airport expansion economic impact cost-benefit analysis NEF study Heathrow London airport capacity business travel demand runway capacity airline efficiency short haul flights alternative airports Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted large aircraft usage passenger trends recession technological impact on travel international flight agreements China-UK flight restrictions efficient air travel airport connectivity air transport statistics economic impact of airport expansion cost benefit analysis of runway expansion NEF airport expansion study comparison of London airports Heathrow vs Gatwick capacity alternative airports to Heathrow short haul flight efficiency reducing empty flights impact of recession on air travel demand business travel demand and technology UK-China flight agreements passenger number trends post-recession global connectivity of London airports increasing plane size for efficiency redirecting flights from Heathrow economic case against runway expansion international airport capacity comparisons flight restrictions due to bilateral agreements environmental implications of airport expansion future trends in air passenger demand alternatives to new runways airport expansion economic impact NEF study expansion costs London airports runway capacity Heathrow Gatwick City Airport Luton Stansted business travel air travel efficiency short haul flights airline capacity passenger numbers recession impact business destinations leisure destinations alternative airports UK-China flight agreement air transport statistics plane size optimization flight frequency technology and travel demand European airport comparison airport connections flight restrictions airportwatch New Economics Foundation economic impact of airport expansion Heathrow cost benefit analysis London airport capacity comparison alternatives to Heathrow expansion large aircraft efficiency short haul flight redirection passenger demand trends business travel technology impact UK-China flight restrictions environmental impacts of airport expansion New Economics Foundation runway study airport connections global ranking filling planes versus adding runways alternative London airport utilization government policy on airport slots economic impact airport expansion cost-benefit analysis NEF study Heathrow capacity constraints alternative airports runway utilization business travel reduction air travel efficiency plane size short haul flights leisure destinations business destinations passenger numbers recession effects technology impact UK-China flight agreement London airports connectivity flight redirection Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted international competition airline operations environmental considerations aviation demand runway capacity limits air transport statistics policy restrictions airport expansion economics NEF airport study Heathrow expansion costs London airport capacity business flight connectivity Heathrow vs Gatwick alternative UK airports large aircraft efficiency short haul flight redirection business travel demand decline recession air travel impact technology reducing business travel UK-China flight agreements UK airport restrictions Heathrow runway limitations London airport alternatives airportwatch New Economics Foundation study economic feasibility airport expansion House of Commons air transport statistics environmental impact airport expansion economic expansion airport capacity cost-benefit analysis NEF study Heathrow expansion London airports runway utilization business travel demand air travel efficiency large aircraft short haul flights alternative airports Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted flight restrictions China-UK agreement passenger trends recession impact technology and business travel global flight connectivity European airport comparison leisure destinations policy restrictions air transport statistics airport expansion economic impact cost-benefit analysis New Economics Foundation flight capacity London airports runway utilization business destinations leisure destinations short haul flights alternative airports Heathrow congestion large aircraft passenger trends recession effect business travel demand technology impact UK-China flights bilateral air agreements flight restrictions air traffic management airport alternatives efficiency solutions environmental impact Heathrow vs Gatwick flight redirection economic sustainability
test-law-umtlilhotac-con02a	Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights open courts transparency public trials media access court broadcasting victim participation remote access live streaming judicial accountability international criminal law victim rights ICTY ICC ICTR televised trials legal transparency courtroom cameras public interest access to justice fair trial judicial openness legal proceedings court accessibility courtroom technology victims’ closure open courts judicial transparency courtroom broadcasting public access to trials victim participation remote trial viewing televised trials media coverage of trials mass victim cases international tribunals ICTY ICC ICTR Charles Taylor trial victim closure access to justice human rights right to fair trial Sixth Amendment Article 6 ECHR legal proceedings transparency large-scale victim cases public trial principle international criminal justice trial accessibility open court public trial televised trial media coverage victim participation access to justice court transparency international criminal tribunal ICTY ICC ICTR Charles Taylor trial trial broadcasting victims’ rights remote access legal transparency fair trial Article 6 ECHR 6th Amendment restorative justice legal accessibility court proceedings witness participation legal openness mass crimes victim closure public access large-scale victimization human rights law justice visibility courtroom media open justice televised trials broadcasting criminal trials remote victim participation public access international criminal trials media coverage high-profile cases rights of victims courtroom transparency in justice system open justice international law televised proceedings multiple victim crimes crime trial live streaming facilitating victim closure through media global access court proceedings digital courtrooms and justice ICTY trial public access ICC trial broadcasting international tribunal media coverage open trials European Convention sixth amendment public trial justice and media technology victim rights televised justice open justice public trial transparency televised trials media coverage victim participation international criminal law mass victim crimes remote access court accessibility right to witness proceedings ICTY ICC ICTR Charles Taylor trial legal transparency closure for victims Sixth Amendment European Convention on Human Rights courtroom broadcasting justice system openness virtual court attendance trial accessibility victim rights judicial transparency international tribunals distant victims public scrutiny human rights law fair trial rights open court principle open court proceedings televised trials access to justice public trial rights mass victim cases international criminal tribunals remote trial access victim participation legal transparency high-profile crime trials broadcasting court cases ICTY coverage ICC media access court accessibility public legal education victim support in trials Arusha tribunal coverage international justice broadcasting legal system openness human rights in trials open justice public trial transparency courtroom broadcasting televised trials victim access mass victim crimes international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR witness rights victim participation remote viewing court accessibility public scrutiny legal transparency 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights closure for victims judicial openness legal accountability distant victims court proceedings broadcast media in court justice for many victims trial visibility high-profile crimes open justice public trial televised trials media access court victims' rights remote participation international criminal law international tribunals ICTY ICC ICTR Charles Taylor trial victim closure judicial transparency legal system transparency court broadcasting access to justice high-profile crimes multi-victim crimes legal proceedings visibility court technology live streaming trials criminal justice reform human rights law article 6 ECHR 6th amendment judicial accountability distance victims procedural fairness public scrutiny open justice public trial televised trials victim participation remote access courtroom transparency international criminal trials ICTY ICC ICTR Charles Taylor trial judicial transparency access to justice legal rights victim closure international tribunals 6th Amendment European Convention on Human Rights legal system openness trial broadcasting mass victim crimes legal accountability victim-witness engagement public legal proceedings court accessibility trial dissemination open courts court transparency televised trials victim participation public access to trials justice for victims remote witnessing international criminal courts ICTY ICC ICTR trial broadcasting legal transparency victims' rights public trial principles closure for victims courtroom technology judicial openness high-profile crimes mass victimization transnational justice human rights law trial accessibility media in courtrooms legal system accountability
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro04a	"Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) capacity for suffering moral status persistent vegetative state cognitive impairment animals in research moral consistency speciesism medical experimentation ethics interests possession severe disability human vs animal rights medical ethics disability ethics moral community experimentation prohibition Fox M. A. comparative suffering moral philosophy ethical stances animal welfare personhood sentience capacity for suffering moral status cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state animal experimentation medical ethics moral consistency specieism moral community interests sentience human non-persons severely disabled pain perception animal rights medical research ethics intrinsic value bioethics personhood disability ethics moral consideration ethical treatment moral hierarchy human-animal comparisons rights of the cognitively impaired normative ethics Fox M. A. Ethics in Practice animal experimentation moral consistency speciesism cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering disabled persons moral community ethics of research pain perception interests moral obligations medical ethics human-animal comparison ethical consistency sentience disability ethics animal rights medical experimentation ethical stances capacity for suffering in humans and animals moral status of severely cognitively impaired individuals persistent vegetative state and ethics animal experimentation ethical debate moral consistency animal versus human experimentation speciesism and medical research interests and capacity to suffer comparison severe cognitive impairment moral consideration ethics of medical testing on non-responsive humans humans versus animals ethical distinction experimenting on disabled persons ethics abolition of animal experimentation argument Fox ""The Moral Community"" ethical positions ethics in practice animals and impaired humans human personhood and suffering capacity moral community membership criteria moral theory and non-human animals justification for animal rights experimentation speciesism critique in moral status animal experimentation cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state speciesism moral consistency medical ethics capacity for suffering interests personhood disabled individuals Fox ""The Moral Community"" ethics in practice animal rights experimental ethics moral philosophy human non-persons pain perception interest possession disability rights ethical stances bioethics moral community medical research ethics moral status animal experimentation ethics cognitive impairment and suffering moral community speciesism persistent vegetative state medical ethics capacity for suffering moral consistency severe cognitive disabilities animal rights disabled persons experimentation Fox ""The Moral Community"" ethics in practice interests and moral consideration ethical consistency biomedical research ethics human vs animal moral consideration suffering threshold experimental ethics animal ethics moral community moral consistency speciesism cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering medical experimentation disabled persons animal rights moral philosophy ethics of research interests human exceptionalism pain perception moral status ethical treatment of animals disability ethics personhood Michael A. Fox normative ethics biomedical ethics utilitarianism intrinsic value sentience medical research ethics animal ethics moral status cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state moral consistency speciesism human experimentation animal experimentation medical research ethics moral community Fox The Moral Community disabled rights animal rights ethics in practice La Follette Blackwell Pub suffering capacity moral philosophy severe cognitive disability interests and personhood bioethics research ethics experimental ethics human-animal comparison moral consideration sentience Peter Singer animal liberation disability and ethics personhood criteria ethics of care animal experimentation ethics moral consistency speciesism suffering capacity cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state disabled persons moral community medical research ethics human vs animal rights interest possession morality and disability experimentation prohibition Fox M.A. ethical debates animals Ethics in Practice animal experimentation ethics moral status capacity for suffering cognitive impairment moral consideration persistent vegetative state ethics speciesism moral consistency medical research ethics animal rights disability and ethics moral community interest theory ethical treatment of animals human non-persons sentience utilitarianism personhood bioethics nonhuman animals moral consideration comparison Peter Singer equal consideration of interests intrinsic value Blackwell Ethics in Practice"
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro04a	"Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Euro adoption currency conversion costs travel expenses single currency eurozone European integration holiday cost savings cross-border payments booking accommodation money transfer fees unified currency travel convenience exchange rate elimination financial efficiency British tourism cost-effective travel European travel benefits international payments currency exchange economic integration price transparency Euro adoption single currency benefits travel cost reduction currency conversion fees exchange rate savings European holiday expenses cross-border payments cheaper travel bookings accommodation costs Europe Eurozone tourism money transfer fees seamless European travel foreign currency charges booking holiday abroad euro travel advantages UK joining Euro economic impact of Euro Eurozone integration travel hassle reduction European monetary union Eurozone single currency currency conversion costs travel expenses foreign exchange fees European travel tourism savings accommodation booking cross-border payments financial integration holiday cost reduction money transfer fees exchange rate risk economic benefits Euro adoption intra-European travel unified currency consumer convenience international transactions travel budgeting benefits of euro adoption for travelers cost savings of euro currency impact of euro on holiday expenses euro and travel convenience euro and international money transfers eliminating currency exchange fees Europe booking accommodation with euro cross-border transactions euro zone euro versus local currencies travel euro and tourism industry advantages of single currency for tourists eurozone travel cost comparison euro simplifies European travel financial impact of joining euro euro reduces travel hassle euro and British tourists euro and vacation planning cost efficiency with euro currency euro membership and travel spending euro facilitates holiday payments Euro adoption travel costs Europe currency conversion savings holiday expenses single currency benefits accommodation booking Europe cross-border payments eurozone travel exchange rate fees financial efficiency Europe eurozone tourism international transfers euro travel advantages economic impact euro travel money savings Eurozone travel savings cost of currency exchange Europe impact of Euro on travel expenses benefits of the Euro for UK tourists single currency travel advantages booking accommodation in Eurozone sending money within Europe costs Euro adoption benefits UK eliminating exchange rate fees holiday cost reduction Euro Euro and travel convenience tourism in Eurozone financial impact of joining Euro cross-border payments Eurozone Euro and tourism industry travel money saving Europe Euro vs local currencies travel Euro adoption single currency travel costs currency conversion exchange fees European travel holiday expenses accommodation booking cross-border payments money transfers Euroland Britain joining Euro financial savings tourism international transactions economic integration eurozone benefits travel convenience booking efficiency foreign exchange losses Euro adoption travel costs currency conversion single currency Europe Eurozone benefits holiday expenses exchange rate fees international accommodation booking costs sending money Europe Euro travel advantages UK join Euro Browne 2001 Europe tourism cost savings financial transactions Europe Euroland cheaper European holidays currency exchange losses European integration Euro adoption single currency benefits travel costs Europe currency exchange fees cross-border payments holiday expenses accommodation booking Europe money transfer Eurozone tourism economic impact currency conversion loss European integration Eurozone travel savings financial barriers travel British Euro membership EU travel convenience international transaction fees cost of sending money Europe European holiday planning tourist currency exchange travel budgeting Eurozone. single currency euro adoption eurozone benefits currency exchange costs travel expenses European integration currency conversion loss accommodation booking Europe cross-border payments transaction fees holiday costs Europe economic impact euro tourism Europe euro vs national currencies Britain euro membership international money transfer unified currency Europe financial savings euro travel convenience euro eurozone tourism advantages"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear weapons stockpiles strategic arms limitation verification measures nuclear nonproliferation bilateral treaties nuclear disarmament mutual security world peace nuclear deterrence arms control agreements on-site inspections strategic stability Cold War nuclear build-up international security trust-building transparency treaty ratification global safety symbolic diplomacy nuclear threat reduction Kissinger Shultz Eagleburger Baker Powell Dr. David Gushee Putin US-Russia cooperation New START treaty nuclear arms reduction arms control nuclear weapons verification US Russia relations bilateral treaty strategic nuclear weapons deployed warheads delivery vehicles Cold War mutual security nuclear disarmament strategic stability nuclear nonproliferation trust-building on-site inspections verification measures peace and security symbolic value nuclear deterrence global security nuclear build-up cooperative security transparency national security treaty ratification arms race world peace strategic arsenal notifications military planners treaty verification superpower relations international relations nuclear arsenal tracking risk reduction conflict prevention nuclear arms control nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations nuclear verification nuclear deterrence START treaty international security nuclear nonproliferation bilateral treaties strategic stability nuclear weapons reduction trust-building global peace Cold War mutual security military inspections transparency nuclear arsenal monitoring treaty ratification arms reduction negotiations New START treaty benefits US Russia nuclear arms reduction nuclear weapons verification global security enhancement nuclear disarmament symbolism Cold War nuclear build-up risks mutual security cooperation arms control history treaty verification measures Russia nuclear transparency US national security implications deterrence and stability bipartisan treaty support world peace and nuclear treaties strategic nuclear arsenal notifications nuclear disarmament process US-Russia diplomatic relations preventing nuclear arms race on-site nuclear inspections New START strategic impacts New START Treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear weapons verification strategic nuclear arsenals bilateral agreements nuclear disarmament arms control nuclear deterrence Cold War legacy Vladimir Putin treaty ratification mutual security nuclear disaster prevention trust-building on-site inspections symbolic value peace and cooperation military planning nuclear build-ups global security arms race prevention nuclear transparency international stability non-proliferation Republican support Kissinger Shultz Eagleburger Baker Powell nuclear notifications national security Russia-US partnership treaty verification measures security agreement New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear weapons verification nuclear disarmament strategic arms limitation mutual security global peace arms control agreements Cold War legacy nuclear deterrence bilateral cooperation US-Russia trust-building strategic stability non-proliferation international security arms reduction verification nuclear transparency Vladimir Putin nuclear policy US Senate ratification Kissinger Shultz Baker Powell New START support on-site inspections nuclear risk reduction Russia nuclear arsenal symbolic value of disarmament threat reduction world peace initiatives nuclear build-up prevention military planning nuclear treaties New START nuclear arms reduction US Russia relations nuclear verification nuclear weapons stockpile arms control treaty strategic arms limitation nuclear nonproliferation nuclear disarmament mutual security bilateral agreements Cold War tensions international peace nuclear deterrence on-site inspections strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear transparency nuclear policy US Russia cooperation Vladimir Putin George Shultz Henry Kissinger James Baker Colin Powell Lawrence Eagleburger nuclear build-up prevention global security arms race avoidance treaty ratification national security peacebuilding sustained verification measures nuclear threat reduction superpower relations New START Treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear weapons stockpiles arms control agreements strategic nuclear weapons verification measures disarmament nuclear deterrence Cold War bilateral treaties nuclear non-proliferation international security on-site inspections strategic stability mutual trust arms race prevention global peace nuclear transparency treaty ratification Russia nuclear policy US national security symbolic diplomacy nuclear verification world peace US-Russia cooperation Vladimir Putin START I Treaty nuclear arsenal notifications military planning Republican support for New START David Gushee Henry Kissinger arms control nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations strategic stability nuclear verification nonproliferation trust building Cold War legacy mutual security strategic deterrence international treaties global security weapons reduction diplomatic cooperation bilateral agreements nuclear arsenals peace initiatives treaty ratification nuclear transparency military planning verification mechanisms on-site inspections Russia nuclear policy US nuclear policy strategic arms limitation national security symbolic diplomacy world peace nuclear modernization Putin statements bipartisan support nuclear notifications security dilemma deterrence policy nuclear arms control arms reduction nuclear verification U.S.-Russia relations New START ratification nuclear disarmament strategic stability bilateral treaties Cold War nuclear deterrence nonproliferation international security mutual trust on-site inspections strategic nuclear arsenals arms build-up symbolic diplomacy peace agreements global security military transparency treaty verification nuclear policy arms race prevention U.S. foreign policy Russian foreign policy START treaties nuclear threat reduction nuclear weapons policy arms limitation nuclear treaties international cooperation"
test-law-ilppppghb-con01a	"What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. individual rights democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights majority rights political participation right to protest right to lobby right to vote state obligation national minorities Basques Catalans identity-based politics political exclusion discrimination political power secession minority representation Franco era Spain civil liberties equal protection minority integration minority autonomy ethnic identity political equality individual rights democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights national minorities political representation majority vs minority right to protest right to vote political participation state obligations minority discrimination Spain Franco era Basques Catalans identity politics secession political power minority integration minority protections democratic rights individual rights minority rights collective rights self-determination national identity minority groups voting rights political representation state obligations identity politics Basque Catalan Spain Franco regime political discrimination majority community secession autonomy political inclusion protest rights lobbying civil liberties national minorities ethnic groups political power state sovereignty regional autonomy political equality minority protection individual democratic rights vs collective self-determination minority rights in nation-states criteria for self-determination democratic protections for minorities state obligations to minority groups identity politics and secession Basque and Catalan rights in Spain Franco era minority discrimination evolution of minority political power decline of secessionist movements political representation of minorities minority integration in democratic societies impact of improved minority rights on secession collective vs individual rights in democracy international law and self-determination individual rights democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights political representation Basques Catalans Spain Franco era political power identity politics secession minority discrimination majority community right to protest right to vote state obligations minority nationalism self-governance autonomy ethnic minorities political parties equal rights minority integration national unity individual rights vs collective self-determination minority rights in democratic states criteria for self-determination democratic rights and minority protection state obligations to minorities collective identity politics Basque and Catalan political evolution post-Franco era minority integration secession movements in Spain ethnic minorities and political representation self-determination thresholds protest and lobbying rights for minorities political power of minority communities weakening identity-based politics majority-minority relations in democracies individual rights democratic rights minority rights collective self-determination political participation protest rights voting rights lobbying rights state obligations majority-minority relations political representation ethnic minorities secession movements identity politics Basques Catalans Franco era Spain discrimination political exclusion national identity minority empowerment political power self-governance community representation social integration civil liberties human rights autonomy national sovereignty democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights national minorities right to protest right to lobby right to vote state obligations political participation minority discrimination identity politics secession movements Basques Catalans Franco regime Spain dictatorship minority political power political representation post-Franco Spain ethnic minority rights separatism minority integration majority-minority relations autonomy movements European minorities political inclusion civil rights minority protections nationalism regional autonomy individual rights democratic participation minority rights collective rights self-determination minority groups nation-states democracy civil liberties political representation equal protection identity politics national minorities secession state obligations political power protest rights voting rights lobbying rights Basques Catalans Franco era Spain discrimination political integration autonomy human rights social inclusion ethnic minorities nationhood constitutional rights individual rights democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights national minorities minority protections political representation right to protest right to vote civil liberties state obligations secession identity politics Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political discrimination exclusion from power minority political parties regional autonomy ethnic minorities majority-minority relations nationalism political integration rights protection self-governance democracy equal rights"
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro01a	Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. free trade economic development economic growth trade liberalization market access international business cross-border trade competition innovation cost reduction labor mobility skilled workers global markets consumer benefits price reduction product improvement employment opportunities resource allocation global economy productivity trade barriers income disparity poverty reduction globalization industrial growth trade policy free trade benefits economic growth development trade liberalization globalization market access competition innovation diffusion production costs labor mobility consumer welfare employment opportunities comparative advantage international trade poverty reduction income disparity WTO trade policy economic integration cross-border commerce export-led growth barrier removal trade agreements trade openness trade and development FDI industrialization global markets trade and employment trade and productivity trade liberalization economic development global markets export growth import competition international trade policy open markets economic integration foreign direct investment tariff reduction cross-border trade economic efficiency comparative advantage market access workforce mobility productivity gains consumer benefits price reduction technological innovation supply chain expansion economic opportunity trade agreements economic globalization poverty reduction income inequality developing countries trade barriers economic reform WTO global competition benefits of free trade free trade and economic growth free trade and development impact of free trade on innovation free trade and competition free trade and consumer benefits free trade and lower prices free trade and industry competitiveness free trade and job opportunities labor mobility and free trade free trade and cost of production free trade removal of barriers globalization and free trade free trade and poverty reduction free trade and income disparity WTO free trade research effects of free trade on workers free trade and employment comparative advantage in free trade regional trade agreements benefits historical examples of free trade successes free trade economic development economic growth trade barriers globalization international business market competition innovation diffusion production costs labor mobility workforce migration market access consumer benefits price reduction employment opportunities skills matching international trade trade liberalization comparative advantage poverty reduction income disparity WTO trade policy economic integration developing countries trade agreements productivity resource allocation global markets industry competitiveness free trade benefits trade and economic growth impact of free trade on development trade liberalization advantages free trade and employment competition and innovation in trade free trade and consumer benefits labor mobility and trade reduction of trade barriers free trade and poverty reduction free trade and income disparity regional trade agreements globalization and development WTO and free trade effects of open markets free trade economic development economic growth trade liberalization globalization removal of trade barriers international business cross-border trade market competition innovation diffusion production costs labor mobility labor migration resource allocation global markets consumer benefits price competition product innovation employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction World Trade Organization trade policy multinational companies economic integration international trade regional trade agreements export-led growth comparative advantage skill matching developing countries trade openness market access growth opportunities free trade benefits economic development economic growth trade liberalization comparative advantage international competition innovation exchange production cost reduction labor mobility global markets consumer benefits price reduction employment opportunities trade and poverty trade and inequality WTO trade policy global trade impact market access trade barriers international business trade and innovation global supply chains developing countries trade trade and employment cross-border trade free trade benefits economic development economic growth trade barriers removal international competition innovation sharing production costs labor mobility global markets market expansion consumer benefits price reduction product innovation employment opportunities poverty reduction trade and inequality trade and income disparity trade liberalization world trade organization global trade policy trade liberalization economic development economic growth market access globalization labor mobility innovation diffusion comparative advantage production efficiency consumer benefits international competition tariff removal non-tariff barriers export growth job creation poverty reduction income disparity labor market dynamics cross-border investment productivity improvement cost reduction world trade organization
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro03a	Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Kyoto Protocol global greenhouse gas emissions economic crisis climate change treaty emissions reduction ratification global agreement developing countries developed countries economic development emissions caps historical responsibility per capita emissions emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth US climate policy China emissions international negotiations climate finance replacement treaty climate governance climate justice climate equity Paris Agreement global climate policy multilateral agreements Kyoto Protocol global emissions reduction greenhouse gas emissions climate change treaty international climate agreement post-Kyoto accord economic crisis climate policy developing countries emissions developed world climate responsibility emissions abatement funding climate finance per capita emissions emissions caps wealth transfer climate negotiations treaty ratification US climate policy China emissions treaty global climate negotiations global climate governance barriers to climate agreements climate justice historical emissions responsibility budget deficits climate impact international climate cooperation climate policy deadlock Kyoto Protocol global emissions reduction greenhouse gases climate change treaty economic crisis treaty ratification emissions caps developed countries developing countries carbon abatement wealth transfer budget deficits per capita emissions China United States climate negotiations international climate agreement post-Kyoto treaty global warming climate justice carbon emissions growth environmental policy rich vs poor nations emission responsibilities climate finance Kyoto Protocol shortcomings global GHG emissions reduction failure economic crisis climate negotiations treaty replacement challenges global emissions reduction treaties developing vs developed countries emissions historical emissions responsibility per capita emissions comparison emissions caps debates wealth transfer for emissions abatement developed world budget deficits equity in climate agreements growth of emissions in developing countries US stance on developing countries inclusion China in global climate treaties effectiveness of climate treaties without developing countries obstacles to global climate accord funding climate action in developing nations climate justice and equity post-Kyoto climate negotiations Kyoto Protocol global GHG emissions treaty ratification emission reduction global climate agreement economic crisis developing countries developed countries per capita emissions historical emissions responsibility emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits climate policy US climate stance China emissions international climate negotiations climate justice post-Kyoto agreement global consensus climate finance climate equity climate treaty failure climate summit emissions targets Kyoto Protocol failure global emissions reduction international climate treaty economic crisis climate policy post-Kyoto negotiations global GHG emissions developing versus developed countries emissions emissions caps climate justice wealth transfer climate change per capita emissions emerging economies climate role China emissions policy US climate stance equitable climate agreements climate finance climate treaty ratification international accord obstacles climate change negotiation stalemate history of climate agreements Kyoto Protocol global greenhouse gas emissions climate change treaty global accord replacement treaty treaty ratification emissions reduction economic crisis developing countries developed countries per capita emissions historical emissions responsibility emissions abatement emission caps wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth China climate policy US climate stance international climate negotiations global climate policy climate finance emission trading climate justice North-South divide post-Kyoto climate agreements Paris Agreement Copenhagen Accord UNFCCC climate mitigation international environmental policy Kyoto Protocol global climate accord greenhouse gas emissions economic crisis emissions reduction treaty treaty ratification developing vs developed countries emissions caps carbon abatement funding climate finance per capita emissions wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth China emissions US climate policy international climate negotiations global emissions accountability rich vs poor nations climate responsibility post-Kyoto framework climate justice historical emissions climate treaty stalemate climate change geopolitics emissions disparity climate agreement barriers Kyoto Protocol global greenhouse gas emissions economic crisis global climate treaty emissions reduction treaty ratification developing countries developed countries per capita emissions economic development rights emissions caps emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth US climate policy China emissions global climate negotiations replacement climate treaty international climate agreements climate justice historical emissions responsibility North-South divide climate finance climate change policy failed climate accords climate diplomacy global climate agreements GHG emissions reduction Kyoto Protocol limitations post-Kyoto negotiations international climate treaties emissions abatement funding developed vs developing countries climate equity economic crisis impact per capita emissions disparity emissions responsibility climate finance wealth transfer global emissions policy US climate stance China emissions role treaty ratification challenges climate justice climate change mitigation international environmental law
test-international-ehbfe-pro04a	The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. federalism federal model European Union EU integration federal states democratic safeguards peace prosperity single market social policy environmental policy regulation harmonization economic externalities policy alignment USA Australia Canada India successful governance policy effectiveness comparative federalism cross-border regulation transnational policy unity European success federalism European Union EU integration federal states US federal model Australian federalism Canadian federation Indian democracy European social policy European environmental policy single market regulations regulatory harmonization cross-border regulation democratic safeguards economic prosperity peace and stability policy harmonization social welfare environmental protection transnational externalities business regulation competitive regulation member state coordination policy convergence intergovernmental cooperation supranational governance federal unity comparative federalism EU governance models successful federal countries federalism European Union single market social policy environmental policy democratic safeguards economic integration regulation harmonization externalities policy coordination state sovereignty transnational governance regional unity intergovernmental cooperation comparative federalism best practices peace and prosperity institutional effectiveness federal states cross-border regulation labor mobility regulatory competition social welfare sustainable development governance models integration benefits federalism in Europe benefits of federal states federal model successes examples of federal countries USA federalism Australia federalism Canada federalism India federal democracy European Union federalism single market effects social policy harmonization EU environmental policy EU economic integration Europe comparative federal systems regulation harmonization Europe addressing externalities EU democratic safeguards federalism prosperity federal states peace in federal systems transferring companies EU unified European policies advantages of federal unity EU member state cooperation federal principles in EU impact of national regulations effectiveness of European approach social and environmental policy integration lessons from federal model federalism federal states democratic safeguards peace prosperity Europe European Union USA Australia Canada India standards of living social policy environmental policy single market regulation business externalities member states European approach unity integration EU states comparative success governance policy harmonization economic integration democratic success cross-country regulation social welfare environmental protection federalism in Europe benefits of federal states democratic safeguards Europe social policy European Union environmental policy EU single market regulation regulatory harmonization Europe examples federal success USA federal model Canada federalism Australia federal government India democracy federal system economic externalities Europe advantages federal unity EU EU integration member state regulation cross-border social policy cross-border environmental policy European economic policy EU policy harmonization successful federal countries federal model peace prosperity EU policy externalities European federalism advantages comparison federal systems EU competitiveness federalism EU vs national regulation federalism federal model federal states federal union Europe European Union EU peace prosperity democratic safeguards governance USA United States Australia Canada India developing world long-term democracy social policy environmental policy European integration single market regulations business regulation harmonization externalities economic policy social welfare cross-border regulation policy coordination federal unity success factors comparative analysis national regulation institutional framework policy effectiveness member states interstate cooperation policy harmonization federal model federalism Europe advantages of federal states US federalism Australia federalism Canada federalism India federalism democratic safeguards European social policy European environmental policy EU single market national regulation regulatory harmonization business regulation Europe externalities Europe federal unity EU federal countries comparison peace and prosperity federalism EU integration effective regulation EU social policy harmonization environmental policy harmonization federal success stories European federalism benefits inter-state competition Europe EU policy effectiveness cross-country federalism analysis federalism federal model European Union federal states democratic safeguards peace prosperity USA Australia Canada India social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European regulation business regulation company relocation externalities federal unity EU integration successful federal countries policy harmonization comparative federalism economic integration European success cross-border policy policy effectiveness federalism European Union EU integration federal states governance models democratic systems social policy environmental regulation single market economic externalities policy harmonization interstate cooperation USA Australia Canada India prosperity peace regulatory convergence member states transnational issues subsidiarity political union successful federations comparative government sustainable development
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con02a	The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, personal data data privacy consumer profiles data mining data protection information security online privacy data brokerage commercial data use targeted advertising user consent anonymized data privacy rights data sharing digital marketing information disclosure consent management data-driven marketing user identity behavioral targeting privacy policies third-party data data collection preference mapping cookies tracking online data sales customer insights privacy concerns interpersonal privacy privacy evolution commercial privacy personal data data privacy commercial data use information disclosure consumer profiling online privacy data security third-party data sharing data anonymization cookies user consent digital marketing behavioral targeting data protection identity protection data mining economic value of data privacy rights data regulation information ethics customer data privacy norms corporate data responsibility user preferences targeted advertising personal data data privacy data protection user consent information disclosure data sale consumer profiling data mining online privacy commercial data use user anonymity data security identity protection behavioral targeting digital marketing customer data information economy privacy rights cookies search history economic value of data firm data practices data management corporate data use privacy policy data collection anonymized information data intermediaries user preferences data-driven marketing personalized advertising legitimacy of data collection by firms personal information in commerce privacy rights and commercial data evolution of personal data usage economic implications of data sharing consumer consent and data disclosure types of information firms collect anonymity in data mining use of cookies and search history creation of consumer profiles data security and privacy settings indirect identification through data impact on online consumer experience privacy concerns in ad targeting historical context of client understanding economics of personal data regulatory perspectives on data use OECD on privacy and economy commercial uses of anonymized data benefits of targeted advertising limits of personal data protection personal data data privacy consumer information data mining online privacy data security user consent information disclosure commercial data use targeted advertising consumer profiling anonymization data protection digital identity information economy privacy rights data brokers user preferences cookies search histories data anonymity economic implications third-party data sharing privacy policies data privacy information disclosure personal data in commerce consumer profiling anonymity in data mining commercial use of personal information privacy and security settings data protection practices identity protection economic value of personal information user consent in data sharing targeted advertising ethics evolution of personal data use privacy violation assessment data ownership commercial exchange of information user privacy in digital economy online privacy regulations corporate data responsibilities consumer data rights personal data data privacy data security data mining consumer profiling online privacy commercial data use information disclosure user consent data anonymization data protection identity protection targeted advertising cookies search histories privacy rights data intermediaries economic impact of data user preferences digital marketing company-client relationship information sharing data sale data ownership legitimate data use data transparency privacy concerns user experience optimization legal data practices anonymized data corporate data policies personal data privacy commercial data utilization data brokerage information disclosure consumer profiling online privacy data protection data anonymization privacy rights digital identity targeted advertising user consent data security behavioral data search history tracking cookies in marketing economic value of personal data data mining ethics firm-client data exchange legal data sharing anonymized consumer data corporate data responsibility privacy in commerce GDPR compliance data transparency user-data interaction business data ethics consumer information sale data-driven marketing data collection practices personal data data privacy data protection consumer profiling data mining online privacy information sharing data security data commercialization targeted advertising user consent privacy rights anonymized data cookies search history digital identity economic value of data data brokers third-party data sharing privacy policy information economy user preferences online tracking commercial data use security settings data anonymization data privacy personal data information disclosure corporate data use consumer profiling targeted advertising data protection online privacy privacy rights data mining user consent information security anonymization cookies search history economic implications digital identity third-party data sharing user preferences firm-client relationship privacy concerns data commodification commercial data exchange privacy legislation privacy ethics
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek debt crisis Eurozone stability sovereign default contagion effect financial markets investor confidence capital flight government bonds bond yields interest rates budget deficit fiscal crisis Portugal Spain Italy Ireland Germany Netherlands European Central Bank financial support euro exit sovereign risk market speculation economic shock bailout credit risk fiscal policy Eurozone periphery monetary union financial contagion European debt crisis systemic risk Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect contagion risk sovereign debt government bonds investor confidence capital flight credit risk fiscal stability budget deficit ECB intervention interest rates bond yields bailout financial contagion euro exit economic shockwaves Southern Europe financial stability speculative attacks PIIGS Germany Netherlands bailout mechanisms debt restructuring Eurozone breakup Eurozone crisis sovereign debt contagion financial instability government bonds capital flight credit risk interest rates default speculation fiscal deficit budget deficit ECB intervention bailout fiscal stability Southern Europe market uncertainty credit spreads bond yields systemic risk fiscal discipline economic downturn financial support Merkel Troika debt restructuring euro exit eurozone breakup investor confidence risk premium PIIGS financial contagion euro currency European integration monetary policy austerity measures CDS spreads Greek default Eurozone impact domino effect Eurozone Greek default contagion Eurozone sovereign debt crisis capital flight Eurozone countries investor confidence Eurozone Portugal default risk Spain default risk Italy default risk Ireland default risk government bond yields Eurozone rising interest rates debt crisis budget deficit debt risk ECB financial support crisis Germany Eurozone bailout safe haven capital flows Europe euro exit scenario Eurozone financial stability speculation sovereign default debt spiral Eurozone systemic risk Eurozone Greek exit consequences financial contagion Europe Eurozone bailout mechanisms investor sentiment sovereign risk Eurozone periphery Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect sovereign debt contagion financial shockwaves investor confidence capital flight Portugal Spain Italy Ireland safe haven assets Germany Netherlands government bonds bond yields interest rates budget deficit GDP ratio ECB financial support speculation fiscal sustainability debt crisis euro exit monetary union Eurozone stability fiscal contagion European debt crisis Greek debt crisis Eurozone contagion Greek default impact domino effect Eurozone PIIGS debt risk capital flight Eurozone bond yields Portugal Spain Italy Ireland government bond interest rates Eurozone investor confidence ECB financial support Germany Eurozone bailout sovereign debt crisis Eurozone default speculation budget deficit Eurozone financial stability Eurozone Greek exit from euro Eurozone shockwaves fiscal crisis Europe sovereign risk premiums macroeconomic effects Greek default Greek debt crisis Eurozone sovereign default contagion effect financial shockwaves investor confidence capital flight peripheral Eurozone countries government bond yields interest rates fiscal deficit budget deficit Portugal debt crisis Spain debt crisis Italy debt crisis Ireland debt crisis ECB intervention European Central Bank Germany financial support Netherlands safe haven bond market speculation sovereign risk eurozone stability monetary union financial contagion economic repercussions default probability euro exit banking sector international investors sovereign bond markets rescue packages policy response Eurogroup Troika liquidity crisis fiscal sustainability bailout Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect sovereign debt contagion risk PIIGS capital flight bond yields investor confidence Portugal default Spain default Italy default Ireland default fiscal deficit budget deficit ECB intervention Germany financial support euro exit Eurozone stability government bonds interest rates financial shockwaves market speculation debt crisis economic impact bailout mechanisms risk premiums sovereign risk Eurozone fragmentation bailout funds credit spreads Greek sovereign debt crisis Eurozone instability contagion risk sovereign bond yields capital flight fiscal deficit public debt ratio investor confidence banking sector risk monetary union ECB intervention financial contagion peripheral economies credit default swaps European financial stability bailout mechanisms fiscal austerity Eurobond proposal systemic risk credit ratings EU financial regulations interest rate spreads German and Dutch bonds macroeconomic shocks market speculation PIIGS countries fiscal sustainability Eurozone fragmentation policy responses economic recession central bank policy Greek debt crisis Eurozone contagion sovereign default domino effect shockwaves investor confidence capital flight bond yields government bonds interest rates fiscal deficit budget deficit speculation ECB intervention bailout financial stability credit risk sovereign risk peripheral economies Germany Netherlands Portugal Spain Italy Ireland economic impact European banking system euro exit financial markets risk premium fiscal policy monetary policy
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con03a	“After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, Obama administration budget deficit job creation national debt economic crisis government spending healthcare reform regulation taxation business environment enterprise industry economic growth unemployment rate Democratic policies government intervention market regulation economic stagnation GDP growth fiscal policy public debt taxpayer money economic recovery profligate spending government control economic reform business regulation employment rates stimulus spending health care policy Obama economic policies Obama administration criticism Obama healthcare policy job creation Obama US federal debt Obama Obama regulation Obama taxation economic crisis response Democratic Party economic policy government intervention economy GDP growth Obama unemployment Obama US economic stagnation Obama enterprise support government spending Obama Weekly Standard Obama William Kristol Obama critique 2011 US unemployment Obama fiscal policy regulatory expansion Obama Obama policies job creation federal debt government spending economic stimulus unemployment rates GDP growth healthcare reform regulation taxation business environment government intervention economic crisis Democratic policies enterprise encouragement market regulation public sector expansion fiscal responsibility budget deficit economic stagnation Weekly Standard NPR William Kristol 2011 recession Obama administration American economy health care policy profligate spending economic growth market control Obama economic policies criticism Obama unemployment rate increase Obama administration debt increase Obama healthcare government control Obama regulation and taxation impact Obama enterprise and industry support Obama vs Democrats economic approach Obama policies job creation failure Obama GDP growth stagnation Obama budget deficit expansion Obama market intervention Obama three years economic assessment Obama NPR William Kristol critique Obama versus FDR unemployment Obama government spending evaluation Obama economic policies Obama administration criticism U.S. debt increase unemployment rates Obama era GDP growth under Obama healthcare policy Obama government intervention economy taxation regulation Obama job creation Obama policies Democratic Party economic policy profligate government spending enterprise regulation Obama small business Obama administration government control markets economic crisis Obama response Kristol Weekly Standard Obama Obama versus FDR unemployment U.S. economy 2009-2012 regulation business growth Obama fiscal policy Obama Obama economic policies Obama administration debt Obama job creation Obama healthcare policy criticism Obama regulation impact Obama taxation policy Obama impact on GDP growth Obama unemployment rate Democratic economic strategy government intervention in market Obama enterprise encouragement Obama industry policy U.S. economic stagnation under Obama Obama deficit spending Obama 2011 economic performance William Kristol Weekly Standard Obama critique Obama government spending Obama impact on business climate Obama administration criticism Obama policies and American life Obama administration economic policy job creation budget deficit national debt government spending healthcare policy Affordable Care Act government control free enterprise economic growth unemployment rate GDP stagnation business regulation taxation increase Democratic Party market intervention economic crisis response fiscal policy public sector private sector William Kristol Weekly Standard criticism profligate spending economic stagnation unemployment statistics healthcare reform NPR 2011 economic performance regulatory burden Obama economic policies Obama administration criticism Obama debt increase Obama job creation Obamacare economic impact Democrat economic strategy government intervention economy Obama healthcare control U.S. unemployment rate 2011 GDP growth under Obama Obama regulation policies Obama taxation policy economic stagnation Obama federal spending Obama William Kristol Obama critique Democratic party profligacy NPR Obama unemployment presidential economic performance Obama enterprise encouragement regulation and business growth government market involvement health care reform consequences economic crisis response Obama U.S. deficit Obama administration Obama administration economic policy job creation national debt budget deficit government spending healthcare reform regulation taxation economic crisis unemployment rate GDP growth enterprise industry market intervention Democratic policies government control business environment economic stagnation fiscal policy policy criticism historical comparison William Kristol Weekly Standard unemployment trends legislative impact Obama administration economic policy government spending national debt job creation unemployment rate GDP growth health care reform regulation taxation enterprise industry Democrat policies market intervention economic crisis economic stagnation fiscal policy taxpayer money economic recovery government control William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR Obama legacy U.S. economy business climate economic growth policy impact
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro01a	Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. education equality social mobility education vouchers school choice educational access private school vouchers disadvantaged students educational attainment gap socioeconomic status state vs private education education funding school quality educational inequality educational reform access to quality schools income disparity education policy UK education system underperforming schools education subsidies charitable schools equal opportunity education investment educational access for poor children education vouchers school choice private school access educational equality social mobility disadvantaged children education funding educational inequality voucher schemes education reform school funding wealth gap education access to private schools state vs private education UK education policy education investment educational disadvantage charity schools low-income families education subsidy education vouchers school choice educational inequality social mobility private schools state schools education funding UK education policy disadvantaged students access to quality education educational disparity school performance educational attainment gap socioeconomic status public vs private education voucher scheme outcomes education reform UK educational access income inequality charity schools government education policy education vouchers education funding reform improving state schools UK private school access for low-income families bridging education inequality state vs private school outcomes education policy UK social mobility through education educational choice and fairness impact of vouchers on achievement addressing failing schools UK school choice and opportunity benefits of private school access reducing education gap educational equality measures voucher system effectiveness education investment outcomes education reform proposals UK subsidising private education breaking poverty cycle through education education vouchers school choice educational equality private school access state school performance socioeconomic disparities UK education policy school funding social mobility educational investment disadvantaged students public vs private schooling voucher schemes UK educational attainment gap educational reform income inequality educational opportunity charity schools subsidized education educational accessibility education voucher scheme equal access to education private school accessibility state vs private education UK education inequality solutions improving educational opportunity socioeconomic barriers in education education funding reform UK impact of vouchers on equality subsidizing private education charitable private schools educational outcomes UK educational investment success bridging achievement gap UK school choice for disadvantaged families educational inequality opportunity gap disadvantaged students social mobility state schools private education school vouchers access to private schools educational funding investment in education education reform policy intervention school choice voucher programs charitable schools low-income families access to quality education educational outcomes income disparity underperforming schools equal access funding disparities education justice achievement gap UK education system education policy education vouchers school voucher system private school access state vs private schools educational inequality socioeconomic disparity educational funding school choice education reform UK equal educational opportunities disadvantaged students income and education education policy government education spending access to quality education school performance UK educational equity educational disadvantage social mobility education impact of vouchers on education educational inequality social mobility education vouchers school choice access to private schools educational attainment socioeconomic status funding disparities education reform education policy public vs private education disadvantaged students educational investment educational access equal opportunities UK education system school funding educational equity achievement gap low-income families education subsidies voucher programs charitable schools state vs independent schools private school accessibility education disadvantage education vouchers school choice access to private education educational inequality educational equity socio-economic status school funding educational outcomes social mobility UK education policy private school access disadvantaged students public vs private schools educational reform bridging achievement gap regional disparities state school performance education investment educational opportunities voucher scheme effectiveness charitable private schools income-based education access
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con03a	The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, personal autonomy individual rights privacy state intervention consensual relationships marriage equality religious freedom cultural traditions arranged marriage gay marriage non-traditional marriage legal regulation civil liberties human rights European law forced marriage private life marriage laws minority rights marriage traditions personal autonomy state intervention privacy rights individual freedom marriage equality arranged marriage legality forced marriage laws consent in marriage religious marriage non-traditional marriage governmental regulation European marriage laws civil liberties cultural practices marriage traditions LGBT rights marriage regulations legal recognition of marriage secularism personal choice harm principle human rights marriage policy family law social diversity state intervention personal autonomy individual rights privacy private life consensual relationships marriage traditions religious freedom marriage equality non-traditional marriage gay marriage arranged marriage forced marriage European law legal regulation state regulation civil liberties EU policies human rights cultural diversity marriage law consent personal freedom state overreach non-interference minority rights state intrusion personal matters state regulation private life individual autonomy marriage arranged marriage legality Europe non-traditional marriage acceptance religious freedom marriage state vs personal choice marriage EU marriage regulation consensual adult marriage rights arranged vs forced marriage distinction legal recognition arranged marriages marriage tradition European law government interference marriage practices personal freedoms marriage laws LGBTQ+ marriage Europe human rights marriage legislation social harm arranged marriages state protection individual rights private vs public sphere marriage cultural diversity marriage laws state intervention personal autonomy private matters individual rights consensual relationships arranged marriage forced marriage marriage equality same-sex marriage religious traditions cultural practices European law human rights legal regulation marriage legislation consenting adults government intrusion civil liberties societal norms marriage diversity legal precedent discrimination secularism minority rights social policy state intrusion personal matters government regulation private life arranged marriages legislation consensual relationships state intervention individual autonomy marriage non-traditional marriage acceptance legal status gay marriage Europe forced marriage outlawed human rights arranged marriage EU marriage laws state role private relationships marriage tradition religion law personal freedoms state interference consenting adults legal recognition European countries arranged marriages privacy individual autonomy state intervention personal freedom consensual relationships private matters marriage rights arranged marriage forced marriage gay marriage LGBTQ+ rights legal recognition religious freedom tradition denomination European Union regulatory overreach individual rights human rights social norms cultural practices marriage equality legal precedent personal choice societal harm consent civil liberties non-traditional marriage marriage laws state regulation state intervention personal matters state intrusion private life arranged marriage legality arranged marriage Europe EU marriage laws non-traditional marriage rights personal autonomy state state regulation marriage comparative marriage laws marriage consent laws religious marriage rights LGBTQ+ marriage Europe forced marriage ban marriage human rights Europe private life state control marriage tradition diversity marriage law progression individual rights marriage state vs personal choice marriage marriage regulation Europe state intervention personal autonomy individual rights private matters consensual relationships marriage laws arranged marriage non-traditional marriage gay marriage religious freedom cultural traditions European marriage laws LGBTQ+ rights forced marriage legislation consent state regulation civil liberties human rights legal recognition family law personal autonomy state intervention private life marriage laws arranged marriages forced marriages EU marriage regulation consent civil liberties non-traditional marriage religious freedom human rights legal precedent privacy rights equality freedom of choice tradition vs modernity cultural diversity LGBT rights marriage customs European law legal harms individual rights state overreach social policy
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con03a	Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, nuclear waste reuse nuclear waste recycling electricity generation integral fast reactors IFR advanced nuclear reactors fast breeder reactors nuclear fuel reprocessing spent fuel nuclear waste reduction plutonium recycling uranium fuel cycle nuclear power sustainability radioactive waste management long-term energy source nuclear waste storage short-lived nuclear waste nuclear energy production nuclear weapon waste environmental impact of nuclear power nuclear waste recycling nuclear waste reuse advanced nuclear reactors Integral Fast Reactor IFR fast breeder reactors nuclear waste as fuel nuclear fuel cycle spent nuclear fuel closed fuel cycle nuclear waste transmutation pyroprocessing nuclear weapons waste reuse plutonium recycling uranium recycling nuclear energy sustainability waste minimization short-lived nuclear waste nuclear waste storage radioactive waste reduction energy production from waste nuclear reactor innovation next-generation nuclear reactors nuclear waste disposal long-term energy sources nuclear waste management efficient nuclear reactors nuclear waste recycling nuclear energy generation integral fast reactors IFR technology advanced nuclear reactors spent nuclear fuel reuse uranium recycling nuclear waste reduction long-term energy source nuclear proliferation waste half-life nuclear weapons disarmament fast breeder reactors sustainable nuclear power radioactive waste management nuclear fuel cycle nuclear waste storage energy sustainability nuclear transmutation environmental impact of nuclear power nuclear waste reuse electricity generation from nuclear waste Integral Fast Reactor benefits IFR waste reduction long-term nuclear energy source recycling nuclear waste reducing nuclear waste half-life nuclear reactor waste management using dismantled nuclear weapons for energy advanced nuclear reactor technology fast breeder reactors and waste sustainable nuclear power IFR energy efficiency nuclear waste storage solutions minimal nuclear waste production short-lived nuclear waste reprocessing spent nuclear fuel waste-powered nuclear reactors new nuclear reactor designs nuclear fuel cycle closed loop nuclear waste reuse electricity generation integral fast reactors IFR technology advanced nuclear reactors nuclear waste recycling nuclear fuel cycle nuclear waste reduction nuclear weapon dismantling uranium usage long-term energy source radioactive waste management nuclear waste half-life nuclear waste storage energy sustainability nuclear power innovation fast breeder reactors waste transmutation spent nuclear fuel nuclear energy efficiency PBS nuclear power article George Monbiot nuclear opinion Sellafield nuclear plant nuclear waste minimization nuclear energy policy nuclear waste recycling integral fast reactors reuse nuclear waste for electricity nuclear waste to energy advanced nuclear reactors spent nuclear fuel reprocessing nuclear waste reduction short-lived radioactive waste nuclear fuel cycle nuclear waste management IFR energy production nuclear weapons waste reuse clean nuclear energy next-generation nuclear technology sustainable nuclear power nuclear proliferation and recycling nuclear waste storage solutions environmental benefits of IFR nuclear energy longevity nuclear waste half-life reduction nuclear waste nuclear power electricity generation Integral Fast Reactor IFR fast breeder reactors nuclear reactor types nuclear waste recycling nuclear waste reprocessing uranium fuel cycle plutonium spent nuclear fuel dismantled nuclear weapons long-term energy source radioactive waste waste reduction half-life radioactive half-life nuclear waste storage waste minimization nuclear fuel reuse nuclear energy sustainability Sellafield nuclear waste management energy security Charles Till George Monbiot advanced nuclear technology closed fuel cycle environmental impact PBS The Guardian nuclear waste recycling integral fast reactor IFR advanced nuclear reactors nuclear waste reduction electricity generation from waste nuclear fuel reprocessing long-term energy source nuclear waste management fast breeder reactors spent nuclear fuel nuclear waste half-life nuclear waste storage uranium recycling plutonium recycling dismantled nuclear weapons reuse nuclear waste minimization transmutation of nuclear waste waste-to-energy nuclear reactor fuel cycles sustainable nuclear power next-generation nuclear reactors advanced energy technology radiation waste reduction nuclear policy nuclear innovation nuclear waste disposal Sellafield nuclear site nuclear proliferation safe nuclear energy nuclear waste reuse electricity generation nuclear reactors Integral Fast Reactor IFR fast breeder reactor spent fuel recycling plutonium recycling uranium recycling nuclear fuel cycle waste minimization transmutation nuclear waste reprocessing long-term energy energy sustainability short half-life waste nuclear waste storage advanced reactor technology spent nuclear weapons fuel actinide recycling radioactive waste reduction closed fuel cycle next-generation reactors nuclear waste disposal proliferation resistance nuclear safety sustainable nuclear power environmental impact nuclear energy policy nuclear waste reuse electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors IFR advanced nuclear reactors nuclear waste recycling nuclear fuel cycle spent fuel reprocessing breeder reactors nuclear energy sustainability nuclear waste reduction short half-life waste nuclear weapons dismantlement nuclear waste management long-term energy source nuclear power innovation fast neutron reactors radioactive waste storage nuclear reactor technology renewable nuclear energy
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro03a	It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU subsidies food surplus agricultural exports developing countries unfair competition market distortion dumping local producers food prices trade imbalance rural unemployment self-sufficiency decline Africa Asia global trade advanced agricultural technology economic impact European agriculture cereal surplus wine surplus overproduction international markets development economics trade policy poverty food security CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU agricultural subsidies agricultural oversupply food dumping developing countries trade distortion cereal stockpiles wine surplus market disruption local producers food prices agricultural efficiency advanced farming technologies African agriculture Asian agriculture self-sufficiency decline unemployment European exports agroeconomics surplus disposal food aid global trade impact rural livelihoods import competition agricultural policy effects CAP Common Agricultural Policy trade distortion agricultural subsidies food dumping developing countries food surplus global markets local producers market competition export subsidies economic impact rural livelihoods unemployment self-sufficiency price disparity agricultural technology EU agriculture trade barriers fair trade market access food security cereal stockpiles wine surplus agricultural exports African agriculture Asian agriculture rural economies poverty international trade policies CAP impact on developing countries EU agriculture oversupply consequences dumping of EU food in Africa CAP and local producer competition European food subsidy effects EU food price impact on developing economies CAP and unemployment in developing countries EU wine surplus developing country imports CAP policies and global food markets CAP technological advantages and global disparity European agricultural exports to developing world CAP-induced food market distortions effects of EU cereal surpluses impact of EU agricultural subsidies on self-sufficiency trade imbalance caused by CAP developing world agriculture vs. EU EU food surpluses and poverty in Africa CAP criticism by developing nations CAP impact developing economies food oversupply EU agricultural policy cereal stockpiles wine surplus dumping unfair competition local producers low-priced exports advanced agrotechnology African agriculture Asian agriculture unemployment self-sufficiency decline global trade imbalance agricultural subsidies market distortion European food exports agricultural dependence rural livelihoods import competition trade barriers food sovereignty CAP impact on developing economies European agricultural subsidies developing countries oversupply of EU food effects cheap European food harm local producers consequences of EU Common Agricultural Policy surplus food exports to Africa Asia EU CAP unemployment developing world local agriculture threatened by EU imports European agricultural efficiency developing nations decline self-sufficiency developing economies negative effects CAP on global south CAP and food security Africa Asia EU wine surplus exports cereal stockpiles developing country markets rural livelihoods impact EU agricultural policy Common Agricultural Policy CAP oversupply food surplus cereal stockpiles wine surplus dumping developing countries local producers low prices advanced agricultural technology European agriculture African agriculture Asian agriculture GDP agriculture unemployment rural poverty food self-sufficiency EU exports market distortion trade imbalance agricultural subsidies global trade price competition economic impact food security subsistence farming international trade policies agricultural efficiency import dependence CAP impacts on developing economies EU agricultural subsidies global food oversupply cereal stockpiles wine surplus dumped food exports low price food imports local producer competition African agriculture effects Asian agriculture effects technological efficiency in farming agricultural GDP share unemployment in developing countries agricultural self-sufficiency decline European food exports trade distortion rural livelihoods international trade policy food security in developing nations market displacement agricultural modernization import reliance CAP reform trade barriers EU Common Agricultural Policy CAP effects agricultural subsidies trade distortion developing country economies EU food surplus dumping market competition local producer impact food security developing nations agricultural trade imbalance global food markets rural unemployment self-sufficiency decline technology in agriculture cereal stockpiles European agricultural policy globalization export subsidies third world agriculture economic dependency CAP impact agricultural subsidies EU export policies food dumping developing countries economy local market displacement subsidy effects global trade distortions food surplus consequences rural unemployment self-sufficiency decline advanced agricultural technology price competition African agriculture Asian agriculture trade imbalance poverty implications import dependence international trade policy European food exports
test-economy-egppphbcb-con01a	Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. socialism income equality wealth distribution poverty hunger malnutrition global inequality capitalist system wage disparity labor exploitation outsourcing living standards minimum wage profit maximization CEO compensation worker bargaining power social justice human needs economic justice redistribution class struggle production for needs worker rights fair wages labor rights egalitarianism Marxism Engels capitalism critique global poverty humanitarian economics social welfare economic disparity structural inequality economic globalization income inequality wealth disparity capitalism critique socialism benefits wage gap global economic inequality exploitation of labor CEO pay disparity minimum wage outsourcing labor rights living standards poverty hunger malnutrition fairness in wages labor exploitation profit maximization social justice equitable society Marxism Engels redistribution of wealth economic justice class struggle humanitarian economics equal opportunity corporate greed social welfare global poverty sustainable development socialism economic equality income disparity wealth distribution capitalism critique poverty hunger malnutrition wage gap labor exploitation globalization outsourcing living standards CEO compensation worker rights minimum wage profit maximization social justice economic systems Karl Marx Frederick Engels Critique of the Gotha Programme Communism Warren Buffett wealth global inequality labor bargaining power production for needs human welfare social reform economic justice rich-poor divide socialism benefits socialism vs capitalism inequality social equality under socialism global wealth gap causes of economic inequality Warren Buffett wealth inequality hunger and malnutrition statistics minimum wage and capitalism outsourcing impact on workers capitalist profit motive CEO vs worker wages labor exploitation capitalism wage disparity globalization socialism solution to inequality socialism human needs focus redistribution of wealth Marx and Engels on inequality capitalist wage suppression economic justice socialism impacts of profit maximization socialism criticisms of capitalism living standards under socialism social safety nets socialism fair labor practices egalitarian societies income distribution wealth inequality history class struggle Marx income inequality wealth disparity social justice economic inequality global poverty wage gap capitalism critique labor exploitation living wage CEO-worker pay ratio wealth concentration billionaire wealth hunger statistics child malnutrition minimum wage outsourcing globalization effects socialism equitable society redistribution of wealth labor rights corporate profits working conditions profit maximization Marxism Frederick Engels Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme Principles of Communism social welfare human needs economy wage hierarchy fair wages ethical economics social equality socialism vs capitalism income inequality wealth distribution global poverty minimum wage CEO pay gap labor exploitation globalization effects living standards Marxism Frederick Engels Karl Marx wage disparity hunger statistics Warren Buffett wealth rich vs poor countries capitalist profit motive justifications for socialism human needs economy malnutrition deaths outsourcing labor worker bargaining power socialist economic policy critique of capitalism World Food Programme Forbes billionaires list Critique of the Gotha Programme socialism equality humane society income gap wealth inequality rich and poor countries Warren Buffet billionaire wealth global hunger child malnutrition starvation capitalism profit motive minimum wage outsourcing globalization labor exploitation wage disparity CEO compensation working class bargaining power workers' rights living standards social justice redistribution production for need wage equality socialism vs capitalism Marxism Frederick Engels Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme principles of communism human needs corporate profits labor value economic systems class struggle poverty social welfare economic justice socialism wealth inequality capitalism criticism global poverty income disparity wage gap CEO-worker pay ratio labor exploitation outsourcing globalization minimum wage living standards social justice economic systems comparison Marxism socialism benefits egalitarian society poverty statistics hunger statistics child malnutrition Warren Buffet wealth rich vs poor corporate profits worker rights labor conditions socialist economics class struggle socioeconomic inequality redistribution of wealth communism Engels Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme principles of Communism justice in wage distribution fair wages profit maximization ethical capitalism socialism income inequality wealth distribution global poverty capitalist system minimum wage wage disparity outsourcing labor exploitation CEO compensation worker rights living standards survival wages bargaining power social justice human needs profit maximization economic equality rich versus poor hunger statistics child malnutrition wage gap labor hierarchy production distribution ethical economics Marxism Communism Karl Marx Frederick Engels globalization wealth concentration wealth gap solutions corporate responsibility economic justice redistribution policies economic inequality wealth distribution capitalism critique socialism benefits wage disparity global poverty hunger statistics billionaire wealth labor exploitation outsourcing minimum wage profit maximization living standards CEO pay gap worker bargaining power social justice equitable society Marxism communist principles global income gap malnutrition wealth concentration resource allocation human needs labor rights economic systems comparison
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. microfinance health care access financial inclusion small loans poverty reduction health financing microcredit banking facilities healthcare affordability non-financial services health education Ghana income irregularity social protection healthcare integration vulnerable populations loan accessibility health insurance community health economic empowerment healthcare exclusion microfinance institutions household poverty financial services credit access health system integration microcredit financial inclusion healthcare access poverty alleviation loan schemes health financing community health micro-insurance financial protection informal sector non-financial services health education health equity social protection banking exclusion income instability healthcare affordability rural health economic empowerment integrated care health service access microfinance models developing countries Ghana health system health expenditure financial barriers social loans economic vulnerability microfinance healthcare access financial inclusion health insurance small loans poverty alleviation microfinance institutions Ghana health education non-financial services credit access banking facilities income irregularity healthcare affordability health protection social protection community health integrated healthcare low-income households microcredit rural health exclusion from healthcare loan schemes financial services health outcomes healthcare financing microfinance and health care access microfinance for health care microfinance institutions and healthcare microfinance loans for the poor microfinance and health education barriers to healthcare access poor microfinance protection against health shocks microfinance in healthcare Ghana integrating microfinance in health systems microfinance non-financial services microfinance and health affordability microfinance credit for healthcare microfinance solutions for healthcare exclusion microfinance and poverty reduction health financing through microfinance microfinance and healthcare integration impact of microfinance on health microfinance and vulnerable populations microfinance for health emergencies health-related financial inclusion microfinance health care access poverty alleviation financial inclusion banking facilities health financing microcredit health protection health insurance Ghana irregular income health education non-financial services social protection healthcare affordability microfinance integration community health income security financial services healthcare systems exclusion from health care loan accessibility health outcomes household poverty financial support microfinance and healthcare microfinance impact on health microfinance and health access microfinance and poverty reduction microfinance Ghana healthcare microfinance institutions health services access to loans for health financial inclusion health care microcredit health benefits microfinance protection poor health education microfinance non-financial services microfinance banking facilities and health healthcare and credit access microfinance schemes health integration microcredit financial inclusion health financing healthcare access loan schemes poverty alleviation health insurance banking services health outcomes credit accessibility non-financial services income irregularity social protection mobile banking rural healthcare microfinance integration Ghana healthcare vulnerable populations health education community-based health finance financial literacy out-of-pocket expenses healthcare affordability economic empowerment microloans health system strengthening microfinance health care access small loans poverty alleviation financial inclusion banking facilities credit access healthcare affordability microfinance institutions income irregularities Ghana healthcare microfinance integration healthcare systems health protection non-financial services health education exclusion from healthcare financial services healthcare financing poverty reduction microcredit rural health microfinance schemes community health social protection microfinance financial inclusion health financing healthcare access poverty alleviation microcredit community health non-financial services health education income security social protection Ghana health microinsurance banking exclusion vulnerable populations loan accessibility healthcare affordability integrated health services health and finance integration economic empowerment health outcomes low-income communities microfinance institutions healthcare utilization social safety nets microfinance health care access financial inclusion poverty alleviation microfinance institutions healthcare financing health insurance non-financial services health education Ghana social protection banking exclusion affordable healthcare community health integrated microfinance health outcomes income irregularity loan accessibility medical loans healthcare equity social safety nets
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con02a	"Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Israel security strategic depth narrow borders Palestinian state West Bank Judea and Samaria military vulnerability regional stability deterrence future aggression volatile Middle East Sunni-Shi'ite axis hostile neighbors Islamic militancy border insecurity renewed hostilities recognized boundaries defensive boundaries Gaza Strip territorial compromise US-Israel relations Lyndon Johnson Avigdor Lieberman Arab-Israeli conflict territorial concessions military threats peace process defensive depth strategic infrastructure Israeli deterrence population centers vulnerability Jordan Palestinian majority 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Israel security defensible borders strategic depth Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian state West Bank Judea and Samaria Israeli deterrence Middle East volatility border insecurity military vulnerability regional instability territorial concessions Israeli-Palestinian negotiations Lyndon Johnson borders UN Security Council 1967 Six-Day War Avigdor Lieberman Gaza Strip Islamic militants Shi'ite axis Iranian influence Jordan Palestinian majority Egypt instability renewed hostilities recognized boundaries security concerns conflict escalation border defense population centers strategic 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Israeli security strategic depth defensible borders West Bank Palestinian state Judea and Samaria Middle East conflict military vulnerability regional aggression Islamic militants security guarantees territorial concessions border security buffer zones recognized boundaries Israel-Palestine conflict Arab-Israeli war hostile neighbors territorial defense risk of invasion diplomatic negotiations peace process hostility regional instability Gaza Strip Jordanian influence Shi'ite axis Iran-Iraq relations Egyptian regime US foreign policy UN resolutions territory demilitarization security 1967 borders Israel security Israel strategic depth vulnerability Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines statement Israeli deterrence capability Palestinian state West Bank security risks US policy on Israel 1967 borders President Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries Middle East future instability scenarios Iran Iraq Syria anti-Israel axis Jordan Palestinian demographic threat Islamic militants Middle East Israel Gaza Hamas Islamism Israel threat defensible borders Israel peace prospects 1967 borders withdrawal Israel main population centers security regional aggression history Israel American ambassador 1967 war Israel borders strategic infrastructure exposure Israel narrow geographical dimensions Israel pre- 1967 borders Israeli security Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria strategic depth regional volatility Middle East conflict territorial vulnerability recognized boundaries Lyndon Johnson Israel insecure frontiers deterrence Shi'ite axis Iran Iraq Syria Jordan Palestinian majority Islamic militants Gaza West Bank border demarcation Israel defense strategy U.S. foreign policy Arab-Israeli conflict Israel military geography buffer zones peace negotiations defensive borders Arab aggression history Jerusalem Post Palestinian autonomy Middle East peace process Nash equilibrium 1967 borders Israel security Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict escalation Israeli deterrence regional instability Middle East security Israel strategic depth West Bank military threat American ambassador 1967 Lyndon Johnson Israel policy recognized boundaries Israel vulnerability Shi'ite axis Iran Iraq Syria Jordan Palestinian majority Islamic militants Egypt regime change peace prospects renewed hostilities defensible borders Israeli population centers Gaza conflict Jerusalem Post FrontPageMag New York Times Maj.-Gen. Yaakov Amidror Israel 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Israeli security Avigdor Lieberman Israeli foreign policy territorial withdrawal Palestinian state Judea and Samaria West Bank conflict escalation strategic depth military vulnerability recognized boundaries Lyndon Johnson American foreign policy United Nations regional instability Middle East security Shi'ite axis Iran Iraq Syria Jordan Palestinian majority regional threats Islamic militants Egypt Gaza Hamas defensive borders peace process Arab-Israeli conflict territorial compromise border insecurity deterrence renewed hostilities Israeli population centers strategic infrastructure 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Israeli security strategic depth Israel-Palestine conflict Avigdor Lieberman defensible borders West Bank security Palestinian state Middle East volatility regional aggression Israel deterrence Lyndon Johnson Israel recognized boundaries UN ambassador 1967 Shi'ite axis Iran-Iraq relations Jordan Palestinian majority Egypt Islamic militants Gaza conflict narrow geographical dimensions Israeli military strategy Arab-Israeli war Israel hostilities peace negotiations Israel regional security dynamics Hamas Gaza Israeli population centers military threats Israel US-Israel relations 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Israeli security strategic depth Judea and Samaria Palestinian state West Bank Middle East volatility Arab-Israeli conflict deterrence Israeli territorial defense regional instability Islamic militancy hostile neighbors military vulnerability Palestinian majority Jordan Shi'ite axis Iran-Iraq relations Egyptian regime recognized boundaries Lyndon Johnson Avigdor Lieberman Israeli foreign policy Gaza conflict Hamas King Abdullah of Jordan Israel’s narrow waist war likelihood peace prospects UN ambassador 1967 security concerns Israeli population centers tactical range 1967 borders Israeli security Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria border insecurity Lyndon Johnson Israel policy recognized boundaries strategic depth Israel West Bank risks Israeli deterrence Middle East volatility Shi'ite axis Iran Iraq Syria Jordan Palestinian majority Islamic militants Middle East Egyptian regime Israel geographic vulnerability Arab-Israeli conflict peace process obstacles defensive borders Gaza conflict Hamas regional aggression territorial compromise security guarantees US-Israel relations Arab-Israeli wars border negotiations Israeli population centers military strategy"
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro04a	Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 accountability oversight openness auditing governance public scrutiny error detection corrective action government transparency defense spending waste reduction military oversight security governance risk management public accountability ethical standards financial auditing fraud prevention compliance integrity disclosure operational transparency policy reform whistleblowing systemic review regulatory compliance public reporting institutional trust decision-making transparency transparency accountability error prevention error correction security sector military transparency national security government oversight auditing defense budget public oversight waste reduction Pentagon audit financial accountability defense spending institutional transparency risk management security mistakes public accountability cost overruns military accountability information disclosure transparency mechanisms corruption prevention defense sector transparency policy reform transparency initiatives open government military errors public sector transparency accountability government oversight audit defense budget military spending waste reduction security transparency error detection mistake correction public scrutiny defense department Pentagon financial oversight transparency measures security apparatus cost control information disclosure bureaucratic efficiency whistleblowing public accountability policy reform institutional checks transparency policy corruption prevention national security open government organizational learning process improvement risk management oversight mechanisms transparency in security transparency audit examples importance of transparency in military transparency and accountability in defense preventing mistakes through transparency correcting errors with transparency transparency reduces waste Pentagon audit transparency transparency and life-and-death decisions transparency in national security transparency and government spending defense budget audits military accountability through transparency benefits of transparency for security transparency case studies transparency prevents costly errors transparency in public sector transparency and error detection transparency and mistake correction impact of transparency on military effectiveness transparency accountability mistake prevention error correction security apparatus military transparency national security accountability security audit Pentagon waste defense budget oversight government transparency public sector accountability financial misuse detection waste correction security risk management defense spending inefficiency transparency in security auditing defense oversight mechanisms institutional accountability transparency in security security accountability defense budget waste military audit transparency Pentagon audit 2011 transparency and mistakes security apparatus oversight government accountability correcting security errors national security transparency transparency benefits preventing military waste defense spending oversight Pentagon spending inefficiencies transparency and public safety transparency and auditing military accountability government spending transparency oversight in defense transparency and efficiency transparency accountability error prevention mistake correction security security apparatus military oversight national security audit Pentagon Department of Defense waste government spending defense budget oversight public scrutiny openness information disclosure financial accountability bureaucratic efficiency corruption prevention policy reform management practices defense policy public sector transparency military spending procurement transparency organizational learning risk management governance ethical standards institutional accountability transparency in security accountability in national security military transparency defense department audit Pentagon waste security apparatus accountability correcting mistakes in security transparency benefits government transparency military spending oversight security mistakes prevention Pentagon audit findings defense budget waste national security transparency transparency and accountability Bruce Schneier transparency defense spending audit military accountability corruption in defense crony capitalism defense budget government waste correction audit transparency transparency practices government defense sector accountability fiscal oversight military transparency accountability mistakes prevention error correction security sector military oversight national security defense spending audit Pentagon waste reduction government transparency public oversight whistleblowing defense budget procurement transparency fraud detection financial accountability military accountability oversight mechanisms information disclosure open government risk management systemic errors security audits public sector transparency mismanagement prevention bureaucratic accountability defense reform corruption prevention accountability auditing government oversight defense spending waste reduction public scrutiny military transparency security sector reform fiscal responsibility Pentagon audit error detection risk mitigation open governance defense budget fraud prevention transparency initiatives whistleblowing policy reform organizational learning process improvement internal controls
test-law-tahglcphsld-con02a	More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf drug legalization increased drug use legal drugs drug policy drug decriminalization drug accessibility substance abuse social consequences public health drug prohibition deterrence effect cannabis legality illegal drugs alcohol consumption tobacco use OECD statistics harm reduction legal deterrents drug regulation drug control survey data crime statistics drug legalization drug decriminalization drug consumption rates legalization impact substance availability public health consequences drug policy deterrence effect prohibition legal vs illegal drugs OECD countries alcohol consumption comparison tobacco use comparison cannabis legalization Australian drug survey drug use motivators UNODC statistics drug-related harms social impact of drugs accessibility of drugs crime statistics cannabis prohibition normative deterrents legal barriers drug prevention strategies drug legalization drug policy drug use rates deterrence effect substance abuse legal versus illegal drugs drug prohibition harm reduction public health impact cannabis legalization social consequences addiction rates OECD drug statistics alcohol consumption comparison tobacco use comparison crime and drugs drug availability drug decriminalization prevention strategies public opinion on drug laws drug legalization consequences public health impact of legal drugs comparison legal vs illegal drug use drug availability and consumption rates deterrence effect of drug laws cannabis use prohibition studies impact of drug prohibition OECD countries drug statistics alcohol tobacco vs illegal drugs Australian cannabis use survey reasons for not using drugs illegality effects of drug law reform social costs of increased drug use evidence supporting drug criminalization legal status influence on drug behavior studies on drug use patterns harm reduction vs prohibition potential outcomes of drug legalization free market impact on drug access UN World Drug Report drug use statistics drug legalization drug decriminalization substance abuse drug policy prohibition effects legalization consequences illicit drugs drug consumption statistics public health OECD drug use cannabis prohibition deterrence alcohol vs drugs tobacco vs drugs Australian drug survey societal impact harm reduction World Drug Report crime statistics drug availability behavioral response legal deterrents drug regulation user demographics controlled substances legal status impact drug legalization effects drug decriminalization statistics impact of drug laws on usage comparison drug use legal illegal OECD drug use rates deterrence through drug illegality cannabis legalization survey results public health impact drug legalization reasons for not using drugs prohibition and drug consumption free availability drugs consequences Australian cannabis use statistics UN World Drug Report findings comparison with alcohol tobacco use social consequences drug legalization drug legalization increased drug use legal drugs drug policy substance abuse prohibition drug availability negative consequences drug consumption public health drug accessibility cannabis use deterrence OECD countries alcohol consumption tobacco use survey statistics drug prohibition social impact crime statistics UN World Drug Report cannabis legalization NSW Bureau of Crime harm reduction public opinion health risks drug laws addictive substances legal consequences deterrent effect risk perception drug legalization effects drug use consequences legal drugs consumption rates illegal drug deterrence substance abuse statistics prohibition effectiveness cannabis usage survey drug policy impact OECD drug statistics public health drug policies reasons for not using drugs crime and drug laws cannabis prohibition survey legal status drug impact World Drug Report data comparison alcohol tobacco drugs law enforcement drug policy deterrent effect drug laws drug decriminalization risks drugs free availability consequences drug legalization drug policy drug use rates illegal drugs drug prohibition public health harm reduction drug availability substance abuse cannabis legality deterrence OECD countries alcohol consumption tobacco use Australian drug survey cannabis statistics drug-related consequences societal impact drug law reform World Drug Report NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics deterrent effect public opinion on drugs comparative substance use free access to drugs legalization effects drug legalization drug policy drug consumption rates impact of legality on drug use prohibition effects drug regulation harm reduction drug availability OECD drug statistics cannabis legality alcohol vs drug use tobacco comparison drug decriminalization drug access behavioral economics deterrence public health consequences drug abuse prevention survey on drug use Australian drug policy prohibition effectiveness drug-related harms social consequences legal vs illegal drugs substance abuse World Drug Report
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro01a	Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. open source software government adaptability collaborative development software customization software evolution community-driven decentralized development user modification rapid innovation open market approach participatory coding transparency source code access continual improvement diverse solutions optimal solutions software robustness responsive software open source vs closed source Microsoft alternatives agile development software refinement peer review software flexibility adaptability to changing needs technological innovation software quality user-driven enhancements code sharing knowledge sharing open standards software interoperability digital transformation public sector IT software licensing cost-effective software security through transparency vendor independence government open open source government adoption open source software flexibility open source customization government software procurement open source vs proprietary collaborative software development digital government innovation community-driven software software adaptation public sector FLOSS in government public sector software modernization agile development government open source policy open source security government open source code reuse open source licensing government open standards government software interoperability vendor lock-in government open government technology open source benefits government IT adaptation software flexibility collaborative development community-driven code customization source code access rapid innovation code transparency agile development peer review vendor lock-in avoidance open versus closed source Microsoft alternatives software evolution code modification open market development model adaptive solutions diverse programming methodologies high-quality software competitive innovation digital government transformation software resilience public sector technology user-driven improvement responsive software development open source software benefits adaptability in government IT open source vs closed source open source software development model collaborative software development open source market dynamics fluid software products open source code modification software evolution open source rapid software improvement open source innovation open source community culture open source problem solving variety of coding solutions optimizing software development high quality open source software business adaptation open source government technology open source monopolistic software vendors Microsoft vs open source robust software solutions responsive IT solutions government software customization open source agility The Cathedral and the Bazaar Eric Raymond open source open market software open source software government adaptability software evolution collaborative development hierarchical vs open market software customization source code access rapid innovation community-driven development Microsoft comparison closed source alternatives software robustness user-driven improvement collegiate coding culture diverse problem-solving Eric Raymond The Cathedral and the Bazaar agile software solutions public sector software software flexibility digital transformation government open innovation monopolistic software producers software modification government IT modernization software responsiveness open source software benefits government software adaptability open source vs closed source open market software development collaborative coding software evolution code transparency software customization rapid software improvement Eric Raymond The Cathedral and the Bazaar open source community innovation government IT solutions open source flexibility software modification user-driven software development peer-reviewed code open source quality software robustness Microsoft closed source comparison open source responsiveness open source software government adaptability collaborative development decentralized innovation user-driven modification source code access software evolution rapid improvement flexible customization traditional hierarchical organizations top-down authority open market model coding methodologies programmer collaboration problem-solving diversity software quality business adaptability monopolistic software Microsoft comparison closed source limitations responsiveness robust software solutions collegiate coding culture Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar community-driven development optimal solutions software refinement user participation software reliability government technology solutions open source software government adaptability flexible software development open market software model collaborative coding decentralized software development rapid innovation software source code modification user-driven improvement open source evolution governmental IT solutions community-driven software closed vs open source Eric Raymond The Cathedral and the Bazaar software customization business software adaptation monopoly software limitations software solution diversity optimal coding solutions robust government software responsive IT systems software quality improvement open source benefits competitive software development IT modernization government open source software government technology adoption software adaptability flexible software development collaborative coding decentralized software development software evolution peer review coding rapid innovation user-driven development closed source vs open source community-driven software software customization public sector IT open market development model Eric Raymond The Cathedral and the Bazaar proprietary software limitations agile software methodologies transparency in software participatory software design software robustness digital government solutions inclusive software innovation software source code access business case for open source software security in government open source community benefits technological sovereignty digital transformation public sector adaptive IT strategies open source government software software adaptability agile development collaborative coding software evolution user-driven innovation software customization open market approach software modification source code access community-driven development peer review coding diversity software quality rapid iteration closed source comparison Microsoft alternatives flexibility public sector technology coding methodologies optimal solutions software robustness digital transformation government IT Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar proprietary software open source advantages technology adoption innovation in government
test-international-segiahbarr-con02a	Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 democracy African states dictatorships authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes political governance economic growth Western perspective African dictators government type regime transition democratization leadership quality corruption political stability democratic aspirations Robert Mugabe governance challenges regime classification African-Arab summit public administration political development regime comparison poor governance leadership accountability authoritarian regimes African dictatorships African democracy hybrid regimes government types in Africa democratic states Africa undemocratic countries poor governance Africa economic growth dictatorship Western perceptions democracy governance and development Africa Robert Mugabe leadership African-Arab economic summit corruption in African leadership effects of authoritarianism political systems Africa democracy as aspiration state governance Africa history of African dictators regime types comparison leadership enthusiasm Africa authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes African dictatorships democracy in Africa governance in Africa economic development Western perspective democracy Mugabe leadership African political systems corruption in Africa democratic transition authoritarian leadership African governance challenges state governance Africa democracy index Africa undemocratic states African political reform political accountability Africa economic summit Africa poor governance effects undemocratic African states authoritarian regimes in Africa democracy in Africa statistics number of democratic African countries African dictatorships governance in African countries economic impact of authoritarianism Africa hybrid regimes Africa Mugabe asleep summit poor governance Africa African democracy challenges Western aspirations democracy Africa African leaders economic growth democracy versus dictatorship Africa African regime types African country governance comparison Moyo Mugabe ministers 2013 authoritarian leadership effects African government's economic performance African Arab summit governance African governance democracy in Africa African dictatorships authoritarian regimes Africa hybrid regimes Africa democratic states Africa Africa political systems impact of dictatorship Africa African leaders governance corruption Africa economic growth Africa governance and economics Africa Western perceptions democracy Africa Mugabe regime political reform Africa African regime types democratization Africa dictatorship effects Africa African government performance historical dictators Africa regime change Africa African-Arab summits poor governance examples Africa African political regimes democracy in Africa African dictatorships authoritarian regimes Africa hybrid regimes Africa democratic states Africa governance in Africa African economic growth corruption in African governments Robert Mugabe leadership African leadership challenges Western views on African democracy history of African dictators democracy vs dictatorship Africa economic development Africa poor governance Africa government types in Africa political reform Africa African democracy statistics effects of authoritarianism Africa undemocratic states Africa democracy authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes African dictators government type democratic transition poor governance economic growth political corruption state leadership regime classification democracy aspiration Western perspective Mugabe ministers African-Arab economic summit political accountability democratic deficit political reform regime legitimacy state governance democratic participation political stability leadership performance African politics Africa democracy statistics African authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Africa democratic states Africa dictators in Africa African leadership corruption economic impact of dictatorship Africa governance in African countries Robert Mugabe governance African-Arab economic summit African government effectiveness political systems Africa democracy versus dictatorship Africa African state political classification post-colonial African politics African leaders enthusiasm examples of African dictators democracy as aspiration Africa effects of poor governance Africa Western perspective African democracy Africa government types democracy in Africa African dictatorships African authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Africa history of African dictators corruption in African governments economic impact of dictatorship Africa African democratic index governance and economic growth Africa democratic transitions in Africa authoritarianism effects Africa Robert Mugabe leadership African-Arab economic summits examples of corrupt regimes Africa democratization challenges Africa regime classification Africa political reform Africa state stability and democracy Africa comparative political systems Africa authoritarianism democracy in Africa governance economic development African dictators hybrid regimes political systems Africa Robert Mugabe African leadership regime types democratic transition corruption state governance political reform African political history Western perspective democracy democratization regime classification economic impact dictatorships leadership accountability
test-politics-lghwdecm-con04a	Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. economic regions city mayors administrative boundaries regional governance metropolitan areas urban policy regional integration inter-city collaboration municipal leadership local government regional transport policy police jurisdiction governance fragmentation city-region planning urban-rural relationships metropolitan governance city administration public policy mayoral authority intergovernmental relations regional governance metropolitan mayors city-region politics devolution local government boundaries urban policy economic integration inter-city collaboration mayoral authority regional administration administrative fragmentation governance challenges local autonomy combined authorities city-region planning mayoral powers public policy coordination cross-jurisdictional issues municipal leadership regional planning city governance regional administration metropolitan mayors administrative boundaries economic integration regional policy local government city regions inter-city cooperation transport governance police jurisdiction urban planning municipal authority devolution city region economy governance overlap regional coordination cross-city management mayoral powers public administration mayors splitting economic regions mayoral control area size impact of mayoral boundaries regional governance issues overlapping city regions city mayor jurisdiction urban and rural governance regional transport policy conflicts West Midlands police jurisdiction Birmingham and Coventry mayor comparison administrative boundaries and economic cohesion executive mayor governance coordination across city regions mayoral powers and regional cooperation economic region fragmentation by mayors mayoral boundaries economic region fragmentation city regional governance metropolitan mayors urban-rural integration mayoral jurisdiction city region coordination regional transport policy metropolitan police oversight intercity collaboration administrative boundaries local government structure West Midlands politics Birmingham Coventry relations devolution impact city mayor roles public administration overlapping authority executive mayor powers urban policy challenges mayoral boundaries economic region fragmentation city region governance overlapping jurisdictions regional transport policy urban-suburban integration city mayor powers governance of metropolitan areas administrative boundaries in West Midlands multi-city coordination mayoral area size city region leadership inter-city policy coordination local government restructuring regional authority roles West Midlands police oversight mayoral system debates urban governance challenges city vs region management implications of separate city mayors mayor authority economic region fragmentation city governance regional administration metropolitan areas urban leadership mayoral control city boundaries regional policy urban-rural integration jurisdiction overlap governance confusion regional transport policy metropolitan police authority intercity coordination local government city mayors administrative divisions West Midlands governance city-region planning urban political geography regional cooperation mayoral impact public administration municipal leadership mayor regional authority economic region boundaries city regional governance mayoral jurisdiction metropolitan area administration city versus regional leadership urban and suburban governance local government fragmentation inter-city mayor roles overlapping mayoral powers regional transport governance shared city services city mayor versus regional mayor urban policy coordination metropolitan police jurisdiction Birmingham Coventry governance West Midlands regional policy city-region identity economic integration governance multi-city administration city governance regional governance economic integration metropolitan mayors regional policy jurisdiction boundaries urban planning intercity collaboration municipal fragmentation administrative divisions city region governance public administration shared services cross-city authorities regional transport policing jurisdictions governance confusion local government structure economic region boundaries city mayor jurisdiction regional governance metropolitan area management city and regional policy overlap multi-city coordination mayoral authority impact urban-rural integration city-region governance public service administration transport policy jurisdiction police jurisdiction intercity collaboration mayoral effectiveness governance fragmentation metropolitan government
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con03a	Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. dialects accents linguistic diversity regional English American English language variation sociolinguistics speech patterns cultural identity language policy official language debate language standardization linguistic heritage language and identity regional accents historical linguistics language diversity language politics English variation language discrimination dialect variation American English accents regional dialects linguistic diversity language identity sociolinguistics cultural heritage language policy official language debate regional accents language standardization language variation historical linguistics cultural identity English language diversity language and politics language discrimination accent differences language rights multilingualism language diversity American dialects regional accents English language variation linguistic identity language policy language standardization cultural traditions political traditions English as official language dialectal differences US English varieties language and identity accent discrimination multilingualism in America celebrating language diversity language and culture regional language differences linguistic heritage English language diversity English dialects in the US regional accents United States linguistic diversity America official English language debate historical influence on dialects cultural identity language United States language as political tradition English language variation United States dialects and regional identity US effects of language policy US standardization of English United States pros and cons official English celebrating linguistic diversity US English only movement criticism multiculturalism language America identity and language variation sociolinguistics United States regional speech patterns US American English vs British English language and discrimination US dialect diversity regional accents American English variations linguistic identity sociolinguistics language policy language standardization cultural traditions political implications official language debate language and identity historical linguistics language discrimination multilingualism in the US language preservation accent diversity language and culture English language diversity linguistic heritage English dialects in the United States American English accents regional language diversity USA history of American English cultural significance of dialects political implications of language linguistic identity in America official language debate USA pros and cons of English-only policy accent variation in the US celebrating linguistic diversity enforcing English as official language English language policy criticism diversity and unity in US language regional speech differences America language standardization challenges language and American identity multicultural linguistic heritage USA social impact of dialects English language diversity benefits regional dialects English accents American English language diversity linguistic variation language identity cultural diversity historical traditions political traditions standard English language standardization official language debate language policy language celebration Boston accent New York dialect Southern English US regional speech language in America linguistic heritage American English dialects regional accents United States linguistic diversity USA English language variation America US dialect map sociolinguistics America language identity United States multiculturalism English English as official language debate language policy America cultural diversity English historical influences American English language and identity USA Boston accent New York English dialect Southern American English rural American dialects language politics United States language standardization US celebrating linguistic diversity English language diversity American dialects regional accents historical linguistics cultural identity political traditions language policy standardized English linguistic variation language and identity English as official language language diversity celebration sociolinguistics American speech patterns multilingualism linguistic discrimination dialectal differences cultural heritage United States language history language standardization debates English dialects American English language diversity regional accents linguistic identity official language debate cultural traditions historical influences sociolinguistics language policy language variation identity and language Boston accent New York English Southern dialects dialectology multilingualism in the US language standardization ethnic identity language and politics
test-law-tahglcphsld-con03a	Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. drug pricing drug affordability drug accessibility drug regulation drug consumption drug legalization black market drugs drug addiction substance abuse drug policy illicit drugs public health drug enforcement drug decriminalization supply and demand drugs drug market dynamics economic impact drugs illegal drug trade recreational drugs drug control harm reduction drug pricing drug affordability drug legalization drug regulation drug market black market drugs drug consumption drug demand drug supply substance abuse pricing policy illicit drugs drug addiction drug policy drug regulation effectiveness economic impact of drug pricing legal vs illegal drugs regulated vs unregulated markets public health recreational drug use supply and demand drug market prohibition decriminalization drug policy outcomes drug pricing drug policy drug regulation drug legalization black market drug consumption drug addiction drug control drug affordability substance abuse drug prohibition drug market illicit drugs drug demand drug supply public health harm reduction drug legislation controlled substances drug economics drug pricing impact drug affordability debate effects of cheap drugs increased drug consumption risks drug addiction rates impact on casual drug users new drug user statistics drug regulation challenges black market persistence illegal drug trade regulated drug supply black market vs legal market drug law enforcement effects of drug laws consequences of drug legalization setting drug price thresholds harm reduction strategies drug demand elasticity market regulation of drugs unintended effects of low drug prices drug pricing drug affordability drug regulation black market drugs drug accessibility drug consumption increase consequences of cheap drugs drug legalization drug market dynamics substance abuse legal vs illegal drugs drug supply regulation economic impact of drug policy drug user demographics drug prohibition harm reduction public health and drugs price control drugs underground drug trade drug addiction rates drug pricing effects drug consumption consequences regulation of drug markets black market drugs drug legalization pros and cons drug addiction rates impact of low drug prices drug policy regulation enforcement challenges drugs drug use among non-users economic impact of drug pricing supply and demand drugs illegal drug trade public health drug policy social effects of drug prices drug pricing affordability drug consumption addiction rates casual drug use non-users drug regulation illegal market black market drug policy drug legalization controlled substances substance abuse price elasticity drug demand supply chain regulatory enforcement underground economy public health government intervention harm reduction drug distribution user demographics price controls illicit trade drug pricing drug legalization drug regulation black market drugs drug consumption drug addicts casual drug users drug policy drug market economics prescription drug costs drug addiction drug abuse prevention illegal drug trade regulated drug supply drug demand substance use trends harm reduction strategies drug decriminalization legal vs illegal drugs supply and demand drugs impact of drug pricing public health drugs drug access social impact of drugs economic impact drugs drug pricing affordable medication drug regulation black market drugs drug consumption increase drug accessibility price controls drug addiction casual drug use drug policy illegal drug trade supply regulation drug abuse public health implications controlled substances drug decriminalization drug demand law enforcement price elasticity underground market drug pricing drug regulation black market drug policy drug legalization drug consumption addiction rates drug affordability illegal drug trade drug control supply and demand public health impact drug decriminalization drug enforcement harm reduction economic impact drug accessibility social consequences regulatory frameworks unintended consequences
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con01a	Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Africa trade natural resources economic development resource extraction primary sector commodities gold diamonds uranium economic revenue exports trade profits external reserves debt reduction manufacturing industrialization secondary sector tertiary sector Nigeria economy Africa prosperity commodity prices African trade natural resource management economic development resource extraction primary sector commodity prices gold trade diamond trade uranium exports secondary sector growth tertiary sector development external reserves debt reduction agricultural exports manufacturing in Africa industrialization economic diversification sustainable resource use Nigeria economy mineral exports Africa prosperity export revenues raw materials economic infrastructure African commodities value chain development resource-based economy trade balance African manufacturing investment in Africa trade policy natural resources Africa economy economic development resource management commodity prices gold trade diamond trade uranium export primary sector secondary sector tertiary sector manufacturing in Africa resource extraction farming revenue export earnings economic diversification external reserves debt reduction Nigeria economy industrialization value chain economic growth raw material exports Africa prosperity international trade resource-based economies natural resources in African trade economic impact of resource extraction Africa Africa primary sector economics resource-based revenue Africa commodity exports Africa gold and diamond trade Africa profits from natural resource exports Africa external reserves accumulation debt reduction through trade Africa challenges in African secondary sector industrial development in Africa value addition in African commodities Africa as new manufacturing hub Africa and global commodity markets Nigeria economic growth resources managing natural resource wealth Africa diversification of African economies manufacturing sector potential Africa comparison Africa China manufacturing sustainable resource management Africa trade in Africa natural resources Africa economic development Africa African primary sector resource extraction Africa African commodity prices gold trade Africa diamond trade Africa uranium Africa African export revenue Africa economic prosperity African manufacturing sector Africa secondary sector Africa tertiary sector Africa external reserves debt reduction Africa Nigeria trade economy African agriculture natural resource management Africa African economic growth trade in Africa natural resources Africa African economic growth resource extraction Africa commodity exports Africa primary sector Africa gold trade Africa diamond trade Africa uranium Africa economic development Africa secondary sector Africa tertiary sector Africa manufacturing Africa Africa debt reduction external reserves Africa Nigeria trade Africa prosperity resources African resource management Africa export economy Africa primary industry Africa manufacturing potential trade natural resources economic development Africa primary sector resource extraction farming commodities gold diamonds uranium economic growth prosperity revenue export manufacturing secondary sector tertiary sector industrialization economic diversification commodity prices external reserves debt reduction foreign exchange Nigeria economic strength wealth generation African economies value addition resource management mining agriculture global trade foreign investment export earnings economic transformation Africa natural resources African trade revenue economic prosperity Africa commodity exports Africa primary sector Africa resource extraction Africa African farming economy gold trade Africa diamond exports Africa uranium trade Africa high commodity prices Africa Africa secondary sector Africa tertiary sector African manufacturing development Africa economic diversification Africa external reserves Africa debt reduction Nigeria economic growth Africa commodity markets African export commodities manufacturing in Africa Africa trade natural resources economic development resource extraction commodity prices gold diamonds uranium primary sector secondary sector tertiary sector manufacturing in Africa African exports trade revenue economic diversification debt reduction external reserves Nigeria economy value-added processing industrialization Africa prosperity Africa Africa China comparison resource management sustainable development economic growth export commodities African economies Africa trade natural resources economic development resource extraction commodity prices gold diamonds uranium export revenue primary sector agriculture external reserves debt reduction economic growth manufacturing in Africa secondary sector tertiary sector industrialization prosperity Nigeria economy investment foreign trade economic diversification wealth generation sustainable development
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con03a	"Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 advertising regulation business self-regulation corporate social responsibility legal framework enforcement mechanisms external organizations consumer attitudes public pressure California Milk Board ethical advertising competition economic marketplace self-determined business practices social change banning advertising repressive methods corporate ethics market response cultural environment advertising bans business autonomy self-regulation corporate social responsibility advertising ethics market-driven change public pressure consumer influence regulatory enforcement government intervention legal restrictions cultural attitudes business autonomy competition economic freedom advertising bans social change stakeholder engagement ethical advertising voluntary compliance industry standards social influence on business advertising regulation self-regulation business autonomy legal frameworks enforcement mechanisms external intervention consumer pressure public opinion social responsibility corporate social responsibility (CSR) competition economic freedom ethical advertising policy change market-driven change cultural influence social change stakeholder response government intervention advertising bans regulatory policy marketplace ethics business ethics public relations media influence consumer advocacy alternatives to advertising bans business self-regulation advertising impact of social change on business advertising social pressures and advertising policy corporate response to cultural shifts effectiveness of legal advertising restrictions business competition and advertising freedom social corporate responsibility in advertising external interference in business advertising stakeholder influence on ad practices enforcement mechanisms for advertising laws consumer attitudes and advertising adaptation case studies of advertising change advertising ethics and corporate responsibility marketplace solutions to advertising issues government versus self-regulation advertising public pressure and advertising campaigns self-regulation advertising policy corporate social responsibility consumer influence legal frameworks enforcement mechanisms business autonomy market competition public pressure social attitudes California Milk Board ethical advertising external regulation cultural change business ethics corporate governance advertising bans economic marketplace consumer behavior regulation alternatives social accountability responsible marketing advertising self-regulation business autonomy advertising bans legal frameworks in advertising enforcement mechanisms external regulation corporate social responsibility consumer influence public pressure on advertising competition in advertising economic marketplace social cultural change ethical advertising business response to public attitudes advertising policy changes government intervention in advertising California Milk Board example CSR in advertising gender and ethics in advertising business-led advertising reform advertising regulation self-regulation business autonomy legal framework enforcement mechanisms external organizations consumer attitudes corporate social responsibility social pressures market competition economic marketplace business ethics cultural change government intervention advertising bans freedom of commerce market-driven change regulatory policy CSR stakeholder influence public opinion ethical advertising business compliance social environment advertising standards advertising regulation advertising self-regulation corporate social responsibility CSR in advertising business ethics legal framework for advertising advertising bans economic competition consumer influence on advertising social attitudes and advertising external regulatory organizations advertising enforcement mechanisms California Milk Board case public pressure and advertising change social cultural environment ethical business practices gender issues in advertising commercial free speech marketplace autonomy government intervention in advertising self-determined advertising practices advertising self-regulation corporate social responsibility consumer influence on advertising legal frameworks for advertising business autonomy external regulation economic competition ethical advertising public pressure marketplace self-governance advertising bans social attitudes business response to consumers business-led change advertising enforcement mechanisms social cultural environment regulatory interference industry standards CSR in advertising self-determined advertising practices advertising regulation self-regulation business autonomy legal frameworks enforcement mechanisms external influence consumer attitudes public pressure California Milk Board CSR corporate social responsibility social change competitive marketplace economic competition banning effects government intervention ethical advertising social norms business response advertising ethics"
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro01a	Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, personality politics celebrity involvement democratic process media attention policy promotion soft-news entertainment channels celebrity gossip political information late night talk shows Oprah Winfrey political debate voter knowledge shallow discourse sound-bite politics celebrity endorsement policy analysis media influence voter decision-making political beliefs public opinion voter interests popular culture political communication political knowledge celebrity politics news media democracy celebrity endorsements in politics soft news impact personality politics celebrity involvement democratic process soft news media influence political communication celebrity endorsement political ignorance entertainment news policy promotion media coverage voter knowledge information quality shallow debate sound bites political discourse voter behavior political decision making public opinion news consumption celebrity culture media saturation political polarization opinion formation political campaigns mass media political awareness media bias infotainment news framing simplified politics celebrity politics soft-news influence media effects on democracy political communication voter information sound-bite culture political knowledge entertainment media political endorsement media-driven politics policy simplification celebrity endorsement in politics democratic deliberation political debate quality information quality mass media impact shallow political discourse political marketing celebrity culture news consumption patterns public opinion formation media literacy news vs entertainment infotainment political engagement voter awareness personality politics disadvantages celebrity politics impact soft news influence on democracy media-driven political debate effects of celebrity endorsements in politics shallow political discourse consequences voter information and democracy sound-bite culture politics celebrity involvement in elections soft-news vs. hard-news political knowledge harm of media sensationalism in politics policy discussion reduction entertainment media effect on policy debates democratic process and celebrity political information sources effects of entertainment news on voting media attention in politics political debate simplification politicians on talk shows impact celebrity political activism drawbacks influence of popular media on voters celebrity endorsements and public opinion news consumption personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement media attention soft-news entertainment channels celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey media influence political communication celebrity endorsement shallow debate voter information sound-bites policy analysis political knowledge talk shows late night comedy Jay Leno informed voting policy packaging dumbing down public opinion mass media political debate voter behavior democracy popular culture news consumption media effects political discourse political cognition media landscape political engagement opinion formation news sources media coverage public perception infotainment political polarization personality politics celebrity politics celebrity endorsement media influence soft news political communication voter knowledge political debate democratic process political polarization media sensationalism political information sources policy analysis sound-bite culture late night shows politics Oprah effect celebrity activism entertainment media shallow political debate media coverage public opinion misinformation political engagement news consumption celebrity influence on politics personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement soft-news media attention political information entertainment channels celebrity gossip political knowledge news consumption talk shows late night comedy Oprah Winfrey sound-bites informed voters policy analysis celebrity endorsement shallow political debate voter decision-making political beliefs mass media political communication dumbed down analysis campaign strategies public opinion media influence political discourse superficial coverage political polarization pop culture politics news framing political propaganda democracy erosion personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement media attention soft-news entertainment channels celebrity gossip political information political communication Oprah Winfrey late night shows political debate shallow discussion policy analysis celebrity endorsement voter information sound-bites political knowledge media influence populism infotainment branding in politics political polarization public opinion news consumption public discourse voting behavior celebrity politicians policy packaging mass media effects political awareness information quality political engagement news preferences democracy erosion political manipulation political campaigns political literacy political decision-making personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement media influence soft news political information entertainment channels celebrity gossip political awareness voter knowledge media coverage political debate sound bites policy analysis celebrity endorsement voter decision-making political communication media effects late night shows Oprah Winfrey political polarization public opinion political discourse information quality voter behavior media consumption political engagement shallow debate political literacy celebrity politics personality politics democratic process celebrity politics media attention political communication soft-news political knowledge celebrity involvement entertainment media voter information policy analysis sound-bites political debate political awareness celebrity endorsement shallow debate media influence informed voting political beliefs public opinion political polarization news consumption talk shows celebrity culture political discourse political campaign strategies news formats Oprah Winfrey late night comedy shows voter decision-making
test-international-gsciidffe-con01a	"The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 sovereign equality non-interference UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty international law state legitimacy territorial integrity non-intervention self-determination state autonomy political independence member state relations United Nations principles international relations national sovereignty external interference government authority international order rule of law sovereign equality non-interference state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction United Nations Charter principles of international law non-intervention state legitimacy political self-determination national sovereignty territorial integrity international relations UN General Assembly resolutions state autonomy external interference government authority internal affairs philpott sovereignty political independence intervention in states international system principles power dynamics between states cultural self-determination economic self-determination social self-determination international system equality non-interference sovereign equality states relations UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty government legitimacy non-intervention UN General Assembly political self-determination economic development social development cultural development external interference territorial integrity state authority international law sovereignty principle national sovereignty internal affairs United Nations international relations non-intervention principle non-interference doctrine sovereign equality of states UN Charter Article 2 interpretation principle of non-interference domestic jurisdiction of states legitimacy of government authority international law and state sovereignty UN General Assembly resolutions on sovereignty self-determination of peoples external interference in domestic affairs protecting weak states from powerful states non-intervention principle diplomatic relations and non-interference state autonomy and international norms international system and equality domestic vs international jurisdiction historical examples of non-interference UN enforcement of sovereignty political independence of states legal limits on UN intervention ethical dilemmas in sovereignty state consent and international actions sovereignty vs sovereign equality non-interference UN Charter international law state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction legitimacy supreme authority international relations United Nations non-intervention self-determination political status economic development cultural development social development national sovereignty internal affairs electoral processes non-intervention principle international order Westphalian sovereignty state-centric system international norms respect for sovereignty principle of equality state autonomy external interference international governance international organization international system sovereign equality non-interference principle UN Charter Article 2 domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty international law intervention prohibition United Nations principles political self-determination economic development rights social development rights cultural autonomy legitimacy of government state relations norms non-intervention doctrine non-interference in internal affairs international system structure state authority non-aggression norm Philpott sovereignty theory General Assembly resolutions electoral process sovereignty respect for national sovereignty interference prohibition power imbalance protection international legal framework sovereignty and intervention circumvention of censorship international state relations principle of equality sovereign equality non-interference state sovereignty UN Charter domestic jurisdiction international law political independence territorial integrity self-determination national sovereignty non-intervention United Nations principles state legitimacy international relations external interference principle of equal sovereignty internal affairs respect for sovereignty UN General Assembly resolutions election integrity human rights international order diplomatic relations state authority non-aggression non-coercion international norms multilateralism international peace and security state-centric system sovereign equality state sovereignty non-interference UN Charter Article 2 domestic jurisdiction United Nations principles international law self-determination non-intervention state legitimacy international relations national sovereignty political independence principle of equality internal affairs UN General Assembly resolutions territorial integrity state autonomy international order respect for sovereignty foreign intervention legal framework supranational authority international norms state-centric system power dynamics interstate relations diplomatic principles philosophical sovereignty non-imposition external interference sovereign equality non-interference UN Charter state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction international law state relations non-intervention principle legitimacy of government United Nations principles self-determination internal affairs national sovereignty international norms external interference political independence state autonomy charter principles state rights international order respect for sovereignty sovereign equality non-interference UN Charter state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction international law United Nations self-determination principle of sovereignty intervention state relations non-intervention legitimacy of government international relations Article 2 national sovereignty internal affairs political autonomy self-governance territorial integrity international norms legal equality of states diplomatic relations UN resolutions national self-determination political independence sovereignty doctrine non-intervention principle international organization global governance state autonomy"
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con01a	Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. community radio extremist speech hate media sectarian broadcasting unregulated airwaves talk radio divisive media democracy Middle East plurality diversity of opinion media regulation mullahs fanatics Rwanda genocide incitement radio jamming hate speech propaganda local radio stations media pluralism toxic legacy media influence opinion fragmentation radio equipment US intervention United Nations media and violence media ethics community radio media regulation hate speech radio extremism sectarian broadcasting talk radio media pluralism democracy Middle East radio propaganda pedagogues religious broadcasting media diversity unregulated airwaves opinion fragmentation divisive media Rwanda genocide hate media radio jamming media incitement fanatics media influence information warfare media legacy Arab world democratization communication technology conflict media media ethics broadcast policy US talk radio free speech risks radio equipment radio regulation United Nations media impact audience polarization radio station proliferation media environment hate speech media regulation radio incitement sectarian division democracy middle east talk radio plurality diversity of opinion propaganda radio jamming Rwanda genocide extremist broadcasting community media freedom of expression media ethics political polarization broadcast regulation communication technology fanatics incitement to violence Arab world media state censorship hate media speech moderation media influence media accountability unregulated airwaves media policy media impact on society community radio dangers extremism on airwaves regulation of community radio talk radio divisiveness hate speech amplification media in sectarian societies democracy and radio media plurality challenges hate media in Rwanda radio inciting violence unregulated broadcasting risks radio and sectarian conflict media effects in the Middle East comparison US talk radio Middle East regulating extremist broadcasts radio and propaganda small-scale radio equipment risks UN and radio jamming authority radio's role in genocide media pluralism drawbacks radio's impact on democracy technology facilitating hate speech community broadcasting and polarization extremist use of media historical examples community radio extremism sectarianism hate speech talk radio media regulation Middle East democracy radio pluralism media diversity propaganda unregulated airwaves pedagogy media influence Rwanda genocide radio incitement radio jamming United Nations fanatics media legacy radio equipment freedom of expression divisiveness Arab world opinion fragmentation radio toxicity radio democracy plurality hate media Western intervention mass communication media and violence community radio hate speech media regulation sectarian broadcasting talk radio divisiveness democracy in the Middle East plurality of opinion extremist propaganda radio and genocide Rwanda radio jamming free speech versus regulation fanatics on airwaves radio and social division broadcast media ethics technology and sectarianism historical case studies hate media airwaves control communication policy impact of talk radio UN interventions US media influence democratic media authoritarianism and media incitement to violence media plurality challenges community radio talk radio hate speech extremism sectarianism media regulation democracy Middle East talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion media influence propaganda fanaticism democratic discourse Rwanda genocide radio equipment radio jamming United Nations incitement to violence media legacy broadcasting regulation Arab world radio pluralism hate media speech regulation media accountability media ethics ethnic conflict freedom of expression radio proliferation community radio extremism hate speech sectarian divisions talk radio media regulation democracy Middle East mullahs airwave control plurality of opinion radio propaganda divisiveness Arab world Rwanda genocide radio incitement small scale radio equipment jamming technology UN intervention hate media radio legacy speech regulation radio pluralism fanatics democratic access broadcast regulation US talk radio media influence violence incitement radio policy Western funding post-genocide media community radio media regulation extremism hate speech sectarianism Middle East democracy pluralism freedom of speech talk radio divisiveness propaganda media influence Rwanda genocide radio jamming hate media US policy United Nations incitement media ethics communications technology free press diversity of opinion political polarization media ownership broadcast regulation information dissemination local media civil society public discourse responsible journalism hate speech media regulation freedom of speech propaganda sectarianism radicalization media responsibility democratization Middle East community broadcasting Rwanda genocide talk radio pluralism public discourse media influence radio jamming extremist rhetoric information control media ethics communication policy social polarization minority voices Western intervention hate media conflict zones incitement radio legacy media plurality censorship UN intervention
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con03a	Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: poverty anxiety insecurity economic instability community safety violence decreased investment interrupted education unemployment business risk aversion social disruption unstable environment local economy international business deterrence vicious cycle social inequality political violence Northern Ireland social consequences loss of opportunity community fear disrupted livelihoods economic stagnation perpetual poverty psychological impact risk perception reduced mobility underdevelopment social unrest economic isolation terrorism effects poverty and terrorism community anxiety local insecurity economic impact of terrorism disruption daily life business investment terrorism instability business economic consequences violence poverty cycle terrorism Northern Ireland political violence social consequences terrorism poverty perpetuation terrorism economic development psychological impact community conflict and poverty poverty and violence community resilience terrorism socio-economic instability insecurity business environment fear daily activity conflict cycle terrorism and unemployment market instability terrorism poverty escalation terrorism and inequality poverty terrorism political violence economic instability community anxiety unemployment daily disruption business deterrence foreign investment decline local economy impact Northern Ireland perpetuated poverty unstable environment social consequences risk aversion social unrest socioeconomic effects fear insecurity opportunity deprivation vicious cycle conflict development barriers impact of terrorism on community welfare terrorism and poverty cycles terrorism economic effects terrorism social consequences terrorism daily life disruption terrorism and local businesses terrorism investment deterrents terrorism anxiety and mental health political violence poverty link poverty and violence cycle instability and economic stagnation terrorism and education disruption terrorism and employment challenges terrorism and community resilience political violence Northern Ireland terrorism’s impact on local development terrorism international perception terrorism and socioeconomic conditions causes of sustained poverty terrorism and opportunity loss community responses to terrorism terrorism crime cycles preventing terrorism-induced poverty long-term effects of terrorism poverty terrorism political violence community safety economic instability mental health unemployment education disruption business investment social anxiety local economy cycle of violence Northern Ireland poverty alleviation economic consequences trauma risk aversion underdevelopment insecurity international relations social unrest inequality community resilience poverty-vicious cycle conflict zones social investment fear impact economic stagnation migration social mobility Politico Horgan poverty and terrorism impact of terrorism on communities economic consequences of terrorism political violence and poverty vicious circle of violence terrorism and local economies community anxiety and terrorism terrorism hindering education terrorism affecting daily life terrorism discouraging investment poverty cycles in conflict zones terrorism and business environment Northern Ireland political violence psychological impact of terrorism social consequences of terrorism terrorism and opportunity loss terrorism perpetuating poverty unstable environments and poverty deterrents to economic growth terrorism terrorism and unemployment terrorism affecting international business terrorism poverty community anxiety social instability local economy daily activities disruption unemployment business risk aversion lack of foreign investment unsafe environment psychological impact fear of attacks reduced education access economic stagnation cycle of violence underdevelopment Northern Ireland political violence vicious cycle economic consequences social consequences poverty perpetuation social exclusion deprivation business deterrence chronic insecurity instability inequality poverty and conflict political unrest marginalization terrorism poverty community anxiety unsafe environments daily life disruption education impact employment challenges business investment economic instability international companies local markets political violence instability vicious circle Northern Ireland poverty cycle violence continuation economic consequences social impact future uncertainty risk aversion mental health social cohesion development barriers public safety business risk disinvestment community resilience poverty and violence link inequality social unrest poverty terrorism anxiety unstable community economic impact daily life disruption reduced investment unemployment business risk local economy international companies social consequences political violence Northern Ireland poverty cycle violence perpetuation psychological effects community safety socioeconomic instability quality of life conflict zones social development poverty alleviation radicalization security concerns economic stagnation human capital community resilience inequality poverty terrorism community safety economic impact daily life disruption psychological effects business investment social instability risk aversion education disruption local economy international business cyclical violence Northern Ireland political violence structural poverty fear anxiety social consequences economic consequences community resilience trauma livelihoods unemployment development conflict zones social exclusion policy response socioeconomic instability security concerns
test-health-dhghhbampt-con03a	Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. holistic care integrative medicine patient-centered care therapeutic relationship whole person approach individualized treatment comprehensive assessment biopsychosocial model continuity of care empathy medical consultation time conventional medicine symptom management alternative therapies complementary medicine personalized care practitioner-patient communication chronic illness management functional medicine root cause analysis healthcare outcomes doctor-patient trust medical consultation patient satisfaction holistic care patient-centered approach integrative medicine comprehensive assessment whole-person health personalized treatment naturopathic medicine therapeutic relationship doctor-patient communication empathic listening functional medicine mind-body connection symptom context alternative therapies individualized care conventional medicine limitations medical consultation duration biomedical model patient engagement systemic health root cause analysis complementary medicine allopathic medicine comparison chronic disease management healthcare quality medical philosophy holistic care patient-centered integrative medicine naturopathy functional medicine whole-person approach empathy rapport individualized treatment comprehensive assessment conventional medicine biomedical model symptom management patient engagement wellness therapeutic relationship root cause personalized care mind-body connection multidisciplinary approach holistic approach in alternative medicine patient-practitioner relationship in alternative medicine benefits of integrative health care whole-person treatment vs symptom-focused medicine time spent with patients by alternative practitioners drawbacks of conventional medicine symptom treatment patient-centered care in alternative therapies comparative patient outcomes alternative vs modern medicine personalized care in alternative medicine understanding patient background in alternative therapies alternative medicine for chronic illness management impact of consultation time on diagnosis advantage of holistic assessment in healthcare role of empathy in alternative medicine alternative practitioners vs doctors consultation time holistic care patient-centered care integrative medicine complementary therapy personalized treatment whole-person care patient-practitioner relationship time with patients symptom vs. cause systemic approach biopsychosocial model conventional medicine reductionist medicine individualized assessment chronic illness management natural healing therapeutic alliance empathy in healthcare alternative therapies functional medicine holistic medicine patient-centered care integrative healthcare alternative vs conventional medicine whole-person treatment personalized healthcare complementary therapies medical consultation time symptom-based treatment patient-practitioner relationship individualized assessment chronic disease management holistic health benefits alternative therapy effectiveness modern medicine limitations patient satisfaction alternative medicine comprehensive health evaluation holistic care patient-centered approach complementary medicine integrative healthcare whole-person treatment individualized care patient-practitioner relationship chronic conditions symptom management naturopathy homeopathy functional medicine time with patients emotional health psychological assessment preventive care modern medicine limitations biomedical model medical consultation length comprehensive assessment mind-body connection empathy in healthcare conventional medicine personalized medicine therapeutic alliance root cause analysis holistic medicine patient-centered care integrative medicine complementary therapies whole person care biomedical model limitations personalized health naturopathy functional medicine holistic health assessment doctor-patient relationship symptom-based treatment root cause medicine alternative therapy benefits healthcare communication chronic disease management time with patients medical consultation length empathetic care conventional medicine critique holistic care patient-centered approach integrative medicine whole-person treatment therapeutic relationship individualized care doctor-patient communication alternative therapies complementary medicine empathy in healthcare traditional medicine comprehensive assessment biomedical model symptom management root cause analysis personalized treatment patient satisfaction health outcomes medical consultation time multidisciplinary care holistic care patient-centered approach integrative medicine personalized treatment therapeutic relationship whole-person health conventional medicine comparison symptom management patient-practitioner interaction diagnosis context time with patients health outcomes medical philosophy individualized care biopsychosocial model empathetic care root cause analysis complementary therapies patient assessment alternative therapy benefits
test-economy-bepighbdb-con01a	Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, democracy economic development general population economic policy China free market dictatorship democracy political system South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth 1950-2000 Franco regime 1960s economic miracle isolationist policies internationalization free market economy EU membership World Bank Atlas method comparative politics economic systems modernization political transition policy impact developmental state economic liberalization democracy economic development economic policy China growth free market political systems dictatorship autocracy democracy vs autocracy South Korea economic takeoff democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Spain 1960s miracle Franco regime economic liberalization trade openness isolationist policies EU membership economic reforms World Bank data Atlas method comparative development political economy governance and growth development outcomes market economy economic transitions transition economies democracy economic development general population economic policy China free market political systems autocracy South Korea democratization GNI per capita Spain economic growth 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist policies open market international economy EU membership World Bank Atlas method economic success government systems economic liberalization comparative development dictatorship vs democracy market reforms developmental states post-dictatorship growth democracy and economic development democracy versus autocracy development outcomes impact of economic policy on development China economic policy and development free market under different governments dictatorship versus democracy economic outcomes South Korea economic growth democratization South Korea GNI per capita history Spanish economic growth Franco era Spain economic policies 1950-2000 Spain post-Franco economic growth Spain EU economic impact World Bank GNI per capita data free market policy government types market economy political systems comparison democracy and economic development free market policies dictatorship economic growth South Korea economic history democratization impact on economy GNI per capita trends China economic policies Spain economic miracle Franco regime economy isolationist policies Spain EU membership economic effects autocracy and development economic policy effectiveness World Bank economic data economic liberalization authoritarianism vs democracy growth political systems economic outcomes economic reforms historical economic transitions comparative political economy economic policy and development democracy vs autocracy economic growth impact of free market policies China economic development model South Korea economic growth post-democratization Spain economic miracle causes dictatorship vs democracy in economic performance political systems and economic outcomes role of EU membership in economic growth Franco regime Spain economy World Bank GNI per capita data autocracy economic takeoff economic liberalization effects democracy benefits for general population comparative economic policy analysis democracy economic development general population public interest economic policy China free market government systems dictatorship autocracy democracy South Korea economic takeoff democratization GNI per capita economic growth Spain 1950s 1960s economic miracle Franco regime trade liberalization isolationist policies international integration EU membership World Bank development indicators political system policy effectiveness market economy comparative analysis democracy and development economic policy comparison China economic policy free market systems dictatorship vs democracy political systems and economic growth South Korea economic growth economic takeoff period democratization and economy GNI per capita statistics Spain economic history Franco regime economics Spanish economic miracle isolationist policies open market reforms EU membership and growth World Bank economic data Atlas method GNI impact of governance on economy comparative political economy autocracy vs democracy development market liberalization international economic integration democracy economic development free market policies autocracy dictatorship political systems China economic policy South Korea democratization South Korea economic growth GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Spanish miracle Franco regime isolationist policies market liberalization EU membership international trade modernization developmental state political stability institutional quality economic policy impact growth drivers World Bank data democracy economic development economic policy China free market government forms dictatorship South Korea democratization GNI per capita economic takeoff autocracy Spanish economic growth Franco regime 1960s economic miracle isolationist policies international economy EU membership World Bank Atlas method political systems economic growth factors comparative analysis policy impact market liberalization historical examples development outcomes
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con02a	The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, liberal democracy alternative governance models state legitimacy state capitalism China governance authoritarian democracy collective rights civil liberties political systems performance legitimacy modernization economic trade-offs dissident punishment Singapore political model authoritarian efficiency cultural pluralism governance diversity global cooperation West vs. non-West paradigms democracy criticism political legitimacy governance comparison political trade-offs geopolitical complexity legal sovereignty cross-cultural understanding Fukuyama end of history state sovereignty Western intervention democratic norms rights frameworks government authority modernization theory political pluralism liberal democracy alternative governance models authoritarian capitalism state legitimacy China political system Singapore governance non-Western government state-led capitalism democratic legitimacy performance legitimacy modernization civil liberties collective rights authoritarian democracy cultural relativism governance diversity dissident suppression rule of law political trade-offs respect for laws geopolitical pluralism systemic coexistence amnesty for dissidents Western democracy export international norms political legitimacy regime comparison political modernization economic prosperity trade-off cultural acceptance governance efficiency state authority state sovereignty alternative governance models state capitalism authoritarian democracy legitimacy of government performance legitimacy Singapore political system China political model collective rights civil liberties liberal democracy critique comparative political systems state sovereignty governance diversity embracing different systems rule of law political modernisation economic prosperity vs. liberties state authority dissidents geopolitical complexity cultural relativism international cooperation governance trade-offs Western democracy critique paradigm enforcement political pluralism systems legitimacy Acemoglu and Robinson Eric X Li modernisation theory Project Syndicate Foreign Affairs Yale Daily News liberal democratic paradigm alternatives legitimacy of non-democratic governments China state-led capitalism model performance legitimacy China authoritarian democracy Singapore collective rights vs civil liberties multiple governance models end of history debate Fukuyama critique legitimacy of authoritarian regimes trade-offs economic growth vs liberties state sovereignty and laws dissidents state response Western paradigm imposition democracy vs authoritarianism cooperation respecting governance diversity legitimacy sources in governance global political systems comparison cultural relativism in government amnesty for bloggers debate state-centric vs individual-centric rights geopolitical pluralism international relations and governance models diversity of governmental legitimacy liberal democracy legitimate government models state sovereignty Fukuyama end of history China state-led capitalism authoritarian capitalism performance legitimacy modernization civil liberties economic growth trade-offs dissident suppression rule of law Singapore governance model collective rights authoritarian democracy Western political paradigm democracy promotion geopolitical pluralism cultural relativism global governance international cooperation amnesty for bloggers freedom of speech human rights Western intervention governance diversity political systems comparative politics social contract models legitimacy of rule liberal democracy alternative government models state legitimacy performance legitimacy state-led capitalism China governance model authoritarian democracy Singapore political system collective rights civil liberties geopolitical pluralism governance diversity cultural differences amnesty for dissidents Western democracy paradigm state sovereignty trade-offs in governance democracy versus authoritarianism Fukuyama end of history authoritarian efficiency comparative government systems cooperation among states international relations legitimacy of non-democratic regimes respecting state laws political modernization government authority human rights in non-liberal democracies cross-cultural governance performance-based governance global governance models liberal democracy alternative government models legitimacy state laws Fukuyama end of history comparative politics China state-led capitalism performance legitimacy modernization trade-off economic growth civil liberties dissidents authoritarian democracy Singapore efficient governance collective rights civil liberties model geopolitical diversity amnesty bloggers Western paradigm cultural differences cooperation trade peace Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li party legitimacy governance systems conflict political systems comparison international relations liberal democracy alternative governance models state capitalism Chinese political system authoritarian democracy performance legitimacy modernization civil liberties economic growth versus freedom governance paradigms China versus West dissidents rule of law Singapore governance model rights trade-offs collective rights system legitimacy Western democratic influence global cooperation cultural governance differences political legitimacy comparative political systems Fukuyama end of history Acemoglu Robinson state capitalism Eric Li legitimacy authoritarian efficiency constraints on criticism blogger amnesty geopolitical diversity governance acceptance liberal democracy alternative governance models state capitalism China political system Singapore authoritarian democracy sovereignty legitimacy modernisation performance legitimacy economic trade-offs civil liberties collective rights Western intervention geopolitical diversity cooperation conflict cultural differences Francis Fukuyama end of history state sovereignty authoritarian resilience dissident suppression rights versus order law enforcement governance diversity comparative politics state-led development political legitimacy international relations paradigm expansion liberal democracy alternative governance models state-led capitalism authoritarian democracy legitimacy performance legitimacy modernization civil liberties collective rights rule of law China political system Singapore governance economic growth vs freedom trade-offs dissidents state authority geopolitical diversity cultural pluralism Western paradigm democracy promotion international relations state sovereignty government legitimacy system comparison Fukuyama end of history amnesty for dissidents political trade-offs governance efficiency cooperation vs conflict system legitimacy debate
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency leadership medical emergency survival rates prompt treatment underlying conditions healthcare procedures crisis communication hospital protocols presidential health emergency response advance notice decision-making Mills death risk management medical disclosure public awareness healthcare transparency warning systems patient identification hospital admission information sharing governance crisis planning medical history critical care organizational transparency incident response leadership vulnerability death reporting transparency government accountability medical emergencies presidential health crisis management emergency response leadership risk advance medical warning Mills death prompt treatment information disclosure hospital procedures political transparency public health communication breakdown emergency preparedness crisis communication leadership survival hidden health conditions state leader death medical secrecy hospital protocols decision-making delays presidential security media coverage transparency leadership crisis response emergency treatment underlying medical conditions hospital procedures communication advance notice survival rates presidential health medical disclosure decision-making ambulance protocols patient identification public health policy incident management accountability lessons learned healthcare transparency risk management leadership vulnerability Mills death hospital emergency response prompt medical care leadership transparency consequences of lack of transparency leader medical emergency case studies prompt medical treatment and survival impact of transparency on emergency response presidential health transparency case of President Mills' death medical history disclosure in emergencies protocols for leader medical emergencies historical examples lack of public information lessons from President Mills’ hospital admission political leadership and health incidents effects of secrecy in government improving procedures with transparency communication failures in crisis situations emergency preparedness for leaders hospital protocols for VIP patients public response to leader deaths miscommunication in emergency medical care benefits of advance notice in medical emergencies transparency leadership medical emergency prompt treatment underlying conditions survival rates presidential health crisis management hospital procedures emergency response advance notice Mills death African leaders health information disclosure government secrecy public health policy communication breakdown delayed treatment decision-making emergency preparedness transparency in leadership impact of transparency on emergency response presidential health disclosure Mills death case study importance of medical history in emergencies leadership crisis management communication protocols for leaders medical privacy versus public interest lessons from Mills’ death emergency preparedness for leaders protocols for treating high-profile patients political transparency and public trust health emergencies in government improving survival rates through transparency effect of secrecy on healthcare outcomes disclosure of leaders' illnesses transparency and decision-making speed risk management for national leaders aftermath of Mills’ death transparency in African politics transparency leadership medical emergency prompt treatment underlying conditions advance warning hospital protocols presidential health emergency response medical history decision-making communication life-saving procedures risk mitigation health disclosure patient identification administrative error medical records survival rates public officials crisis management incident reporting political leadership healthcare transparency transparency in leadership medical emergency transparency presidential health disclosure crisis management prompt medical treatment hospital communication emergency protocols political leadership risks decision-making in emergencies healthcare procedures for leaders secrecy consequences leadership survival Mills death transparency hospital admission protocols transparency in government leadership health policies information sharing in emergencies political deaths risk management leadership healthcare miscommunication medical history awareness leader hospitalization emergency response readiness transparency leadership medical emergencies accident survival prompt treatment underlying conditions communication advance notice hospital procedures emergency response government transparency presidential health crisis management risk mitigation decision-making information disclosure protocol adherence healthcare coordination incident reporting public safety leadership accountability transparency leadership risk emergency response medical disclosure underlying conditions presidential health crisis management advance notice decision-making ambulance protocol hospital admission patient identification survival rates government communication health procedures public officials medical records preparedness incident reporting best practices
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con03a	The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. International Criminal Court ICC authority ICC jurisdiction political prosecution American service members prosecution military action prosecution ex proprio motu investigation UN Security Council veto Prosecutor discretion ICC referrals ICTY investigation NATO bombing Kosovo Operation Allied Force Security Council support ethnic cleansing military infrastructure international law war crimes prosecution judicial overreach sovereignty concerns prosecutorial independence precedent Kosovo military intervention US foreign policy war crimes tribunal legitimate military operations international justice selective prosecution legal accountability state sovereignty humanitarian intervention International Criminal Court authority ICC political bias ICC prosecution American military ICC military action charges ICC prosecutor discretion ICC state referrals lack UN Security Council oversight ICC precedent NATO Kosovo prosecution ICTY NATO investigation Operation Allied Force legal scrutiny ICC overreach legitimate military political prosecution risks ICC fairness ICC investigations accountability international law sovereignty ICC challenges ICC impact humanitarian interventions military strategists ICC liability Security Council authority ICC limits ex proprio motu investigations ICC ICC case precedents protection American service members ICC International Criminal Court prosecutorial discretion political bias military intervention war crimes NATO Kosovo intervention Operation Allied Force ICTY Security Council jurisdiction ex proprio motu investigations state referrals US military accountability sovereignty concerns judicial overreach ethnic cleansing international law command responsibility selective justice Security Council oversight international prosecution humanitarian intervention military immunity state sovereignty international tribunal precedent prosecutorial independence ICC authority critique ICC political prosecution risks ICC impact on US military ICC prosecution of service members ICC investigation referral powers ICC Prosecutor discretion lack of UNSC veto over ICC ICC precedent Kosovo investigation NATO bombing Kosovo ICC ICTY NATO prosecution ICC targeting legitimate military action ICC and ex proprio motu investigations Security Council role ICC ICC impact on humanitarian interventions ICC political bias concerns ICC and state sovereignty ICC effect on military strategy ICC legitimacy debate ICC critical cases history ICC and Operation Allied Force ICC prosecuting coalition forces ICC jurisdiction over non-member states ICC and US foreign policy ICC authority prosecutorial discretion political prosecution military accountability NATO Kosovo bombing Operation Allied Force International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) ethnic cleansing investigations UN Security Council veto ex proprio motu investigations state referrals ICC American military prosecution legitimate military action charges precedent international prosecution Security Council support military strategists liability international law war crimes investigations ICC criticism judicial overreach national sovereignty ICC ICC authority criticism ICC political prosecution American military ICC charges ICC investigation powers State referral ICC ICC Prosecutor discretion UN Security Council ICC oversight political bias international tribunals ICTY NATO Kosovo investigation ICC impact on military operations ICC risks for U.S. personnel legitimacy of ICC investigations ex proprio motu ICC Security Council veto absence precedent of ICTY investigations ICC and humanitarian interventions fears of ICC overreach ICC accountability concerns potential misuse of ICC ICC and state sovereignty International Criminal Court ICC authority political prosecution American military prosecution legitimate military action state referral Prosecutor powers ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto power prosecutorial discretion ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Operation Allied Force Yugoslavia preliminary investigation ethnic cleansing military intervention ex post facto Security Council support precedence of prosecutions global military actions accountability of state actors sovereignty concerns international law war crimes military strategists liability humanitarian intervention ICC criticism prosecution overreach selective justice impartiality concerns ICC authority criticism ICC political prosecution risks ICC impact on American military ICC prosecution of military actions ICC investigation powers ICC Prosecutor discretion ICC lack of UNSC veto State Party referral ICC ex proprio motu ICC investigations ICTY NATO Kosovo investigation ICC precedent political bias ICC prosecution of legitimate warfare ICC and UN Security Council relations ICC impact on state sovereignty ICC jurisdiction concerns ICC impact on NATO operations ICC military strategist prosecution ICC international relations tension ICC abuse of power ICC Prosecutor independence ICC impact on national security ICC threat to allied operations ICC and Operation Allied Force ICC ICC authority international law political prosecution American military accountability prosecutorial discretion state referrals ex proprio motu power Security Council veto ICTY investigations NATO bombing Kosovo Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military intervention legitimate use of force sovereignty concerns war crimes charges prosecutorial overreach UN Security Council oversight military justice legal precedent humanitarian intervention international criminal justice state sovereignty political bias judicial independence global military operations ICC jurisdiction prosecutorial discretion international criminal law political bias war crimes command responsibility military immunity state referrals ex proprio motu investigations Security Council oversight judicial independence ICTY precedents Kosovo intervention NATO operations ethnic cleansing ex post facto support selective prosecution military accountability legitimate military action sovereignty concerns legal precedent international justice US-ICC relations peacekeeping operations immunity agreements
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro02a	Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. multilateralism bilateralism Latin America trade negotiation US trade policy Canada trade relations FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas trade agreements CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement imbalance of power developing countries legal disputes investor-state disputes environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil emerging powers trade blocs regional integration negotiation leverage US influence collective bargaining trade justice power asymmetry Latin American unity international trade law economic sovereignty trade protection foreign investment disputes multilateral trade negotiations bilateral trade agreements Latin America trade blocs US-Latin America trade relations trade power imbalance CAFTA-DR FTAA failure regional trade integration developing countries' trade strategy environmental standards trade disputes investor-state dispute settlement Brazil emerging power counterbalancing US influence trade agreement negotiation strategies foreign investor lawsuits environmental protection in trade agreements North-South trade relations South-South cooperation collective bargaining in trade trade policy Latin America transnational corporations trade agreements multilateralism bilateralism Latin America trade negotiations US trade policy Canada trade FTAA CAFTA power imbalance developing countries trade agreements legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining emerging global powers Brazil counterbalance economic integration regional blocs trade protection trade justice US-Latin America relations investor-state disputes trade dependency trade leverage collective bargaining North-South divide trade policy economic sovereignty multilateralism vs bilateralism Latin America trade negotiations US Latin America trade deals FTAA failure consequences bilateral trade power imbalances US trade negotiation dominance CAFTA disadvantages El Salvador gold mining trade dispute foreign investor legal challenges environmental standards in trade agreements Brazil role in Latin America trade counterbalancing US influence regional trade blocs protecting developing country interests private firms exploiting poor states trade agreements and environmental protection Central America trade policy emerging powers in trade negotiations Latin America coalition building US-Canada-Latin America trade relations multilateralism bilateralism Latin America trade negotiations US Canada FTAA CAFTA power imbalance developing countries trade agreements environmental standards gold mining foreign investors Brazil global power economic integration trade bloc regional cooperation negotiation strategies legal attacks investor-state disputes US influence trade policy Central America trade protection emerging markets trade negotiation tactics commercial diplomacy multilateralism vs bilateralism Latin America trade negotiations FTAA failure US trade policy CAFTA legal disputes imbalance of power in trade deals Brazil role in Latin American trade environmental standards and trade agreements foreign investor lawsuits developing countries trade interests US-Latin America trade relations regional trade blocs gold mining industry disputes Central America Free Trade Agreement protection of developing economies global economic power balance environmental protection in trade negotiations North-South trade agreements investor-state dispute settlement Brazil counteracting US influence multilateralism bilateralism Latin America trade negotiations US-Canada trade FTAA free trade agreements CAFTA Central America power imbalance developing countries trade policy investor-state disputes environmental standards gold mining Brazil influence emerging global powers regional trade blocs economic integration US trade strategy legal challenges foreign investors trade justice sovereignty North-South relations multilateralism bilateralism Latin America trade negotiations US trade policy Canada trade relations FTAA bilateral trade agreements power imbalance developing countries CAFTA El Salvador free trade agreements Central America environmental standards gold mining industry investor-state disputes Brazil global power US influence trade strategy regional integration economic diplomacy collective bargaining trade blocs South-South cooperation North-South relations trade justice trade deal leverage US-Latin America relations trade agreement critique multilateralism bilateralism trade negotiation Latin America US Canada FTAA CAFTA power imbalance developing countries international trade agreements environmental standards gold mining foreign investors legal challenges Brazil global power economic integration collective bargaining trade blocs regional alliances US-Latin America relations trade policy investor-state disputes economic sovereignty trade justice multilateral trade bilateral trade Latin America United States Canada trade negotiations FTAA trade agreements power imbalance CAFTA El Salvador environmental standards gold mining foreign investors investor-state dispute settlement developing countries Brazil emerging global powers trade blocs economic sovereignty trade policy regional integration trade union economic diplomacy neoliberalism US dominance trade justice South-South cooperation fair trade North-South relations trade liberalization international trade law
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con03a	The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. personal data storage data sale targeted advertising data-driven marketing consumer profiling advertising efficiency niche markets personalized marketing market segmentation data collection big data in marketing behavior analytics e-commerce digital marketing demographic targeting customer insights specialty manufacturers aggregate trends marketing analytics data aggregation consumer trends business responsiveness personalization market access digital consumer data adaptive business strategies customer data platforms personal data usage consumer data analytics targeted advertising microtargeted marketing marketing data collection personalized marketing digital advertising efficiency behavioral targeting data-driven marketing online consumer profiling e-commerce data demographic segmentation business data aggregation niche market identification market segmentation customer insights marketing optimization small business data benefits data-enabled entrepreneurship marketing personalization data-informed product development digital market trends personalized consumer experience advertising ROI improvement data-based business strategies competitive advantage through data targeted advertising data-driven marketing personalized marketing consumer segmentation demographic targeting behavioral targeting microtargeting big data analytics predictive analytics customer profiling digital marketing data collection privacy concerns e-commerce consumer trends market segmentation niche markets specialty products consumer insights data monetization data brokerage online advertising real-time marketing dynamic pricing customer relationship management (CRM) recommendation systems programmatic advertising data mining marketing automation data privacy regulations direct marketing personal data benefits for businesses targeted advertising efficiency niche market growth through data evolution of marketing strategies impact of data collection on advertising benefits of consumer data in e-commerce personalization in marketing demographic data utilization consumer trend analysis with data specialty market development via personal data data-driven advertising cost reduction business responsiveness to consumer data adaptation to consumer demand using data competitive advantage from personal data digital marketing and consumer behavior markets served by personal data aggregation efficiency improvements in advertising business innovation through consumer data small business access to niche markets transformation of product and service offerings with data personal data collection targeted advertising niche markets data-driven marketing consumer profiling digital marketing efficiency market segmentation behavioral advertising online data aggregation personalized marketing specialty manufacturers demographic targeting e-commerce trends consumer demand analysis big data marketing analytics in advertising predictive marketing real-time market trends customer data monetization microtargeting marketing automation audience insights business responsiveness adaptive product development consumer behavior analysis digital advertising strategies competitive advantage data small business marketing market personalization internet marketing trends advertising cost reduction personal data collection benefits targeted advertising niche market growth efficient marketing strategies consumer data utilization personalized marketing specialty manufacturers data-driven decision-making e-commerce impact consumer trends analysis demographic targeting online marketing efficiency digital advertising effectiveness data aggregation in business business responsiveness to consumers adapting to changing consumer preferences market segmentation small business competitiveness advertising cost reduction aggregate consumer behavior analysis personal data storage data-driven marketing targeted advertising niche markets data collection consumer profiling personalized marketing demographic targeting behavioral data market segmentation digital advertising big data analytics e-commerce consumer trends specialty markets data aggregation online consumer data marketing efficiency market responsiveness predictive analytics tailored advertising information gathering business intelligence customer insights microtargeting data monetization consumer behavior analysis real-time marketing data-enhanced advertising aggregate trends business adaptation competitive advantage specialty manufacturers service personalization market innovation individualized advertising dynamic markets digital commerce advertising cost reduction personal data storage personal data sale marketing efficiency targeted advertising niche markets consumer data collection internet marketing data-driven marketing specialty manufacturers service providers advertising cost reduction aggregate consumer trends e-commerce growth data-driven product development demographic targeting responsive business models market segmentation digital marketing strategies information aggregation personalized marketing consumer behavior analysis online advertising data analytics microtargeting small business growth adaptive product offerings evolving consumer demands personalization data monetization business intelligence consumer insights market responsiveness data collection targeted advertising personalized marketing consumer segmentation niche markets marketing efficiency digital marketing behavioral targeting demographic analysis market trends business responsiveness e-commerce impact advertising cost reduction specialty manufacturers online consumer data market expansion consumer demand analysis data-driven marketing customer profiling information aggregation adaptive business strategies microtargeting audience targeting personalized offers marketing analytics data-driven marketing targeted advertising consumer behavior analysis personalized advertising niche market strategies demographic targeting online advertising efficiency marketing automation behavioral targeting big data analytics data aggregation consumer segmentation digital marketing innovation e-commerce trends microtargeting market responsiveness specialty product marketing business intelligence data monetization predictive analytics privacy concerns customer profiling Internet marketing advertising ROI market competition adaptive advertising marketing personalization
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro02a	"Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. developing countries China India rapid economic growth global greenhouse gas emissions fossil fuel consumption deforestation industrialization rising emissions environmental movement developed countries standard of living annual emissions increase Joseph Romm energy efficiency renewable energy climate change atmospheric GHGs Copenhagen climate agreement Kyoto Protocol global temperature stabilization emission reduction challenges sustainable development environmental impact mitigation strategies policy response international cooperation emerging economies carbon footprint environmental sustainability developing nations emerging economies China India global greenhouse gas emissions fossil fuels deforestation economic growth rising emissions climate change environmental movement developed countries standard of living emissions trends Joseph Romm energy policy Copenhagen summit Kyoto Protocol temperature stabilization international climate negotiations climate policy atmospheric greenhouse gases mitigation strategies carbon emissions sustainability rapid industrialization renewable energy carbon footprint global warming climate impact emerging economies industrialization carbon emissions greenhouse gases climate change energy consumption renewable energy environmental policy sustainable development economic growth population growth urbanization mitigation strategies carbon footprint Paris Agreement clean technology energy transition global warming air pollution environmental impact international cooperation adaptation environmental justice energy security fossil fuel dependence land use change afforestation reforestation developing world emissions growth developing country GHG emissions trends China India emissions comparison fossil fuel use developing nations deforestation impact developing countries history of environmental movements standard of living and environmentalism future projections developing country emissions Joseph Romm climate policy China emissions global impact effect of developing world on climate change developed vs developing country emissions international climate agreements developing world emissions stabilization challenges Copenhagen vs Kyoto climate negotiations economic growth and emissions developing countries renewable energy adoption developing world atmospheric GHG increase drivers climate change policy emerging economies energy efficiency in developing nations global greenhouse gas emissions fossil fuels deforestation rapid economic growth China India developing countries developed countries standard of living environmental movement annual emissions emissions projections Joseph Romm climate policy energy efficiency renewable energy emissions reductions climate change atmospheric GHGs emissions stabilization Copenhagen Kyoto Protocol international climate agreements growth in emissions climate impact developing world mitigation strategies sustainable development equity in climate action global temperature stabilization carbon footprint developing countries developing countries emissions global greenhouse gas emissions China emissions growth India emissions increase fossil fuel use in developing nations deforestation in developing countries climate change and developing world historical emissions developed vs developing environmental movement in developing countries Joseph Romm climate policy Copenhagen vs Kyoto climate agreements global temperature stabilization economic growth and emissions emission reduction challenges climate policy effectiveness developing world developing countries China India rapid economic growth global GHG emissions greenhouse gases fossil fuel consumption deforestation climate change environmental movement standard of living industrialization developed countries historical emissions annual emissions increase emissions reduction Joseph Romm energy efficiency renewable energy atmospheric greenhouse gases temperature stabilization international climate agreements Copenhagen Kyoto Protocol mitigation strategies emerging economies carbon footprint global warming environmental policy sustainable development developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation developed world standard of living environmental movement annual emissions Joseph Romm energy efficiency renewable energy temperature stabilization atmospheric GHGs climate change Copenhagen climate talks Kyoto Protocol emissions reduction global warming environmental policy economic development international climate agreements sustainable development economic growth population growth industrialization energy consumption coal use renewable energy adoption carbon emissions climate policy sustainable development environmental impact urbanization energy transition climate mitigation international agreements clean technology deforestation rates emission reduction strategies energy efficiency global warming development disparities global warming greenhouse gas emissions climate change industrialization environmental policy renewable energy fossil fuels carbon footprint sustainable development climate agreements Paris Agreement carbon emissions mitigation strategies economic growth energy transition pollution adaptation international cooperation deforestation impacts environmental justice energy efficiency population growth climate finance developing economies clean technology environmental movement climate action emissions reduction climate policy"
test-international-ehbfe-pro05a	A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. federal Europe European integration multinational corporations corporate accountability globalization labor standards fair wages safe working conditions social costs environmental regulation corporate governance global economy supranational regulation economic sovereignty regulatory power policy harmonization environmental protection global warming transnational companies EU policy market regulation national sovereignty corporate responsibility economic union European Union state protection regulatory standards federal Europe European Union integration multinational corporations regulation corporate accountability globalized economy regulation labor standards Europe fair wages EU safe working conditions Europe corporate social responsibility Europe environmental regulation Europe EU sovereignty economic governance Europe European economic policy multinational business accountability environmental standards multinational global warming European policy anti-corporate tax avoidance Europe social costs multinational EU labor rights corporate power regulation Europe federal Europe European integration multinational corporations corporate accountability globalisation corporate regulation fair wages labor standards environmental policy EU regulation corporate social responsibility tax avoidance economic sovereignty transnational governance state protectionism regulatory harmonization social costs workers’ rights environmental standards global warming corporate power supranational authority EU competition policy economic union international business ethics anti-tax competition European Commission sustainable development federal Europe regulation of multinationals European Union accountability multinational corporations EU economic power over global companies EU enforcement of corporate social responsibility harmonized labor standards in Europe tackling tax avoidance by multinationals in Europe federal Europe and corporate environmental policy EU-wide business regulations multinational corporations and European labor rights globalisation impact on European sovereignty federalism as a solution to corporate tax competition EU as a check on corporate lobbying European enforcement of fair wages EU regulation of corporate environmental standards Europe united against corporate exploitation federal Europe addressing wage dumping environmental standards for multinationals in Europe centralized corporate oversight in federal Europe multinational corporations corporate accountability globalised economy regulatory standards fair wages safe working conditions environmental policy global warming economic sovereignty EU regulation labor rights social cost transnational governance corporate responsibility economic integration multinational regulation state protection business ethics policy harmonization environmental standards global governance anti-competition European Union collective bargaining cross-border regulation federal Europe accountability multinational corporation regulation Europe EU corporate responsibility global economy multinational oversight European Union business standards taming multinational corporations Europe corporate governance federal Europe fair wages multinational companies Europe EU environmental regulation multinationals sovereignty and globalisation Europe Europe regulating global businesses social costs corporate Europe state protection multinational corporations EU safe working conditions Europe European Union economic power EU policy multinational accountability global warming multinational companies Europe effective independence globalization Europe European integration multinational regulation harmonized corporate policy EU federal Europe European integration multinational corporations corporate accountability economic regulation globalisation fair wages labor standards working conditions state intervention social costs environmental policies climate change global warming corporate social responsibility European Union sovereignty market regulation governance policy harmonisation supranational authority international business ethics economic power regulatory standards corporate governance transnational regulation competition law worker protection cross-border regulation economic independence global economy unified policy federal Europe accountability multinational corporation regulation Europe EU corporate governance federal European Union benefits EU multinational business standards European regulation global corporations fair wages EU policy safe working conditions Europe European Union environmental standards global warming EU action European sovereignty economy taming multinationals Europe EU corporate responsibility European Union social costs EU economic player multinational businesses environmental policy multinational corporations European federalism corporate regulation globalized economy European response EU labor standards multinational corporation accountability Europe federal Europe multinational corporations corporate accountability global economy fair wages safe working conditions environmental policy global warming European Union regulation corporate social responsibility labor standards economic integration sovereignty globalization state protectionism regulatory power business ethics policy harmonization international labor rights environmental standards transnational governance federal Europe multinational corporations corporate accountability global economy regulatory standards fair wages labor rights social protection state intervention worker safety EU regulation business ethics environmental policy global warming climate action economic sovereignty cross-border governance tax avoidance social responsibility corporate regulation international law fair competition supranational authority sustainable development corporate governance policy enforcement transnational companies economic integration European Union green policies market regulation
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Eurozone exit Grexit Greek economy long-term impact economic stability single currency investor confidence hyperinflation austerity measures European trade permanent benefits short-term costs monetary union currency collapse euro membership Greek default capital investment trade efficiency financial crisis economic growth European integration Eurozone exit Grexit Greek economy long-term effects economic stability currency collapse investor confidence hyperinflation risk single currency benefits European trade transaction efficiency investment flows austerity measures permanent benefits short-term growth euro membership fiscal policy economic integration financial crisis monetary union sovereign default international trade economic recovery capital flight inflation control policy uncertainty structural reforms economic resilience financial markets euro area Eurozone Grexit Greece economy long-term impact currency stability investor confidence hyperinflation economic crisis trade efficiency single currency austerity measures fiscal policy economic growth Euro benefits transitory effects permanent benefits European Union financial markets monetary integration foreign investment economic recovery euro membership inflation risks sovereign debt trade relations economic stability Greece Eurozone exit consequences Greek hyperinflation risk long-term benefits of Euro membership Eurozone stability for investors Greek economic growth post-Eurozone Eurozone trade efficiency Greek trade with EU partners impact of default and exit on Greek economy permanence of Eurozone membership benefits austerity measures vs. economic growth Greece single currency advantages effects on foreign investment Greece transaction costs Eurozone vs. drachma Greek economic recovery scenarios European Union integration impacts currency collapse protection Euro transitory growth vs. sustainable growth Greece impact on Greek banking sector Greece-EU political relations Eurozone crisis Eurozone exit Greece long-term effects Greek economy stability Euro benefits investor confidence currency collapse hyperinflation risk single currency advantages intra-European trade austerity measures investment efficiency capital flight default consequences economic integration financial markets trade relationships monetary union fiscal policy European Union economics sovereign debt crisis economic growth structural reforms Open Europe The Guardian Greek default euro area membership economic recovery trade efficiency Greece Eurozone exit Grexit economic impact Greek euro stability Eurozone membership benefits Hyperinflation risk Greece Greek currency crisis Eurozone trade relations Single currency investment efficiency Greek austerity measures Long-term economic stability Greece Greek trade with Europe Consequences of Greek default Investor confidence Eurozone Eurozone crisis analysis European economic integration Eurozone exit Grexit Greek economy economic stability single currency euro benefits euro disadvantages default consequences hyperinflation investment confidence eurozone trade cross-border transactions currency collapse austerity measures economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits European Union trade financial integration market efficiency long-term impact short-term costs investor risk monetary policy Greek debt crisis capital flight macroeconomic stability exchange rate risk financial uncertainty Greek trade relations economic recovery fiscal discipline open economy European monetary union sovereign debt Eurozone exit Greece economic impact long-term benefits Eurozone Euro stability Greece Greek investment climate hyperinflation risk Greece Greek default consequences single currency trade efficiency Eurozone trade relations austerity measures Greece Greece European trade permanent currency benefits Greek economy stability Euro investor confidence Greece single currency advantages economic integration Eurozone Greece Euro membership Greece financial crisis Eurozone crisis analysis post-Eurozone scenarios Greece Eurozone exit Greece economic impacts long-term effects currency stability investor confidence hyperinflation risks Greek trade single currency benefits Eurozone investment austerity measures transitory economic growth permanent Eurozone benefits international trade efficiency European Union integration Greek default consequences financial market reactions capital flight monetary policy macroeconomic stability fiscal policy economic recovery foreign direct investment import-export relations structural reforms economic uncertainty Eurozone membership economic stability investor confidence currency stability hyperinflation risk Greek default single currency benefits trade efficiency European trade partners austerity measures long-term economic growth short-term vs long-term effects transitory benefits permanent benefits economic integration financial markets Greek economy monetary union fiscal policy investment flows capital flight economic consequences currency devaluation inflation risks
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con02a	Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republican Party market capitalism economic freedom free market principles government intervention taxation regulation state ownership commerce individual liberty corporate power organized religion political ideology economic outcomes income redistribution welfare state limited government private enterprise deregulation conservative values capitalism supporters wealth distribution social mobility anti-socialism Republican economics laissez-faire Republican support for capitalism free market principles economic freedom government regulation state ownership opposition corporate role in democracy organized religion influence taxation effects redistribution of wealth economic inequality limited government intervention classical liberalism conservative economic policy private enterprise benefits individual liberty market efficiency supply-side economics economic growth capitalism vs socialism historical evidence government control welfare state criticism Republican Party free market capitalism economic freedom limited government deregulation low taxation state intervention private enterprise corporate power wealth redistribution social mobility capitalism vs socialism conservative ideology economic policy government overreach market deregulation private sector government regulation economic inequality individual liberty government control political philosophy Republican support for free market reasons Republicans favor capitalism government intervention and individual freedom free market versus regulation role of corporations in democracy organized religion and government power economic freedom and political freedom history of state ownership taxation and regulation risks redistribution of wealth criticism effectiveness of capitalism for prosperity welfare state versus market policies conservative views on economy Republican economic philosophy Early Riser Republican article summary counter-balance to government by corporations Republican ideology market capitalism free market principles government intervention taxation regulation state-owned enterprises economic freedom limited government corporate power organized religion redistribution of wealth income inequality conservative economics individual liberty historical examples economic policy welfare state private sector economic outcomes capitalism vs socialism economic benefits Republican Party business regulation libertarian views anti-socialism Republican support for capitalism benefits of free market government intervention in economy taxation and regulation effects state ownership of companies capitalism and personal freedom corporations counterbalance government organized religion and political power redistribution of wealth debate economic outcomes of government control capitalism vs socialism Republican economic philosophy impact of regulations on markets private sector vs public sector historical examples of government overreach wealth distribution effectiveness conservative views on economy economic freedom in America party differences in capitalism support philosophical basis for free market Republicans market capitalism free market economic freedom government intervention taxation regulation state ownership commerce economic outcomes government power corporations organized religion wealth redistribution middle class rich-poor divide economic policy conservative ideology Republican economic beliefs limited government economic history laissez-faire free enterprise economic growth social mobility individual liberty private sector anti-socialism capitalist principles Republican views on capitalism GOP economic philosophy free market principles government regulation and commerce corporate power in politics state intervention in economy capitalism and individual freedom taxation and Republican ideology regulation vs. free enterprise history of government ownership economic freedom and conservative values organized religion and government checks redistribution of wealth debate critiques of wealth redistribution market capitalism benefits Republican stance on taxation limited government Republicanism economic policy conservatism anti-socialism GOP capitalism and democracy private sector vs. public sector conservative views on wealth distribution government overreach in economy economic outcomes and policy protecting free enterprise Republican Party market capitalism free market government regulation taxation state ownership economic freedom corporate influence organized religion wealth redistribution middle class government intervention economic policy conservative principles laissez-faire economics private enterprise individual liberty economic history role of government capitalism vs socialism Republican ideology market capitalism economic freedom government regulation taxation state ownership corporate influence organized religion economic outcomes wealth redistribution free enterprise limited government conservative economics private sector income inequality economic liberalism political philosophy fiscal policy deregulation public vs private sector
test-law-ralhrilglv-con01a	Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. criminal defendants trial scheduling judicial impartiality equal treatment special privileges high-profile defendants Kenyatta Ruto Silvio Berlusconi court proceedings legal system trial fairness justice system prosecutorial discretion legal precedent court delays convenience in trial dates legal equality judicial process defendant rights criminal justice criminal trial scheduling judicial impartiality defendant privileges legal equality court trial dates high-profile defendants special treatment in courts trial date selection criminal justice process political defendants Kenyan legal system ICC cases Silvio Berlusconi prosecution Italian court system trial delays fairness in trials legal system impartiality standard judicial procedures no preferential treatment rule of law trial scheduling judicial impartiality defendant rights court procedures special privilege high-profile defendants equal treatment judicial discretion legal precedent court delays case assignment political defendants celebrity trials legal fairness scheduling conflicts justice system legal privilege prosecution process trial postponement judicial efficiency trial date selection judicial impartiality criminal defendant privileges high-profile defendant treatment special privileges in court equality before the law scheduling of criminal trials legal fairness treatment of political defendants influence on trial dates court scheduling process comparison with Berlusconi trial impact of defendant status on trial scheduling court system impartiality precedent in trial date decisions criminal defendants trial dates judicial impartiality special privileges equal treatment legal system Kenyatta Ruto Silvio Berlusconi court scheduling defendant rights criminal trials justice system trial convenience judicial process high-profile cases legal precedents court case management defendant privilege legal equality trial scheduling fairness equality before the law judicial impartiality criminal trial procedure special treatment in court legal precedent for scheduling defendant rights and privileges high-profile defendants court case scheduling process judicial efficiency Kenyatta Ruto legal proceedings Silvio Berlusconi prosecution comparison business interests and trial dates trial postponement criteria legal system consistency criminal defendants trial dates legal privilege equal treatment special privilege judicial process Kenyatta Ruto Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system prosecution criminal trial defendant rights court scheduling justice system legal fairness precedent legal convenience high-profile defendants legal impartiality business interests court delays trial scheduling judicial fairness legal standards criminal trial procedures defendant rights trial scheduling judicial impartiality special privilege in court equality before law high-profile defendants Kenyan legal system Kenyatta trial Ruto trial comparative legal systems Silvio Berlusconi case court delays legal system efficiency legal fairness public figures in court court convenience offense trials international legal comparisons trial postponement legal precedent criminal justice equality notable defendant treatment accused rights criminal defendants trial dates judicial privilege equality before the law high-profile defendants political figures in court judicial impartiality case scheduling legal precedent defendant rights special treatment in court judicial process political immunity Ruto trial Kenyatta trial Berlusconi court case fairness in legal process celebrity defendants court procedural fairness legal system delays trial scheduling judicial impartiality special treatment high-profile defendants legal privilege court proceedings equality before the law criminal justice system due process political figures on trial judicial fairness prosecution of public officials legal precedents trial date selection case management in courts comparison international legal systems Italian court system fairness in adjudication
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers protection of children military targeting war crimes International Criminal Court ICC civilian protection conflict zones laws of war humanitarian law Geneva Conventions civilian casualties recruitment of children armed conflict children's rights Africa conflicts central Asia warfare militarisation of youth prevention of war crimes communities in war child protection use of minors in war psychological impact international humanitarian law child soldier recruitment ban on child soldiers reducing war crimes targeting civilians survival strategies disarmament of children child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC enforcement conflict zones civilian protection humanitarian law child recruitment international humanitarian law use of children in armed conflict war zone protections Geneva Conventions violation consequences developing world wars normalization of child soldiering targeting civilians children in warfare child protection strategies risks to communities militarization of children African conflicts Central Asian conflicts mass displacement civilian massacres surprise attacks condemnation of child soldier use legal prosecution human rights protecting minors in war child soldiers military targets civilian protection ICC enforcement war crimes conflict zones child militarisation humanitarian law international law civilian targeting developing world warfare protection of children atrocity prevention community safety ban on child soldiers armed conflict African conflict central Asian warfare war crimes conviction humanitarian intervention displacement civilian massacre recruitment prevention international criminal court child protection policies battlefield ethics child soldiers impact militarization of children protection of children in conflict ICC enforcement child soldiers normalization of child soldiers targeting children conflict zones civilian protection war communities as military targets effects of child soldier ban use of children in armed conflict war crimes children humanitarian consequences child soldiers military objectives civilian communities banning child soldier recruitment children as strategic targets ethical implications child soldiers laws against child soldiers Africa Asia child soldiers child soldier accountability prevention child soldier use child soldiers military targeting war crimes ICC enforcement conflict zones civilian protection normalization of tactics developing world wars war crimes convictions child militarization communities in conflict targeting civilians humanitarian law Africa warfare Central Asia warfare international law strategic objectives civilian casualties legal accountability armed conflict displacement alternate survival strategy massacre prevention recruitment prevention military objectives child protection war zone communities child soldiers prevention of child militarization civilian protection International Criminal Court ICC enforcement war crimes normalization of child combatants impact on developing countries targeting of communities military targeting of children militarization of youth conflict zones humanitarian law international law war crimes convictions survival strategies in war African conflict zones central Asian wars protection of vulnerable populations condemnation of child soldier use child protection in armed conflict child soldiers recruitment of children war crimes conflict zones International Criminal Court ICC militarisation of children civilian protection humanitarian law laws of war Geneva Conventions crimes against humanity targeting civilians child protection children's rights African war zones central Asia conflicts arms control war zone communities military objectives strategic targeting international humanitarian law child exploitation forced conscription child combatants ethnic violence genocidal violence mass displacement civilian casualties child victimization humanitarian intervention child soldiers military targets civilian protection war crimes ICC enforcement conflict zones normalization of violence child militarization humanitarian law African warfare Central Asia conflict war crime convictions community targeting displacement massacre prevention child protection Geneva Conventions child rights armed conflict alternate survival strategies battlefield ethics international humanitarian law human rights violations strategic objectives recruitment of minors warzone communities child soldiers military targets conflict zones ICC enforcement war crimes civilian protection developing world normalisation humanitarian law war zones displacement civilian casualties Africa warfare Central Asia conflict militarisation of children battlefield ethics community targeting protection of children international law armed conflict prevention child soldier ban Geneva Conventions human rights recruitment of minors mass atrocities war crime accountability child protection strategic objectives organised massacres civilian resistance human security rules of war child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC enforcement humanitarian law civilian protection international law conflict zones child protection humanitarian intervention use of children in war war zone communities targeting civilians Geneva Conventions human rights African conflicts central Asia warfare recruitment of children militarisation of children impact on families armed conflict survival strategies civilian casualties organised displacement warfare tactics rules of engagement Rome Statute United Nations protection of minors post-conflict society child rights violations international humanitarian response
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con02a	"It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - resentment community targeting arranged marriages Euro-Asian identity inter-community tensions Europe non-Muslim-Muslim relations London protests ""Innocence of Muslims "" extremism anti-Muslim sentiment cultural practices intolerance secular liberalism law and identity cultural integration inclusion veil ban minority rights religious freedom Islampohobia social cohesion discrimination multiculturalism identity politics anti-immigrant sentiment policy impact integration challenges cultural diversity Muslim families vulnerability of minorities prejudice arranged marriages cultural identity Euro-Asian communities Muslim families religious practices immigration integration secular liberalism anti-Muslim sentiment multiculturalism intolerance social cohesion extremist tendencies ethnic tensions veil ban Europe protests minority rights social integration cultural traditions religious tolerance inclusive policies Islamophobia community targeting identity politics multicultural Europe risks of bans societal unrest arranged marriages Euro-Asian communities Muslim families cultural identity religious practices social integration secular liberalism intolerance community tensions extremism Islamophobia Europe protests veil ban multiculturalism minority rights social cohesion discrimination London protests cultural practices integration policy arranged marriages cultural significance impact of banning arranged marriages Euro-Asian community identity religious practices and legal restrictions integration versus intolerance effects of veil bans in Europe Muslim community and European laws protests against anti-Muslim sentiment secular liberalism versus discrimination extremism and social policy multiculturalism and law social cohesion and minority rights targeting Muslim family practices anti-Muslim protests Europe case studies of integration policies consequences of cultural bans community reactions to legislative intolerance identity politics in Europe inclusion versus exclusion in public policy historic examples of failed integration arranged marriages cultural identity Euro-Asian communities Muslim communities religious practices secular liberalism veil ban integration intolerance multiculturalism anti-Muslim sentiment Islamophobia London protests community tensions legal restrictions cultural assimilation community relations extremism policy impact minority rights European society social cohesion arranged marriages controversy Euro-Asian identity community resentment anti-Muslim sentiment Europe secular liberalism criticism integration policies Europe banning religious practices Muslim family traditions veil ban Europe extremism risk laws intolerance in legislation equality and multiculturalism identity politics Europe protests over cultural practices inclusion vs exclusion Islamophobia Europe cultural integration debates policy impact on minorities religious freedom Europe multicultural policies challenges social cohesion Europe arranged marriages cultural identity Euro-Asian communities multiculturalism religious practices Muslim families community tensions anti-Muslim sentiment secular liberalism discrimination integration social cohesion Islamophobia religious freedom civil rights legal bans cultural intolerance minority rights extremism protests veil ban London protests social inclusion targeting minorities intercommunity relations cultural traditions forced marriage societal impact religious tolerance legal restrictions European society arranged marriages Euro-Asian communities Muslim families integration challenges cultural identity religious tensions secular liberalism intolerance Europe Islamophobia veil bans multiculturalism social cohesion community targeting identity politics extremism protests London anti-Muslim sentiment legislation impact cultural practices minority rights inclusion policies religious freedom cross-cultural conflict anti-discrimination policy backlash arranged marriage cultural identity Euro-Asian communities Muslim families religious freedom secularism liberalism social integration ethnic tensions Islamophobia multiculturalism minority rights London protests veil ban extremist tendencies intolerance community relations social cohesion discrimination European multicultural policies anti-Muslim sentiment inclusion policies civil rights legislative impact integration challenges arranged marriages Euro-Asian communities Muslim families social integration secular liberalism cultural identity religious tolerance Islamophobia anti-Muslim sentiment veil ban multiculturalism minority rights community resentment extremism social cohesion cultural practices European laws discrimination immigrant communities protest movements"
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro02a	It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, EU agricultural subsidies Common Agricultural Policy CAP reform farm payments disparity EU new vs old members CAP payments per hectare agricultural competitiveness Eastern European agriculture subsidy allocation income inequality EU Poland CAP Bulgaria CAP Romania CAP Western European subsidies arable land payments EU fairness EU equality agricultural policy EU farm income support EU market competition agricultural reform EU Common Agricultural Policy CAP reform EU agricultural subsidies subsidy disparities payment inequality new EU member states Eastern Europe agriculture direct payments arable land payments Poland agricultural support Bulgaria agricultural subsidies Romania EU funds Western Europe vs Eastern Europe EU market competitiveness agricultural policy fairness rural development funding EU cohesion subsidy per hectare CAP fairness agricultural support mechanisms Common Agricultural Policy CAP reform EU subsidies agricultural payments payment disparities EU budget eastern EU members western EU countries rural development farm policy subsidy allocation agricultural competitiveness EU market inequalities new vs old member states income support regional disparities CAP fairness subsidy distribution agricultural policy reforms agri-food sector European integration EU cohesion direct payments crisis in agriculture policy discrimination EU solidarity EU CAP payment inequality new versus old EU member states agricultural subsidies EU CAP reform demands Eastern Europe CAP payments per hectare disparity support for Eastern European farmers monetary aid differences EU agriculture fairness in EU agricultural policy EU farm subsidy allocation competitiveness of new EU members agricultural economic struggles new EU calls for equal CAP payments reforming Common Agricultural Policy disparity in EU agricultural support EU policy fairness debate impact of CAP on Eastern Europe sustaining new member state agriculture aid distribution in EU farming food quality EU competition financial support comparison EU countries CAP payments EU agricultural subsidies Common Agricultural Policy inequality new vs old EU members arable land payments agricultural support disparities Eastern EU agriculture Western EU subsidies CAP reform proposals Poland CAP payments Bulgaria EU agriculture Romania agricultural subsidies farm income inequality EU rural development funding EU market competitiveness CAP fairness agricultural policy disparities EU structural funds financial support for farmers EU farm payment distribution EU cohesion policy agricultural sector new EU states farm reform Eastern Europe EU rural policy subsidy allocation European Union food production competitiveness unfair CAP distribution economic struggles new EU members payments per hectare comparison EU agricultural subsidies CAP payment disparities new vs old EU members EU farm policy fairness agricultural support eastern Europe CAP reform proposals European Union member states inequality payments per hectare comparison EU rural development funding Poland Bulgaria Romania agricultural aid CAP policy impact EU cohesion policy European agricultural competitiveness common agricultural policy criticism farm payments western vs eastern Europe EU food production support EU fairness and equality CAP reform Eastern European perspective EU enlargement Common Agricultural Policy CAP disparities payment inequality agricultural subsidies EU cohesion new member states old member states Eastern Europe Western Europe Poland agriculture Bulgaria subsidies Romania CAP CAP reform farm support EU fairness EU equality agricultural competitiveness arable land payments rural development EU market access structural funds EU solidarity EU legislation subsidy allocation convergence criteria agricultural funding CAP modernization subsidy per hectare income support farm income agricultural justice EU Common Agricultural Policy CAP payments disparity EU new member states agricultural subsidies Eastern Europe agriculture France CAP subsidies Spain CAP payments Germany farm subsidies payments per hectare EU fairness EU equality Poland agriculture support Bulgaria farm subsidies Romania agriculture funding food production competitiveness EU internal market Greece CAP payments Latvia CAP payments EU farm reforms CAP reform Eastern Europe agricultural policy inequality EU rural development agriculture dependency EU monetary support EurActive CAP article farm payment variation European Commission agriculture CAP reform EU agricultural subsidies farm payment inequality eastern vs western EU agricultural policy discrimination EU cohesion policy rural development support Common Agricultural Policy fairness per-hectare payment disparity new member state challenges sustainable agriculture EU agricultural competitiveness food production support EU market access agricultural modernization economic disparity EU CAP modernization proposals cross-country subsidy comparison income support for farmers policy harmonization EU CAP reform EU agricultural subsidies payment disparities arable land EU cohesion policy rural development farm income inequality structural funds Common Agricultural Policy agricultural competitiveness EU enlargement subsidy allocation financial fairness Eastern European agriculture Western European agriculture income disparity market competitiveness food production support new member states policy inequality EU integration subsidy reform farm payments economic disparity Poland agriculture Bulgaria agriculture Romania agriculture
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro01a	Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. religion religious justification reactionary views offensive beliefs vitriol intolerance bigotry abortion women's rights family values extremism cassock religious authority objective standards homophobia gay liberation church discrimination LGBT rights condemnation secular perspective freedom of expression religious tolerance hate speech Harry Hammond religious veneer moral judgement acceptance religious privilege social norms law and religion equality human rights Christianity preacher sermons daily life discrimination religious justification reactionary views religious intolerance homophobia in religion LGBT discrimination religious freedom vs hate speech religious bigotry secular ethics abortion and religion gender roles in religion family values and religion objective morality critique of religious views hate speech laws freedom of expression and religion religious privilege religious influence on law tolerance and religion church and social issues religious condemnation of homosexuality religious justification of discrimination secular criticism of religion religion religious justification reactionary views offensive speech vitriol tolerance bigotry abortion women's rights family values religious extremism homophobia gay liberation LGBT rights secularism religious freedom religious discrimination religious intolerance religious rhetoric free speech hate speech equality religious privilege moral authority objective morality religious veneer condemnation societal acceptance religious criticism Harry Hammond religious doctrine freedom from religion religion and reactionary views religious justification for offensive beliefs religion and bigotry religious views on abortion religious views on women religious views on family religious homophobia contrasting church views on homosexuality evaluating religious views objectively secular versus religious condemnation Harry Hammond religious case LGBT rights and religion tolerance of religiously motivated vitriol religious freedom versus hate speech objective standards for moral views religious veneer and societal acceptance criticizing religiously justified discrimination impact of religious rhetoric on LGBT people secular responses to religious condemnation role of religion in public morality religion reactionary views religious justification intolerance bigotry abortion women's rights family values extremism religious tolerance homophobia LGBT rights secularism objective morality religious critique gay liberation church views offensive speech religious authority religious freedom Harry Hammond religious discrimination religious mask religious rhetoric condemnation religious privilege hate speech religious expression religious accountability Heidi Blake Christian preacher religion and bigotry religious justification for offensive views religious intolerance and LGBT rights secular vs religious morality religion and homophobia gay rights and religion objective standards for belief systems freedom of speech and religion religious privilege in public discourse judgment of religiously motivated statements religious exemption and hate speech religion and women's rights abortion and religion acceptable family definitions religion religious veneer and societal norms Harry Hammond case religious views vs secular ethics tolerance of vitriol in religious contexts religion and social justice contrasting church attitudes toward LGBT offensive speech religious justification religious intolerance religious justification bigotry LGBT rights homophobia abortion debate women's rights family values religious freedom secularism moral relativism religious discrimination hate speech Christian fundamentalism gay liberation religious expression free speech Harry Hammond case religious authority offensive speech tolerance condemnation religious critique ethics social justice religious justification reactionary views religious bigotry homophobia in religion LGBT discrimination religious tolerance abortion religious views women's rights religion acceptable family religion secular ethics vs religious religious freedom limits hate speech religion religious privilege religious condemnation LGBT gay liberation religion Harry Hammond case religiously motivated offense objective morality religion religious views public discourse Christianity and homophobia freedom of speech religion religion and social progress religious critique religiously justified vitriol secular vs religious morality religious views social impact religion reactionary views offensive speech vitriol religious justification credibility abortion women's rights family values bigotry cassock religious belief objective morality homophobia gay liberation church views secularism LGBT rights religious tolerance Harry Hammond religious veneer freedom of speech condemnation discrimination societal norms religious vs secular hate speech blasphemy religious privilege social acceptance intolerance diversity equality rights discourse public discourse religious justification religious tolerance freedom of speech homophobia and religion religious bigotry secular ethics LGBT rights religion and morality religious views on abortion women in religion family values religious extremism hate speech religious freedom vs. discrimination Harry Hammond case religious influence on law gay rights and church subjective morality religious offense intersection of religion and society cassock symbolism Christianity and homophobia religiously motivated vitriol judging religious views objective vs. subjective values
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con02a	There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. nuclear waste alternatives above ground nuclear storage nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling French nuclear policy on-site nuclear storage nuclear waste management nuclear energy France uranium recycling environmental impact nuclear waste economic cost nuclear waste uranium mining nuclear waste technology nuclear waste monitoring western liberal democracies nuclear policy sustainable nuclear storage underground nuclear storage disadvantages nuclear waste checks and balances nuclear waste facility maintenance nuclear energy innovation nuclear waste management alternative storage methods above-ground nuclear storage on-site storage nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling France nuclear policy nuclear energy alternatives radioactive waste solutions spent nuclear fuel nuclear waste monitoring environmental impact uranium recycling cost-effective nuclear storage nuclear waste safety technological advances in nuclear waste nuclear waste minimization western democracies nuclear policy nuclear waste oversight nuclear waste facility maintenance nuclear waste storage alternatives underground storage above ground storage on-site storage France nuclear energy nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling western democracies nuclear storage monitoring uranium conservation uranium recycling environmental benefits economic benefits nuclear waste management nuclear waste policy nuclear waste technology nuclear waste disposal France nuclear policy nuclear energy alternatives nuclear waste facilities spent fuel management nuclear sustainability advanced nuclear technologies alternatives to underground nuclear waste storage above ground nuclear waste storage on-site nuclear waste storage France nuclear waste management nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling nuclear energy in France western democracies nuclear waste storage monitoring nuclear storage facilities benefits of nuclear waste reprocessing reducing uranium waste environmental impact of nuclear waste economic impact of nuclear waste storage uranium recycling sustainable nuclear waste solutions comparison of nuclear waste storage methods nuclear waste policy alternatives lessons from French nuclear policy technological advancements in nuclear waste storage above ground storage benefits nuclear waste management above ground nuclear storage on-site nuclear waste storage nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling France nuclear energy nuclear power alternatives underground storage disadvantages nuclear waste monitoring nuclear waste facility maintenance uranium recycling uranium reprocessing environmental impact of nuclear waste economic cost nuclear storage western liberal democracies nuclear policy nuclear energy France nuclear power waste solutions nuclear storage policy comparison spent fuel recycling advanced nuclear waste strategies alternatives to underground nuclear waste storage above ground nuclear waste storage on-site nuclear waste management nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling France nuclear energy strategy monitoring nuclear storage facilities environmental impact nuclear waste storage economic benefits nuclear waste recycling uranium reprocessing western democracies nuclear waste policy advanced nuclear waste technology safe nuclear waste storage long-term nuclear waste solutions sustainable nuclear waste management nuclear waste management nuclear waste alternatives above ground nuclear storage on-site nuclear waste storage nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling France nuclear energy nuclear power France nuclear waste monitoring uranium recycling nuclear waste environmental impact uranium mining uranium milling nuclear waste economic cost nuclear waste technology nuclear energy policy nuclear waste facility maintenance western liberal democracies nuclear policy spent fuel recycling radioactive waste alternatives nuclear energy sustainability nuclear waste reduction nuclear energy innovation nuclear fuel cycle nuclear waste safety above ground nuclear waste storage nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling France nuclear energy model alternatives to underground storage on-site nuclear waste management nuclear waste monitoring above ground storage benefits uranium recycling nuclear waste reduction sustainable nuclear energy nuclear power waste solutions storage facility maintenance economic benefits nuclear waste recycling environmental benefits nuclear waste recycling technological advances nuclear waste Western democracies nuclear waste policies international nuclear waste storage comparisons spent nuclear fuel reprocessing nuclear waste reuse challenges of underground storage advanced nuclear waste management systems public policy nuclear waste nuclear waste management France nuclear waste alternative strategies nuclear waste management nuclear waste storage above-ground storage nuclear reprocessing nuclear recycling France nuclear energy Western democracies nuclear technology nuclear waste alternatives onsite storage nuclear facility monitoring uranium savings uranium mining environmental impact economic cost nuclear waste reduction nuclear policy nuclear sustainability advanced nuclear countries nuclear fuel cycle nuclear waste disposal nuclear power plant safety spent fuel management nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling above-ground nuclear waste storage nuclear waste management alternatives France nuclear energy model onsite nuclear waste storage nuclear waste policy comparison environmental impacts nuclear waste economic benefits nuclear recycling nuclear waste monitoring uranium resource conservation nuclear power waste solutions nuclear fuel cycle spent nuclear fuel nuclear waste minimization sustainable nuclear waste practices nuclear waste technology advanced nuclear waste strategies international nuclear waste storage nuclear waste legislation
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con03a	Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Israeli settlers West Bank settlements East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders settlement expansion occupied territories Jewish outposts Palestinian land Israeli security national security Israeli-Palestinian conflict settler population strategic areas Israeli withdrawal internal turmoil fundamentalist Jews civil unrest Israeli citizenship government promises two-state solution land disputes peace process Rabin-Arafat agreement settlement removal demographic changes Israeli settlements occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Jewish settlers Israeli citizens strategic outposts Palestinian land two-state solution Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlement expansion settlement removal Jewish civil war Israeli government policy security barrier demographic impact international law withdrawal obstacles settlement demographics peace negotiations settlement population growth Rabin-Arafat handshake Israeli moral duty internal turmoil fundamentalist Jews Israeli national security settler rights land disputes settlement outposts Israeli settlements West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Jewish settlers Israeli citizens outposts settlement expansion national security Israeli-Palestinian conflict forced removal Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews settlement policy internal turmoil moral duty border withdrawal settlement demographics two-state solution Palestinian land Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat peace process settlement legality population growth Israeli government international law peace negotiations Middle East conflict settlement barrier settler resentment Israeli settlements expansion West Bank demographics Israeli settlers statistics implications of settlement growth Israeli withdrawal 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlements reasons against withdrawal Jewish presence in West Bank settlement outposts East Jerusalem settlers Golan Heights settlers historical settlement population Israeli government settlement policy internal Israeli conflict over settlements moral duty to settlers socio-political impact Israeli settlements two-state solution barriers Israeli security and settlements settler family perspectives settlement removal challenges fundamentalist Jewish views settlements settlement effects on peace process Israeli civil war risk over settlements Israeli promises to settlers strategic vs Israeli settlements West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli citizens settlement expansion strategic outposts settlement demographics Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish civil war settler removal government policy settlement legality moral obligations national security Palestinian land two-state solution settlement barriers Israeli withdrawal internal turmoil fundamentalist Jews Haaretz Christian Science Monitor Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Oslo Accords Israeli settlements West Bank occupied territories East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Jewish settlers Israel-Palestine conflict settlement expansion Israeli withdrawal Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Oslo Accords settlement outposts Palestinian land Israeli national security Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews moral duty Israel Israeli citizenship Haaretz Christian Science Monitor George Mitchell two-state solution settler removal Israeli government policy demographic impact settlements peace process Israeli-Palestinian negotiations Israeli settlements occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli citizens settlement expansion Jewish presence strategic areas outposts Palestinian land Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Oslo Accords Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlement evacuation Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews government promises moral duty internal turmoil citizens' rights non-withdrawal security concerns peace process Haaretz Christian Science Monitor Israeli settlements West Bank occupied territories East Jerusalem Golan Heights Israeli settlers 1967 borders settlement expansion strategic outposts Jewish civil war settler removal Israeli-Palestinian conflict Israeli government policy national security moral duty withdrawal debate two-state solution settlement demographics settler population growth Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House handshake Palestinian land Israeli citizenship settler rights internal turmoil Israel Israeli-Palestinian peace process settlement legality international law land disputes Middle East conflict Israeli settlements occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders settlement expansion Jewish settlers Israeli withdrawal Palestinian land strategic outposts Israeli-Palestinian conflict settler removal civil unrest fundamentalist Jews Israeli citizenship moral duty national security resettlement challenges Israeli government policy two-state solution peace process Middle East conflict demographic changes settlement policy international law Israeli-Palestinian negotiations Israeli settlements West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders outposts Israeli security settler population settlement expansion Israeli government policy Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews Israeli-Palestinian conflict Palestinian land moral duty Israeli citizenship two-state solution territory withdrawal peace negotiations settlement evacuation international law UN resolutions Oslo Accords security barrier land-for-peace demographic changes right of return Jerusalem status settler violence Palestinian autonomy peace process obstacles
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro03a	Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 openness communication channels strategic trust confidence-building measures arms control trust-building diplomatic dialogue crisis management monitoring mechanisms threat perception bilateral relations international cooperation verification regimes information sharing deterrence misunderstandings escalation prevention security assurances negotiation mutual understanding Cold War U.S.-China relations mistrust diplomatic transparency hotline communication conflict prevention nuclear stability state behavior international monitoring transparency mechanisms international transparency conflict prevention trust building strategic communication diplomatic relations information sharing arms control crisis management nuclear deterrence suspicion reduction threat perception miscalculation prevention international cooperation Cold War examples US-China relations strategic trust open diplomacy hotline diplomacy trust deficit security dilemma escalation prevention military transparency confidence-building measures information openness international security international relations transparency trust building diplomatic communication arms control conflict prevention crisis management information sharing military openness nuclear deterrence strategic trust suspicion reduction threat perception communication channels hotline diplomacy US-China relations Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis security dilemma arms race peacekeeping international cooperation miscalculation prevention policy transparency strategic stability transparency in diplomacy reducing international tensions through transparency role of transparency in preventing war transparency in crisis management transparency and trust in international relations Cuban missile crisis transparency lessons communication channels in diplomacy hotline diplomacy U.S.-China strategic trust preventing arms races through transparency transparency and suspicion reduction openness in international negotiations transparency to prevent miscalculation impact of transparency on threat perception transparency in U.S.-Russia relations promoting openness between states deficit of trust in international affairs transparency and conflict prevention strategic communication between nations transparency in managing international crises transparency international relations trust deficit arms race conflict prevention diplomatic communication crisis management Cuban missile crisis US-China relations strategic trust threat inflation international tension openness international diplomacy miscalculation hotline diplomacy nuclear war prevention suspicion reduction policy transparency conflict escalation international transparency reducing international tension diplomatic communication transparency in diplomacy trust in international relations miscalculation in foreign policy Cuban missile crisis transparency arms race prevention US-China trust deficit strategic trust building openness in global affairs conflict prevention threat inflation in international relations hotlines in diplomacy state actions transparency transparency international relations trust building conflict prevention diplomatic communication arms race threat perception miscalculation nuclear war open dialogue information sharing Cuban missile crisis hotline White House Kremlin US-China relations strategic trust suspicion reduction policy openness crisis management communication channels international cooperation diplomatic trust deterrence strategic stability tension reduction war prevention transparency measures negotiation international security confidence-building international transparency conflict prevention international trust arms race prevention strategic communications Cuban missile crisis lessons US-China relations diplomatic communication crisis hotline military transparency trust deficit openness in diplomacy threat inflation miscalculation in international relations transparency mechanisms nuclear war prevention transparency policy transparency in global politics transparency in security transparency and peace US foreign policy transparency China-US strategic trust international transparency diplomatic communication trust-building arms control crisis management conflict prevention international cooperation strategic trust transparency mechanisms information sharing nuclear deterrence hotline diplomacy U.S.-China relations suspicion reduction international security miscalculation prevention transparency agreements military openness international negotiation threat perception confidence-building measures arms control information sharing communication channels trust-building diplomacy international agreements verification mechanisms strategic stability crisis management Track II diplomacy transparency initiatives military transparency conflict prevention risk reduction bilateral relations nuclear nonproliferation mutual understanding early warning systems international monitoring intergovernmental dialogue cooperative security verification protocols geopolitical tensions security dilemma
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con01a	Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . criminal justice offender removal public safety repeat offenders recidivism incarceration retribution deterrence punishment societal protection prison system Jamaica crime rehabilitation effectiveness prison programs reoffending rates moral values community safety criminal sentencing inmate reform corrections policy recidivism repeat offenders effectiveness of rehabilitation prison reform criminal justice goals deterrence retribution vs rehabilitation protecting society public safety incarceration benefits Jamaica crime statistics alternatives to rehabilitation punitive justice moral values in sentencing offender removal societal protection rehabilitation success rates restorative justice group prison activities prison vocational training sentencing philosophy public perception of justice cost of rehabilitation crime prevention incapacitation criminal justice recidivism repeat offenders public safety deterrence retribution incarceration prison system offender removal societal protection punishment moral values law enforcement Jamaica crime rehabilitation effectiveness crime rates prison reform restorative justice public outrage offender accountability crime prevention sentence severity criminal deterrence justice system priorities correctional programs prison rehabilitation societal needs offender reintegration secondary rehabilitation law-abiding citizens rehabilitation vs retribution effectiveness of prison rehabilitation programs repeat offenders statistics Jamaica criminal justice system priorities societal needs and punishment prison inmate vocational programs retributive justice advantages public safety through incarceration recidivism and rehabilitation deterrence and moral values in punishment rehabilitation success stories crime prevention strategies Jamaica public opinion on rehabilitation balancing retribution and rehabilitation cost of rehabilitation programs prison education impact on recidivism offender reintegration challenges comparative analysis: rehabilitation vs incarceration criminal justice reform debates societal protection through prison sentences effectiveness of deterrence through harsh punishment criminal justice system retribution rehabilitation societal protection repeat offenders recidivism Jamaica crime public safety prison reform deterrence moral values criminal punishment offender removal prison programmes inmate rehabilitation secondary concerns retributive justice societal needs law abiding citizens offender reintegration punishment versus rehabilitation cost of rehabilitation public outrage justice priorities group activities in prisons professional training for inmates symbolic justice deterrent effect prison sentencing non-guilty protection rehabilitation vs retribution effectiveness of criminal rehabilitation recidivism rates Jamaica prison reform Jamaica societal needs criminal justice deterrence criminal justice rehabilitation programs success public safety criminal justice rehabilitation vs punishment offender recidivism statistics retributive justice benefits moral values punishment impact rehabilitation on crime rates rehabilitation as secondary goal removing offenders from society group activities prison rehabilitation professional skills training prisons protecting law abiding citizens criminal justice goals Jamaica rehabilitation public opinion deterrent effect punishment cooking programs inmates repeat offenders Jamaica prison rehabilitation impact societal protection criminal justice rehabilitation and re criminal justice retribution rehabilitation repeat offenders recidivism incarceration public safety offender removal societal protection prison reform recidivist crime deterrence moral values public outrage punitive approach restorative justice incarceration effectiveness rehabilitation programs prison education group activities retributive justice sentence severity deterrent effect inmate rehabilitation societal needs law enforcement crime prevention criminal sentencing justice system priorities non-guilty protection punishment philosophy Jamaica crime statistics correctional effectiveness offender reintegration prison qualifications secondary concerns rehabilitation primary concern security public protection criminal justice system rehabilitation vs retribution effectiveness of rehabilitation repeat offenders recidivism rates prison reform public safety societal needs Jamaica crime rates deterrence theory prison programming offender reintegration cost of rehabilitation retributive justice moral values and punishment inmate vocational training community protection sentencing policy public opinion on rehabilitation prison overcrowding criminal justice priorities restorative justice law enforcement perspectives correctional system crime prevention strategies punishment vs rehabilitation debate recidivism retributive justice public safety prison reform offender rehabilitation criminal deterrence societal protection criminal punishment restorative justice incarceration effectiveness repeat offenders correctional programmes crime prevention societal needs moral values justice system priorities inmate education prison vocational training community safety punitive measures criminal justice philosophy Jamaica crime statistics cost of rehabilitation prison overcrowding public perception of crime victim protection recidivism criminal justice system incarceration public safety deterrence retributive justice rehabilitation effectiveness prison reform repeat offenders societal protection punishment vs rehabilitation correctional programs crime prevention moral values offender removal Jamaica crime statistics cost of rehabilitation prison education programs offender reintegration justice system priorities public opinion on justice sentencing policies prison overcrowding community safety law enforcement perspectives
test-international-segiahbarr-con01a	Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals MDG progress Africa development United Nations Development Programme UNDP reports deadline challenges development indicators hunger eradication child mortality reduction maternal health improvement environmental sustainability African inequality development obstacles poverty reduction education access gender equality healthcare access economic growth policy implementation international aid sustainable development social inequality infrastructure development governance issues poverty alleviation global health resource allocation progress barriers sustainable solutions African governments Millennium Development Goals MDGs Africa development challenges MDG progress United Nations poverty eradication hunger eradication child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability barriers to development African inequality development targets UNDP reports failure factors policy implementation MDG deadlines socioeconomic development sustainable development health indicators progress evaluation Africa development strategies sub-Saharan Africa MDGs development outcomes government efforts public health education gender equality infrastructure development Millennium Development Goals MDGs Africa MDG progress UNDP development targets poverty reduction hunger eradication child mortality reduction maternal health improvement environmental sustainability sustainable development inequality in Africa development challenges deadline for achieving MDGs sub-Saharan Africa socioeconomic factors African governance international aid post-2015 development agenda SDGs statistical monitoring regional disparities completion barriers policy interventions global development goals challenges in achieving Millennium Development Goals Africa reasons for MDG failure in Africa impact of inequality on MDG progress solutions for accelerating MDG achievement Africa comparison of MDG progress between African countries role of international aid in MDG attainment Africa post-2015 development agenda Africa lessons learned from MDG implementation Africa barriers to sustainable development Africa United Nations strategies for MDG progress policy recommendations for achieving MDGs Africa factors hindering hunger eradication Africa child mortality reduction efforts Africa maternal health improvement initiatives Africa environmental sustainability challenges Africa evaluation of African government efforts towards MDGs UNDP reports on Millennium Development Goals MDG progress Africa Africa development challenges United Nations Development Programme MDG deadlines Africa child mortality Africa maternal health Africa hunger eradication Africa environmental sustainability Africa inequality in Africa causes of MDG failure African government efforts MDG socioeconomic inequality Africa global development targets Africa MDG progress report UNDP Africa sustainable development Africa poverty reduction Africa African developmental roadblocks post-2015 development agenda Millennium Development Goals challenges Africa MDG progress Africa causes of MDG failure Africa inequality impact on MDGs Africa United Nations Development Programme MDG reports eradication of hunger Africa MDG reduction of child mortality Africa MDG maternal health improvement Africa MDG environmental sustainability Africa MDG deadlines for MDGs Africa development barriers Africa MDG African government efforts Millennium Goals policy solutions MDG Africa socioeconomic inequality Africa MDG lessons learned Millennium Development Goals Millennium Development Goals MDGs Africa United Nations UNDP development targets hunger eradication poverty reduction child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability progress reports development challenges inequality roadblocks achieving MDGs sub-Saharan Africa 2015 deadline underdevelopment sustainable development African governments global development social inequality public health economic growth monitoring progress international aid donor agencies policy interventions Africa development reports Millennium Development Goals MDGs Africa MDG progress Africa MDG challenges African inequality MDG UNDP MDG reports Africa development goals child mortality Africa maternal health Africa hunger eradication Africa environmental sustainability Africa African government MDG efforts MDG deadlines Africa underachievement MDGs Africa development obstacles Africa socioeconomic inequality Africa Africa poverty reduction Africa health indicators MDG targets Africa United Nations Africa development Millennium Development Goals MDG progress Africa United Nations Development Programme UNDP Africa development MDG challenges MDG deadlines child mortality Africa maternal health Africa hunger eradication Africa environmental sustainability Africa inequality Africa Africa economic growth MDG unmet targets African government efforts development indicators Africa poverty reduction Africa sustainable development Africa health outcomes Africa education Africa MDG failures causes policy recommendations Africa international aid Africa governance Africa social inequality Africa African progress reports Millennium Development Goals Africa progress MDG challenges MDG deadline MDG success factors UNDP MDG report African development hunger eradication Africa child mortality Africa maternal health improvement environmental sustainability Africa African inequality MDG failure causes MDG policy intervention development policy Africa sustainable development Africa poverty reduction Africa social inequality Africa obstacles to MDG Africa African government efforts post-2015 development agenda Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) development indicators Africa economic growth Africa MDG evaluation
test-politics-lghwdecm-con03a	Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. mayoral costs elected mayors expenses referendum costs administrative expenses mayoral budget council spending public office costs deputy mayor expenses mayoral staff office expenses official vehicles publicity budget local government finance budget cuts council services governance costs municipal administration city leadership costs expenditure on mayors cost-benefit analysis mayors council elections public sector spending austerity and local government urban administration mayoral elections taxpayer burden mayoral election costs mayoral administrative expenses council budget impact cost-benefit analysis elected mayors referendum expenses public sector budget cuts mayoral office expenditure staff and deputy costs office and vehicle allowances mayoral publicity budget local government financial impact alternative budget allocation council service funding executive mayor affordability municipal leadership costs council spending priorities governance expenditure elected official expenses cost of political leadership elected mayors referendum costs mayoral elections administrative expenses council budget cuts public spending city governance executive mayor council services deputy mayors mayoral staff city offices official cars publicity budget local government finance municipal expenditures cost-benefit analysis public sector spending austerity local authority budgets cost of elected mayors financial impact of mayors mayoral referendum expenses administrative costs of mayors budget implications of mayors mayor staff expenses mayor office budget cost comparison mayors vs. council services public spending on mayoral systems elected mayor financial analysis mayoral system budget cuts council service funding vs. mayor costs mayoral car publicity budget cost-benefit of having mayors elected mayor expenses UK mayor referendum Bristol cost mayoral system efficiency local government cost analysis mayor budget pressures replacing council services with mayor expenses elected mayors mayoral system costs referendum expenses mayoral elections Bristol council budget administrative costs deputy mayors public office expenses official vehicles publicity budget annual council costs council budget cuts public services funding city governance local government spending municipal leadership costs city management expenses cost-benefit analysis mayors local government reform mayoral efficiency civic administration city budgeting cost of democracy urban governance public sector expenditure cost of elected mayors mayoral election expenses administrative overhead of mayors mayoral office budget impact of mayors on council finances local government budget cuts alternatives to elected mayors referendum costs for mayors council service funding vs mayors financial implications of mayoral system deputy and staff costs for mayors mayoral publicity budget debate on mayoral governance costs executive mayor affordability local authority spending priorities elected mayors cost of mayors mayoral expenses referendum costs mayoral elections administrative costs local government budget council spending budget cuts council services mayoral staff mayor's office mayoral car publicity budget Bristol council executive mayor political leadership cost public spending UK local government city governance municipal expenses council funding democracy costs urban leadership Bristol mayor mayoral finance elected mayors cost mayoral referendum expenses council budget cuts administrative expenses of mayors mayor staff costs mayor publicity budget cost-benefit of elected mayors council services funding Bristol mayoral election costs public sector spending on mayors political administration expenses mayoral office costs UK local government spending executive mayor affordability governance reform costs local referendum financial impact public services vs mayor costs civic administration efficiency cost of governance structure mayor deputy expenses elected mayors council budget administrative costs local government expenses mayoral referendum Bristol council finance public spending cuts council services funding deputy mayor costs staff expenses mayoral office budget election costs mayor publicity budget local government reform municipal governance council resource allocation mayoral costs elected mayor expenses council budget impact administrative expenses mayoral election costs Bristol council spending public service funding local government expenditure mayoral office budget cost of governance council budget cuts mayoral referendum municipal finance mayoral deputies executive mayor affordability local authority spending city governance cost political office expenses council services allocation financial implications of mayors
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con04a	The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, multilingualism linguistic diversity United States history immigrant languages language heritage French influence Dutch influence Swedish influence Scottish immigrants Irish immigrants Cajun language Louisiana French Native American languages ethnic contributions language stigmatization language recognition colonial languages historical justice cultural diversity American identity language preservation multilingualism language diversity United States history immigrant languages colonial languages French influence Dutch influence Swedish settlers Scots-Irish Cajun language Louisiana French Native American languages linguistic heritage language rights language policy minority languages cultural contributions ethnic diversity language assimilation linguistic discrimination language preservation multiculturalism ethnic groups in America American identity language recognition historical linguistics bilingualism language justice multicultural heritage linguistic legacy multilingualism language diversity linguistic heritage immigrant languages French Americans Cajun language Dutch Americans Swedish Americans Scots Americans Irish Americans Native American languages language policy linguistic assimilation American history ethnic diversity language recognition historical justice cultural contributions stigmatization minority languages colonial languages heritage languages United States language rights cultural identity history of multilingualism in the US multilingual heritage United States linguistic diversity American history languages spoken in colonial America French language influence US Cajun language Louisiana Native American languages US history immigrant languages impact America non-English colonial settlers language assimilation US stigmatization of minority languages America historical contributions of language groups US ethnic diversity colonial America non-British ancestry in America recognition of multilingual traditions US language policy United States history preservation of immigrant languages US cultural contributions of immigrants US relevance of Cajun French Louisiana role of Native American languages US multilingualism and historical justice underrepresented multilingualism US language history immigrant languages Native American languages linguistic diversity language contributions United States colonial languages French in America Dutch heritage Cajun language Scots-Irish immigrants language assimilation ethnic diversity colonial America language stigmatization historical justice languages recognition of minority languages American identity early US settlers Louisiana French cultural contributions US language preservation language policy US de facto official languages indigenous languages US language and heritage ethnic composition colonies language and social justice multilingualism in American history languages spoken in early America heritage languages United States immigration and language diversity US Native American language contributions French influence Louisiana colonial languages America historical language justice US ethnic diversity thirteen colonies non-English colonists US linguistic heritage of immigrants Cajun language American history language stigmatization US recognizing minority languages US language policy United States multilingualism linguistic diversity United States American history immigrant languages language heritage colonial languages French influence Dutch settlers Swedish immigrants Scottish heritage Irish ancestry Native American languages Cajun French Louisiana language preservation cultural diversity ethnic groups stigmatization historical justice language recognition language contributions official languages minority languages historical tradition ethnic composition language assimilation English dominance cultural contributions language policy history of multilingualism United States linguistic diversity American colonies heritage languages US Native American language history immigrant languages America French influence Louisiana Dutch settlers language Swedish language colonial America Scots-Irish immigrants language Cajun French linguistic impact stigmatization of minority languages US historical recognition language contributions ethnic groups US linguistic heritage language shift American history language preservation United States multicultural language history US American colonies ethnic composition immigrant language assimilation US Native American linguistic contributions language policy colonial America multilingualism language diversity immigrant contributions linguistic heritage heritage languages indigenous languages Cajun French Louisiana languages language policy language rights language preservation US history ethnic diversity colonial languages minority languages cultural assimilation language stigmatization ancestry American identity language recognition sociolinguistics assimilation history colonial America language justice ethnic contributions language shift language maintenance Native American languages French in America Dutch colonial history Irish immigrants Scots-Americans cultural heritage multilingualism language diversity US history immigrant languages colonial languages Native American languages linguistic heritage language policy language preservation minority languages cultural diversity Creole languages ethnic groups language recognition language shift assimilation Cajun French linguistic justice language rights language stigmatization Scots-Irish Dutch settlers French colonialism American identity heritage languages
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con02a	Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. sexist advertising advertising standards advertising regulation gender stereotypes cultural values subjective interpretation social norms body image cultural relativism beauty standards censorship cultural imperialism marketing effectiveness gender roles media ethics advertising ethics consumer perception global advertising diversity in advertising cross-cultural differences self-regulation media influence regulatory challenges societal values advertising codes representation in media sexist advertising subjective standards advertising effectiveness audience values cultural differences social values personal values beauty standards body image gender roles cross-cultural perspectives universal definitions advertising regulations censorship challenges marketing outcomes cultural imperialism advertising codes biological differences thinness standards regulatory frameworks cultural relativism sexist advertising subjectivity codification advertising effectiveness cultural values social values personal values value connection product marketing consumer perception marketing outcomes cultural differences beauty standards body image gender roles sexuality in advertising societal beliefs universal definitions cross-cultural variation censorship regulatory standards cultural imperialism advertising ethics media regulation bias in advertising global advertising norms and standards advertising regulation representation advertising guidelines sexist advertising codification subjective advertising standards advertising and cultural values interpreting sexist advertising challenges in defining sexist ads cross-cultural advertising norms beauty standards in advertising gender roles in marketing cultural relativism and advertising censorship in advertising advertising ethics cultural imperialism in advertising regulation advertising and societal values advertising and body image universal advertising standards advertising regulation challenges subjective interpretation of advertising regulating offensive advertising biological differences in advertising marketing and cultural sensitivity sexist advertising advertising standards subjective norms cultural differences gender roles beauty standards cultural imperialism censorship media regulation consumer values marketing ethics advertising effectiveness societal values diversity in advertising body image global advertising cultural sensitivity media influence social norms ethical advertising cross-cultural advertising advertising regulation subjectivity in advertising advertising and cultural values consumer perception beauty standards in advertising gender roles in advertising censorship in advertising cultural imperialism in marketing universal advertising standards defining sexist advertising advertising and social norms marketing ethics cross-cultural advertising media regulation advertising effectiveness value-based advertising societal beliefs and advertising codifying advertising ethics personal vs cultural values body image in media global advertising challenges sexist advertising subjectivity codification advertising effectiveness cultural values social values personal values value connection consumer adoption marketing outcomes beauty standards body image sexuality gender roles cross-cultural differences societal norms censorship regulatory standards cultural imperialism media ethics diversity advertising standards gender stereotypes international marketing body positivity advertising regulation cultural sensitivity advertising ethics audience perception multicultural advertising sexist advertising subjective advertising advertising regulation advertising standards cultural values in advertising gender roles in media advertising ethics beauty standards in advertising body image in ads cross-cultural advertising global advertising norms advertising censorship cultural imperialism media representation gender stereotypes consumer values advertising effectiveness international marketing advertising guidelines social values in advertising media influence on society advertising policy ethical advertising practices diversity in advertising advertising industry challenges advertising law freedom of expression in advertising advertising and societal norms cultural sensitivity advertising marketing ethics sexist ads advertising regulation cultural values subjective standards beauty norms gender stereotypes cross-cultural differences advertising ethics media censorship cultural imperialism body image social norms marketing effectiveness consumer perception advertising standards gender roles women's representation advertising impact international advertising media influence self-regulation industry guidelines cultural diversity stereotype perpetuation global marketing value-based appeals sexist advertising subjectivity cultural values personal values marketing effectiveness audience perceptions social norms beauty standards body image gender roles universal definitions cross-cultural differences censorship advertising regulation codification challenges cultural imperialism advertising ethics advertising standards international advertising value appeals media regulation
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con04a	Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: corrupt states institutional corruption political violence organized crime terrorist organizations ideology-driven governance minority rule political inefficiency biased political systems persecution of dissent state-sponsored terror militant leadership lack of political experience power consolidation fringe interests civilian harm violence glorification authoritarianism state instability regime change Iran political history dissident suppression weak governance terror-linked governments non-democratic rule illegitimate violence government legitimacy terror influence human rights abuse political exclusion corruption failed states state capture kleptocracy organized crime political violence terrorism terrorist governance insurgent rule fragile states illegitimate power ideological governance minority rule authoritarianism patronage networks political repression human rights abuses persecution of dissidents politicized institutions political ignorance nepotism militia rule political instability post-conflict states conflict legacy anti-democratic regimes Iran politics regime change transitional governance non-state actors extremist groups shadow governance rebel governance corruption failed states state-sponsored terror political violence organized crime governance failure authoritarian regimes illegitimate power human rights abuses minority oppression political persecution terrorist organizations state instability political ideology militant groups regime change dissident repression Iran case study political appointments inefficient governance biased policies extremist groups violent leadership post-conflict states criminal networks power consolidation corrupt states state corruption and terrorism states created by terror institutions linked to organized crime effects of terror on governance political consequences of terrorism terrorist organizations and political power military character of terrorist groups ideology-driven governance minority rule and corruption persecution in corrupt states inefficiency in terror-created states bias in political systems after terror Iran regime change impact examples of states formed by terror corruption in post-terror governments dissident persecution in corrupt regimes organized crime in political institutions effects of ideology on political appointments transitions from secular to ideological states case studies of corrupt states corrupt states state-sponsored terrorism institutional corruption political violence organized crime governance failure terror-linked governments authoritarian regimes minority rule ideology-driven leadership political inexperience biased institutions systemic inefficiency persecution of dissent political repression westernization Islamic state transition Iran political history dissident suppression militant governance terror organizations political appointments public welfare neglect unstable governments regime change consequences violent political actors corrupt states state corruption terror-linked governments political violence organized crime in politics terrorist organizations ideology-driven governance misuse of power political system inefficiency minority rule persecution of dissent Iran political transition history of Iran government Westernizing states rise of corruption biased political systems militant leadership power and corruption effects of terrorism on politics violent governance civilian harm in terror dissident repression political process ignorance fringe interests in government BBC Iran profile corrupt states political corruption terrorism terror-linked institutions organized crime violent leaders illegitimate violence civilian harm ideological regimes minority rule political inexperience biased governance persecution of dissidents political system inefficiency power consolidation Iran regime change Islamic state state-sponsored terror governance failure extremist leadership institutional corruption autocratic rule political appointments ideological bias suppression of opposition state legitimacy state violence military character political transitions BBC News Iran regime hostility authoritarianism corrupt states state corruption institutions and terror terrorism and organized crime political corruption terrorist organizations violence in politics illegitimate violence violence against civilians ideological regimes minority rule abuse of power political inefficiency political bias persecution of dissidents Iran Islamic revolution political transformation authoritarian regimes corruption and governance power and ideology organized crime influence governance in conflict zones state failure political appointments inefficient political systems human rights abuses dissident persecution terror and governance state legitimacy violent leadership Iran case study corrupt states state corruption terrorism terror-linked governments organized crime political violence violent institutions ideology-driven governance minority rule political inefficiency biased systems persecution of dissidents Iran political transformation political appointments extremist leadership state-sponsored terror anti-Western regimes rise of corruption crime-politics nexus governance and terror authoritarian states state legitimacy institutional decay militarized governments violence and politics political repression state failure kleptocracy narco-states political violence terrorism and governance militia rule warlords extremist groups authoritarian regimes human rights abuse political persecution minority oppression political instability failed states insurgent governance organized crime networks regime change ideologically driven governance repression of dissent institutional corruption paramilitary influence undemocratic leadership anti-democratic movements shadow governments cronyism suppression of civil liberties totalitarian regimes political clientelism transitional states post-revolution governance counterinsurgency politics
test-international-aghwrem-con04a	Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. foreign intervention international involvement external influence regional powers China-Myanmar relations India-Myanmar relations regime legitimacy human rights violations democracy promotion good governance foreign investment monopolistic economy corruption legal system economic disparity market reforms transition to democracy military regime constitutional framework regional stability Russian economic transition international community political benefits economic interests Myanmar development democracy challenges governance issues authoritarianism Southeast Asia politics Myanmar democracy international intervention foreign investment Myanmar China's influence Myanmar India's interests Myanmar legitimacy of Myanmar regime human rights Myanmar regional powers Southeast Asia good governance Myanmar corruption Myanmar monopolistic markets Myanmar legal reforms Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar transition military to democracy Myanmar Southeast Asian stability Russian market comparison post-junta Myanmar foreign policy Myanmar democratization challenges Myanmar economic reform Myanmar democratic transition Southeast Asia foreign intervention economic sanctions human rights violations authoritarianism regime legitimacy regional influence China policy India policy democratic transition governance reform corruption monopolistic markets legal system reform political stability foreign investment constitutional development economic disparity market corruption Russian market comparison military government poor democracy international relations Southeast Asia politics democracy promotion rule of law international accountability political ethics Myanmar democracy challenges foreign intervention Myanmar China Myanmar relations India Myanmar economic interests international legitimacy Myanmar human rights violations Myanmar good governance Myanmar Myanmar investment risks corruption in Myanmar legal system Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar post-military transition Myanmar Myanmar regional stability Russian markets comparison Myanmar Myanmar democratic reforms monopolistic markets Myanmar flawed democratization Myanmar Southeast Asia political influence international response Myanmar consequences of external interests Myanmar Myanmar democracy foreign intervention China Myanmar policy India Myanmar relations international legitimacy regime legitimacy human rights Myanmar good governance Myanmar foreign investment Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar corruption Myanmar legal reform Myanmar monopolistic markets Myanmar Russian economic transition regional stability Southeast Asia military government Myanmar democratic transition Myanmar constitutional framework Myanmar international community Myanmar political benefits Myanmar economic benefits Myanmar democracy promotion Myanmar rule of law Myanmar Myanmar international influence foreign intervention Myanmar China India Myanmar policy legitimacy military regime Myanmar Myanmar democracy challenges human rights violations Myanmar economic interests Myanmar corruption in Myanmar monopolistic markets Myanmar governance Myanmar foreign investment negative impact Myanmar transition to democracy Myanmar constitutional reforms Myanmar regional stability Southeast Asia Russian market comparison Myanmar democratization challenges Myanmar role of China in Myanmar role of India in Myanmar Myanmar political instability legal system Myanmar future of democracy Myanmar Myanmar democracy foreign intervention international legitimacy China Myanmar relations India Myanmar relations political influence economic interests human rights violations good governance economic disparity corruption in Myanmar monopolistic markets legal system inadequacy democratic transition military government regional stability post-military Myanmar foreign investment Russian market comparison constitutional framework democratization challenges ASEAN policy regime legitimacy governance reform transitional justice sustainable development Myanmar foreign policy impact Myanmar democracy foreign intervention Myanmar China Myanmar relations India Myanmar policy international legitimacy Myanmar human rights Myanmar economic impact Myanmar regional geopolitics Southeast Asia Myanmar governance challenges good governance Myanmar foreign investment Myanmar corruption Myanmar legal system Myanmar monopolistic markets Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar military regime Myanmar transition to democracy Myanmar Russian markets comparison post-military Myanmar Southeast Asian stability role of international community Myanmar constitutional reforms Myanmar political transition Myanmar reengagement Myanmar democratic development Myanmar foreign aid Myanmar economic policy Myanmar authoritarian influence Myanmar power transition Southeast Asia Myanmar future prospects Myanmar democracy foreign intervention China influence India influence regional geopolitics economic interests human rights abuses regime legitimacy good governance corruption legal reform monopolistic markets economic disparity democratic transition post-military government stable governance international policy democratic consolidation Southeast Asia politics Russian market comparison development challenges investment risks reengagement strategies constitutional reform political accountability Myanmar democracy foreign intervention China Myanmar relations India Myanmar relations international legitimacy human rights Myanmar economic influence Myanmar political stability Southeast Asia corruption Myanmar governance Myanmar foreign investment monopolistic markets legal reform Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar regional geopolitics military regime Myanmar transition to democracy comparative Russian markets constitutional framework Myanmar reengagement policy Southeast Asia stability
test-international-gsciidffe-con02a	Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, censorship government censorship protect citizens legitimate censorship freedom of speech hate speech child pornography online filters internet censorship justified censorship repression banning pornography Iceland pornography ban China censorship Iran censorship social stability legitimate regulation freedom vs protection external intervention government control free society human rights content regulation media restriction state intervention public safety moral values ethical censorship censorship debate civil liberties government censorship legitimacy of censorship justifiable censorship protect citizens types of censorship hate speech filters child pornography censorship freedom of expression freedom of speech state control censorship for public safety national stability social values protection Iceland pornography ban censorship comparison China Iran human rights external interference in censorship censorship ethics democratic values censorship debate legitimate regulation internet censorship censorship and democracy freedom vs security digital rights moral censorship government censorship justified censorship legitimate censorship types of censorship censorship for protection hate speech censorship child pornography filters Iceland pornography ban China censorship Iran censorship protecting citizens censorship and human rights free speech restrictions national security censorship social stability cultural values censorship external intervention media regulation internet filtering censorship legitimacy protective censorship freedom vs security state control of information public safety censorship government censorship examples legitimate censorship justifications for censorship censorship for citizen protection hate speech bans child pornography filters Iceland pornography ban censorship in authoritarian regimes stability vs freedom censorship external intervention in censorship cultural values and censorship censorship for public safety free speech vs protection international perspectives on censorship government role in internet filtering comparing censorship laws ethical limits of censorship censorship and democracy repression vs protection internet censorship case studies societal values and censorship government censorship legitimacy justified censorship hate speech regulation child pornography filters freedom of expression protection vs repression authoritarian regimes internet filters societal values stability vs liberty moral censorship Iceland pornography ban external intervention international norms human rights free society media regulation national security speech restrictions public safety cultural protection repressive regimes comparative censorship ethical censorship sovereignty digital rights legitimate censorship justified censorship government censorship protective censorship hate speech filters censorship ethics censorship and child pornography freedom vs protection censorship censorship in democracies Iceland pornography ban censorship and societal values repressive censorship stability and censorship international intervention censorship types of censorship censorship and citizen safety government role in censorship censorship intent free society and censorship government censorship justified censorship legitimate censorship free speech hate speech laws child pornography laws internet censorship media regulation protection of citizens social stability national security Iceland pornography ban Chinese censorship Iranian censorship societal values external interference cultural relativism repression vs protection freedom of expression public safety civil liberties harmful content democratic values authoritarian regimes media freedom government censorship legitimate censorship protective censorship freedom of speech hate speech regulation child protection laws pornography bans national security censorship stability justification cultural values censorship repressive regimes external interference censorship ethics Iceland censorship China censorship Iran censorship free society vs. censorship democratic values internet filtering civil liberties justified censorship types of censorship censorship and human rights censorship legislation comparative censorship censorship effectiveness government responsibility public opinion on censorship censorship debate protection vs. repression government censorship citizen protection legitimate censorship undermine censorship hate speech child pornography filters freedom of expression government regulation Iceland pornography ban Chinese censorship Iranian censorship internet filtering freedom vs security repressive regimes societal values stability justification external intervention cultural relativism civil liberties human rights media regulation moral censorship public safety digital rights international standards legitimate censorship government censorship justification protective censorship free speech limitations hate speech regulation child protection laws moral censorship national security social stability foreign intervention censorship comparative censorship policies censorship ethics democratic values censorship effectiveness freedom of expression content filtering cultural values censorship repressive regimes internet censorship freedom versus safety international human rights censorship public opinion
test-international-amehbuaisji-con01a	Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. national sovereignty Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC ratification state sovereignty international law jurisdiction extradition universal jurisdiction U.S. sovereignty Israeli sovereignty supranational courts ICC jurisdiction state parties national jurisdiction principle of non-interference international justice treaty obligations transnational justice legal authority domestic prosecution international treaties criminal accountability judicial independence global governance International Criminal Court ICC critique Rome Statute state sovereignty national sovereignty international law extraterritorial jurisdiction judicial sovereignty US opposition to ICC Israel and ICC ICC and non-member states sovereignty vs international justice universal jurisdiction international tribunals ratification consequences ICC accountability state consent global governance international legal authority bilateral immunity agreements ICC jurisdiction limits sovereignty in international law international criminal justice legitimacy of ICC self-determination legal autonomy prosecuting war crimes national legal systems International Criminal Court Rome Statute national sovereignty state sovereignty ICC jurisdiction international law US foreign policy American sovereignty Israeli sovereignty extraterritorial jurisdiction prosecution of nationals international justice supranational courts sovereignty vs. international law US ratification ICC ICC criticism sovereignty concerns US ICC relations state party ICC universal jurisdiction global justice system international legal authority national legal autonomy US opposition ICC impact on sovereignty principle of non-interference arguments against ICC ratification ICC and national sovereignty Rome Statute sovereignty debate ICC jurisdiction over non-member states international criminal law versus sovereignty US opposition to ICC ICC prosecution of non-party nationals sovereignty and international courts ICC impact on American citizens Israel ICC opposition sovereignty and international justice authority principle of territorial jurisdiction state power over criminal justice ICC threat to national autonomy why nations oppose ICC sovereignty conflicts with Rome Statute ICC criticisms by the US ICC and national legal systems international law versus domestic control implications of ICC ratification for sovereignty Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC ratification national sovereignty international law extraterritorial jurisdiction state sovereignty US foreign policy jurisdictional conflict international justice criminal accountability supranational courts American exceptionalism Israeli sovereignty non-party states universal jurisdiction national judicial authority principle of complementarity international treaties global governance state consent legal sovereignty transnational justice ICC criticism human rights enforcement sovereignty vs international law International Criminal Court sovereignty debate Rome Statute ratification impact ICC jurisdiction over non-member states national sovereignty and international law US opposition to ICC ICC threat to sovereign authority international justice vs national sovereignty sovereignty and international treaties prosecutorial reach of ICC American exceptionalism ICC state sovereignty protection international courts vs domestic jurisdiction non-signatory ICC jurisdiction implications of ratifying ICC arguments against ICC ratification international criminal law enforcement ICC and US foreign policy sovereignty principle in international relations state power vs international organizations limitations of ICC authority International Criminal Court ICC Rome Statute state sovereignty national sovereignty international law international criminal law ratification jurisdiction US sovereignty Israel sovereignty extradition supranational courts international justice treaty obligations human rights transnational justice universal jurisdiction principle of complementarity state parties ICC prosecution international treaties international legal framework US-ICC relations ICC criticism sovereignty infringement global governance state autonomy diplomatic immunity international accountability Rome Statute sovereignty International Criminal Court opposition ICC jurisdiction criticism national sovereignty international law U.S. opposition ICC Israel Rome Statute stance ICC extra-territorial prosecution ICC threat to sovereignty authority justice sovereignty non-state party ICC prosecution ICC infringement national authority ICC U.S. sovereignty arguments international criminal law vs sovereignty ICC national control ratification Rome Statute debate American exceptionalism ICC ICC and state power anti-ICC advocacy U.S. non-ratification ICC ICC legitimacy challenges International Criminal Court ICC Rome Statute national sovereignty sovereignty violation international law US ratification American sovereignty jurisdiction universal jurisdiction extraterritorial prosecution state sovereignty criminal justice international justice US foreign policy treaty ratification international treaties ICC jurisdiction legal authority state parties non-state parties international relations legal autonomy supranational courts transnational justice US opposition ICC Israel ICC domestic law vs international law justice sovereignty ICC criticism global governance principle of non-interference national legal systems Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC ratification national sovereignty US foreign policy international law jurisdiction extraterritorial prosecution state parties legal immunity American exceptionalism international justice supranational courts territorial jurisdiction international agreements United Nations treaty obligations opposition to ICC state consent sovereignty erosion transnational legal order international relations global governance diplomatic immunity principle of complementarity U.S. legal system international tribunals international human rights law
test-health-dhghhbampt-con02a	The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. alternative medicine complementary therapies natural remedies traditional medicine herbal medicine holistic healing drug industry profits patenting natural substances healthcare costs medical establishment pharmaceutical patents evidence-based alternative treatments integrative medicine cost-effectiveness of remedies Western medicine criticism vested interests generic drugs free treatments global health solutions ancient healing practices pharmaceutical monopoly medical industry bias non-pharmaceutical therapies traditional healing drug manufacturing costs conventional medicine alternatives alternative medicine complementary therapies traditional medicine herbal remedies natural cures holistic health integrative medicine pharmaceutical industry critique drug patents medical establishment vested interests health economics drug manufacturing costs big pharma conventional medicine evidence-based medicine drug efficacy cost-effective treatments gene patents healthcare disparities Western medicine global healthcare ethnomedicine non-pharmaceutical treatments alternative medicine natural remedies herbal medicine homeopathy traditional medicine complementary therapies holistic health pharmaceutical industry medical industry drug patents vested interests medical establishment healthcare costs non-pharmaceutical treatments integrative medicine patenting natural remedies evidence-based alternatives conventional medicine profit motive healthcare medical industry criticism functional medicine dietary supplements ancient healing practices indigenous medicine cost-effective treatments alternative medicine efficacy big pharma profit motives pharmaceutical industry criticism herbal remedies vs pharmaceuticals traditional healing vs modern medicine vested interests in healthcare pharmaceutical patents on natural remedies cost comparison pharmaceuticals and natural treatments medical establishment and alternative therapies suppression of alternative treatments global reliance on traditional medicine corporate influence in healthcare natural therapies for disease history of medicine and drug development skepticism towards pharmaceutical companies evidence for traditional remedies generic drugs vs patented drugs healthcare affordability pharmaceutical lobbying traditional vs modern disease treatments pharmaceutical industry profits medical industry economics alternative medicine efficacy traditional remedies drug manufacturing costs medical establishment interests free treatments healthcare monopolies patenting traditional medicines pharmaceutical patents vested interests healthcare Western medicine critique natural therapies holistic health solutions drug commercialization evidence-based alternative treatments global health practices indigenous medicine healthcare accessibility cost-effective treatments alternative medicine efficacy pharmaceutical industry profits traditional remedies vs modern medicine drug company patents on natural therapies free or low-cost treatments pharmaceutical influence on healthcare skepticism of medical establishment history of natural cures vested interests in medicine cost of prescription drugs big pharma motives evidence for alternative therapies medical industry bias holistic health solutions herbal medicine research suppression of natural treatments integrative medicine approaches pharmaceutical patent practices regulation of natural remedies effectiveness of non-pharmaceutical interventions pharmaceutical industry medical industry drug companies medical establishment alternative medicine traditional remedies natural treatments holistic medicine complementary therapies patenting genes healthcare profits drug patents healthcare economics vested interests Western medicine cost of drugs free remedies herbal medicine non-pharmaceutical treatments efficacy of alternative therapies medical monopolies natural cures pharmaceutical profits healthcare system traditional healing healthcare innovation economic interests in medicine pharmaceutical industry profits medical industry revenues alternative medicine natural remedies traditional therapies holistic health complementary medicine big pharma criticism drug manufacturing costs patenting traditional remedies vested interests in healthcare non-pharmaceutical treatments Western medicine dominance herbal medicine homeopathy integrative health corporate influence in medicine healthcare monopolies cost of prescription drugs efficacy of natural treatments indigenous healing practices nutrition-based healing preventive medicine unpatentable treatments healthcare system criticism self-care health solutions pharmaceutical industry profits medical industry finance alternative medicine traditional remedies natural treatments drug patents healthcare economics pharmaceutical lobbying medical establishment cost of pharmaceuticals efficacy of alternative therapies holistic medicine Western medicine criticism drug manufacturing costs gene patenting global healthcare practices evidence-based medicine medical innovation herbal medicine integrative health healthcare monopolies alternative medicine natural remedies complementary therapies herbal treatments traditional medicine pharmaceutical industry critique drug pricing medical establishment skepticism health care alternatives holistic health non-pharmaceutical treatments vested interests patenting natural remedies integrative medicine efficacy of natural cures big pharma drug manufacturing costs gene patenting Western medicine medical monopolies cost-effective treatments
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con02a	It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. war crimes international criminal court ICC war criminals transitional justice post-conflict reconciliation restorative justice peacebuilding legal ramifications political prosecution victims' rights humanitarian impact trial effectiveness despots dictators psychological trauma collective memory historical accountability justice vs. peace population healing human rights violations accountability mechanisms truth commissions alternative justice non-judicial solutions crime deterrence war crimes international criminal court ICC transitional justice alternative justice mechanisms restorative justice truth commissions amnesty peace vs justice political prosecution retributive justice post-conflict reconciliation victim-centered approaches psychological impact of trials impact on victims despots accountability prosecution deterrence legal ramifications dictator trials public trials peace negotiations justice and peace trade-offs historical memory international law human rights violations non-judicial remedies transitional justice restorative justice truth commissions amnesty post-conflict reconciliation victim reparations peacebuilding national healing alternative justice mechanisms conflict resolution social reintegration community healing non-judicial accountability peace versus justice debate collective memory trauma recovery political stability international law deterrence effect war crimes impunity arguments against war crimes trials alternatives to ICC justice impact of war crimes trials on victims restorative justice for war crimes political consequences of prosecuting war criminals truth and reconciliation vs prosecution effectiveness of international criminal justice psychological impact of dictator trials peace vs justice in post-conflict societies US policy on ICC deterrence effects of war crimes prosecution legacy of dictators after prosecution transitional justice mechanisms societal healing after mass atrocities victim perspectives on trials non-judicial accountability for war crimes drawbacks of international tribunals ICC and political stability implications of prosecuting former leaders reconciliation processes in post-conflict states war criminals ICC International Criminal Court political prosecution peace victims justice vs peace post-conflict justice transitional justice national reconciliation Pol Pot Saddam Hussein U.S. policy human rights violations dictator trials psychological impact protracted trials legal ramifications despot accountability collective memory restorative justice retributive justice trial effectiveness societal healing trauma judicial process reconciliation strategies authoritarian regimes public opinion long-term peace policy analysis International Criminal Court debates effectiveness of war crimes tribunals alternatives to prosecution for war criminals justice versus peace in post-conflict societies psychological impact of war crimes trials on victims legitimacy of political prosecutions reconciliation versus legal accountability historical examples of war crimes trials comparative transitional justice mechanisms victim-centered approaches to transitional justice deterrence and war crimes prosecution restorative justice in international law criticisms of ICC interventions war criminal trials and social healing role of truth commissions versus criminal trials war crimes international criminal court ICC transitional justice political prosecution dictators restorative justice reparations reconciliation peacebuilding post-conflict societies human rights violations legal accountability impunity truth commissions trauma victim-centered justice psychological harm national healing authoritarian regimes international law U.S. policy Pol Pot Saddam Hussein deterrence justice vs peace prosecutorial discretion post-war justice state interests international relations humanitarian law war criminals ICC International Criminal Court political prosecution peace processes transitional justice restorative justice retributive justice victim interests post-conflict reconciliation psychological impact despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations legal ramifications U.S. policy Congressional Research Service prolonged trials dictator trials population trauma justice alternatives non-judicial accountability amnesty agreements truth commissions reconciliation mechanisms conflict resolution post-conflict therapy long-term peace international law prosecution effectiveness justice vs peace war crimes trials societal impact dictator’s psychological control national healing victim war crimes victims' interests restorative justice transitional justice International Criminal Court (ICC) political prosecution U.S. policy peacebuilding post-conflict reconciliation truth commissions reparations psychological impact post-dictatorship trauma legal accountability despots human rights violations trial impact population healing dictator trials alternative justice mechanisms international law judicial effectiveness long-term peace criminal accountability social stability historical memory transitional justice restorative justice truth commissions amnesty agreements reconciliation post-conflict peacebuilding victim-centered approaches alternative justice memory politics societal healing psychological impact deterrence international law retributive justice peace vs. justice debate trauma political stability post-dictatorship transitions legal accountability international criminal tribunal community-based justice state sovereignty political legitimacy humanitarian intervention U.S. foreign policy war crimes prosecution dictator trials collective memory international relations legal ramifications criminal impunity
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con01a	It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. right to die euthanasia assisted suicide moral absolutes killing is wrong societal norms legal frameworks blanket ban abuse prevention state sanction war exceptions legal justification murder court proceedings consent coercion sentencing moral ethics justifiable homicide end-of-life decisions patient autonomy criminal liability mental state shaken baby syndrome caregiver stress legal ambiguity consent verification slippery slope abuse risk legal safeguards ethical dilemmas disability rights palliative care terminal illness mercy killing physician-assisted death legislative approaches judicial interpretation victim vulnerability family dynamics healthcare right to die assisted suicide euthanasia moral absolutes blanket ban abuse prevention consent murder legal framework court cases criminal justice sentencing justification slippery slope coercion consent ambiguity end-of-life care vulnerable individuals societal norms legal exceptions state authority abuse of policy ethics of killing terminal illness patient autonomy safeguards legal loopholes judicial discretion mental capacity involuntary euthanasia precedent cases evidentiary challenges protection of life assisted suicide euthanasia right to die end-of-life decisions moral absolutes legal frameworks abuse prevention blanket ban consent murder court judgment criminal law justification sentencing coercion consent verification vulnerable populations legal safeguards ethical dilemmas medical ethics incapacity mental competence patient autonomy mercy killing legal precedent societal norms slippery slope state authority war exceptions judicial review assisted suicide debate right to die ethical considerations abuse prevention in euthanasia moral absolutes in killing societal norms on homicide legal frameworks for euthanasia issues with consent in right to die cases euthanasia and court challenges proving coercion in assisted dying blanket bans on assisted suicide legal dilemmas in mercy killing court limitations in euthanasia cases state authority in ending life grey areas in right to die laws shaken baby syndrome legal parallels consent verification in euthanasia potential for abuse in right to die laws moral arguments against assisted suicide risk of miscarriages of justice in euthanasia safeguards right to die euthanasia assisted suicide moral absolutes blanket ban abuse prevention legal framework court judgment murder versus euthanasia societal norms state authority war exceptions consent issues coercion sentencing justification of killing proving intent shaken baby syndrome family caregiving stress legal evidence appearance of consent safeguarding vulnerable groups slippery slope legal ambiguity Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Second Thoughts Wall Street Journal ethics of killing criminal law protecting the vulnerable right to die debate assisted suicide euthanasia ethics moral absolutes killing abuse of euthanasia blanket ban on killing societal views on murder legal definition of murder court perspective on justification consent in euthanasia shaken baby syndrome analogy frustration in caregiving coercion in consent legal safeguards for right to die abuse prevention in euthanasia laws end-of-life decision ethics Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal assisted suicide state role in euthanasia justification in sentencing legal caveats in murder cases proof burden in murder ethical dilemmas right to die slippery slope euthanasia safeguards right to die assisted suicide euthanasia legal safeguards abuse prevention moral absolutism sanctity of life blanket ban state-sanctioned killing murder vs. assisted dying murder legal definition sentencing considerations consent issues court limitations causation and justification coercion risks end-of-life ethics consent verification medical ethics shaken baby syndrome analogy vulnerable individuals forms of consent mental capacity legal nuance societal norms moral boundaries rare state-approved killing Wall Street Journal Stephen Drake Diane Coleman right to die euthanasia assisted suicide legal safeguards abuse prevention moral absolutes killing ethics murder law societal norms state approval blanket ban legal caveats criminal sentencing court considerations shaken baby syndrome coercion consent legal proof medical ethics end-of-life decisions Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Second Thoughts assisted dying legal precedent moral dilemmas consent issues euthanasia debate slippery slope wrongful death palliative care Wall Street Journal ethical frameworks legal grey areas form manipulation consent validity justifiable homicide murder conviction compassionate end-of-life right to die assisted suicide euthanasia moral absolutes abuse prevention legal safeguards consent murder definition court case challenges Shane Baby Syndrome coercion consent verification state authority war exceptions blanket ban ethical dilemmas legal framework abuse potential sentencing criminal justice intent justification vulnerable groups safeguards against abuse court evidence explicit agreement rare exceptions moral philosophy assisted dying debates legal boundaries public policy right to die euthanasia assisted suicide moral absolutes legal frameworks abuse prevention blanket ban murder laws sentencing discretion court determination consent issues coercion shaken baby syndrome frustration end-of-life care patient autonomy safeguards state authority legal exceptions war societal norms consent verification judicial challenges ethical dilemmas slippery slope healthcare ethics vulnerable populations precedent cases Wall Street Journal Stephen Drake Diane Coleman
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con03a	The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. amnesty bloggers foreign agents government propaganda public perception Western democracies collusion treason democracy nationalist sentiment China Japan territorial disputes media control external aggressor mainstream media political repression diplomatic redress human rights free speech government censorship oppression regime relations public opinion political asylum political prisoners international intervention national sovereignty state-controlled media political dissent amnesty bloggers state censorship foreign interference propaganda national sovereignty disinformation nationalist rhetoric Western democracies political asylum treason accusations media manipulation regime legitimacy external aggression public perception diplomatic condemnation freedom of speech authoritarian governments political opposition international relations human rights territorial disputes regime stability state-controlled media democracy promotion public trust soft power political prisoners civil society information warfare amnesty bloggers discredit foreign agents propaganda democracy prison nationalism public perception Western intervention state-controlled media diplomatic redress government oppression regime relations external aggression territorial disputes national identity international relations freedom of speech state justice public opinion political asylum media manipulation state sovereignty treason accusations reform movements amnesty offer discredit bloggers home government propaganda bloggers bloggers painted as foreign agents Western amnesty blogger implications collusion claims bloggers governments bloggers accused of treason amnesty amnesty weakens democracy cause democracy impact blogger amnesty imprisoned bloggers democracy movement nationalist narrative against bloggers foreign intervention media manipulation mainstream media control government government stoke nationalism bloggers China Japan nationalism media government use amnesty as propaganda adversary perception Western powers diplomatic alternatives blogger persecution condemn blogger oppression diplomatic redress human rights interfering in states’ justice consequences public perception amnesty bloggers regime relations blogger support amnesty bloggers foreign agents government propaganda discredit Western states democracy political asylum treason accusations media control nationalist sentiment diplomatic redress external interference state oppression freedom of speech public perception state justice regime relations domestic dissent information warfare international relations territorial disputes China-Japan The Economist blogger amnesty consequences foreign amnesty narrative discredit bloggers strategies home government propaganda bloggers as foreign agents democracy and political asylum state-controlled media influence nationalist sentiment manipulation Western intervention backlash diplomatic alternatives to amnesty effects of external support for dissidents perceptions of treason and reform public opinion and state media foreign collusion accusations nationalist rhetoric in authoritarian regimes protecting bloggers without asylum international response to political persecution Western democracy criticism leveraging nationalism against reformers effectiveness of diplomatic condemnation amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents discredit Western states democracies propaganda treason democracy political dissent nationalism media control public perception external aggressor diplomatic redress oppression territorial disputes state-controlled media political prisoners international relations reform collusion asylum freedom of expression human rights regime nationalist rhetoric foreign intervention political persecution amnesty bloggers foreign agents propaganda Western states democracies discredit government narrative political asylum public perception treason democracy promotion nationalist sentiment media control external interference diplomatic redress oppression freedom of speech regime relations public opinion information warfare asylum impact national sovereignty political dissent international relations state media nationalism territorial disputes perception management human rights amnesty bloggers government repression foreign agents propaganda treason Western democracies public perception collusion nationalism media control political dissent democracy promotion diplomatic redress state sovereignty external interference human rights political prisoners authoritarian regimes public opinion domestic legitimacy international relations freedom of expression national security territorial disputes China Japan regime stability political asylum discrediting tactics mainstream media manipulation amnesty bloggers foreign agents government propaganda Western states democracy political asylum discredit nationalistic sentiment media control China territorial disputes public perception diplomatic redress oppression reform external interference nationalist fires mainstream media foreign influence treason accusations international relations regime response public opinion prisoner of conscience human rights political dissent state-controlled media Western intervention public mistrust reform advocates
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, child soldiers armed conflict recruitment coercion forced conscription military exploitation child abuse war crimes human rights violations psychological trauma gender-based violence domestic violence forced marriage child soldier rehabilitation post-conflict recovery international criminal law ICC political groups armed groups propaganda social disintegration drug control child exploitation humanitarian law accountability universal values moral responsibility cultural relativism victimization violence against children demobilization long-term impact warlord legitimacy children's rights international justice child protection child soldiers armed conflict recruitment coercion forced conscription child exploitation child abuse psychological trauma war crimes International Criminal Court ICC universal values cultural relativism humanitarian law child protection child rights forced military service gender-based violence female child soldiers drug use in conflict indoctrination warlord accountability impunity post-conflict rehabilitation accountability mechanisms political armed groups child advocacy demobilization reintegration programs international justice child soldiers armed conflict military recruitment forced conscription coercion child abuse exploitation psychological trauma war crimes ICC accountability universal values cultural relativism human rights violations female child soldiers abduction indoctrination propaganda domestic violence forced marriage drug addiction dehumanisation post-conflict rehabilitation international law warlord legitimacy humanitarian intervention punishing child soldier recruitment international criminal court and child soldiers armed conflict and child exploitation coercion and forced recruitment of children child soldiers and moral responsibility psychological effects of child soldiering accountability for use of child soldiers criminal responsibility for recruiting children propaganda and child soldier enlistment drug use and control in child armies abuse and exploitation of child soldiers human rights violations against children in war preventing child soldier recruitment cultural relativism and war crimes warlords and child soldier justice female child soldiers and gender-based violence post-conflict rehabilitation for child soldiers enforcing universal values in international law prosecution of political child soldiers armed conflict recruitment forced conscription coercion abduction military exploitation abuse exploitation indoctrination child soldier propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage psychological trauma drug addiction human rights violations international criminal court universal values cultural relativism war crimes demobilization rehabilitation accountability warlord legitimacy child protection humanitarian law crimes against humanity ICC prosecution military objectives gender-based violence moral responsibility trauma recovery minors in armed groups child soldier recruitment armed conflict children forced abduction child exploitation child soldier abuse psychological trauma child soldiers child soldier demobilization child soldier rehabilitation ICC child soldier prosecution military propaganda children female child soldiers domestic violence escape forced marriage escape child soldier drug addiction expendable soldiers child soldiers international law war crimes against children universal moral values cultural relativism child soldiers warlord legitimacy child soldier accountability international criminal court human rights violations children post-conflict trauma children child soldier protection military child abuse prevention child soldiers armed conflict forced recruitment military groups propaganda social disintegration female child soldiers domestic violence forced marriage abduction military exploitation abuse expendable soldiers child gullibility drug control psychological trauma atrocity ICC universal values cultural relativism war crimes human rights demobilization rehabilitation international law warlords resistance movements child abuse moral accountability child exploitation humanitarian crisis justice system criminal responsibility accountability international criminal court political objectives child protection children's rights coercion war crimes prosecution child soldiers recruitment of children armed conflict military exploitation forced abduction psychological trauma international criminal court ICC jurisdiction crimes against humanity children in war abuse in armed groups humanitarian law war crimes prosecution use of drugs on child soldiers coercion of minors female child soldiers sexual violence cultural relativism in justice demobilization challenges rehabilitation of child soldiers child soldier propaganda community disintegration escape from abuse forced marriage accountability for warlords political armed groups international child protection human rights violations enforcement of universal values re-integration of former child soldiers prosecution child soldiers armed conflict forced recruitment military exploitation child abuse war crimes ICC (International Criminal Court) cultural relativism political armed groups child soldier propaganda domestic violence escape forced marriage social disintegration child abduction exploitation of children psychological trauma drug addiction demobilisation care abuse accountability universal values warlord impunity crimes against humanity militarization of children international law rehabilitation of child soldiers child soldier coercion humanitarian law child protection military indoctrination responsibility of commanders international justice child soldier recruitment armed conflict forced conscription child abuse exploitation war crimes child protection psychological trauma propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations coercion drug addiction International Criminal Court cultural relativism universal human rights warlord accountability post-conflict rehabilitation demobilization atrocity prevention humanitarian law child soldier demobilization international law enforcement child soldier reintegration
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con01a	Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) second amendment firearm legislation concealed carry home defense personal protection crime deterrence self-defense rights gun control debate armed citizens lawful gun owners home invasion prevention gun rights advocacy stand your ground laws civilian firearm possession public safety gun ownership benefits defensive gun use responsible gun ownership violent crime prevention concealed weapons permits Second Amendment firearm ownership gun rights self-protection home defense concealed carry legal gun owners crime deterrence personal safety civilian firearms defensive gun use right to bear arms armed self-defense gun laws public safety gun control debate victim protection responsible gun ownership gun policy handguns for self-defense family protection property defense stand your ground laws castle doctrine home invasion deterrent effect of firearms firearm regulations Second Amendment concealed carry laws crime deterrence home defense personal safety gun control debate armed self-protection legal gun ownership stand your ground laws self-defense legislation victim empowerment police response times civilian firearms concealed weapon permits public safety gun rights advocacy crime prevention defensive gun use law enforcement limitations benefits of gun ownership for self defense gun rights and home security concealed carry deterrence law-abiding citizens armed for protection effectiveness of firearms against intruders crime rates and gun ownership correlation guns as a deterrent against burglary concealed weapons and public safety self defense rights and gun laws responsible gun owners stopping crime firearm ownership impact on crime prevention police response limitations and armed citizens public perception of gun ownership for safety gun control debate and personal security concealed carry laws and crime deterrence gun ownership self defence right to bear arms law-abiding citizens home protection concealed carry firearm deterrence personal safety Second Amendment armed self-defense crime deterrence home invasion police response concealed weapons gun rights family protection self-protection laws home security public safety crime prevention legal firearms armed citizens responsible gun ownership concealed carry permits personal liberty gun ownership self defence right to bear arms firearm laws self defense concealed carry laws home defense firearms second amendment rights gun control debate armed self protection deterrence effect firearms crime prevention firearms concealed carry deterrence personal protection laws gun rights advocacy civilian gun ownership safety defensive gun use statistics guns for home security armed citizen deterrent self defence legal rights guns deter crime firearms Second Amendment personal protection home defense concealed carry gun rights self-protection civilian gun ownership crime deterrence defensive gun use armed self-defense law-abiding gun owners public safety crime prevention concealed weapons permits gun control debate right to bear arms legal firearms property protection gun legislation violent crime policing limitations victim empowerment burglary prevention rape deterrence mugging deterrence personal safety home invasion right to self-defense gun laws gun rights self defense laws home protection firearm ownership benefits concealed carry permits crime deterrence law-abiding citizens armed personal protection police response times Second Amendment prevention of home invasions rape prevention armed burglary deterrence concealed weapons laws family safety self-defense firearms citizen empowerment responsible gun ownership gun control debate right to bear arms Second Amendment self-defense laws concealed carry permits home security crime deterrence firearm regulations gun control debate personal protection police response times victim rights criminal justice gun violence statistics defensive gun use stand your ground laws legal firearms ownership public safety armed self-defense assault prevention burglary prevention handgun ownership concealed weapons laws property defense civilian gun use law enforcement limitations right to bear arms Second Amendment self-defense laws home protection concealed carry permits gun control debates crime deterrence firearm legislation personal safety gun rights advocacy legal firearm ownership armed self-defense castle doctrine stand your ground laws police response times crime rates public safety gun-free zones defensive gun use gun violence statistics criminal deterrence constitutional rights household safety
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro01a	"450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). climate change greenhouse gases GHG stabilization 450 ppm target IPCC Fourth Assessment Report global warming temperature rise CO2 emissions carbon dioxide emissions reduction developed countries developing countries Kyoto Protocol Paris Agreement atmospheric concentration climate policy international agreements mitigation strategies CO2 trajectory carbon targets sustainable development emission trends global emissions climate action UNFCCC climate commitments greenhouse gas stabilization climate change mitigation IPCC AR4 2 degrees Celsius target carbon dioxide concentration CO2 emissions reduction developed countries emissions targets developing countries emissions trends Kyoto Protocol compliance global warming limits atmospheric carbon thresholds international climate policy climate action progress historical emission reductions emission growth rate climate change agreements climate stabilization pathways temperature rise projections CO2 ppm scenarios emissions data by country climate data analysis 450 ppm scenario climate goals enforcement greenhouse gas monitoring climate treaty outcomes climate change greenhouse gas emissions IPCC AR4 mitigation targets 450 ppm stabilization CO2 concentration global warming temperature rise emission reduction developed countries emissions developing countries emissions Kyoto Protocol Paris Agreement carbon budget atmospheric carbon dioxide decarbonization climate policy emissions trajectory climate scenarios global temperature limits climate action international climate agreements carbon emissions data COP meetings climate targets 2 degree Celsius limit 450 ppm stabilization scenarios IPCC Fourth Assessment Report climate targets greenhouse gas emissions reduction pathways GHG stabilization at 450 ppm strategies global temperature rise mitigation 2C developed world emissions reduction commitments 2020 2050 GHG reduction targets Kyoto Protocol emission outcomes annual GHG emissions by country atmospheric carbon dioxide trends atmospheric CO2 ppm current levels GHG emissions in developing countries international climate policy effectiveness IPCC 450 ppm feasibility climate change mitigation efforts carbon emissions growth rate projections European countries GHG reduction success global carbon emissions data failure to stabilize at 450 ppm climate 450 ppm IPCC Fourth Assessment Report greenhouse gas stabilization climate change mitigation temperature rise atmospheric CO2 concentration emission reduction targets developed world emissions developing countries emissions Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions by country global warming threshold international climate policy 2020 emission targets 2050 emission goals AR4 report GHG trends Cambridge University Press global emissions data The Guardian climate data 450 ppm climate stabilization IPCC Fourth Assessment Report greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets temperature rise 2 degrees Celsius atmospheric CO2 concentration trends global emission reduction by 2020 emission reduction by 2050 developed country emission targets developing country emission growth Kyoto Protocol compliance Paris Agreement climate targets country-by-country GHG emission data climate policy effectiveness historical CO2 emission reductions climate mitigation scenarios stabilization pathways AR4 450 ppm pathway global warming limits international climate negotiations future emission projections 450 ppm greenhouse gas stabilization IPCC Fourth Assessment Report climate change mitigation temperature rise 2°C atmospheric CO2 concentration carbon emissions reduction developed countries emissions targets developing countries emissions growth annual GHG emissions reduction Kyoto Protocol global carbon dioxide emissions emission reduction commitments climate policy climate change targets stabilization pathways AR4 scenarios UNFCCC international climate agreements CO2 monitoring trends greenhouse gases European climate leadership emissions data by country climate action climate targets 2020 2050 carbon stabilization scenario global warming limits 450 ppm IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG stabilization greenhouse gas emissions 2 degree target climate change mitigation atmospheric CO2 carbon emissions reduction emission targets Paris Agreement climate policy developed countries emissions developing countries emissions Kyoto Protocol carbon concentration climate goals decarbonization EU climate action CO2 trends emissions trajectory global warming limits climate science AR4 emission pathways climate stabilization international climate agreements 450 ppm greenhouse gases IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG stabilization climate change emissions reduction Kyoto Protocol atmospheric CO2 global warming temperature rise developed countries developing countries emission targets climate policy CO2 concentration Europe emission reduction carbon dioxide AR4 climate mitigation international agreements climate data emissions growth CO2 stabilization climate targets United Nations global emissions energy policy climate action greenhouse gas stabilization climate change mitigation emissions reduction targets IPCC AR4 2 degrees Celsius limit global warming atmospheric CO2 concentration carbon dioxide emissions developed vs developing countries Kyoto Protocol European emissions policy climate action carbon footprint international climate agreements global emissions trends sustainability environmental policy climate science temperature rise projections greenhouse gas monitoring"
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. leader health disclosure political transparency fitness for office candidate medical records voter information rights democratic accountability election integrity public health information leadership suitability electorate decision-making medical transparency head of state health leader tenure public trust government transparency leadership capability health disclosure policy election transparency leader fitness assessment citizen rights informed voting political ethics transparency in government candidate qualification leadership accountability leader health disclosure political transparency fitness for office candidate medical records voter information rights leader accountability public health disclosure leader eligibility electoral decision-making democratic process health transparency policy candidate fitness assessment public interest information election integrity informed electorate leader health history leadership capacity term completion transparency standards health status reporting leader health disclosure political candidate transparency fitness for office medical records public election accountability public health disclosure candidate fitness evaluation democratic decision making informed voting leadership health status transparent governance leader competency voter rights medical transparency public office eligibility electoral integrity candidate health standards open information leader accountability democracy transparency leader health transparency public disclosure of leader’s health voter right to know health status accountability and leader fitness election candidate health requirements impact of hidden health issues in leadership leadership term completion risks informed voting on leader health democracy and leader accountability transparency in political health records electorate decision-making and leader health health transparency and democratic function informed electorate and leadership choices importance of medical disclosure in elections public trust and leader health candidates’ medical history in elections transparency democratic accountability leader health disclosure fitness for office electoral decision-making medical transparency political transparency informed voters public health information leadership fitness standards candidate health records election integrity voter rights transparent governance health and politics candidate evaluation public trust informed electorate leadership suitability leadership accountability leader health transparency election candidate fitness voter access to health records leader accountability transparency importance of medical disclosure democratic election transparency physical fitness of political leaders candidate health public disclosure impact of leader health on governance transparency in political campaigns electorate right to know leader medical records openness public scrutiny of leaders' health fitness requirements for politicians democratic accountability and health health status and political eligibility transparency public health disclosure candidate fitness leadership accountability electoral decision-making voter information leader health records political transparency public trust medical disclosure democratic elections leader eligibility health transparency government accountability voter rights election integrity informed electorate leader capacity health records release term completion political leadership democratic choice leader health disclosure political transparency fitness for office candidate medical records electoral accountability leadership eligibility voter informed choice leader physical fitness public official health election transparency government accountability health disclosure laws democratic process voter decision-making political candidate health transparency in governance public trust in leaders leader medical history election candidate scrutiny leader wellness disclosure leader health disclosure political transparency fitness for office electoral accountability health information disclosure public right to know elected official health transparency in leadership democratic accountability candidate medical records leader fitness assessment voter decision-making leadership suitability health and democracy politician health transparency electorate informed choice candidate health reports political trust government transparency governance accountability leadership transparency political accountability public health disclosure leader fitness electoral decision-making informed electorate candidate health records government transparency democracy public trust voters' rights executive health election integrity candidate evaluation civic responsibility
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro04a	As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 internet regulation media censorship digital media oversight online content control freedom of expression internet governance regulation of social media online safety harmful content information dissemination broadcasting standards digital rights policy intervention state regulation ethics in media media law content moderation internet neutrality platform accountability public interest media convergence online privacy user-generated content regulatory frameworks media responsibility Internet regulation media regulation comparison censorship online media oversight digital content regulation freedom of expression government regulation of internet online censorship traditional media comparison internet vs television regulation press regulation online user-generated content harmful online content media ethics regulatory frameworks internet policy public policy internet media law free speech internet governance internet regulation media censorship online content control digital media laws freedom of expression state regulation media comparison internet governance online speech regulation digital censorship broadcast media regulation internet policy media law online platforms user-generated content harmful content regulation electronic media information dissemination mass media regulation internet safety media standards internet monitoring digital content oversight internet regulation expansion regulation of online media censorship of digital content government oversight of internet comparing internet and traditional media online freedom of expression internet as public utility media censorship laws international approaches to internet regulation child safety online regulation hate speech and internet laws regulation of social media platforms internet content moderation impact of internet regulation on innovation ethical implications of censoring the internet differences in media regulation frameworks case studies on internet censorship digital rights and governance historical evolution of media regulation effectiveness of current internet regulations internet regulation media censorship digital media oversight online content regulation freedom of speech internet internet vs traditional media government regulation online media ethics internet audiovisual content regulation online information control state censorship internet policy film and television regulation book censorship internet news regulation user-generated content moderation comparative media regulation emotive media effects information dissemination online internet law internet regulation media censorship online content oversight internet vs traditional media digital information control government regulation of media freedom of expression online internet governance regulation of user-generated content censorship laws digital media standards comparison of media regulations online speech regulation impact of internet media internet censorship justification controlling harmful content online equivalence of media regulation regulating emotive digital media internet policy debate regulatory frameworks for new media internet regulation media regulation censorship online content control digital media governance internet censorship broadcasting laws freedom of expression content moderation online safety digital rights media comparison regulatory frameworks internet policy user-generated content information dissemination harmful content freedom of information digital communication online media regulation multimedia regulation news media publishing laws audiovisual content media ethics state regulation internet governance digital platforms policy enforcement media censorship regulated media online videos book censorship television regulation film regulation internet oversight media accountability platform responsibility Internet regulation media censorship digital content regulation online freedom of speech media law government censorship social media regulation online misinformation digital rights freedom of expression net neutrality information control online privacy cyberlaw media ethics user-generated content hate speech regulation internet governance child protection online digital media impact online news regulation content moderation media standards digital literacy fake news online harassment laws media accountability cross-border internet regulation broadcasting regulations streaming content regulation platform liability internet regulation media censorship digital media oversight government control freedom of expression online content moderation information dissemination comparative media regulation media law digital rights internet policy multimedia platforms user-generated content broadcasting regulations content filtering cyber governance media ethics surveillance content standards regulatory frameworks internet regulation media censorship digital media oversight online content moderation media regulation comparison free speech online digital information control internet policy internet governance cyber law media ethics content filtering government regulation online safety broadcast standards digital rights internet freedom comparative media law harmful content user-generated content internet and society freedom of expression regulated media online risks information dissemination
test-politics-oapghwliva-con02a	"The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX constitutional amendment United States Constitution constitutional interpretation constitutional wording Article V amendment process Line Item Veto Act presidential authority separation of powers Supreme Court decision Justice Scalia Justice Stevens legislative process constitutional change statutory law legal challenge governmental checks and balances federal spending budget process veto power constitutional rigidity amendment difficulty historical precedent prohibition amendment policy effectiveness legal precision constitutional law federal legislation executive power government reform constitutional stability constitutional interpretation debates override procedure congressional authority limited tax benefit direct spending single item of appropriation judicial review constitutional amendment United States Constitution amending process constitutional change legal interpretation constitutional rigidity amendment difficulty prohibition amendment constitutional consequences Line Item Veto presidential authority Congressional override Supreme Court decisions constitutional wording legislative alternatives constitutional precision Article V constitutional procedures Supreme Court opinions constitutional text policy implementation presidential powers US governance constitutional safeguards federal spending separation of powers state governor powers legislative limitations judicial review constitutional law government reform legal challenges federal budget Constitution interpretation American legal history amendment process constitutional analysis Scalia Stevens line item veto constitutional amendment constitutional change founding document constitutional interpretation amendment process legal precedent constitutional rigidity Line Item Veto Act presidential authority separation of powers legislative process constitutional precision judicial review legal challenge Article V Supreme Court decisions statutory law direct spending limited tax benefit appropriation powers constitutional tradition Scalia opinion Stevens opinion veto power governmental checks and balances legislative versus constitutional enactment federalism state governors authority overturning amendments prohibition precedent constitutional stability amending procedure congressional authority constitutional necessity judicial constraints constitutional clarity budgetary process constitutional amendment debate arguments against constitutional amendments caution altering US Constitution difficulty overturning amendments negative historical amendments Prohibition as example complexity of legislative wording Line Item Veto Act precision in legislation interpretation challenges Supreme Court opinions on amendments Scalia on line item veto constitutional alternatives to amendment necessity of constitutional amendment Stevens majority opinion amendment process Article V presidential authority and veto power comparison to state governors' powers historical context of amendments congressional legislative limits judicial review legislative vs. constitutional change spending authority debate congressional override procedures impact of constitutional amendments line item veto constitutional amendment hearing constitutional amendment amendment process constitutional interpretation constitutional change constitutional rigidity Article V Supreme Court decisions Line Item Veto presidential authority separation of powers legislative process constitutional safeguards historical amendments Prohibition repeal process judicial review legal precision legislative wording limited tax benefit direct spending budget process government checks and balances state governors authority federal vs state power constitutional precedent judicial opinions constitutional reform constitutional debate Scalia opinion Stevens opinion constitutional hearing legislative vs constitutional authority constitution amendment arguments risks of constitutional amendments overturning amendments difficulty historical amendment failures prohibition amendment example amendment wording precision constitutional interpretation issues Line Item Veto Act details Supreme Court Scalia opinion legislative alternatives to amendments presidential spending authority Article V amendment process Supreme Court Stevens opinion state governor veto powers constitutional amendment necessity legislative versus constitutional process counterpoint on amendment needs presidential veto authority congressional override mechanisms budget process constitutional challenges constitutional amendment line item veto presidential authority United States Constitution legislative process Supreme Court judicial interpretation constitutional interpretation Article V amendment procedures separation of powers spending authority appropriation direct spending limited tax benefit statutory law legislative intent policy change constitutional rigidity legal challenges historical precedent prohibition amendment wording precision congressional override executive power governance structure federal law constitutional constraints state governors legislative reform constitutional amendment United States Constitution constitutional change constitutional interpretation amendment process Supreme Court decisions line item veto presidential authority separation of powers legislative process Article V constitutional rigidity legislative alternatives Supreme Court opinions constitutional precision governance structure federal amendments Scalia line item veto Justice Stevens constitutional process prohibition amendment constitutionality of legislation federal budget authority checks and balances constitution amending process judicial review state governor budget powers counterarguments constitutional amendment U.S. legislative history federal spending control precedent constitutional amendments constitutional amendment United States Constitution amendment process legal interpretation Supreme Court decisions judicial review Line Item Veto Act presidential authority legislative process checks and balances Article V amendment procedures federalism separation of powers historical precedents Prohibition Amendment constitutional precision statutory law legislative alternatives veto power constitutional law judicial opinions policy consequences congressional override Justice Scalia Justice Stevens constitutional rigidity executive power fiscal policy budgetary authority appropriations legal challenges governance structure constitutional change legislative intent constitutionality founding principles state governors executive-legisl constitutional amendment constitutional interpretation line item veto Supreme Court decisions legislative process Article V constitutional rigidity amendment difficulty presidential authority checks and balances precedent prohibition amendment reversal challenges legislative detail executive power spending control federal budget process separation of powers Supreme Court opinions judicial review historical examples constitutional change necessity of amendment alternatives to amendment veto power expansion constitutional limitations"
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con01a	It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) arranged marriages law enforcement policing difficulties community practices enforcement challenges cultural traditions forced marriages divorce laws abuse punishment resource allocation police resources honour killings rape domestic violence minor misdemeanours serious crimes investigative intrusiveness cultural resistance reporting reluctance ineffective legislation prioritization of crimes law enforcement policing feasibility enforcing cultural laws arranged marriage legality arranged vs forced marriage community traditions reporting barriers family reporting reluctance police investigative resources police workload cultural practices honour killings domestic violence resource allocation police priorities minor misdemeanors crime prioritization legal harm marriage law enforcement legal intervention limitations cultural compliance social reporting norms abuse reporting legal prohibitions provable harms intrusive investigations law enforcement effectiveness marriage practices crime resource diversion police resource management Europe honour killings law enforcement arranged marriages forced marriages community practices cultural traditions policing challenges enforcement feasibility reporting reluctance family dynamics divorce laws domestic abuse honour killings resource allocation police priorities crime investigation intrusive policing minor misdemeanours serious crimes criminal justice cultural sensitivity sociocultural factors marriage regulations human rights domestic violence underreporting enforcement challenges of arranged marriage laws feasibility of policing cultural traditions difficulties reporting arranged marriages community reluctance to report arranged marriages impact of arranged marriage laws on police resources comparison with enforcement against forced marriages arranged marriages vs forced marriages legal implications provable harms of arranged marriages resource allocation in law enforcement law enforcement prioritization of serious crimes honour killings and law enforcement rape and domestic violence police focus effect of minor crime enforcement on serious crime policing criminal justice approach to cultural practices community compliance with marriage laws law enforcement arranged marriage enforcement cultural traditions community reporting feasibility of policing arranged marriage legality forced marriage laws reporting reluctance policing resources law enforcement priorities minor versus serious crimes honour killings domestic violence police investigation intrusiveness resource allocation criminal justice system familial traditions community compliance abuse reporting marriage regulations police workload impact on crime prevention arranged marriages enforcement policing arranged marriage laws cultural traditions and law enforcement challenges in policing arranged marriages arranged vs forced marriage law effectiveness of laws against arranged marriage community compliance arranged marriage reporting arranged marriages challenges law enforcement priorities arranged marriage impact of arranged marriage laws on police resources honour killings and arranged marriage domestic violence law enforcement police resource allocation cultural practices and legal intervention divorce laws and arranged marriage law enforcement and cultural sensitivity legal challenges arranged marriages arranged marriage provable harms minor misdemeanours vs serious crimes law ineffective enforcement cultural laws law enforcement arranged marriages forced marriages policing cultural practices feasibility of enforcement community secrecy family reporting reluctance cultural tradition divorce laws abuse legislation legal resources allocation investigation intrusiveness law enforcement prioritization honour killings domestic violence rape resource diversion community compliance marriage law enforcement police workload serious crime prioritization cultural sensitivity crime reporting reluctance legal harm assessment minor misdemeanours investigative challenges arranged marriages enforcement policing arranged marriage laws cultural tradition law enforcement community non-cooperation law reporting arranged marriages forced marriages legislation honour killings legal response domestic violence law enforcement police resources allocation law enforcement priorities minor misdemeanours vs serious crimes divorce law abuse prosecution intrusive investigations labour intensive police work cultural practices and law criminal justice resource management feasibility of enforcement community compliance with law underreported crimes police focus on violent crimes arranged marriages law enforcement cultural traditions enforcement challenges community reporting forced marriage laws police resources honour killings domestic violence abuse divorce marriage legality community resistance crime prioritization cultural practices investigative difficulties legal effectiveness resource allocation social norms criminal justice minor misdemeanours law enforcement challenges arranged marriages enforcement feasibility cultural traditions community reporting forced marriage laws marriage legislation limited police resources resource allocation intrusive investigations honour killings domestic violence rape cultural practices minor misdemeanours serious crimes policing priorities effectiveness of law family reporting reluctance abuse reporting legal alternatives divorce law marriage crime distinction
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro02a	Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. South Ossetia independence Georgian sovereignty claims USSR autonomous regions Ossetian language Ossetian genocide Georgian-Ossetian conflict cultural suppression ethnic conflict Caucasus Soviet Union South Ossetia Ossetian nationhood historical legitimacy South Ossetia Georgia South Ossetia war Ossetian history autonomy under USSR self-determination Caucasus international recognition South Ossetia ethnic minorities Georgia language rights Ossetia Ossetian identity Russia South Ossetia relations de facto independence Georgian policies Ossetia territorial dispute Georgia post-Sov South Ossetia independence Georgian-Ossetian conflict legitimacy of Georgian sovereignty de facto independence Soviet Union Ossetia autonomy Ossetian language Ossetian culture suppression Ossetian genocide accusations ethnic conflict Caucasus self-determination nation-state status Ossetia Soviet policy South Ossetia Georgian territorial claims Ossetian ethnic identity historical autonomy South Ossetia international recognition Ossetia post-Soviet secession Ossetian national movement human rights South Ossetia ethnic cleansing accusations Georgia Russian involvement South Ossetia 1920 South Ossetia autonomy Ossetian independence Georgian-Ossetian conflict Soviet Union policies South Ossetia Ossetian language Ossetian identity suppression Ossetia genocide allegations South Ossetia history Georgia sovereignty claims Ossetian nationhood self-determination South Ossetia ethnic conflict Caucasus USSR and South Ossetia de facto independence Ossetian culture Georgian interventions international recognition South Ossetia regional autonomy USSR minority rights Georgia South Ossetia 1991 independence Ossetian demographics Ossetian-Georgian relations Georgian rule legitimacy South Ossetia history Georgia South Ossetia South Ossetia independence history Soviet Union South Ossetia autonomy South Ossetian language and culture Georgia oppresses South Ossetia accusations genocide South Ossetians modern control S. Ossetia by Georgia USSR policy South Ossetia Georgia Ossetian national identity ethnic conflict Georgia South Ossetia regional autonomy Soviet republics Ossetian language significance independence historical claims Georgia South Ossetia cultural suppression South Ossetians South Ossetia de facto independence international law South Osset South Ossetia independence Georgian sovereignty claims Ossetian genocide Ossetian language suppression Soviet Union Ossetia autonomy USSR Ossetia status Ossetian national identity Georgian-Ossetian conflict ethnic conflict South Caucasus South Ossetian referendums Russia-South Ossetia relations international recognition South Ossetia territorial disputes Georgia post-Soviet independence movements Ossetian culture repression ethnic minorities Georgia 1920 Ossetian genocide 2008 Russo-Georgian war human rights South Ossetia UN South Ossetia stance South Ossetia independence Georgian-Ossetian conflict legitimacy of Georgian rule historical claims South Ossetia Ossetian language distinctness Soviet Union Ossetia autonomy Ossetian genocide accusations Russian support South Ossetia South Ossetian cultural suppression Ossetian identity international recognition South Ossetia de facto independence South Ossetia referendum global responses to South Ossetia Ossetia history Georgian suppression of Ossetian autonomy Ossetian national identity independence movements in Caucasus UN stance South Ossetia human rights in South Ossetia South Ossetia independence Georgian rule illegitimacy oppression sovereignty USSR Soviet Union de facto independence autonomy Ossetian language Ossetic Northeastern Iranian languages identity suppression cultural distinctness genocide ethnic conflict language policy regional autonomy national identity territorial claims international recognition separatism Russian influence Georgian-Ossetian conflict historical claims self-determination minority rights political status 1991 independence 2008 war cultural oppression modern history ethnic minorities post-Soviet states conflict resolution nation-state formation South Ossetia independence Georgian-Ossetian conflict South Ossetia autonomy Ossetian genocide Soviet Union South Ossetia Ossetian language suppression ethnic conflict Caucasus Ossetian national identity Georgia South Ossetia relations international recognition South Ossetia Russia South Ossetia support de facto states Caucasus South Ossetia historical legitimacy Ossetian cultural rights post-Soviet secessionist movements ethnolinguistic minorities Georgia South Ossetia self-determination Georgia war 2008 Ossetian autonomy Soviet era humanitarian impact South Ossetia Georgian sovereignty historical legitimacy independence USSR Soviet Union Ossetian language ethnic conflict 1991 independence de facto independence Georgian-Ossetian war autonomy nation-state criteria cultural identity genocide accusations 1920 conflict 1993 war 2008 war language suppression ethnic distinctiveness international recognition Russian involvement regional autonomy Ossetian nationalism Georgian territorial claims self-determination United Nations secession ethnic minorities territorial integrity post-Soviet states Kosovo comparison ethnic violence Ossetian independence movement South Ossetia independence history of South Ossetia Georgian-Ossetian conflict Ossetian language Ossetian culture Georgian sovereignty claims Soviet Union South Ossetia de facto states recognition of South Ossetia genealogy of Ossetian people ethnic conflicts Caucasus Russian involvement South Ossetia 1920 Ossetian genocide 2008 South Ossetia war South Ossetia autonomy USSR Ossetian national identity self-determination South Ossetia ethnic cleansing Georgia legitimacy of Georgian rule international law South Ossetia sovereignty disputes
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro03a	Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. trade and democracy trade benefits economic integration Latin America relations Venezuela politics Hugo Chavez influence US-Latin America trade democracy promotion anti-American sentiment oil-funded diplomacy freedom of speech Venezuela presidential term limits Latin America US foreign policy fair trade Brazil regional influence democratic states Latin America countering authoritarianism economic diplomacy regional alliances Iran-Latin America relations trade policy democracy promotion economic influence Latin America US foreign policy Hugo Chavez Venezuela oil regional diplomacy anti-Americanism Iran-Venezuela relations freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictators US-Latin America relations fair trade Brazil influence democratic states economic integration countering authoritarianism investment in Latin America trade policy democracy promotion US-Latin America relations economic integration Venezuela foreign policy Hugo Chavez regional influence oil diplomacy anti-Americanism freedom of speech Venezuela presidential term limits Latin American dictators US foreign policy fair trade democracy in Latin America Brazil regional power economic partnerships soft power democratic institutions political influence Latin America trade and democracy Latin America Hugo Chavez US relations Venezuela oil influence anti-American leaders Latin America US economic ties Latin America fair trade US Latin America freedom of speech Venezuela democracy promotion trade policy US counterbalancing Hugo Chavez Brazil democratic influence Latin America trade policy authoritarian regimes Chavez support for Iran trade benefits democracy lifting presidential term limits Venezuela economic strategies undermine dictators Latin American regional politics Chavez investments neighboring economies democracy promotion South America US Latin America economic partnership Chavez restricting freedoms trade and democracy Venezuelan politics Hugo Chavez influence Latin America economic relations US-Latin America trade anti-Americanism oil diplomacy freedom of speech Venezuela presidential term limits dictatorship in Latin America US foreign policy Brazil regional influence fair trade Latin America democracy promotion regional investment strategies Iran Venezuela relations media censorship Venezuela economic counterbalance strategies Latin American democracy United States diplomacy trade and democracy trade impact on democracy US Latin America trade relations Hugo Chavez Latin America influence Venezuela oil diplomacy anti-Americanism in Latin America US counteracting Chavez fair trade United States Latin America democracy strengthening through trade Brazil regional influence term limits Venezuela freedom of speech Venezuela US economic engagement Latin America Latin American dictators US foreign policy Latin America democratic development Latin America economic integration Latin America regional investment South America US Brazil cooperation authoritarianism in Venezuela trade democracy economic integration free trade agreements Latin America Hugo Chavez Venezuela US foreign policy regional influence anti-Americanism Iran relations freedom of speech presidential term limits dictatorship oil revenue US-Latin America relations Brazil democratic states fair trade economic cooperation political influence authoritarianism regional politics South America diplomacy investment regional tours democratic values foreign investment economic connectivity US influence counterbalance human rights freedom of the press democratic reform Chavez regime political opposition authoritarian leadership bilateral trade geopolitical strategy trade and democracy Hugo Chavez Latin America Venezuela regional influence US Latin America trade democratic influence Latin America anti-American policies Venezuela oil money investments Latin America US counterbalance Chavez fair trade United States Latin America Latin American dictators freedom of speech Venezuela presidential term limits Venezuela Brazil democratic influence economic connection Latin America undermining Chavez message Latin America US relations Latin America fair trade policies regional power dynamics Latin America Chavez Iran relations democracy promotion trade trade and democracy economic influence Latin America US-Latin America relations Hugo Chavez policies Venezuela oil economy anti-Americanism in Latin America freedom of speech Venezuela presidential term limits Venezuela Latin American dictators US foreign policy Latin America fair trade US-Latin America Brazil regional influence Iran Latin America relations promoting democracy through trade Chavez regional investment autocracy versus democracy Latin America regional tours Chavez US counterbalance Latin America democracy promotion strategies economic connectivity democracy free trade democracy promotion Latin America US-Latin America relations economic policy Hugo Chavez Venezuela politics anti-Americanism oil diplomacy regional influence Brazil foreign policy fair trade agreements democratic consolidation presidential term limits freedom of speech US foreign policy democratic institutions trade agreements Latin American dictatorships global trade impact political economy economic integration Iran-Venezuela relations regional stability Chavez regime US countermeasures
test-law-ralhrilglv-con02a	Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya justice peace ICC International Criminal Court Waki Commission Parliament ethnic violence impunity accountability legal action post-election violence transitional justice human rights rule of law conflict resolution tribal conflict cattle raids prosecution Court intervention judicial failure criminal responsibility reconciliation law enforcement victims’ rights accountability mechanisms crimes against humanity government responsibility justice reform political violence restorative justice Kenya ICC International Criminal Court Waki Commission Kenyan justice system ethnic violence post-election violence impunity transitional justice human rights peacebuilding accountability conflict resolution crimes against humanity legal reform electoral violence tribal conflict reconciliation rule of law prosecution transitional crimes restorative justice judicial intervention war crimes mass atrocities Kenya Parliament victims' rights transitional mechanisms African justice criminal accountability national healing Kenya ICC Waki Commission ethnic violence justice system impunity peace human rights tribunal post-election violence accountability court intervention international law transitional justice Parliament criminal prosecution reconciliation tribal conflict cattle raids conflict resolution rule of law crimes against humanity legal reform justice delivery Kenya judiciary violence prevention Kenya ICC intervention post-election violence Kenya Waki Commission rejection Kenyan justice system failure ethnic violence Kenya impunity consequences Kenya justice and peace Kenya ICC role Africa international criminal justice Kenya rule of law Kenya Parliament inaction Kenya tribal conflict Kenya cattle raids Kenya human rights Kenya accountability for violence Kenya Kenya ICC trials Kenyan justice system failure Waki Commission rejection ethnic violence Kenya Parliament judicial inaction international criminal court intervention post-election violence Kenya justice and peace Kenya impunity ethnic conflict prevention of abuses Kenya cattle raids tribal conflict Muchemi Wachira Daily Nation accountability in Kenya court justice legitimacy tribal rivalries Kenya human rights Kenya judicial reforms Kenya political violence Kenya conflict resolution Kenya peacebuilding Kenya Kenya justice system ICC intervention Kenya Waki Commission rejection Kenyan ethnic violence post-election violence Kenya Kenyan parliament justice failure impunity in Kenya peace and justice Kenya ICC Kenya trials ethnic conflict Kenya Kenyan courts justice rule of law Kenya Wachira Muchemi Daily Nation tribal rivalries Kenya cattle raids Kenya preventing abuse Kenya international justice Kenya accountability Kenyan violence crimes against humanity Kenya justice peace relationship Kenya Kenya ICC International Criminal Court Waki Commission ethnic violence justice system impunity peace human rights parliament conflict resolution justice process legal accountability post-election violence tribal conflict crime prevention human rights abuses transitional justice rule of law prosecution criminal trials political instability reconciliation victims' rights legal reform criminal justice accountability governance societal peace law enforcement Kenya ICC trial Kenyan justice system failure Waki Commission rejection ethnic violence Kenya Kenyan Parliament response post-election violence Kenya justice and peace Kenya impunity in Kenya ICC intervention Kenya ethnic conflicts Kenya tribal conflicts Kenya accountability Kenyan leaders Kenyan court system international criminal court Kenya justice reforms Kenya crimes against humanity Kenya cattle raids Kenya Kenyan tribal rivalries Daily Nation Kenya conflict Wachira Muchemi article restorative justice Kenya ethnic reconciliation Kenya transitional justice Kenya law enforcement Kenya human rights violations Kenya Kenya electoral violence Kenya peace process Kenya ICC Waki Commission ethnic violence justice peace impunity Kenyan justice system Parliament rejection international criminal court accountability human rights tribal conflict cattle raids Muchemi Wachira Daily Nation post-election violence rule of law prosecution ethnic conflict reconciliation legal reform transitional justice violence prevention justice system failure conflict resolution Kenya ICC Waki Commission ethnic violence justice system impunity peace Parliament rejection international criminal court post-election violence tribal conflict human rights accountability transitional justice legal reform crime prevention community reconciliation judicial intervention cattle raids Wachira Muchemi Daily Nation conflict resolution political instability prosecution victims’ rights
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con01a	Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, economic growth Republican policies tax cuts President Bush after-tax income job creation Dow Jones stock market performance private sector jobs economic stimulus GDP growth employment rates fiscal policy conservative economics supply-side economics Bush administration economic indicators investment business expansion labor market productivity wealth creation Republican economic policies economic growth Bush tax cuts job creation private sector employment Dow Jones performance real after-tax income supply-side economics conservative fiscal policy Reaganomics trickle-down theory tax reform economic indicators GDP growth unemployment rates federal tax cuts economic recovery stock market record highs fiscal stimulus pro-business legislation economic performance comparison Republican vs Democrat economy historical job growth statistics labor market expansion White House economic reports Republican economic policy economic stimulus Bush tax cuts job creation private sector jobs after-tax income economic growth Dow Jones performance Reaganomics supply-side economics fiscal policy tax reform GDP growth unemployment rate investment economic indicators US economy 2000s conservative fiscal policy tax policy analysis economic recovery labor market economic performance federal budget business confidence stock market economic expansion Republican economic policies economic growth under Republican leadership Bush tax cuts impact Republican job creation statistics after-tax income increase under Republicans private sector job growth Republicans Dow Jones performance under Bush Republican Congress economic achievements effectiveness of Bush-era tax cuts Republican party and economic prosperity comparing Republican vs Democrat economic growth supply-side economics and job creation tax policy impact on job creation historical analysis of Bush tax cuts private vs public sector job growth analysis Bush tax cuts Republican economic policy job creation private sector growth after-tax income Dow Jones performance economic expansion fiscal stimulus conservative economic impact job market statistics tax policy effects US economic history 2006 economic growth federal tax legislation Bush presidency economy stock market records White House economic data Republican Congress achievements employment statistics economic indicators Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth statistics job creation during Bush era private sector job growth Dow Jones performance under Republicans after-tax income increase Bush GOP economic success impact of 2003 tax cuts Republican Congress economic record comparison with Democratic policies real income growth Republican policies effects of tax cuts on job market historical analysis Bush economy 2006 economic performance White House job creation data effectiveness of GOP tax policies Bush administration economic legacy fiscal policies and economic growth government vs private sector jobs Republicans economic growth tax cuts President Bush Republican Congress after-tax income 2006 economy Dow Jones records job creation private sector jobs economic policy Bush administration real goods real services unemployment rates fiscal policy supply-side economics federal revenue economic indicators historical comparison economic performance White House fact sheet US GDP economic stimulus conservative economic policies Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth statistics job creation under Bush private sector job growth Dow Jones performance after-tax income increase GOP fiscal policy supply-side economics Bush administration economy 2003-2006 economic data Republican Congress achievements US economic boom real income growth government tax policy conservative economic strategies US employment growth Bush economic impact White House job creation report economic stimulus Republicans Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth job creation private sector jobs after-tax income stock market performance Dow Jones record highs fiscal policy GDP growth unemployment rate supply-side economics conservative tax policy small business growth economic indicators 2003-2006 economy White House job statistics Bush administration economy US tax reform economic stimulus Bush tax cuts Republican economic policy economic growth statistics job creation data private sector employment Dow Jones performance after-tax income increase historical economic trends non-government jobs Bush administration economy 2003-2006 economic data Congressional tax legislation fiscal policy outcomes supply-side economics economic stimulation evidence White House job reports comparative party economic impact macroeconomic indicators long-term economic effects Republican vs Democrat economy
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con04a	No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 sovereignty state monopoly on force international hierarchy conflict prevention African Union AU intervention internal conflict law and order territorial integrity non-interference state autonomy peacekeeping collective security supranational authority crisis management inter-state relations international law regional organizations member state rights conflict resolution peace enforcement political independence conflict response early warning systems international cooperation international conflict prevention sovereignty state monopoly on force African Union intervention peacekeeping mechanisms supranational authority non-interference collective security conflict resolution AU limitations state autonomy regional security structures humanitarian intervention enforcement mechanisms interstate relations principle of non-intervention preventive diplomacy international law peace enforcement supranational governance sovereignty vs. intervention AU peace operations international relations conflict prevention state sovereignty African Union peacekeeping international law collective security regional organizations diplomacy supranational authority non-interference conflict resolution law enforcement use of force territorial integrity mediation intervention intergovernmental organizations security governance crisis management peace enforcement preventive diplomacy regional security member state autonomy AU mandate mechanisms for conflict prevention in international relations state sovereignty and conflict management limitations of the African Union in conflict prevention international hierarchy and power dynamics effectiveness of AU interventions in African conflicts reactionary vs preventive conflict management role of state monopoly on force internal vs external conflict resolution mechanisms challenges in enforcing AU policies AU’s respect for member state sovereignty historical analysis of interstate conflict prevention case studies of failed conflict prevention in Africa sovereign rights vs collective security institutional constraints of regional organizations legal frameworks governing AU interventions peacekeeping challenges in Africa scenarios of AU’s inability to prevent war sovereignty and the non-interference state sovereignty African Union conflict prevention monopoly on force international hierarchy inter-state relations law and order territorial integrity AU intervention internal conflicts supranational authority crisis management peacekeeping member state autonomy diplomatic mechanisms non-intervention principle collective security regional organizations early warning systems conflict resolution strategies state sovereignty African Union conflict prevention international conflict mechanisms AU intervention limitations sovereignty and conflict interstate hierarchy absence AU peacekeeping effectiveness African states self-determination conflict management in Africa AU non-interference law and order in international relations state monopoly on force limitations of supranational organizations AU member state sovereignty preventing war in Africa AU crisis response state-centric conflict resolution sovereignty state monopoly on force international hierarchy conflict prevention African Union AU intervention peacekeeping territorial integrity non-interference collective security supranational authority internal conflicts preventive diplomacy crisis management state-centric system member states peace enforcement early warning systems AU limitations non-intervention norm regional security enforcement mechanisms reactive measures sovereignty principle sovereignty conflict prevention African Union international relations state monopoly on violence law and order interstate hierarchy intervention limitations territorial integrity AU conflict response peacekeeping supranational authority non-interference principle international conflict management collective security state autonomy crisis mechanisms diplomatic measures AU peace processes regional security preventive diplomacy AU Charter enforcement limitations conflict resolution African security architecture state sovereignty international conflict prevention African Union limitations conflict resolution mechanisms interstate relations use of force monopoly law and order state autonomy non-intervention principle AU intervention capacity supranational authority peacekeeping regional security cooperation conflict management state responsibility AU peace operations state-centric international system collective security crisis response international law enforcement conflict prevention state sovereignty African Union crisis management international relations monopoly of force law and order peacekeeping collective security supranational authority intervention mechanisms state-centric system territorial integrity conflict resolution reactive measures AU limitations non-interference proactive strategies early warning systems peace enforcement regional organizations
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con02a	Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. higher education funding university finance graduate tax alternatives state funding welfare state general taxation tuition fees student loans commercial loans education investment future earnings cost efficiency enrollment rates access to education teaching-focused institutions academic specialization research versus teaching international models EU education systems US higher education efficiency savings funding mechanisms degree costs social mobility university affordability university funding alternatives higher education financing graduate tax alternatives state-funded universities general taxation welfare state education tuition fees student loans commercial loans for education repayment schemes education cost efficiency institutional specialization teaching-focused universities research-focused institutions international education funding models enrollment rates accessibility in higher education future earning potential cost-benefit of degrees social mobility through education educational investment university funding models higher education financing alternative funding state funding graduate tax alternatives tuition fees student loans commercial loans general taxation welfare state international comparison enrollment rates access to education cost efficiency efficiency savings teaching-focused institutions research specialization academic specialization student investment future earnings financial aid education policy higher education reform alternative university funding models efficient higher education funding graduate tax alternatives state-funded higher education university funding via general taxation student-paid tuition models higher education as investment commercial student loans efficiency in university spending teaching-focused institutions academic specialization for cost savings global university funding comparisons university funding and social mobility welfare state higher education models optimizing university expenditures funding diversity in higher education student loan repayment models balancing teaching and research costs higher education policy alternatives innovations in university finance university funding methods higher education finance graduate tax alternatives state funding universities general taxation education welfare state education funding individual student payment tuition fees student loans commercial loans education future earning potential enrollment rates higher education access to higher education efficiency in university spending cost variation degree education teaching-focused institutions academic specialization research vs teaching education cost savings international education funding models education policy alternatives university funding alternatives efficient higher education funding full state funding universities graduate tax alternatives student tuition models higher education investment commercial student loans higher education cost efficiency teaching vs research universities academic specialization funding EU university funding US college funding welfare state education future earnings higher education cost-saving in universities alternative student finance global higher education funding models student loan repayment methods broadening university access sustainable university funding university funding higher education financing full state funding graduate tax alternatives tuition fees student loans commercial loans public vs private funding welfare state education policy enrollment rates social mobility efficiency savings academic specialization teaching-focused institutions research vs teaching cost of education international comparison EU education models US higher education taxpayer funding financial aid future earning potential repayment schemes student investment funding efficiency university cost variation university funding models alternative higher education finance graduate tax alternatives state-funded higher education EU welfare state education individual student payment commercial education loans US college funding enrollment incentives higher education accessibility efficiency savings in universities cost of university education teaching-only institutions academic specialization government-funded universities higher education policy tuition fee systems student financial aid education investment university sustainability institutional research focus university funding models higher education finance graduate tax alternatives state-funded universities university tuition student loans commercial loans education investment welfare state education general taxation higher education access enrollment rates education cost efficiency institutional specialization teaching-focused universities research universities academic specialization international education financing funding efficiency student financial aid university funding methods higher education financing alternatives to graduate tax state-funded higher education higher education welfare models tuition fees policies student loans commercial student loans education investment efficiency in universities cost of university education research vs teaching universities academic specialization international higher education funding higher education access state vs individual university payment efficiency savings in higher education college affordability education policy comparison global higher education systems
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro03a	Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. open source adoption industry standards government influence public sector software digital inclusion network effect technology policy interoperability software monopoly Microsoft Windows Microsoft Office open standards cost savings accessibility IT ecosystem electronic government citizen engagement software licensing market dynamics platform adoption Brazil government IT digital transformation public procurement digital collaboration open source benefits technology barriers IT innovation private sector alignment software interoperability e-government initiatives open source adoption government digital policy software industry standards public sector IT network externalities digital government Microsoft monopoly proprietary vs open source technology standardization digital inclusion interoperability cost savings software open source benefits government technology procurement Brazil open source IT infrastructure platform lock-in public services digitization communication platforms software market competition user collaboration tools e-government digital public services open source impact citizen-government interaction technology accessibility open source adoption government IT policy digital inclusion software interoperability public sector software technology standards network effects platform monopoly Microsoft alternatives cost savings software digital government citizen e-services industry standardization open standards collaborative platforms information technology accessibility public procurement software Brazil open source government software strategy technology ecosystem open source impact software market competition open source software adoption by governments network effect in software platforms impact of government software choices on industry standards government role in defining digital standards benefits of open source for public sector examples of government open source initiatives Brazil Digital Inclusion Program case study interaction between citizens and e-government via open source challenges to Microsoft Windows and Office market share cost advantages of open source software public sector digital transformation network effects in technology markets interoperability between government and private sector using open source increasing IT adoption through open source role of government procurement in software standardization open source adoption industry standards government technology policy network effects software monopoly digital inclusion public sector IT Microsoft market dominance communication platforms interoperability cost reduction e-government digital government citizen engagement standardization technology accessibility open standards software choice digital transformation Brazil open source public procurement digital infrastructure technology democratization collaborative platforms barriers to IT adoption software ecosystems digital public services Linux adoption free software vendor lock-in open source software adoption government technology standards network effects in software digital inclusion initiatives Brazil open source policy public sector software choice impact of software monopolies Microsoft Windows market share open vs closed source software reducing technology barriers interoperability in e-government citizen interaction with government IT public procurement of software cost savings open source software standardization benefits open source adoption government software policy industry standards digital inclusion network externalities software interoperability public sector IT digital government Microsoft monopoly software ecosystem technology diffusion open standards software cost savings civic technology government digital transformation ICT policy digital accessibility public procurement platform lock-in digital infrastructure open government citizen engagement collaborative platforms software monopolies technology adoption barriers cross-sector collaboration inclusive technology proprietary software alternatives digital public services open source case studies Brazil digital policy open source adoption government digital policy industry standards network effects Microsoft monopoly digital inclusion public sector technology open source software benefits e-government software interoperability cost savings software government IT strategy Brazil digital program open standards citizen-government interaction information technology adoption open source in public sector software ecosystems digital transformation government proprietary vs open source public administration software government led IT innovation technology standards government economic impact open source digital infrastructure policy open source adoption government IT policy digital inclusion network effects industry standards public sector software interoperability vendor lock-in software monopoly Microsoft market share digital transformation civic technology cost savings e-government technology standards IT procurement Brazil open source collaborative platforms economic impact software choice accessibility innovation in government open standards technology ecosystems digital government services public administration software open source software government adoption network effect digital inclusion industry standards Microsoft monopoly desktop market interoperability public sector cost savings information technology adoption open standards Brazil case study citizen interaction government digital services technology policy procurement policy software accessibility platform dominance digital government collaborative technology software standardization
test-international-gsciidffe-con03a	This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, internet censorship state control online dissidents circumvention tools proxy servers VPN digital rights surveillance foreign intervention software for censorship evasion privacy protection authoritarian governance government crackdowns foreign agents international NGOs internet freedom online anonymity digital activism freedom of expression internet regulation repressive regimes state surveillance NGO restrictions political dissent government policy on internet internet censorship anti-censorship software bypassing online censorship proxies for internet freedom government surveillance foreign intervention in censorship risks of foreign aid dissidents and internet state control online consequences of censorship circumvention Russia foreign agent law NGO repression Russia effects of circumvention tools internet policy criticism counterproductive censorship online repression privacy tools internet restriction evasion cybersecurity policy Russia digital dissidence internet censorship state censorship bypass censorship anti-censorship software proxies internet freedom dissidents foreign government assistance foreign NGOs Russia censorship policy crackdowns on foreign agents online privacy online dissidence circumvention tools government surveillance digital resistance communication security information control digital rights free speech online NGO repression state monitoring online activism authoritarian internet policy political dissent state internet censorship effectiveness impact of state censorship on dissidents circumvention tools for internet censorship foreign government assistance and internet censorship risks of foreign help in bypassing censorship software to bypass internet censorship proxies and VPNs against censorship consequences of using anti-censorship tools hostile intent and government perception NGO crackdown in Russia foreign agents law and internet policies Russia internet censorship policies risks of foreign NGO support online dissident safety and international support state surveillance of anti-censorship activity effectiveness of internet censorship enforcement internet censorship state control dissident software online proxies anti-censorship tools foreign government intervention NGO restrictions Russia online policy information suppression hostile intent proof bypassing internet blocks foreign agent laws digital civil liberties internet freedom risks online surveillance Moscow Times censorship privacy circumvention online repression international digital aid policy counterproductivity internet censorship effectiveness state censorship circumvention dissident online protection foreign government assistance risks censorship evasion software proxies to bypass censorship state response to foreign software NGOs and internet freedom Russian censorship laws foreign agent crackdowns policy drawbacks internet censorship unintended consequences censorship government surveillance evasion online dissident identification risks internet freedom policy analysis internet censorship state censorship bypass censorship dissidents censorship circumvention proxies VPN foreign assistance foreign NGOs government repression software tools online freedom freedom of expression Russia internet policy surveillance state control activism counterproductive policy online dissidents anti-censorship technology hostile intent privacy protection political activism digital rights information freedom NGO crackdown free speech internet regulation state surveillance internet censorship state censorship bypass censorship dissidents censorship circumvention proxy servers VPN anti-censorship software foreign government intervention NGO crackdowns foreign agents law Russia internet policy internet freedom online repression digital rights governmental control privacy tools surveillance evasion online activism internet policy effectiveness state surveillance opposition online authoritarian internet control internet censorship state policy online dissidents circumvention tools proxies digital privacy foreign government assistance NGO crackdowns Russian internet policy surveillance digital rights anti-censorship software foreign agents law online repression internet freedom government monitoring state control policy effectiveness authoritarian regimes civil liberties cyber policy internet censorship state censorship bypassing censorship anti-censorship software proxies circumvention tools foreign government assistance digital dissidents government surveillance online privacy internet freedom Russia censorship foreign agents NGO crackdowns internet policy online repression hostile intent digital resistance cyber activism information control authoritarian internet policies digital rights cybersecurity freedom of expression online dissidents surveillance state international sanctions online anonymity
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con03a	Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 job creation employment opportunities natural resource extraction economic growth African economies local labor force wages standard of living regional stability foreign investment domestic companies Shell Nigeria workforce development economic stability income generation natural resources sector poverty reduction sustainable development resource-based employment extractive industries multinational corporations oil and gas sector mining jobs community development human capital economic empowerment employment opportunities job creation natural resource extraction workforce development local employment economic impact African economy labor market standard of living regional stability domestic firms foreign investment economic growth wages poverty reduction Shell Nigeria community development resource-driven employment energy sector jobs mining sector jobs oil and gas employment infrastructure development income generation sustainable development development benefits local hiring policies corporate social responsibility GDP improvement socioeconomic impact natural resource extraction job creation employment opportunities African economies economic growth local labor force regional development foreign investment domestic firms income generation standard of living economic stability workforce development Shell Nigeria mining sector oil and gas industry community development wage improvement poverty reduction economic empowerment labor market integration multinational corporations rural development GDP per capita economic impact sustainable development natural resources employment Africa job creation resource extraction economic impact natural resources local labor force natural resources foreign firms African jobs standard of living resource industry regional economic stability resources employment statistics Shell Nigeria wages natural resource sector Africa domestic vs foreign employment resources Africa economic development natural resources Shell Nigeria workforce statistics impact of natural resources on wages natural resources poverty reduction Africa resource extraction economic benefits employment opportunities oil industry Africa multinational companies Africa employment resource sector GDP Africa case study Shell Nigeria employment economic strengthening natural resources Africa natural resources employment creation job opportunities economic growth African economies local labor force foreign firms domestic firms standard of living economic stability Shell Nigeria wages GDP per capita regional development resource extraction economic benefits workforce development multinational corporations energy sector Nigerian employment statistics local hiring practices income injection economic empowerment sustainable development extractive industries natural resources job creation natural resource extraction employment Africa impact of natural resources on African economies foreign firms labor Africa local manpower natural resources employment economic stability Africa standard of living natural resource sector Shell Nigeria employment statistics natural resource sector wages Africa economic benefits of resource extraction Africa domestic vs foreign employment resource sector resource extraction regional stability natural resources poverty alleviation Africa multinational corporations Africa employment African natural resource industry jobs natural resources job creation employment opportunities African economies economic development labor force local employment foreign investment workforce economic stability standard of living regional development domestic firms multinational corporations extractive industry oil industry Nigeria Shell Nigeria income generation wages GDP per capita economic strengthening resource extraction socio-economic impact human capital economic growth natural resources employment job creation Africa resource extraction jobs local labour force Africa economic impact natural resources foreign firms employment Africa domestic firms hiring Africa standard of living resources regional economic stability Africa Shell employment Nigeria high wages resource sector resource sector economic benefits African economies natural resources resource extraction benefits Shell Nigeria job creation natural resources local employment resource sector wages natural resources regional development manpower in resource extraction resource extraction economic strength Africa natural resources employment job creation African economies economic development local labor force foreign investment regional stability natural resource extraction living standards workforce economic growth multinational corporations Shell Nigeria wages GDP per capita economic impact poverty reduction infrastructure development sustainable development resource management energy sector commodity exports human capital economic opportunities resource-driven growth natural resource extraction employment generation African economies economic development job creation local labor force foreign investment standard of living regional economic stability multinational corporations Shell Nigeria wage levels GDP per capita economic impact resource-based industries job opportunities economic growth labor market natural resources and employment resource-driven development sustainable development African labor market foreign direct investment employment benefits resource sector jobs income distribution community development
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con03a	A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. graduate tax university autonomy higher education funding centralized funding tuition fees national treasury government distribution university independence funding allocation higher education finance NUS proposals educational investment funding uncertainty university planning state control university competition student body funding university ranking public finance educational policy graduate tax university autonomy higher education funding centralized funding National Union of Students government distribution tuition fees policy university independence state control resource allocation university investment planning UK higher education policy fair funding public funding models funding uncertainty educational finance institutional competition government intervention universities planning challenges academic freedom graduate tax university autonomy tuition fees centralized funding higher education finance government distribution funding allocation university independence revenue distribution funding uncertainty National Union of Students educational investment state control funding fairness UK universities higher education policy university competition funding reforms fiscal autonomy public funding higher education planning university planning academic independence graduate tax university autonomy graduate tax impact on university funding centralized higher education funding effects graduate tax and university independence graduate tax disadvantages UK government distribution of university funds graduate tax versus tuition fees university budgeting under graduate tax national treasury funding universities graduate tax and institutional planning NUS graduate tax proposals analysis challenges of graduate tax models university competition for government funding higher education funding policy UK effects of centralized funding on universities graduate tax university autonomy university funding national treasury centralized higher education fund tuition fees government distribution funding allocation university independence state control higher education policy financial planning National Union of Students Barr 2009 funding uncertainty education finance competition for funds public funding models higher education investment university-state relationship graduate tax impact university autonomy centralized higher education funding National Union of Students graduate tax university funding competition funding distribution fairness higher education investment planning university financial independence tuition fee allocation government control of university funds graduate tax disadvantages university funding uncertainty university state independence effects of graduate tax UK Barr 2009 graduate tax graduate tax university autonomy higher education funding centralized funding tuition fees government distribution funding allocation university independence UK National Union of Students higher education finance investment planning state intervention university bank accounts funding uncertainty equity in funding education policy revenue distribution Barr 2009 public vs private funding university competition government control graduate tax university funding higher education autonomy UK university finance centralized education fund tuition fee distribution government control universities funding allocation universities student body funding NUS graduate tax university investment planning public vs private university funding university independence higher education policy UK funding competition universities graduate tax disadvantages impact on university planning centralized funding drawbacks Barr 2009 graduate tax graduate tax university autonomy higher education funding centralized fund UK National Union of Students tuition fees government distribution funding fairness university independence resource allocation investment planning state control public funding models higher education policy revenue distribution educational finance funding competition university planning financial uncertainty graduate tax implications university funding autonomy higher education finance central government control funding distribution models university independence tuition fees vs. taxation UK higher education policy university resource allocation National Union of Students proposals public vs. private funding investment planning in universities academic freedom state intervention in education funding predictability higher education budget uncertainties
test-international-segiahbarr-con04a	War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 conflict instability armed conflict political violence economic disruption infrastructure damage social instability post-conflict recovery displaced populations humanitarian crisis failed states governance collapse insurgency banditry insecurity resource diversion underdevelopment human development poverty reconstruction peacebuilding regional insecurity development aid economic loss security challenges armed conflict regional instability economic impact of war development disruption Africa wars social infrastructure damage humanitarian crisis civil unrest state failure banditry non-state actors political instability human development forced displacement failed states post-conflict reconstruction war economies conflict resolution peacebuilding security challenges governance breakdown war-related poverty social cohesion erosion civilian casualties international aid diversion militarization resource plundering conflict instability African development economic impact infrastructure destruction human development regional instability armed groups banditry failed states civil war population displacement social upheaval resource diversion post-conflict reconstruction poverty governance security foreign investment humanitarian crisis violence war economy social fabric peacebuilding refugees corruption economic recovery war impacts on economic development Africa civil unrest economic consequences Africa regional instability Africa economic growth cost of war Africa economy infrastructure damage war Africa diversion of development funding conflict Africa armed groups Africa economic impact banditry versus political objectives Africa failed states Africa economic effects human development war Africa destabilization due to conflict Africa civilian disruption wars Africa long-term economic consequences war Africa economic growth barriers Africa conflict-induced poverty Africa post-war reconstruction Africa economy resource allocation during conflict Africa social infrastructure war damage Africa impact of military spending Africa development negotiation difficulties in African conflicts economic recovery after civil unrest Africa war civil unrest economic development Africa regional instability conflict costs economic growth infrastructure damage Ethiopia Eritrea failed states banditry armed groups humanitarian impact human development social disruption development funding BBC report governance instability failed states profit-motivated violence civilian impact destabilisation resource diversion political objectives long-term effects poverty insecurity chronic conflict international aid war impact on economic development civil unrest Africa regional instability Africa armed groups and banditry human development Africa economic cost of wars diversion of development funding impact of conflict on infrastructure failed states Africa political instability Africa economic growth barriers Africa civilian disruption Africa war and poverty Africa development challenges sub-Saharan Africa conflict and social infrastructure failed/failing states effects of civil war Africa profit-oriented armed groups peace and economic recovery Africa civil war and human development conflict instability insecurity regional violence civil wars armed conflict political instability humanitarian crisis displaced populations loss of infrastructure economic decline disrupted development social unrest failed states governance breakdown banditry armed groups peacebuilding post-conflict reconstruction nation-building refugees poverty international aid human development economic recovery civilian casualties resource diversion military expenditure development funding infrastructure damage lawlessness crime warlords social fragmentation insecurity agricultural disruption education impact healthcare disruption social services failed negotiations conflict in Africa economic impact of war civil unrest and development regional instability Africa cost of war Ethiopia Eritrea infrastructure damage war development funding war diversion armed groups Africa banditry in Africa war-induced poverty Africa failed states Africa human development Africa political instability Africa social infrastructure destruction humanitarian impact of war Africa's forever wars economic growth disruption war refugees Africa peacebuilding Africa conflict resolution Africa post-war recovery Africa causes of African underdevelopment security challenges Africa wars economic consequences war-related social instability armed conflict political instability economic impact human development infrastructure destruction Africa Ethiopia-Eritrea war resource diversion civil war banditry governance failure regional instability humanitarian crisis foreign aid displaced populations state failure social disruption violence peacebuilding reconstruction poverty investment loss security challenges post-war recovery development barriers conflict civil war political instability economic impact human development infrastructure destruction African development banditry insurgency governance failure resource diversion humanitarian crisis poverty regional security post-conflict reconstruction state fragility armed groups social disruption displaced populations economic recovery peacebuilding security sector reform internal displacement foreign aid peace negotiations economic stagnation social infrastructure war costs development funding illicit activities
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con01a	Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: harm to others legitimacy human rights suppression deprivation justified harm law acts of terror terrorism targets of terrorism civilians political authorities military government representatives property destruction civilian casualties innocent victims marginalization root causes of violence moral justification ethical considerations authority retaliation insurgency backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla warfare infrastructure attacks public infrastructure collateral damage humanitarian impact healthcare access innocent population discrimination violent resistance moral philosophy political violence non-combatant immunity ethical warfare civilian protection proportionality just war theory consequences harm to others legitimacy of harm human rights suppression deprivation of rights justification of harm lawful conduct terrorism targets civilian casualties ethics of killing civilians attacks on political authorities attacks on military authorities power structures government buildings attacks indirect harm insurgency consequences backlash effects Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla warfare infrastructure destruction impact on civilians collective punishment innocent populations humanitarian impact legal frameworks moral philosophy of violence counterterrorism ethics just war theory noncombatant immunity proportionality discrimination in war political violence state vs non-state actors responsibility for harm human rights legitimacy harm terrorism civilian casualties moral justification suppression deprivation insurgency collateral damage political violence state authority guerrilla warfare ethical considerations noncombatant immunity proportionality just war theory infrastructure attacks government repression Kurdish conflict Turkish authorities counterterrorism unintended consequences backlash collective punishment violence against innocents targeted attacks legitimacy of harm in political conflict ethics of terrorism civilian casualties and moral justification targeting government authorities in insurgency consequences of attacking infrastructure marginalization and insurgent violence backlash in political violence Kurdish revolt Turkey example ethical limits of resistance harm to innocents in conflict deprivation of human rights and justified action laws governing acts of terror effects of targeting non-combatants moral responsibility in armed resistance terrorism versus legitimate resistance civilian immunity in warfare infrastructure destruction and humanitarian impact justification for violence against authorities counterinsurgency and repression moral paradox in anti-government violence harm to others legitimacy of violence human rights suppression acts of terror terrorism targets civilian casualties terrorist ethics authority figures marginalization insurgency Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla warfare political violence civilian immunity collective punishment infrastructure attacks healthcare disruption government responsibility backlash effects counterinsurgency terrorism justification civilian protection law and morality ethical warfare just war theory proportionality discrimination principle international humanitarian law terrorism case studies Washington Post Kurdish conflict just war theory ethics of violence harm principle terrorism legitimacy civilian casualties targeting authorities infrastructure attacks human rights suppression moral justification of violence political violence collateral damage insurgency consequences Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities conflict ethical warfare non-combatant immunity enforcement of human rights backlash from violence terror acts impact humanitarian law proportionality in conflict state oppression nonviolent resistance legitimate targets in war ethics terrorism expansion civilian protection counterterrorism ethics harm to others legitimacy of violence suppression deprivation of human rights justification of harm law and violence acts of terror civilian targets innocent civilians terrorism ethics political authorities military authorities powerful authorities authority representatives infrastructure attacks government buildings no casualties illegitimate killing noncombatant immunity civilian harm root causes of violence perpetuation of harm violence backlash authority supporters insurgency Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war casualties country infrastructure access to healthcare destruction of roads destruction of hospitals collective punishment government crimes population innocence unnecessary harm population legitimacy of violence ethical justification of harm terrorism targets civilian harm ethics political authority attacks military targets ethics infrastructure attacks consequences suppression of human rights deprivation of rights response civilian casualties illegitimacy non-combatant immunity backlash in insurgencies Kurdish revolt Turkey guerilla warfare consequences population harm by infrastructure destruction healthcare disruption in conflicts insurgency ethics moral philosophy terrorism legal versus extralegal harm collective punishment ethics terrorism and public support symbolic violence justification for political violence harm reduction in conflict ethical analysis of terror acts harm to others legitimacy of harm suppression deprivation of human rights justification of violence lawful harm terrorism terrorist targets civilian casualties innocent civilians political authorities military authorities powerful authorities government representatives infrastructure attacks non-lethal attacks government buildings destruction of property backlash effects insurgency consequences Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla warfare counterinsurgency response healthcare disruption road destruction impact on innocents government crimes collective punishment population harm ethics of violence moral justification human rights violations nonviolent resistance proportionality in conflict innocent bystanders retali counterterrorism civilian casualties political violence legitimacy just war theory moral philosophy human rights insurgency Kurdish conflict Turkish authorities infrastructure attacks ethical implications state repression non-combatant immunity proportionality collective punishment law of armed conflict government policy anti-terrorism strategies pacifism international law civil-military relations retaliation escalation dynamics innocent victims humanitarian impact
test-politics-lghwdecm-con02a	Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid directly elected mayors populism political outsiders local government maverick candidates political disenchantment single-issue politics anti-establishment party politics glib promises headline grabbing independent candidates far-right politics immigration controversy racial tensions council relations mayoral powers electoral turnout extremist links political alienation vote fragmentation local elections populist rhetoric charismatic leadership outsider campaigns voter disappointment directly elected mayors populist candidates maverick politicians electoral populism anti-party sentiment single-issue campaigning political outsiders headline-grabbing politics far-right candidates local government immigration controversy asylum-seeker debate racial tensions low voter turnout extremist groups council relations mayoral elections electoral promises political alienation pet issues neglect media influence political scandals vote fragmentation mayoral authority limitations local democracy political polarisation public dissatisfaction directly elected mayors populist candidates maverick politicians single issue sloganising headline grabbing party politics unpopularity Paul Massey convicted candidates mayoral elections local government accountability far-right candidates immigration concerns asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman electoral turnout extremist links Labour party divisions US-style mayors local election dynamics councillor alienation unfulfilled promises political outsiders minority representation political newcomers electoral controversy directly elected mayors populism impact of elected mayors on local politics populist candidates in mayoral elections maverick candidates local government single issue campaigning elected mayors Paul Massey Salford mayor populism elected mayors party politics decline elected mayors alienating councillors limitations of mayoral power promises far-right candidates local elections immigration asylum-seekers mayoral campaigns Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets mayor minority turnout and populism extremist links mayoral candidates local government single issue neglect elected mayors and racial tensions case studies UK mayoral populism directly elected mayors populism populist candidates maverick politicians party politics unpopularity single-issue politics headline grabbing political slogans mayoral elections independent candidates Paul Massey criminal background in politics far-right candidates local government council alienation voter disappointment power limitations pet issues race relations immigration politics asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremism low voter turnout electoral systems local democracy political accountability local media coverage mayoral powers democratic legitimacy political extremism directly elected mayors populist candidates maverick politicians single issue politics glib promises headline grabbing party politics unpopularity Paul Massey Salford convicted candidate voter disappointment councillor alienation local government neglect far-right exploitation immigration concerns racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist links low voter turnout mayoral elections local democracy risks populism dangers election case studies UK local politics populist leadership challenges directly elected mayors populism populist candidates maverick candidates party politics single issue politics campaign slogans electoral promises local elections voter disenchantment anti-establishment political outsiders far-right candidates immigration asylum seekers racial tensions extremist links low voter turnout council relations local government Paul Massey Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Salford council alienation pet issues headline grabbing vote manipulation UK local politics mayoral elections electoral risks political polarization minority rule directly elected mayors populist candidates maverick candidates party politics single issue politics political slogans headline grabbing politics Paul Massey Salford mayor criminal background candidates electoral success voter turnout council relations local government neglect far-right politics immigration concerns asylum-seeker politics racial tension Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist links low voter turnout Labour Party divisions UK local elections political accountability political disillusionment independent candidates political promises democratic legitimacy political populism local political controversies directly elected mayors populism maverick candidates single-issue politics party politics disillusionment headline grabbing media influence independent candidates Paul Massey criminal background in politics voter turnout electoral legitimacy council relations governance challenges far-right politics immigration concerns asylum-seeker debate racial tensions Lutfur Rahman religious extremism Tower Hamlets electoral mandate local democracy campaign promises local government fragmentation political outsiders democratic accountability political polarisation local electoral reform populism directly elected mayors local government political outsiders maverick candidates single-issue politics voter turnout party politics headline politics campaign promises far-right politics immigration asylum seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Paul Massey case studies electoral behaviour council relations political accountability UK politics mayoral elections local democracy political alienation extremist candidates voter disappointment Tower Hamlets Salford election outcomes
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro04a	Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 sustainable tourism environmental impact eco-friendly travel carbon emissions CO2 pollution air travel pollution infrastructure development waste management environmental degradation water overuse land degradation littering Tunisia tourism tourist behavior environmental conservation sustainable development green tourism flight emissions tourism industry effects environmental reputation ecotourism pollution mitigation alternative transportation responsible tourism environmental policies European tourists Russian tourists flight pollution statistics UNEP tourism reports environmental sustainability environmental degradation sustainable tourism eco-friendly travel carbon emissions climate change water overuse land use solid waste littering ecological footprint air pollution green tourism responsible tourism tourist impact coastal erosion biodiversity loss natural resource depletion waste management tourism policy Tunisia tourism regulations transportation pollution airline emissions mass tourism local ecosystems environmental protection conservation environmental sustainability tourism development rural tourism impacts infrastructure expansion environmental awareness environmental impact sustainable tourism Tunisia tourism pollution effects tourism industry ecological damage infrastructure construction waste management CO2 emissions air travel pollution water overuse land degradation littering climate change eco-friendly travel tourist footprint environmental protection responsible tourism carbon footprint tourism growth natural resource depletion conservation environmental awareness green tourism habitat destruction tourism pollution effects environmental impact of tourism Tunisia sustainability in tourism industry economic impacts of tourism pollution tourism infrastructure environmental damage air travel tourism pollution CO2 emissions tourism Tunisia water overuse tourism Tunisia land degradation tourism industry littering and tourism pollution tourism industry reputation damage European tourists Tunisia pollution Russian tourists Tunisia impact holiday flights pollution Tunisia solutions for sustainable tourism Tunisia reducing tourism pollution Tunisia tourism industry environmental regulations Tunisia negative effects of tourism Tunisia protecting environment from tourism Tunisia Tunisia tourism sustainable development tourism pollution Tunisia environment tourism environmental impact sustainable tourism economic growth sustainability tourism infrastructure tourist waste tourism reputation damage European tourists Tunisia Russian tourists Tunisia air travel pollution CO2 emissions tourism airline carbon footprint water overuse tourism land degradation tourism littering in tourism United Nations Environment Programme tourism environmental beauty tourism tourism-related pollution sources aviation pollution Tunisia tourism industry environmental issues eco-friendly tourism Tunisia tourism sustainability strategies conservation tourism Tunisia mass tourism impacts tourism environmental impact pollution from tourism tourism sustainability Tunisia economic growth tourism infrastructure and environmental damage travel emissions Tunisia CO2 emissions tourism tourism waste pollution environmental reputation Tunisia European tourists Tunisia Russian tourists Tunisia air travel pollution Tunisia water overuse tourism land degradation tourism littering from tourism UNEP tourism impact tourism industry pollution data sustainable tourism Tunisia holiday flight pollution tourism environmental challenges Tunisia tourism pollution environmental degradation Tunisia sustainability economic growth environmental impact infrastructure construction waste production reputation damage European tourists Russian tourists air travel emissions CO2 emissions aviation pollution water overuse land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC pollution from flights tourism sustainability tourism industry environmental beauty short-term growth holiday pollution environmental protection eco-tourism green tourism environmental footprint resource consumption carbon footprint tourism pollution Tunisia environmental impact tourism Tunisia sustainable tourism Tunisia tourism industry environmental damage CO2 emissions travel Tunisia eco-friendly tourism Tunisia tourism infrastructure environmental effects tourism waste management Tunisia water overuse tourism Tunisia land degradation tourism Tunisia littering tourism Tunisia economic growth sustainability tourism European tourists Tunisia pollution Russian tourists Tunisia environmental impact carbon footprint flights Tunisia plane CO2 emissions tourism tourism and reputation Tunisia United Nations Environment Programme tourism sustainable development tourism Tunisia BBC pollution tourism flights sustainable tourism environmental impact eco-friendly travel tourism pollution Tunisia tourism infrastructure water overuse land degradation littering carbon footprint air travel emissions responsible tourism green tourism environmental conservation Tunisia waste management tourism European tourists Tunisia Russian tourists Tunisia ecological tourism tourism industry sustainability tourism reputational damage climate change tourism environmental policy Tunisia tourism economics flight pollution UNEP tourism reports BBC tourism pollution sustainable tourism environmental impacts Tunisia tourism pollution effects CO2 emissions tourism infrastructure ecological damage water overuse land degradation littering air travel pollution tourist behavior waste management environmental protection green tourism responsible tourism eco-friendly travel tourism carbon footprint European tourists Russian tourists climate change tourism regulation conservation strategies tourism sustainability natural resource management flight emissions
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con04a	Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, democracy foreign intervention sovereignty internal affairs authoritarian regimes amnesty justice system legal proceedings blogger persecution international law rule of law diplomatic negotiations dissidents human rights Cuba alternative evidence political prisoners international relations judicial independence external influence state sovereignty regime stability foreign policy global governance legal autonomy intervention ethics meddling foreign intervention sovereignty non-interference international relations rule of law judicial sovereignty amnesty policy authoritarian regimes diplomatic negotiations dissident release human rights external pressure legal proceedings negotiation outcomes blogger imprisonment international norms state sovereignty country autonomy political prisoners humanitarian intervention justice system alternative verdicts diplomatic engagement Cuba dissidents outside actors respect for sovereignty external influence international diplomacy protest against sentences sovereignty non-intervention international relations foreign policy diplomatic negotiations amnesty rule of law judicial independence state sovereignty human rights political interference dissidents authoritarianism democracy promotion regime change external pressure international law legal proceedings blogger persecution Cuba diplomatic engagement domestic affairs global governance national autonomy noninterference doctrine political prisoners international norms external influence prisoner release state intervention democracies intervention internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty foreign meddling consequences international amnesty policies justice system sovereignty foreign influence amnesty rule of law international relations judicial independence foreign criticism blogger prosecution international response diplomatic negotiations dissident release Cuba dissident release 1998 external pressure human rights respecting national legal systems interference international law alternatives to amnesty advocating for dissidents negotiation examples of successful diplomacy impact of foreign intervention authoritarian states legitimacy of foreign criticism judicial decisions sovereignty versus human rights advocacy international relations sovereignty non-interference foreign intervention diplomacy amnesty justice system rule of law authoritarianism democracy human rights dissidents prisoner release negotiation blogger persecution judicial independence extraterritorial amnesty international law Cuba foreign policy regime change political prisoners external pressure legal proceedings government autonomy Human Rights Watch national sovereignty democracy and foreign intervention sovereignty and non-interference international relations and amnesty judicial independence and global pressure negotiating release of political prisoners external influence on legal proceedings rule of law in authoritarian regimes human rights diplomacy amnesty for bloggers release of dissidents through negotiation foreign policy and domestic legal systems ethics of international meddling authoritarian response to foreign criticism sovereignty versus human rights intervention legitimacy of foreign amnesty offers democracy non-intervention sovereignty internal affairs authoritarian regimes foreign interference justice system legal proceedings blogger prosecution rule of law judicial independence amnesty international relations diplomatic negotiation dissident release Cuba Human Rights Watch political prisoners alternative verdict international diplomacy state sovereignty external pressure human rights advocacy judicial persecution global governance negotiation outcomes Pope John Paul II state autonomy legal sovereignty global legal standards foreign intervention democracy promotion sovereignty non-interference international relations authoritarian regimes rule of law judicial sovereignty political prisoners blogger persecution diplomatic negotiation political amnesty human rights advocacy Cuba dissidents case studies international law foreign policy ethics justice system critique external amnesty policies political dissidence papal diplomacy Human Rights Watch transnational justice governmental legitimacy national autonomy democracy non-interference sovereignty authoritarianism foreign intervention judicial independence amnesty international relations legal proceedings blogger persecution rule of law alternative verdicts diplomatic negotiation human rights dissidents Cuba political prisoners external influence justice system international diplomacy amnesty policy state sovereignty human rights advocacy government negotiations foreign intervention state sovereignty international relations non-interference judicial independence diplomatic negotiations human rights amnesty policies authoritarian regimes dissident release rule of law legal sovereignty external pressure international law political prisoners Cuba diplomacy blogger persecution governmental interference domestic affairs bilateral talks
test-health-dhghhbampt-con01a	A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. medical innovation alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical acceptance treatment access medical orthodoxy patient rights medical establishment evolving therapies emerging treatments healthcare reform vested interests medical conservatism experimental therapies unproven treatments evidence-based medicine integrative medicine medical legitimacy medical bias patient advocacy medical innovation medical mainstream alternative medicine medical acceptance treatment evolution experimental therapies emerging treatments medical orthodoxy patient access medical reform integrative medicine conservative medicine medical progress medical establishment healthcare barriers vested interests medical paradigms evidence-based medicine medical adoption unconventional treatments medical innovation alternative medicine mainstream medicine treatment acceptance medical orthodoxy medical reform access to treatment patient rights medical progress evidence-based medicine historical medical practices medical paradigm shift healthcare barriers medical establishment vested interests drug industry influence treatment regulation emerging therapies medical conservatism medical ethics history of mainstream medical treatments alternative medicine becoming mainstream evolution of medical practices controversial medical treatments later accepted medical establishment resistance to change patient rights to alternative treatments vested interests in healthcare reform in medical acceptance drug companies and treatment adoption future of alternative medicine examples of once controversial treatments process of medical innovation acceptance barriers to new medical therapies academic orthodoxy in medicine ethics of denying unproven treatments patient access to experimental therapies shifting perceptions of alternative medicine mainstream medical adoption timeline medical practice legitimacy societal influence on medical standards mainstream medicine alternative therapies medical innovation evidence-based practice medical acceptance treatment access healthcare reform medical orthodoxy medical conservatism patient rights new medical treatments approval process traditional medicine complementary therapies medical paradigm shift drug industry interests healthcare ethics medical breakthroughs medical regulation progressive medicine emerging treatments clinical trials unproven therapies mainstream adoption healthcare barriers medical innovation acceptance mainstream vs alternative medicine history of medical practices medical orthodoxy resistance patient access to new treatments evolution of healthcare practices barriers to medical innovation vested interests in medicine conservative medical establishment acceptance of alternative therapies reform in medical treatment transition from alternative to mainstream medicine medical treatment denial ethics historical acceptance of medical treatments patient rights in medical innovation medical innovation alternative medicine mainstream treatments medical acceptance evidence-based medicine medical orthodoxy conservative medical establishment patient access treatment barriers emerging therapies integrative medicine healthcare reform vested interests drug companies medical progress clinical trials experimental treatments medical adoption unconventional therapies historical medical practices medical evolution treatment approval patient rights regulatory barriers medical policy healthcare ethics alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical acceptance medical innovation healthcare reform treatment accessibility medical orthodoxy patient rights evolving medical practices healthcare conservatism medical establishment medical paradigm shift vested interests drug companies influence experimental treatments complementary medicine integrative medicine medical legitimacy medical regulation transitional therapies patient autonomy treatment denial medical bias unorthodox treatments medical advancement evidence-based medicine medical research healthcare policy medical approval process new medical therapies medical innovation alternative medicine mainstream treatments medical acceptance emerging therapies clinical trials medical establishment patient access medical orthodoxy healthcare reform medical paradigms drug approval process vested interests medical consensus integrative medicine evidence-based practice treatment adoption unconventional medicine barriers to treatment regulatory challenges alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical innovation treatment acceptance medical orthodoxy healthcare reform new therapies medical conservatism medical establishment patient rights experimental treatments drug industry influence therapeutic adoption unproven treatments evidence-based medicine historical medical practices medical paradigm shifts access to care vested interests medical progress
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. human rights universal rights cultural relativism ethical pluralism moral relativism cultural diversity collective compromise universal values local customs legal pluralism international law minority rights majority rule moral universalism cultural practices societal norms cultural ethics group rights subjective morality global justice value systems social cohesion cultural traditions normative ethics law and morality community values pluralism international human rights cultural context cross-cultural dialogue universal human rights cultural relativism moral relativism cultural diversity ethical pluralism collective values cultural norms human rights law cultural context moral universality legal pluralism value systems international law rights versus culture cultural practices global justice child soldiers war crimes ICC cultural traditions cultural exceptions majority versus minority values moral conflict rights protections cultural defense cross-cultural ethics international human rights universalism versus relativism state sovereignty sociocultural compromise humanitarian law universal human rights cultural relativism collective compromises moral relativism ethical relativism cultural values legal pluralism international law group rights individual rights cultural diversity human rights doctrine cultural practices law and morality global ethics majority values minority rights war crimes child soldiers ICC legal norms cultural conflict ethical conflicts normative systems cross-cultural comparison universality vs. relativism plural societies rights protection customary law moral universalism social justice cultural objections legal harmonization universal human rights cultural relativism debate collective compromises in law conflicts in human rights evolution of cultural values group justice vs universalism morality and cultural context legal pluralism pluralist societies and laws objections to universal rights law adjustment for cultural diversity international law and human rights minority vs majority cultural values war crimes and cultural defense child soldiers controversy abuse of cultural relativism reconciliation of value systems human rights doctrine ethical relativism ICC and accountability universalism vs particularism universal human rights cultural relativism moral relativism pluralism international law collective values cultural values ethical universality customary practices legal pluralism minority rights majority rule cultural conflict value systems human rights doctrine cultural objections legal adaptation global ethics moral standards war crimes ICC child soldiers ritual practices community conduct philosophical relativism cross-cultural justice ethical compromise legal harmonization multiculturalism enforcement of rights value negotiation universal human rights cultural relativism moral relativism rights versus culture law and cultural context international law plural value systems majority versus minority rights indigenous practices and human rights ICC and war crimes global ethics collective legal compromises community beliefs and justice evolution of moral values cultural objections to human rights ritual versus universal values cultural justification of practices balancing pluralism and universality ethical universality state sovereignty and rights philosophical relativism cross-cultural legal norms human rights critiques cultural defense in law cultural evolution through conflict human rights cultural relativism moral relativism universal values international law collective values legal pluralism ethical pluralism group norms cultural practices social justice value conflict minority rights majority rule child soldiers war crimes International Criminal Court cultural differences ethical standards moral universality cultural practices and law value systems cultural norms global justice moral philosophy cultural diversity humanitarian intervention cultural traditions rights protection sovereignty vs universality customary law international norms universal human rights cultural relativism collective compromise cultural values moral relativism ethics law systems human rights doctrine pluralism cultural diversity cultural conflicts international law value pluralism universalism vs relativism ethical relativism cross-cultural rights individual rights vs group rights human rights exceptions socio-cultural norms minority rights majority rule child soldiers war crimes international criminal court legal pluralism cultural practices moral objectivity cultural evolution moral dilemmas global justice customary law intercultural ethics human rights cultural relativism universal values legal pluralism international law moral relativism ethics cultural diversity normative systems collective compromise minority rights cultural practices human rights doctrine pluralism legal systems child soldiers war crimes customary law group morality justice cross-cultural conflict universalism moral philosophy societal values ICC (International Criminal Court) human rights protection legal adaptation global ethics majority rule cultural objections international norms human rights universalism law moral relativism cultural relativism ethics pluralism international law cultural diversity legal pluralism value systems collective rights individual rights moral objectivism sovereignty war crimes International Criminal Court child soldiers cultural differences global justice moral standards human dignity customary law international norms ethical dilemmas minority rights majority rule cultural practices global governance legal harmonization transnational justice
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con05a	The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. International Criminal Court ICC effectiveness deterrence war crimes genocide Holocaust Nazi leadership Nuremberg Trials Allied victory judicial forums Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY Hague Tribunal human rights violations gross human rights abuses criminal accountability international justice legal deterrence atrocity prevention international courts crime commission psychological factors rational actor theory punitive measures prosecution impunity limitations of international law effectiveness of tribunals historical examples post-conflict justice transitional ICC effectiveness war crimes deterrence genocide prevention Holocaust accountability Nazi war crimes Allied response WWII international criminal tribunals ICTY Kosovo conflict ethnic cleansing Slobodan Milosevic prosecution judicial deterrence human rights violations failure of international justice limits of legal deterrence post-war accountability international law impact Nuremberg trials deterrence psychology of war criminals rational actor model crimes against humanity Hague tribunals international courts criticism atrocity prevention prosecutorial effectiveness court as deterrent International Criminal Court ICC effectiveness atrocity prevention deterrence war crimes genocide Holocaust Third Reich Nazi leadership Allied victory judicial forum execution Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo ICTY Hague tribunal human rights violations rational actor criminal accountability court efficacy international justice punishment legal deterrence tribunal impact war crime prosecution mass atrocity judicial intervention international law tribunal legitimacy limitations of international criminal court effectiveness of ICC in preventing war crimes deterrence effect of ICC failure of ICC to stop atrocities judicial forums and war crimes comparison between ICC and ICTY Holocaust escalation and Allied victory Nazi leadership expectations of justice Slobodan Milosevic ethnic cleansing Kosovo Bosnian Serb war crimes during ICTY rational actor theory and war crimes psychological motivations behind atrocities impact of international courts on human rights violations critiques of ICC’s deterrent power history of war crimes prosecution judicial deterrence in international law realpolitik and atrocity prevention limitations of legal approaches to genocide ICC effectiveness deterrence of war crimes failure to prevent atrocities Holocaust accountability Nazi leadership war crimes post-war justice Third Reich atrocities execution vs. trial international criminal justice ICTY deterrence Kosovo ethnic cleansing Slobodan Milosevic prosecution Bosnia war crimes tribunal limitations rational actor model human rights violations calculation legal deterrence limitations international court impact atrocity prevention skepticism judicial forum effectiveness limitations of criminal tribunals psychology of perpetrators judicial consequences perception allied response to war crimes war crimes escalation factors genocide prosecution effectiveness ICC deterrence effectiveness failure of international tribunals criticism of ICC Holocaust war crimes accountability Nazi war crimes prosecution ICTY deterrent effect Milosevic ethnic cleansing Kosovo rationality of war criminals limitations of judicial forums deterrence theory war crimes international justice human rights violations ICC criticism genocide war crimes accountability effectiveness impact of international courts on atrocities judicial impact on genocide prevention International Criminal Court ICC limitations effectiveness war crimes genocide deterrence Holocaust Third Reich Nazi Germany Allies Nuremberg Trials executions impunity Slobodan Milosevic Kosovo Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Hague judicial accountability gross human rights violations rational actor theory criminal calculation judicial forum international justice crime prevention tribunal deterrence failure to deter accountability mechanisms post-war justice perpetrator psychology limitations of courts legal enforcement war crimes prosecution atrocity prevention ICC effectiveness ICC deterrence ICC war crimes ICC genocide prevention ICC criticisms international criminal court failures Holocaust war crimes prosecution Allied response to Nazi crimes Nazi leadership war crimes judicial accountability genocide Slobodan Milosevic ICTY ethnic cleansing Kosovo ICTY war crimes tribunal limitations ICTY deterrent effect rational actor war crimes psychology of atrocity perpetrators judicial forums war crimes effectiveness international tribunals crimes against humanity prosecution deterrence of international courts failure to prevent genocide limitations of legal deterrence post-conflict justice ICC vs ICTY historical war crimes prosecution international ICC effectiveness deterrence of war crimes genocide prevention Holocaust prosecution Nazi war crimes trials Nuremberg Trials international criminal justice deterrent impact ICTY impact Kosovo ethnic cleansing judicial accountability war crimes tribunals limitations of international courts rational actor theory judicial forums international law enforcement human rights violations genocide accountability post-conflict justice effectiveness of Hague tribunals deterrence effectiveness international criminal court ICC limitations war crimes genocide Holocaust Allied response Nazi leadership accountability judicial forums ICTY ethnic cleansing Kosovo conflict Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army human rights violations rational actor theory criminal prosecution international justice legal consequences tribunal impact war crime prevention judicial deterrence international law enforcement historical precedents criminal impunity
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro03a	Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. internet censorship social media regulation Facebook ban government intervention online riots digital communication public order instant messaging social networking restrictions coordinated violence online incitement public safety UK riots social media misuse Vietnam internet policy digital harm online disruption technology and crime government censorship protecting citizens riot coordination property destruction online forums emergency response law enforcement online safety social network impact digital platform risks limiting online freedom public security technology and society social media threats online violence internet censorship social media regulation government surveillance Facebook ban online riots social networking restrictions digital communication monitoring blacklisting websites coordinated civil unrest online incitement information control digital public safety cybercrime policy social media violence online harm prevention national security internet digital protest coordination instant messaging misuse property destruction via social media social media and law enforcement UK riots Vietnam internet policy online speech regulation technology and society freedom of expression online censorship vs. safety state intervention digital platforms riot communication tools public order digital era restricting online forums social networks criminal use internet censorship social media bans Facebook regulation online riots coordinated violence government intervention digital communication public disorder instant messaging crowd coordination property destruction social network monitoring misinformation incitement law enforcement response cybercrime online security public safety internet regulation state surveillance social impact digital ethics social networking sites ban internet censorship effects social media and riots Facebook riots coordination government censorship social media social media inciting violence impacts of internet censorship social media public safety censorship to prevent riots negative effects of innocent websites government action social media disruption social networking site abuse limiting online forums for security role of Facebook in UK riots Blackberry Messenger riots destruction from social media use impacts of online communication on riots arguments for censoring websites protecting society from harmful platforms government control of internet content internet censorship social networking harm Facebook ban government control online coordinating riots instant messaging riots UK riots social media digital communication violence online incitement destruction of property social networks violence social media deaths social media government internet regulation protecting public order online censorship for public safety misuse of social networking Facebook riot coordination internet restrictions Vietnam Blackberry Messenger riots online forum regulation online behavior control England riots social media social media and public disorder digital platforms violence internet freedom vs safety internet censorship social media bans Facebook bans government regulation of online platforms online coordination of riots effects of social networking on society UK riots social media digital communication in protests online incitement to violence impact of social media on public safety property destruction via social media government intervention internet public order social media social media negative impact Vietnam internet censorship social networks and civil unrest regulating social platforms technology and crime social media and youth violence Blackberry Messenger riots internet censorship social media regulation government bans Facebook restrictions social networking sites online coordination of riots UK riots public order digital communication blackberry messenger online incitement property destruction urban violence instant messaging riot control civil unrest online crime digital surveillance public safety crowd control protest organization Vietnam government censorship information control emergency response law enforcement riots aftermath social media impact online harm society safety youth violence technology misuse internet censorship social media ban Facebook regulation government control social networking risks UK riots social media Vietnam internet policies blackBerry messenger riots online incitement social media violence digital communication risks property destruction online riot coordination public order internet deaths caused by social media social platform misuse online riot organization government censorship necessity social media public safety regulation of digital forums instant messaging riots media influence on riots internet restriction effects social media and crime digital age public disorder protecting citizens online internet censorship social media regulation Facebook ban government intervention social networking sites online coordination riots communication technology misuse public safety digital platform monitoring civil unrest disinformation information control instant messaging UK riots 2011 Vietnam internet laws online violence property destruction government censorship digital harm online incitement content moderation social network crime crowd control digital communication ethics social media censorship internet regulation online radicalization Facebook ban government intervention digital riots social networking risks misinformation public safety UK riots Vietnam internet policy online mob organization instant messaging cybercrime digital violence online incitement information control digital harm prevention national security online communication regulation digital public order social media governance
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> EU foreign policy European Union foreign policy coordination European defense policy common security policy international relations Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup national interests EU integration NATO dependency US-EU relations EU military power international influence foreign policy failure EU global role European security transatlantic relations EU external action EU sovereignty EU common foreign policy EU foreign policy failures EU Iraq War response EU Yugoslavia intervention EU national interests EU consensus challenges EU world politics EU international power EU military capability EU NATO dependency EU US relations EU independent foreign policy EU external relations EU security policy EU economic power EU global influence EU military dependence EU political unity EU foreign policy integration EU strategic autonomy EU foreign policy European Union Common Security and Defence Policy CFSP EU integration Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup EU military power NATO dependency US-EU relations international relations transatlantic relations European defense unity in foreign policy EU diplomatic failures supranational institutions EU sovereignty global influence national interests European identity collective security soft power hard power EU crisis management European public opinion EU common foreign policy challenges EU foreign policy failure examples EU response to Iraq War EU handling of Yugoslav breakup EU national interest conflicts EU military dependency on NATO EU military vs economic power EU independence in world politics EU-US relations in foreign policy EU international influence limitations EU defense policy development obstacles to EU foreign policy integration effectiveness of EU foreign policy EU external action service EU security and defense policy EU vs member state foreign policies future of EU global strategy EU-NATO cooperation barriers to EU strategic autonomy EU as a global actor European Union common foreign policy foreign policy failures EU foreign policy Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup EU international role national interests European unity EU military power NATO dependency US-EU relations EU global influence economic power vs. military power EU international relations EU sovereignty EU independence transatlantic alliance security policy defense policy geopolitical strategy European security EU diplomatic strategy EU external action power projection EU common foreign policy challenges EU foreign policy failures EU response to Iraq War EU and Yugoslavia breakup EU international influence limits EU military dependency on NATO EU versus US foreign policy EU national interests conflict EU security and defense policy EU economic versus military power EU independence in world politics EU defense integration obstacles to EU unified foreign policy future of EU global role EU strategic autonomy EU-NATO relationship EU international relations effectiveness EU versus national sovereignty strengthening EU foreign policy EU global actor limitations European Union common foreign policy foreign policy coordination Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup EU foreign affairs EU international role EU military power EU economic power EU global influence NATO dependency US-EU relations national interests member states policymaking security policy defense policy transatlantic relations EU independence diplomacy CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) EU weaknesses European integration military dependence geopolitical strategy foreign policy failures crisis response international relations EU sovereignty political unity EU-US military alliance EU foreign policy common European foreign policy EU international relations EU military power EU NATO relationship EU and US relations EU role in Iraq War EU response Yugoslavia breakup EU economic power limits EU security policy EU dependency on NATO EU global influence EU decision-making European integration foreign policy EU global strategy EU crisis management EU defense policy EU unanimity foreign affairs transatlantic relations EU geopolitical strategy EU common foreign policy European Union foreign policy failures EU response Iraq War EU response Yugoslavia breakup EU national interests EU member state divisions EU international influence EU military power EU economic power NATO dependency EU US relations EU independent foreign policy Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) EU global role EU unity challenges EU world politics EU defense policy EU security policy transatlantic relations EU external relations EU foreign policy European Union common approach EU international relations Iraq War EU response Yugoslavia EU intervention EU national interests EU decision making EU military power NATO dependency US-EU relations EU economic power EU security policy European defense integration EU global influence EU diplomatic failures EU external action EU geopolitical role European security strategy transatlantic relations EU sovereignty"
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro04a	"Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. greenhouse gas effects global warming climate change impacts sea level rise ice melt glacial retreat permafrost thawing methane release carbon dioxide emissions positive feedback loops ocean acidification coral reef damage marine ecosystem disruption carbon sink reduction extreme weather events hurricanes floods temperature records forest loss peat bog destruction carbon absorption decrease irreversible tipping points climate feedback mechanisms long-term climate recovery mitigation challenges greenhouse gases GHG emissions climate change impacts glacier melt ice sheet retreat permafrost thaw sea level rise methane release CO2 emissions albedo effect climate feedback loops ocean acidification carbon sinks coral bleaching marine ecosystem damage ocean chemistry changes extreme weather events hurricanes floods temperature extremes ecosystem destruction CO2 absorption forest loss peat bog loss positive feedback irreversible climate change temperature thresholds tipping points long-term recovery mitigation challenges methane bomb climate change feedback climate change impacts global warming effects sea level rise glacier melting permafrost thaw methane emissions carbon dioxide positive feedback loops ocean acidification coral reef decline ecosystem disruption carbon sinks extreme weather events hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest loss peat bogs natural CO2 absorption irreversible climate thresholds greenhouse gas removal mitigation strategies tipping points long-term climate recovery adaptation atmospheric chemistry feedback mechanisms consequences of increased greenhouse gases effects of rising GHG levels impact of GHGs on glaciers GHG-induced ice sheet melting permafrost thaw and greenhouse gases methane release from thawing permafrost sea level rise due to GHGs ocean acidification and greenhouse gases impact of GHGs on coral reefs changes in ocean carbon absorption acidification effects on marine ecosystems extreme weather events and GHGs hurricanes and climate change floods linked to rising GHGs temperature extremes and greenhouse gases destruction of ecosystems by climate change loss of natural carbon sinks feedback loops in greenhouse gases GHG effects glacier melt permafrost thaw sea level rise methane emissions carbon dioxide ocean acidification coral reef damage carbon sinks ocean chemistry CO2 absorption extreme weather events hurricanes floods temperature extremes ecosystem destruction forest loss peat bogs feedback loops positive feedback tipping points irreversible climate change mitigation strategies adaptation atmospheric chemistry climate system runaway climate change scientific consensus methane time bomb climate change impact policy response global warming projections sustainable GHG levels temperature thresholds long-term climate recovery greenhouse gas effects GHG consequences increased atmospheric GHGs climate change impacts glacier melting permafrost thaw methane release ocean acidification coral reef damage extreme weather events hurricanes and GHGs floods and climate change temperature rise effects carbon sinks forest destruction peat bog loss natural CO2 absorption climate feedback loops irreversible climate change 2.5C temperature threshold long-term climate recovery GHG feedback mechanisms climate tipping points global warming effects sea level rise methane greenhouse effect CO2 ocean absorption environmental consequences of GHGs greenhouse gas effects global warming glaciers melting ice sheets loss permafrost thaw sea level rise methane emissions carbon dioxide increase positive feedback loops albedo effect climate change amplification ocean acidification carbon sinks coral reef decline marine ecosystems ocean chemistry changes reduced CO2 absorption extreme weather events hurricanes floods temperature extremes ecosystem destruction forest loss peat bog destruction natural carbon capture irreversible climate tipping points climate feedback mechanisms long-term climate recovery CO2 concentration sustainable GHG reduction climate thresholds methane potency environmental impacts anthropogenic emissions climate greenhouse gas effects global warming impacts glacier melt consequences permafrost thaw impacts methane release effects sea level rise ocean acidification coral reef damage carbon sink reduction extreme weather events hurricanes and climate change floods and climate impacts temperature records climate change ecosystem destruction CO2 peat bog loss natural CO2 absorption decline climate change feedback loops irreversible climate change temperature rise consequences Methane potency vs CO2 sustainable GHG levels long-term climate recovery climate tipping points climate change mitigation carbon cycle disruption atmospheric CO2 increase greenhouse gas effects rising sea levels methane release permafrost thaw glacial melt ocean acidification coral reef destruction carbon sink capacity ocean chemistry changes extreme weather events hurricane frequency flooding temperature records ecosystem loss CO2 absorption peat bog destruction forest loss climate change acceleration irreversible tipping points feedback loops long-term climate stabilization post-industrial warming methane potency sustainable GHG levels global warming consequences adaptation challenges mitigation strategies future climate projections feedback effects environmental impacts climate change impacts greenhouse gases methane emissions glacier melt permafrost thaw sea level rise ocean acidification carbon sinks coral reef damage ocean chemistry changes extreme weather events hurricanes floods heatwaves ecosystem destruction carbon absorption feedback loops irreversible climate tipping points climate change feedbacks long-term climate recovery climate mitigation methane release carbon cycle disruption global warming threshold runaway climate change environmental consequences"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro03a	South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetia independence conflict prevention Georgia de facto independence reintegration self-determination ethnic cleansing 2008 war protracted war insurgency democratic principles humanitarian consequences Russia intervention regional stability ethnic tensions reconciliation territorial disputes minority rights secession sovereignty peacebuilding international recognition post-Soviet conflicts South Caucasus humanitarian impact ethnic conflict security nation-state peace process South Ossetian independence conflict prevention South Caucasus stability self-determination ethnic conflict Georgian-Ossetian relations Russia involvement humanitarian consequences peacebuilding regional security reintegration risks de facto independence ethnic cleansing war of aggression international law secession peace process minority rights frozen conflict Russia-Georgia war 2008 South Ossetia war sovereignty disputes international recognition ceasefire agreements prolonged tensions separatist regions forced integration minority oppression peace negotiations humanitarian intervention South Ossetia independence conflict prevention self-determination Georgian-Ossetian conflict ethnic tensions regional security humanitarian consequences secession ethnic cleansing 2008 Russo-Georgian war Russia involvement international recognition minority rights peacebuilding de facto independence reconciliation obstacles peace process sovereignty territorial integrity post-Soviet conflicts unrecognized states breakaway regions autonomy reintegration challenges ethnic insurgency military clashes frozen conflict humanitarian intervention South Ossetian independence conflict resolution South Ossetian self-determination effects of South Ossetian independence on regional stability Georgian-Ossetian relations history prevention of ethnic conflict in Caucasus South Ossetian attitudes towards re-integration consequences of forced integration in South Ossetia risk of protracted war in South Ossetia humanitarian impacts of South Ossetian independence international recognition of South Ossetia Georgian military actions in South Ossetia 2008 South Ossetia war consequences Russia’s role in South Ossetian independence long-term peace solutions Caucasus South Ossetia independence conflict prevention Georgia de facto independence re-integration self-determination democratic principles insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 war reconciliation ethnic struggle Russian involvement humanitarian consequences sovereignty territorial integrity secession minority rights Caucasus international recognition peacebuilding regional stability South Ossetian independence conflict prevention self-determination ethnic tensions Georgia South Ossetia conflict militarized clashes post-2008 war ethnic cleansing accusations de facto independence re-integration risks majority tyranny democratic principles insurgency risk Russia involvement humanitarian consequences secessionist movements regional stability Balkanization risk historical conflicts Caucasus minority rights peacebuilding South Ossetia international recognition breakaway regions peace prospects frozen conflicts Russian-Georgian relations South Ossetia independence conflict prevention militarized clashes regional tensions de facto independence Georgian reintegration self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic struggle ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict humanitarian consequences Russia involvement regional stability peace process minority rights sovereignty secession international recognition reconciliation Georgian state majority rule armed conflict separatism national identity territorial disputes post-Soviet conflicts frozen conflicts Caucasus humanitarian crisis ethnic violence self-governance peacekeeping international intervention Russia South Ossetian independence conflict prevention self-determination de facto independence Georgian-Ossetian conflict ethnic tensions humanitarian consequences ethnic cleansing 2008 Russo-Georgian war secession international recognition peacebuilding post-Soviet conflicts minority rights Russia involvement territorial disputes national sovereignty breakaway regions political autonomy re-integration risks insurgency democratic principles regional stability frozen conflicts humanitarian intervention ethnic violence protracted warfare South Ossetia independence conflict prevention regional tensions de facto independence Georgia reintegration self-determination democratic principles ethnic conflict protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 war reconciliation Russia involvement humanitarian consequences peace process secessionist movements Caucasus minority rights territorial disputes international recognition peacebuilding regional stability forced assimilation sovereignty great power intervention territorial integrity national identity ethnopolitical conflict South Ossetia independence conflict prevention regional stability de facto independence self-determination Georgia reintegration ethnic tensions ethnic conflict secession insurgency humanitarian consequences international recognition Russia involvement 2008 war ethnic cleansing democratic principles frozen conflicts peace process sovereignty minority rights reconciliation barriers separatism post-Soviet conflicts South Caucasus political autonomy territorial disputes UN intervention peacekeeping forces OSCE conflict resolution
test-politics-oapghwliva-con01a	"A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 line-item veto presidential power executive authority legislative process congressional influence veto threats separation of powers checks and balances executive abuse political coercion legislative bargaining budget politicization constitutional balance presidential intimidation Congressional assent power erosion Clinton line-item veto partisan politics legislative-executive relations presidential appointments treaty approval executive-legislative conflict political overtones unchecked executive presidential leverage budget control line-item veto executive power presidential authority legislative process checks and balances constitution congressional influence veto threats political intimidation policy negotiation budget politicization separation of powers abuse of power presidential appointments treaty approval legislative-executive relations Bill Clinton Rick Santorum Ted Stevens Washington Post federal budgeting executive-legislative conflict US politics political bargaining power imbalance veto strategy constitutional implications line-item veto executive power legislative process presidential authority veto threat congressional influence separation of powers checks and balances legislative intimidation constitution balance politicized budgets presidential abuse Clinton line-item veto Rick Santorum statements Ted Stevens quotes balance of power executive-legislative relations political overtones power erosion historical examples Washington Post 1997 line-item veto abuse presidential power abuse legislative process executive influence over Congress threat of selective veto politicization of federal budgets erosion of checks and balances balance of power constitution precedents of line-item veto Clinton congressional opposition to line-item veto undue presidential leverage appointments treaties subtle intimidation executive branch raw abuse of political power President historical controversies line-item veto case studies Rick Santorum line-item veto arguments against executive fiscal authority partisan impact budget processes constitutional implications line-item veto separation of powers executive legislative Washington Post line-item veto analysis reactions congressional leaders executive veto line-item veto executive power presidential abuse legislative process undue influence congressional bargaining balance of power checks and balances budget politicization constitutional authority veto threats executive-legislative relations separation of powers political intimidation Clinton administration Rick Santorum Ted Stevens power dynamics Washington Post legislative manipulation political overtones line-item veto abuse presidential power over Congress legislative process manipulation executive influence in lawmaking balance of power Constitution checks and balances erosion intimidation in legislation politicized budgets Clinton line-item veto Rick Santorum line-item veto comments Ted Stevens line-item veto abuse executive authority expansion legislative-executive relations Washington Post line-item veto 1997 historical examples line-item veto impact on Congressional decision-making executive branch overreach legislative bargaining treaty assent manipulation appointment approval leverage line-item veto presidential power executive authority legislative process abuse of power undue influence Congressional bargaining veto threats political intimidation constitutional balance checks and balances executive-legislative relations politicization of budgets Clinton line-item veto Rick Santorum Ted Stevens separation of powers legislative oversight political overtones presidential appointments treaty approval Washington Post Hugliotta and Pianin federal budget process executive abuse presidential influence political manipulation Congress presidential veto legislative coercion institutional power dynamics line-item veto abuse presidential power manipulation executive branch overreach legislative influence checks and balances erosion politicization of budgets Congressional coercion intimidation in government Clinton line-item veto history Rick Santorum line-item veto Ted Stevens criticism constitutional balance of power executive authority abuse US presidential veto power legislative bargaining political influence oversight separation of powers executive-legislative relations veto threats in Congress Washington Post line-item veto analysis line-item veto presidential powers executive authority constitutional balance legislative process abuse of power veto threats congressional influence political intimidation separation of powers budget politicization executive-legislative relations historical examples Bill Clinton Rick Santorum Ted Stevens Washington Post checks and balances treaty approval appointment process US Constitution line-item veto presidential power executive authority abuse of power legislative process congressional influence separation of powers balance of power checks and balances political intimidation budget politicization Clinton administration Rick Santorum Ted Stevens executive-legislative relations constitutional implications presidential veto threats legislative bargaining presidential appointments treaty approval Washington Post historical examples constitutional checks power dynamics case studies political negotiation"
test-law-ralhrilglv-con03a	Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya government Uhuru Kenyatta illegal title deeds media freedom press freedom Mungiki mass murder good governance Raila Odinga Standard Digital banned gangs political credibility media law punitive fines corruption land ownership press suppression political leadership governance reform allegations political accountability leadership crisis Kenyan politics Uhuru Kenyatta Kenyan government illegal title deeds land corruption press freedom media censorship Mungiki gang political violence mass murder allegations banned groups good governance leadership credibility Raila Odinga Standard Digital human rights in Kenya political accountability media law Kenya presidential misconduct corruption in Kenya Kenya politics Uhuru Kenyatta illegal title deeds government corruption media freedom freedom of the press punitive fines Mungiki banned gangs mass murder allegations Raila Odinga Kenya governance leadership credibility good governance media repression Standard Digital Kenyan politics land disputes political scandals press suppression occult gangs Kenya Kenya political leadership criticism Uhuru Kenyatta title deed controversy Uhuru Kenyatta freedom of press Kenyan media suppression Mungiki allegations Kenyatta Kenya government corruption Raila Odinga on title deeds Standard Digital Kenya politics illegal title deeds Kenya media freedom in Kenya Kenyatta administration misconduct Kenyan governance issues president involvement in criminal gangs Kenya government and Mungiki Kenya leadership credibility Kenya illegal land allocations Kenya punitive fines against media Kenya press freedom violations Kenya good governance Kenya regime change advocacy Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta illegal title deeds press freedom media suppression Mungiki gang mass murder allegations governance in Kenya Raila Odinga Standard Digital punitive media fines government corruption banned organizations political scandals Kenya presidential credibility freedom of expression Kenya human rights Kenya government accountability election controversy land issues Kenya political reform Kenya Kenya politics Uhuru Kenyatta accountability illegal title deeds Kenya freedom of the press Kenya media repression Kenya Mungiki allegations political corruption Kenya Raila Odinga statements governance Kenya human rights Kenya press freedom violations Kenya land ownership disputes Kenya Kenyan presidency scandals leadership credibility Kenya Standard Digital sources punitive media laws Kenya Kenya government Uhuru Kenyatta illegal title deeds land disputes press freedom media suppression Mungiki banned gangs mass murder human rights abuses Raila Odinga governance crisis political corruption leadership legitimacy Standard Digital punitive fines media law political accountability electoral integrity civil liberties rule of law presidential scandals public trust Kenyan politics Kenya political crisis Uhuru Kenyatta government criticism illegal title deeds Kenya press freedom Kenya Mungiki gang allegations mass murder Kenya Raila Odinga title deeds media law Kenya Standard Digital Kenya governance in Kenya Kenyatta credibility Kenyan leadership crisis government corruption Kenya banned groups Kenya Kenyan media repression Kenya politics Uhuru Kenyatta government corruption illegal title deeds press freedom Kenya media censorship Mungiki gang electoral violence Kenya Raila Odinga leadership credibility good governance Standard Digital Kenya land disputes Kenya freedom of the press Africa political scandals Kenya banned groups Kenya human rights Kenya presidential accountability Kenyan law political reform Uhuru Kenyatta illegal title deeds press freedom media censorship Mungiki gang mass murder allegations Kenya governance Raila Odinga political corruption human rights Standard Digital government accountability punitive media fines banned organizations election integrity land title controversy Kenya political crisis leadership legitimacy freedom of expression good governance
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro05a	Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 transparency public relations crisis management media freedom information disclosure military communication accident investigation media speculation nuclear accidents government openness disaster prevention Palomares incident information policy press relations crisis response reputation management military accountability public opinion democratic governance international relations information release misinformation prevention strategic communication communication policy incident reporting transparency public relations crisis communication media freedom information disclosure military transparency accident reporting nuclear incident Palomares incident openness information management press speculation US-Spain relations government accountability crisis management democratic accountability communication policy media relations information release reputation management transparency public relations media freedom information disclosure crisis communication military accidents nuclear incidents Palomares incident B-52 crash KC-135 tanker collision US military policy press investigation openness information release speculation national security Spain US-Spain relations Franco regime democracy public opinion disaster prevention communication strategy information policy accident response media relations harmful speculation information management transparency benefits public trust historical examples transparency in military communications public relations crisis management openness in accident reporting media freedom and crisis response releasing information to prevent speculation transparency and national security lessons from the 1966 Palomares Incident military transparency and international relations handling nuclear accident disclosures role of media in public relations disasters information policy in democracies transparency to build public trust preventing misinformation in high-risk incidents military-civilian communication during crises historical examples of transparency failures transparency as best PR policy government openness in sensitive incidents effects of hiding information in military accidents managing press coverage of disasters transparency and diplomatic relations transparency public relations media freedom military information policy information release crisis communication speculation prevention accident disclosure nuclear incident B-52 collision KC-135 tanker Palomares incident US-Spain relations democracy response public opinion openness disasters national security press relations information gaps Stiles David Journal of War Studies transparency in crisis communication military public relations media freedom and information release proactive information disclosure public relations disasters prevention Palomares incident 1966 handling nuclear accidents in public openness and speculation media and government trust crisis management best practices transparency and national security military-media relations lessons from B-52 KC-135 collision avoiding harmful media speculation strategic communication in emergencies transparency public relations crisis management media freedom information dissemination military communication accident reporting information policy speculation prevention nuclear incident Palomares accident government openness press relations information release crisis response public trust Spain U.S. military B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear weapons national security diplomatic relations Franco regime democratic accountability transparency public relations PR disasters military communication media freedom information release crisis management Palomares incident B-52 collision KC-135 tanker accident nuclear bomb accident U.S. military openness media speculation information policy Spain 1966 disaster prevention crisis communication government transparency press relations information management democratic accountability public opinion accident reporting US-Spain relations nuclear safety David Stiles Journal of War Studies Cold War incidents military accidents historical PR crises government openness transparency public relations PR disasters media freedom information release military communication crisis management openness press speculation accident disclosure nuclear accidents B-52 collision KC-135 tanker 1966 Palomares incident US-Spain relations government accountability damage control democratic response national security media relations information policy emergency communication trust building news management historical examples journalist investigation military transparency public relations management crisis communication information disclosure media freedom media investigation nuclear accident B-52 collision Palomares incident U.S. information policy military openness public opinion management government accountability nuclear safety international relations military accidents press speculation democratic response crisis containment media coverage U.S.-Spain relations disaster communication historical case studies risk communication transparency policy
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con03a	Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 fragile states state fragility weak governance political instability conflict violence inequality poverty sub-Saharan Africa armed intervention coups democratic backsliding regime change DR Congo Ethiopia Mali West Africa military intervention French troops conflict forecast political risk conflict prevention post-conflict reconstruction governance reform political transitions state collapse ISS Africa fragile country prospects democratization peacebuilding civil unrest African security fragile states Africa conflict weak governance political instability civil war violence poverty inequality Africa governance conflict risk coup d'état DR Congo instability Ethiopia fragile state Mali coup international intervention instability drivers democracy challenges peace prospects strategic studies Africa resilient states early warning conflict failed states African political crises security threats Africa war forecast governance reforms fragile states Africa governance conflict violence inequality poverty state stability DR Congo Ethiopia political instability coups Mali multiparty elections democracy war peacebuilding international intervention French troops security risk assessment constitutional crisis post-conflict reconstruction Institute of Strategic Studies Africa ISS Africa regional security sub-Saharan Africa failed states conflict prevention crisis escalation poverty reduction fragile states in Africa future of conflict in Africa long-term stability Africa governance challenges Africa weak governance Africa inequality poverty Africa DR Congo Ethiopia fragile Institute of Strategic Studies Africa fragile states by 2050 causes of fragility Africa African state stability trends war forecast Africa post-conflict recovery Africa Mali democracy failed coups in West Africa effects of coups Africa French intervention Mali multi-party elections Mali freedom of speech Africa political transitions Africa conflict escalation stable countries post-2012 Mali crisis democratic backsliding Africa Africa conflict prevention resilience building fragile states international fragile states Africa weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa state fragility forecast war in Africa peace prospects African stability Mali coup 2012 democratic transition French military intervention political instability state collapse governance challenges conflict prediction election stability international election monitoring media freedom Africa security challenges Sub-Saharan Africa post-coup recovery fragile states Africa weak governance Africa conflict and violence Africa inequality poverty Africa DR Congo fragility Ethiopia fragile state African state stability forecast Mali 2012 coup Mali democracy breakdown French intervention Mali 2013 Institute of Strategic Studies Africa report African political instability future of war Africa governance challenges Africa post-coup transitions Africa fragile states by 2050 Africa multiparty elections state collapse Africa instability in ‘stable’ African countries Cilliers Sick Prospects Africa Bruce Whitehouse Mali analysis fragile states weak governance conflict violence political instability inequality poverty Africa DR Congo Ethiopia Institute for Security Studies ISS Africa state fragility forecast 2050 war peace coup Mali democratic transition multiparty elections political crisis intervention French troops governance challenges regime change state collapse civil unrest stability government overthrow international intervention sub-Saharan Africa democratic backsliding political violence conflict prevention nation-building peacekeeping conflict-prone regions governance reform political transitions fragile states Africa political instability Africa weak governance Africa conflict Africa violence Africa poverty Africa inequality Africa DR Congo politics Ethiopia fragile state future of war Africa coups Africa Mali coup 2012 French intervention Mali multiparty elections Africa democracy setbacks Africa Institute of Strategic Studies Africa ISS Africa report post-colonial Africa conflict sub-Saharan Africa instability peacebuilding Africa state fragility 2050 projections fragile states Africa weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia political instability war forecast Mali coup democracy erosion French intervention state resilience state failure multiparty elections governance challenges security threats peace prospects conflict escalation ISS Africa Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick Bruce Whitehouse London Review of Books future projections policy recommendations international response Sub-Saharan Africa post-colonial states fragile states state fragility weak governance African conflict political instability civil war poverty in Africa inequality conflict forecast Africa DR Congo instability Ethiopia fragility coups in Africa Mali coup 2012 democratic backsliding African security ISS Africa report international interventions Africa French intervention Mali history of conflicts Africa peace prospects Africa conflict prevention early warning signs Africa
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con01a	Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. graduate tax education funding government expenditure student grants higher education costs university fees government investment public spending tax system complexity bureaucracy increase austerity measures funding reforms repayment schemes student finance long-term investment policy implementation cost university admissions public sector budget taxation policy financial sustainability graduate tax drawbacks graduate tax implementation costs student grants funding government spending on higher education delayed graduate tax repayment graduate tax administrative burden graduate tax impact on public finances university tuition fees 2011 higher education investment returns bureaucracy costs graduate tax austerity and education funding graduate tax versus tuition fees graduate tax feasibility higher education policy long-term costs of graduate tax public sector budget constraints graduate tax system sustainability graduate tax higher education funding government spending student grants tuition fees university financing public investment tax system complexity education policy bureaucratic costs austerity measures fiscal impact repayment delays university grants cost-benefit analysis England university fees long-term investment administrative burden government debt funding reforms graduate tax system costs government spending on student grants financial impact of graduate tax expense of implementing graduate tax graduate tax repayment delay bureaucracy of graduate tax complications in taxation university funding requirements impact of new tuition fee cap comparison with existing systems austerity measures and education funding long-term investment in education efficiency of graduate tax administrative challenges graduate tax university grant expenditure impact on government budget higher education funding models graduate tax costs implementation expenses government spending student grants delayed tax repayments university funding tuition fee impacts higher education finances government bureaucracy graduate tax administrative burden taxation system complications austerity measures education university grant expansion long-term investment graduate tax public sector spending education policy feasibility graduate tax graduate tax cost analysis government spending on student grants long-term investment graduate tax administrative costs graduate tax impact on government budget education student loan alternatives university funding UK higher education finance reform graduate tax feasibility bureaucratic challenges graduate tax graduate tax vs tuition fees education funding austerity long-term effects of graduate tax economic implications graduate tax sustainability of graduate tax system graduate tax higher education funding student grants government spending university tuition fees public investment cost analysis administrative costs tax system complications English universities policy implementation fiscal impact austerity measures funding models financial sustainability government bureaucracy long-term investment education policy graduate repayment higher education economics public sector budget university grants student finance taxation policy graduate tax cost analysis graduate tax implementation expenses government spending graduate tax student grants financial impact long-term repayment timeline graduate tax university funding graduate tax administrative costs graduate tax bureaucracy graduate tax system graduate tax drawbacks higher education funding alternatives graduate tax vs tuition fees government austerity education funding cost-benefit analysis graduate tax graduate tax sustainability university applications and graduate tax impact on government budget graduate tax education reform financial implications higher education policy UK graduate tax financial projections public funding university education graduate tax higher education funding student grants government spending university tuition tuition fees university applications 2011 UK education policy public investment long-term payoff government bureaucracy taxation system complications austerity measures funding alternatives cost-benefit analysis policy feasibility higher education finance university budgets student debt graduate repayments financial sustainability economic impact administrative costs fiscal policy Guardian education university grants graduate tax drawbacks graduate tax implementation cost government spending on graduate tax student grant expenses higher education funding university tuition fees impact graduate tax bureaucracy economic impact graduate tax long-term investment education austerity measures education alternative university funding models graduate repayment schemes UK higher education finance Guardian graduate tax analysis university grants expenditure
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro04a	It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, Common Agricultural Policy CAP reform farm subsidies agricultural payments small farmers family-owned farms large agribusiness subsidy distribution income support agricultural policy EU agriculture farm size inequality rural development competitive disadvantage landowners agricultural economics subsidy concentration agricultural competitiveness direct payments agricultural fairness agricultural policy criticism subsidy recipients agricultural market European farming subsidy restructuring policy effectiveness EU taxpayers farm support mechanisms agriculture conference Stresa agricultural objectives rural livelihoods CAP reform agricultural subsidies family farming large agribusiness subsidy allocation EU farm policy income distribution rural development direct payments smallholder farmers land concentration agricultural inequality subsidy beneficiaries competitive disadvantage policy objectives CAP criticism subsidy fairness wealth distribution agriculture policy implementation EU agriculture Common Agricultural Policy CAP reform agricultural subsidies farm payments family farms small farmers large-scale agriculture direct payments subsidy distribution agricultural policy EU agriculture rural development wealth concentration subsidy inequality landowners farm size European Union Stresa conference economic support competitive capacity agricultural industry policy critique income distribution agricultural economics rural policy Knudsen The Economist farm structure beneficiary analysis agricultural support CAP subsidy distribution criticism reform CAP for small farmers EU agricultural policy inequalities family farm support Europe direct payments CAP controversy farm size and subsidy allocation Stresa conference CAP goals EU farm subsidy concentration large vs small farm subsidies CAP policy historical objectives EU taxpayer subsidy impact agricultural subsidy reform proposals CAP direct payments fairness wealthy landowner subsidies EU CAP objectives vs outcomes supporting competitive small-scale farmers agricultural industry beneficiaries CAP EU farm policy debates rural development CAP CAP economic and social goals Common Agricultural Policy CAP reform agricultural subsidies small farmers support family farming rural development direct payments farm size inequality subsidy distribution agricultural policy Europe Stresa conference 1958 large-scale agriculture agri-business benefits EU farm subsidies subsidy concentration wealth distribution agriculture policy evaluation CAP landowner subsidies agricultural competition agricultural policy criticism European Union agriculture economist farm subsidies agricultural sustainability rural livelihoods CAP objectives CAP reform agricultural subsidies subsidy allocation family farm support inequity in CAP EU farm payments agricultural policy critique direct payment controversy large farm beneficiaries small farmer challenges subsidy distribution rural development policy CAP objectives Stresa conference agriculture taxpayer funding EU agriculture agricultural competitiveness farm income disparity CAP effectiveness agricultural industry critiques European farm economics CAP Common Agricultural Policy agricultural subsidies EU farm payments family farms small farmers large farmers direct payments subsidy distribution agricultural policy farm competitiveness rural support wealth concentration landowners agricultural industry Stresa conference 1958 policy objectives subsidy inequity European agriculture farm size farm income economic support competitive environment rural development agricultural reform taxpayer money reform proposals agricultural inequality CAP reform EU agricultural subsidies farm payment distribution subsidy inequality family farm support agricultural policy criticism subsidy concentration large agribusinesses small farmer viability rural development policy subsidy allocation European Union farm income disparity Stresa Conference 1958 CAP objectives direct payment impacts agricultural competition European family farms farm policy effectiveness agri-subsidy recipients rural economy EU agricultural modernization subsidy policy review EU taxpayer funds farm size subsidy bias wealth disparity agriculture land ownership subsidies CAP subsidy distribution agricultural policy reform family farm support agricultural inequality rural development direct payments criticism Stresa conference 1958 large agribusiness subsidies EU farm policy smallholder farmers agricultural competitiveness subsidy concentration CAP beneficiaries rural socioeconomic impacts reform CAP objectives agricultural wealth disparity equitable subsidy allocation European agricultural policy history farm income support land ownership concentration CAP reform agricultural subsidies small farmers large landowners policy impact subsidy distribution EU agricultural policy direct payments family farms rural support agricultural competitiveness subsidy inequity farm size Stresa conference income distribution wealthy farmers European agricultural policy subsidy allocation economic support policy evaluation
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro02a	Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. government procurement open source software software industry transformation competitive bidding closed source software Microsoft Open Source Initiative Linux competition RealPlayer source code IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License IT solution innovation public sector technology open source adoption technology policy software patents government technology strategy software licensing public sector IT technology competition industry standards government procurement public sector software open source adoption software industry transformation competitive bidding closed source vs open source Microsoft open source initiatives Linux influence software patents intellectual property in software RealPlayer open source IBM patent donation Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License software innovation IT policy digital government enterprise software technology standards open source benefits proprietary software industry IT modernization software vendor competition public IT contracts open standards software ecosystem technology neutrality government procurement public sector IT open source policy software bidding competitive tendering digital transformation open standards software innovation technology adoption public IT projects Linux adoption Microsoft strategy patent sharing software licensing Common Development and Distribution License IT modernization open government software transparency technology neutrality vendor competition enterprise software IT cost reduction interoperability public-private partnership software ecosystem real networks IBM patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Windows Mobile Information Week government software procurement impact of government contracts on software industry open source software in government tenders competitive bidding in IT influence of government contracts on Microsoft open source policy government Microsoft Open Source Initiative government driving open source adoption IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris open source government role in software innovation Linux competitive threat Microsoft Real Networks open source impact government IT solutions selection public sector open source strategy closed source vs open source government effects of open source inclusion in bids government technology policy adoption of open source in public sector public sector software industry transformation government procurement open source adoption software industry transformation competitive bidding Microsoft response open source initiatives Linux competition Real Networks open source IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License impact of government contracts software innovation IT policy vendor-neutral procurement public sector software interoperability software patent sharing proprietary vs open source government IT strategy digital transformation government software procurement open source government contracts impact of government IT purchasing open source vs closed source bidding government influence on software industry Microsoft open source initiatives Linux government adoption competitive IT bidding software industry transformation through public sector Real Networks open source IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris open source public sector software innovation open source benefits in government government IT policy software choices government procurement software industry impact open source software competitive bidding Microsoft closed source Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM software patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License software innovation public sector IT technology policy open source adoption software competition IT solutions software patents software licensing public procurement technology standards digital government software vendors government technology software industry trends government contracts software industry open source software competitive bidding Microsoft Linux closed source companies IT solutions Open Source Initiative Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM software patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License open source community public sector technology government technology procurement digital transformation open source adoption software innovation technology policy government IT policy software licensing technology modernization open source impact procurement policy tech industry evolution open government transparency in software public sector innovation government procurement public sector IT software industry transformation open source adoption closed source competition Microsoft strategy Linux impact software bidding process open source initiatives software patent sharing Real Networks open source IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License Windows Mobile development influence of government contracts technology policy IT solutions innovation open source mandate digital government modernization open source public policy open source government procurement software industry competitive bidding Microsoft Linux source code Open Source Initiative Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM software patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License IT solutions closed source public sector technology innovation software licensing open source adoption digital transformation public software policy enterprise software software market competition
test-international-gsciidffe-con04a	Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful diplomacy mutual respect international relations humanitarian intervention Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra affair international norms stability state sovereignty censorship circumvention cyber operations NATO armed conflict prohibited intervention cyber attacks Tallinn Manual international law cyber warfare coercion state undermining digital aggression information warfare cyber security international stability covert actions digital intervention aggressive foreign policy legitimacy in international relations peaceful foreign policy mutual respect in diplomacy controversial foreign policy actions invasion of states Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine operations Iran-Contra affair norms against aggression stability in international system circumventing censorship cyber operations NATO cyber policy armed conflict in cyberspace international law on cyber warfare Tallinn Manual prohibited intervention sovereignty and non-intervention cyber attacks as aggression digital sovereignty legitimacy of cyber operations ethical foreign policy rules of engagement in cyberspace international norms state sovereignty international stability accountability in foreign policy foreign aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect international norms armed conflict coercion Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra humanitarian intervention international relations stability censorship circumvention cyber operations NATO cyber warfare Tallinn Manual prohibited intervention cyber attacks state sovereignty international law diplomatic relations use of force state undermining digital aggression conflict escalation legitimacy of aggressive foreign policy norms in international relations legitimacy of humanitarian intervention cyber operations as armed conflict NATO cyber operations policy international law and censorship circumvention Tallinn Manual cyber warfare controversial foreign policy actions mutual respect in foreign policy stability and international norms cyber attacks as aggressive action ethics of undermining states online case studies of Iraq war foreign policy Kosovo intervention legitimacy Iran-Contra and clandestine actions state sovereignty and cyber operations legal norms on digital intervention prohibited intervention in cyber context foreign policy and digital aggression mutual respect as foreign policy standard evolving norms in cyber warfare aggressive foreign policy legitimacy of foreign policy peaceful diplomacy mutual respect international norms controversial interventions Iraq war Kosovo intervention humanitarian intervention clandestine operations Iran-Contra affair international relations stability cyber operations NATO cyber policy armed conflict internet aggression prohibited intervention state undermining censorship circumvention cyber attacks international law Tallinn Manual cyber warfare sovereignty coercive intervention cyber conflict ethical foreign policy state sovereignty international stability digital aggression aggressive foreign policy legitimacy of foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect in international relations norms against aggression controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra stability in international relations undermining states circumventing censorship cyber operations as armed conflict NATO cyber policy cyber intervention Tallinn Manual international law cyber warfare cyber attacks as aggression prohibited intervention internet-based aggression rules of cyberwar aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect international norms stability controversial foreign policy actions state sovereignty Iraq war Kosovo intervention humanitarian intervention clandestine actions Iran-Contra cyber operations NATO armed conflict cyberwarfare intervention censorship circumvention information warfare international law Tallinn Manual cyber attacks digital aggression coercion destabilization state undermining ethics of intervention international relations war norms digital sovereignty cyber conflict non-aggressive policy prohibited intervention aggressive foreign policy legitimacy in foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect international relations controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war legitimacy Kosovo humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra scandal international relations norms stability international relations NATO cyber operations cyber warfare norms armed conflict cyberspace cyber attacks legality state censorship cyber operations intervention Tallinn Manual cyber aggression international law cyber warfare NATO cyber war manual state sovereignty cyber prohibited intervention international law covert foreign policy undermining state stability cyber conflict legitimacy humanitarian intervention controversy mutual respect diplomacy aggressive foreign policy legitimacy in foreign policy peaceful diplomacy mutual respect international norms controversial interventions Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra affair stability in international relations circumventing state censorship cyber operations NATO cyber conflict armed conflict prohibited intervention cyber attacks international law Tallinn Manual cyber warfare legality humanitarian intervention state sovereignty covert actions information warfare ethical foreign policy digital aggression non-military interventions international stability NATO law cyber aggression legal norms international law legitimacy just war theory humanitarian intervention cyber warfare NATO Tallinn Manual sovereignty non-aggression principle state sovereignty armed conflict coercion censorship circumvention foreign intervention stability in international relations state undermining norm against aggression Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra mutual respect peaceful diplomacy cyber operations prohibited intervention information warfare ethical foreign policy
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con02a	Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid poverty reduction poverty alleviation sub-Saharan Africa income inequality economic development cash transfer programs social protection resource dividends natural resource management sustainable development human development index basic income wealth distribution social welfare economic empowerment community investment revenue reinvestment financial inclusion African economies social safety nets aid effectiveness grassroots development poverty eradication government policy targeted interventions Africa poverty reduction poverty alleviation Africa sub-Saharan poverty natural resource management Africa resource revenue sharing cash transfer programmes Africa direct cash transfers Africa social protection Africa universal basic income Africa HDI improvement Africa economic development Africa wealth distribution Africa sustainable development Africa inclusive growth Africa social safety nets Africa income inequality Africa resource dividend Africa poverty eradication strategies Africa African development policies rural development Africa poverty reduction economic development resource management direct cash transfers social safety nets income redistribution sub-Saharan Africa natural resource revenues sustainable development human development index financial inclusion wealth sharing poverty alleviation programs technology-enabled transfers social protection African economic growth equitable resource allocation government policy investment in education healthcare improvement empowerment of the poor donor assistance infrastructure development corruption control inclusive growth poverty alleviation strategies Africa resource dividend programs Africa direct cash transfers Africa natural resource revenues poverty reduction impact of cash transfers on poverty Africa human development index Africa economic empowerment initiatives Africa sub-Saharan Africa poverty solutions social protection programs Africa Malawi cash transfer case study reinvesting resource revenues Africa improving quality of life Africa sustainable poverty reduction Africa inclusive economic growth Africa technology in poverty reduction Africa cash transfer effectiveness Africa poverty statistics sub-Saharan Africa best practices resource management Africa social cash transfer programs Africa lessons from Malawi poverty reduction poverty alleviation Africa sub-Saharan poverty statistics natural resource management Africa poverty reduction strategies resource dividend programs cash transfer initiatives Africa social cash transfers Malawi economic development Africa Human Development Index Africa direct cash transfers Africa resource revenue distribution sustainable development Africa income inequality Africa poverty intervention programs social protection Africa inclusive economic growth natural resources and poverty development policy Africa financial inclusion Africa poverty statistics sub-Saharan resource wealth transfer African poverty solutions poverty alleviation strategies Africa natural resource revenue Africa cash transfer programs Africa direct resource dividends Africa poverty reduction sub-Saharan Africa human development index Africa social cash transfer Malawi economic development Africa sustainable development Africa income inequality Africa wealth distribution Africa African poverty solutions resource management Africa technology for poverty reduction Africa investment in poorest communities Africa Africa social safety nets inclusive growth Africa Africa poverty reduction poverty alleviation sub-Saharan poverty poverty line Africa resource dividends natural resource revenue social cash transfer Africa income redistribution economic development Africa Human Development Index Africa wealth distribution direct cash transfers anti-poverty programs Malawi cash transfer technology-enabled aid poverty statistics Africa social welfare programs Africa raising standard of living poverty solutions African economic growth poverty alleviation Africa African poverty reduction strategies sub-Saharan Africa poverty statistics natural resource revenue distribution Africa direct cash transfers Africa social cash transfer programs Africa resource dividends Africa economic development Africa Human Development Index Africa poverty line Africa Malawi social cash transfers natural resources and poverty Africa successful poverty reduction Africa Africa income distribution technology cash transfers Africa investment in poorest areas Africa case studies poverty Africa Guardian Africa natural resource benefits Malawi cash transfer program best practices poverty eradication Africa inclusive growth Africa social welfare programs Africa Africa poverty reduction African economic development sub-Saharan poverty solutions natural resource management Africa resource dividend programs Africa direct cash transfers Africa poverty alleviation Africa income distribution Africa social cash transfer Malawi impact of resource revenue Africa Africa human development index sustainable development Africa wealth redistribution Africa resource-based poverty reduction technology in poverty alleviation Africa government social programs Africa effective poverty interventions Africa Africa standard of living improvement international aid Africa African policy solutions poverty alleviation Africa sub-Saharan Africa natural resource management direct cash transfers resource dividends socioeconomic development Human Development Index income distribution Malawi cash transfer program poverty reduction strategies social protection economic empowerment sustainable development resource revenue allocation financial inclusion poverty line technology in aid distribution natural resource governance social welfare programs
test-international-segiahbarr-con03a	The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 natural hazards disaster risk reduction climate resilience climate adaptation poverty alleviation socioeconomic vulnerability disaster recovery mitigation strategies infrastructural development emergency response humanitarian assistance sustainable development climate change impacts flood risk drought cyclone food insecurity internally displaced persons disaster preparedness African economic policy risk financing adaptation funding climate policy UNEP Overseas Development Institute environmental sustainability resilience building disaster management cost vulnerability mapping public health impacts Africa economic development natural disasters disaster risk management poverty vulnerable communities climate change flooding drought arid regions humanitarian response adaptation costs policy integration resilience building infrastructure damage UNEP Overseas Development Institute disaster mitigation climate adaptation sub-Saharan Africa food insecurity cyclone impacts environmental vulnerability socio-economic development development barriers international aid emergency preparedness adaptation finance sustainable development disaster recovery Africa natural disasters disaster risk management economic growth development poverty vulnerable populations climate change adaptation resilience road infrastructure drought floods cyclones disaster recovery social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme cost of adaptation climate resilience environmental policy humanitarian response infrastructure damage food security migration emergency preparedness mitigation strategies development challenges international aid sustainable development climate finance natural disasters impact on African development disaster risk management in Africa economic effects of natural disasters in Africa poverty and vulnerability to disasters in Africa disaster resilience strategies Africa disaster management policy Africa climate change adaptation costs Africa Somalia cyclone 2013 impact UNEP climate change Africa report roadblocks to economic growth Africa exposed populations to natural disasters Africa social policy disaster management Africa Overseas Development Institute disaster research Africa climate adaptation funding Africa arid areas and flooding risks Africa United Nations Environment Programme Africa disasters development stalled by disasters Africa disaster cost versus benefit Africa improvement of disaster response Africa policy recommendations for disaster natural disasters Africa disaster risk management economic growth Africa poverty and disasters climate change adaptation Africa flood risk Africa arid regions Africa social vulnerability disasters development barriers Africa UNEP reports Africa cyclone impacts Somalia economic policy disasters cost of disaster management climate adaptation financing United Nations Africa climate exposed populations Africa resilience building Africa Overseas Development Institute Africa sustainable development Africa environmental risk Africa Africa natural disaster vulnerability disaster risk management Africa economic growth and natural disasters Africa climate change impact Africa poverty and natural disasters Africa disaster management policy Africa cost of climate adaptation Africa UNEP climate adaptation Africa Somalia cyclone impact development roadblocks Africa flood risks Africa adaptation financing Africa arid regions Africa environmental policy Africa Overseas Development Institute Africa disaster disaster mitigation Africa resilience building Africa disaster recovery Africa climate-induced poverty Africa infrastructure vulnerability Africa Africa natural disasters disaster risk management economic development poverty vulnerability exposed areas Somalia cyclone flooding drought climate change adaptation costs UNEP disaster response resilience humanitarian aid disaster preparedness economic growth policy integration development barriers Overseas Development Institute arid regions climate resilience social policy environmental challenges disaster mitigation housing vulnerability extreme weather infrastructure damage natural disaster resilience Africa climate change adaptation strategies disaster risk reduction Africa economic impact natural disasters Africa disaster management policy Africa poverty vulnerability natural disasters climate change mitigation Africa infrastructure development Africa disasters UN disaster management Africa socioeconomic impact of floods Africa humanitarian response Africa disasters sustainable development Africa government policy natural disasters Africa environmental adaptation costs Africa community-based disaster preparedness Africa natural disasters and economic growth Africa climate resilience funding Africa disaster recovery programs Africa risk assessment climate change Africa international aid disaster management Africa natural disasters Africa disaster risk reduction climate change adaptation economic resilience sustainable development poverty vulnerability disaster management policy social policy Africa infrastructure resilience emergency preparedness climate resilience humanitarian response cyclone impact Africa flood risk Africa drought effects UNEP Africa reports development challenges Africa adaptation costs resilient infrastructure social protection disaster recovery Africa extreme weather Africa food security disasters Overseas Development Institute Africa climate finance Africa disaster risk reduction climate adaptation poverty alleviation vulnerable populations sustainable development economic resilience infrastructure improvement climate change flood management drought mitigation humanitarian aid African development social policy environmental policy resilience building UNEP Overseas Development Institute disaster management funding adaptation strategies emergency response weather-related disasters cyclone impact rural communities food security development challenges adaptation costs infrastructure investment African economies risk assessment policy integration
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con04a	"Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September consumer autonomy advertisement perception self-determination personal choice individual beliefs attitudes toward ads consumer empowerment agency in advertising feminist critique victim mentality institutional power structures buying behavior beauty products consumption advertising influence audience interpretation consumer rights media exposure selective attention behavioral response to ads values in advertising empowerment in advertising self-exposure agency vs. control in advertising feminist perspectives on media consumer decision making consumer autonomy advertising response ad interpretation media literacy personal agency self-determination consumer empowerment individual beliefs ad influence consumer choice audience attitudes beauty product marketing advertising psychology feminist critique institutional power victim mentality female empowerment consumer exposure ad avoidance consumer behavior advertising ethics personal values consumer rights ideological influence selective exposure advertising effects consumer autonomy advertising response audience interpretation personal choice self-determination consumer empowerment ad influence belief systems audience values feminist critique victim mentality institutional power gender and advertising media influence consumer rights beauty product consumption advertising ethics individual attitudes media literacy consumer behavior personal beliefs advertising effects self-exposure personal agency social values consumer autonomy in advertising individual choice in ad response personal agency in media exposure consumer rights in advertising ignoring unwanted advertisements ad interpretation and receiver attitudes beauty product purchase decision factors personal values and ad influence consumer behavior and self-determination feminist critique of advertising power structures empowerment vs. victim mentality in advertising choice vs. coercion in ad consumption ethics of persuasive advertising institutional influence on consumer choices media literacy and consumer empowerment right to reject advertising messages consumer sovereignty impact of advertising on women's choices independence in consumer decision-making role of beliefs and values in advertising influence individual responsibility in responding consumer agency advertising effects audience interpretation media literacy personal autonomy consumer behavior self-determination advertising influence feminist critique victim mentality empowerment institutional power choice in advertising advertising exposure consumer rights beauty standards behavioral response ad reception individual values belief systems consumer empowerment feminist theory personal choice ad psychology media influence consumer autonomy advertising influence personal agency ad interpretation consumer choice feminist critique of advertising self-determination in consumption individual attitudes toward ads media literacy buyer behavior choice in advertising exposure empowerment vs victimhood institutional power and media meaning of advertisements consumer rights feminist perspectives on ads self-regulation in consumption impact of beliefs on ad response consumer sovereignty audience values consumer autonomy advertising response ad interpretation personal choice purchase behavior beauty products consumer empowerment individual beliefs values audience attitudes advertising influence consumer rights self-determination feminist critique institutional power media influence consumer agency behavioral exposure ad avoidance feminist perspectives victim mentality ideologies in advertising gender and advertising empowerment vs. dependence choice in advertising consumer decision-making consumer autonomy advertising interpretation consumer choice ad influence personal agency audience beliefs media consumption feminist perspectives on advertising self-determination beauty industry ads empowerment vs. victim mentality institutional power gender and advertising ad avoidance behavior consumer rights value-driven consumption advertising ethics feminist critique of marketing consumer empowerment individual consumer behavior consumer autonomy advertising influence personal choice self-determination individual agency ad interpretation consumer empowerment audience attitudes belief systems feminist critique institutional power victim mentality marketing ethics behavioral response ad exposure media literacy consumer rights value alignment self-identity freedom of consumption consumer autonomy advertising influence personal choice advertising interpretation consumer behavior self-determination media literacy individual attitudes individual beliefs value systems buyer motivation advertising exposure feminist critique power structures victim mentality empowerment consumer rights advertising psychology beauty product advertising audience agency marketing ethics self-empowerment critical consumption gender and media resistance to advertising social influence media effects choice architecture advertising resistance"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con02a	Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: terrorism negative portrayal international community alienation escalation international terrorist attacks violence perception propaganda state narrative stereotypes non-Westerners non-violent protest civil disobedience peaceful resistance Mahatma Gandhi political messaging victim vs perpetrator public opinion counter-terrorism psychological impact media framing conflict resolution peacebuilding protest tactics stereotype reinforcement legitimacy of violence social movements power dynamics ethical protest terrorism negative portrayal media framing violence alienation international community fear escalation terrorist attacks propaganda state narrative stereotype non-Western portrayal non-violent protest civil disobedience victimization Mahatma Gandhi peaceful resistance political messaging perception of violence counterterrorism public opinion protest strategies political violence self-defense narrative peace movements terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding alienation international community violence threat perception escalation interpretation propaganda oppressing state state narrative self-defense justification terrorist stereotypes non-Western stereotypes non-violent protest civil disobedience peaceful resistance victim-perpetrator narrative Mahatma Gandhi political messaging public perception media framing international response peaceful activism stereotype reinforcement counter-narrative state-controlled media social justice protest strategy fear of escalation legitimization of violence collective punishment empathy-building terrorism and international perception impact of violence on global image non-violent protest effectiveness escalation of terrorism and community alienation portrayal of terrorists in media state propaganda in counter-terrorism stereotypes of non-Western violence non-violent civil disobedience examples Mahatma Gandhi peaceful protest non-violent protest vs. terrorism responses to terrorism in international relations negative effects of terrorism on mutual understanding violence and public fear state response to terrorism public opinion on terrorism non-violent resistance and global support terrorism and international isolation media framing of terrorist acts overcoming violent stereotypes effectiveness of peaceful protest terrorism negative portrayal international terrorism alienation international community violence escalation state propaganda media bias stereotype of violence non-Western stereotypes non-violent protest civil disobedience peace activism Gandhi political messaging protest strategy peaceful resistance positive activism victim narrative oppressing state public perception counter-terrorism narrative fear of terrorism conflict framing protestor image self-defense justification propaganda tactics public opinion global perception peaceful demonstration terrorism negative portrayal impact of terror attacks international community alienation fear of escalation violence interpretation propaganda state narrative manipulation media portrayal of terrorists non-Western stereotypes non-violent protest effectiveness civil disobedience examples Mahatma Gandhi peaceful protest international perception of violence countering terrorism narratives protester versus perpetrator spreading positive messages through non-violence peace movements historical examples psychological impact of terrorism state versus non-state actor conflict public fear response non-violence in political activism terrorism negative portrayal international community alienation violence fear escalation international terrorist attacks multiple interpretations state propaganda oppressing state stereotypes non-Westerners irrational violent resource advantage self-defense narrative demonization non-violent resistance peaceful protest civil disobedience Mahatma Gandhi political messages positive attention protest tactics victims vs perpetrators global perception media framing peaceful activism stereotype reinforcement countering terrorism communication strategy terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror international terrorism escalation fear violence threat terrorist attacks propaganda oppressing state message control state narrative non-violent protest non-violence peaceful protest civil disobedience Mahatma Gandhi protest strategies international community alienation stereotypes media influence non-Western stereotypes political messaging protester victimization positive attention peaceful resistance counterterrorism perception management global perception conflict resolution public opinion political activism terrorism negative portrayal international community alienation fear of escalation acts of violence interpretation propaganda state oppression media framing stereotypes non-Westerners self-defense narrative victimization non-violent protest civil disobedience Mahatma Gandhi peaceful resistance political messaging international perception counter-terrorism peaceful movements protest effectiveness social change global opinion terrorism propaganda media framing stereotypes international relations nonviolent resistance civil disobedience Mahatma Gandhi peaceful protest victim-perpetrator narrative state oppression political messaging fear of escalation international community psychological effects violence perception non-Western stereotypes public opinion counter-terrorism social movements positive attention
test-politics-lghwdecm-con01a	Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? mayoral power centralisation elected mayor power misuse mayoral cabinet councillor roles delegation of authority political accountability council oversight democratic checks concentration of power local governance political ambition council effectiveness public administration municipal government political representation power dynamics local democracy oversight mechanisms mayoral centralization concentration of power risks of executive mayors democratic accountability separation of powers checks and balances mayoral cabinet selection abuse of power local government structure council oversight political ambition in councils exclusion of councillors impact on local democracy power imbalance role of council members effectiveness of scrutiny dangers of strong mayor systems implications for governance council representation potential for corruption centralisation executive authority political accountability separation of powers local democracy checks and balances council oversight power abuse governance structure cabinet selection political ambition councillor roles democratic representation mayoral accountability power delegation local government reform council-member motivation concentration of power political participation policy oversight public administration risks of centralized political power drawbacks of elected mayors mayoral power misuse cabinet selection concerns impact on council checks and balances implications for local democracy ambition in local government council oversight effectiveness small mayoral cabinets dangers councillor roles outside cabinet recruitment of talented councillors consequences of power concentration abuse of executive authority council governance quality effects on local accountability disadvantages of cabinet appointment power politicization of council responsibilities mayoral power local government centralisation cabinet selection political accountability council oversight power misuse elected officials decentralisation governance structure council-cabinet relations democratic checks council member roles ambition in politics political disengagement executive authority municipal administration separation of powers leadership concentration political participation mayoral system disadvantages centralization of power local government risks of elected mayors power imbalance city councils mayoral cabinet authority lack of council oversight decline in council talent councilor role reduction democratic accountability local government abuse of mayoral power concentration of political power council oversight effectiveness governance structure comparisons drawbacks of strong mayor system impact on municipal checks and balances mayoral system centralisation of power misuse of power elected mayor cabinet selection councillor roles power delegation local government structure council oversight political accountability democratic deficit government checks and balances concentration of authority cabinet dismissal reduced councillor influence political ambition council effectiveness governance risks local democracy policy making political representation centralisation of power elected mayor risks mayoral cabinet authority local government accountability power abuse concerns reduced council oversight councillor roles diminished council influence democratic checks and balances abuse of delegated powers council talent drain political power concentration local democracy erosion cabinet member dismissal oversight limitations risks of strong mayor system council disengagement governance imbalance separation of powers local government reform mayoral system criticisms exclusion of councillors representation concerns council engagement political ambition deterrence centralized governance executive power political accountability democratic oversight separation of powers council governance local democracy checks and balances mayoral authority cabinet selection political patronage council member roles public administration leadership concentration local elections political representation power misuse risks council effectiveness governance structures local government reform mayoral power concentration centralised governance democratic accountability checks and balances local government structure council oversight cabinet appointment political patronage abuse of power councillor roles separation of powers political representation council democracy elected officials government transparency political ambition cabinet governance public administration local election systems governance reform
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro02a	The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 government censorship freedom of expression speech regulation hate speech human rights protection speech boundaries limitations on free speech societal norms balancing rights anti-racism laws online hate offenses against groups abuse prevention speech-related punishment human rights law free speech exceptions public safety incitement to violence civil liberties protected speech legal restrictions freedom vs protection harmful speech group protection regulated expression freedom of speech limits on free speech hate speech human rights protection societal boundaries balancing free expression abusive speech racism speech limitations government regulation banning hate sites legal restrictions speech public safety vs free speech speech and discrimination protected speech freedom of expression social harm online hate group targeting speech and responsibility hate speech censorship freedom of expression legal limitations protected speech human rights societal boundaries abuse racism hate crime speech regulation public order incitement offense discrimination online content restriction civil liberties ethical speech government regulation social harmony balancing rights group protection speech punishment speech harm speech rights illegal speech prohibited speech government limitations on free speech boundaries of free speech balancing free speech and human rights speech that constitutes abuse hate speech regulation protecting against abusive language free speech vs human rights exceptions to free speech hate sites and free speech government role in speech regulation limitations for public safety free speech limitations and societal harm racism and freedom of expression punishment for abusive speech balancing act in freedom of expression justifying limits on speech legal boundaries of free speech harmful online content regulation freedom of expression law restricting hate speech online protecting minorities from hate speech ethical limits of free speech case studies on free government regulation free speech boundaries freedom of expression human rights protection hate speech racism abusive speech speech limitations societal values hate sites group protection legal restrictions balancing act civil liberties expression limits speech harm public policy censorship speech vs harm minority rights protected speech law and ethics free speech limits government regulation of speech boundaries of free speech balancing free speech and human rights hate speech laws protection from abuse racism and free speech human rights protection freedom of expression restrictions legal limits on speech freedom of speech exceptions social harm and speech hate sites and censorship justifications for limiting speech human rights education freedom of expression case studies rights not to be abused society and free speech freedom of expression vs hate speech punishment for racist speech government regulation free speech limitations boundaries of expression freedom of expression human rights hate speech racism abusive language legal restrictions protection from harm societal norms balancing rights speech regulation online hate internet censorship group protection hate sites human rights protection legal consequences civil liberties expression vs. harm speech boundaries protected speech speech abuse public safety anti-discrimination laws responsible expression free speech exceptions harmful content speech and human rights legal framework free speech limitations government regulation free speech boundaries of free speech hate speech laws protection of human rights abusive speech racism and free speech free speech vs hate speech balancing human rights freedom of expression restrictions social media bans hate speech that incites violence freedom of expression case studies legal boundaries free speech hate speech punishment online hate speech regulation harmful speech regulation protecting minorities speech justification speech restrictions punishment for abusive speech free speech ethical debates balancing act speech regulation freedom of expression government regulation hate speech legal limitations human rights protection speech boundaries offensive content racial abuse online hate sites civil liberties balance of rights censorship speech regulation public safety minority protection protected speech societal harm legal precedent freedom vs harm group defamation harmful speech ethical speech limits protected categories freedom of speech free speech limitations hate speech online censorship government regulation human rights protection speech boundaries hate sites abuse and speech racism and free speech expression limits legal restrictions speech balancing rights public safety vs free expression marginalized groups protection incitement to violence harmful online content social harmony speech vs harm constitutional limits free speech legal precedent speech regulation
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. EU foreign policy High Representative Commission Council foreign affairs consolidation inefficiency complexity expense duplication rivalry external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels decision-making institutional reform foreign policy coordination EU governance policy-making supranational vs intergovernmental policy leadership EU integration policy duplication resource allocation role of institutions EU foreign policy Commission vs Council EU High Representative inefficiency foreign policy coordination institutional complexity administrative costs foreign affairs spokesman rivalry in EU institutions duplication of efforts EU external relations common foreign policy member state sovereignty foreign policy leadership Brussels authority foreign policy decision-making interinstitutional relations treaty of Lisbon EU diplomacy supranational vs intergovernmental policy harmonization EU governance national interests external action service policymaking constraints foreign policy reform institutional reform Council of the European Union European Commission EU bureaucracy EU foreign policy High Representative European Commission European Council foreign affairs Brussels institutional reform policy consolidation role duplication resource allocation common foreign policy member state sovereignty external affairs coordination EU diplomatic structure Commission-Council rivalry foreign policy leadership supranational authority policy decision-making administrative complexity expense of consolidation intergovernmentalism EU foreign policy reform efficiency of foreign policy structures EU High Representative effectiveness consolidation of foreign policy roles Commission vs Council foreign affairs foreign policy decision-making in EU duplication in EU external affairs cost of EU foreign policy administration rivalry between Commission and Council member state control of EU foreign policy impact of High Representative on Commission influence Brussels centralization of foreign policy EU common foreign policy challenges institutional complexity in EU foreign affairs limits of EU supranationalism in foreign policy EU foreign policy Commission Council High Representative policy coordination administrative complexity resource duplication foreign affairs leadership common foreign policy member state agreement Brussels authority inter-institutional rivalry institutional reform EU external relations foreign affairs spokesman EU governance policy efficiency EU integration European diplomacy supranational vs intergovernmental institutional consolidation EU foreign policy consolidation EU High Representative role Commission vs. Council foreign affairs duplication in EU external relations efficiency of EU foreign policy rivalry between EU institutions single office-holder impact complexity in EU foreign policy expenses of EU foreign policy structure member states' agreement in foreign policy limitations of Brussels in foreign affairs EU foreign policy centralization EU common foreign policy position institutional reform in EU foreign affairs pros and cons of EU High Representative historical EU foreign affairs arrangement division of EU foreign policy authority impact on EU Commission foreign affairs effectiveness of EU external relations challenges of EU foreign policy unity EU foreign policy European Commission European Council High Representative foreign affairs external relations institutional reform policy coordination diplomatic representation competence division policy consolidation member states supranational institutions duplication of efforts resource allocation intergovernmentalism Brussels EU governance policy inefficiency decision-making EU agenda rivalry EU integration shared competence administrative complexity EU foreign policy EU High Representative European Commission European Council foreign affairs coordination EU external relations policy consolidation foreign policy inefficiency EU institutional reform member state sovereignty EU foreign policy complexity diplomatic representation policy centralization inter-institutional rivalry resource duplication Commission vs Council decision-making authority EU governance structure Brussels policy power common foreign policy challenges High Representative limitations EU foreign policy Commission vs Council High Representative policy consolidation foreign affairs leadership institutional complexity administrative costs external affairs coordination member state sovereignty policy-making authority inter-institutional rivalry mandate limitations Brussels foreign policy EU governance structure decision-making process supranational vs intergovernmental duplication of roles EU bureaucracy Treaty of Lisbon CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) EU foreign policy Commission Council inefficiency consolidation single office-holder complexity expense EU High Representative foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication resources external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda dictate institutional reform decision-making intergovernmentalism supranationalism Treaty of Lisbon EU governance EU institutions foreign affairs coordination competency divisions national sovereignty
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con04a	The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. crime of aggression Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction political prosecution human rights intervention state sovereignty NATO prosecution genocide prevention international law selective prosecution universal jurisdiction Operation Allied Force Milosevic Bosnian Serb army prosecutorial discretion humanitarian intervention accountability war crimes international justice victim states selective justice ICC limitations jurisdiction loopholes state party rights legal implications international relations criminal responsibility cross-border prosecution sovereign immunity crime of aggression Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction political prosecution humanitarian intervention human rights protection NATO prosecution genocide prevention state sovereignty selective justice Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army immunities territorial jurisdiction complementarity principle universal jurisdiction legal loopholes ICC criticism accountability double standards international law prosecution bias enforcement mechanisms self-defense Security Council referral non-party States international humanitarian law prosecution of peacekeepers Rome Statute International Criminal Court crime of aggression political prosecution human rights intervention humanitarian intervention jurisdiction ICC prosecution NATO United States war crimes genocide prevention state sovereignty selective justice Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army legal immunity international law accountability prosecutorial discretion state consent universal jurisdiction legal loopholes international relations sovereignty vs intervention ICC jurisdiction expansion crime of aggression ICC Rome Statute prosecution political prosecution international law human rights intervention ICC humanitarian intervention crime aggression NATO prosecution ICC jurisdiction ICC non-member states genocide prevention prosecution international criminal court expansion Milosevic ICC NATO Operation Allied Force prosecution double standards ICC Rome Statute loopholes state sovereignty ICC genocide prosecution requests war crimes ICC jurisdiction selective justice international law aggression vs humanitarian intervention ICC prosecution politics Bosnian Serb army ICC accountability crime of aggression Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction political prosecution human rights intervention humanitarian intervention NATO prosecution immunity of non-member states prosecution requests territorial jurisdiction Operation Allied Force Milosevic ICC complementarity principle selective justice state sovereignty genocide prevention accountability mechanisms prosecutorial discretion double standards enforcement challenges Rome Statute crime of aggression ICC jurisdiction political prosecution human rights intervention NATO prosecution genocide prevention international criminal law State sovereignty Milosevic ICC case Operation Allied Force prosecution UN Security Council prosecutorial bias selective justice accountability for intervention jurisdiction loopholes cross-border prosecution international humanitarian law ICC reforms legal implications of aggression state consent in ICC retroactive criminalization double standards in prosecution crime of aggression Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC political prosecution human rights intervention NATO prosecution state sovereignty jurisdictional quirk selective justice immunity loophole genocide prevention international law accountability Operation Allied Force Milosevic Bosnian Serb army universal jurisdiction prosecutorial bias state consent humanitarian intervention international criminal responsibility crime of aggression Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction political prosecution human rights intervention NATO prosecution US prosecution genocide prevention international law state sovereignty humanitarian intervention ICC territorial jurisdiction Milosevic ICC Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army selective prosecution war crimes international justice legal quirk ICC indictment Rome Statute Article 8 bis non-member state prosecution legal immunity accountability state consent ICC legal loopholes crime of aggression Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction political prosecution humanitarian intervention human rights protection prosecutorial bias NATO prosecution U.S. criminal liability sovereignty complementary principle selective justice war crimes genocide prevention state consent international law loopholes Article 15 bis State referrals Operation Allied Force Milosevic prosecution Bosnian Serb army accountability mechanisms crime of aggression Rome Statute International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction political prosecution human rights intervention NATO prosecution genocide prevention international law state sovereignty prosecutorial bias Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army selective justice international criminal justice war crimes humanitarian intervention ICC admissibility territorial jurisdiction jurisdictional loopholes
test-law-ralhrilglv-con04a	Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, videolink trial virtual court remote appearance defendant participation self-representation ICC procedures international criminal court remote testimony trial attendance trial rules court cooperation legal technology criminal trials virtual hearings courtroom technology The Hague trial participation legal precedent international law trial process videolink trial remote court proceedings defendant remote appearance virtual courtroom international criminal court procedures trial attendance rules remote testimony Ruto Kenyatta ICC legal representation videoconference The Hague trial remote self-representation in court ICC trial protocol virtual trial logistics court hearing remote access international justice remote participation videolink trials remote court hearings defendant virtual appearance international criminal court ICC procedures Ruto trial Kenyatta trial court attendance rules trial by video digital courtrooms legal remote participation self-representation court attendance policy Hague tribunal remote justice trial flexibility international law court cooperation judicial process technology virtual legal proceedings videolink trial procedure remote court appearance benefits defendant rights videolink international criminal court attendance rules self-representation videolink trial risks of remote trial attendance implications of non-appearance ICC enforcement of ICC trial attendance history of videolink court trials legal precedent videolink attendance impact on justice videolink trials trial flexibility international courts defendant cooperation videolink technological adoption in criminal trials videolink court process challenges videolink trial remote court hearings defendant virtual appearance international criminal court procedures trial attendance rules Ruto Kenyatta ICC trial self-representation court ICT legal technology justice by video conference The Hague criminal trials virtual courtroom participation ICT attendance policy trial security remote international justice digital courtroom video links video trial attendance remote court hearings videolink legal proceedings virtual courtroom international criminal court remote appearance trial by videoconference defendant representation videolink ICC trial remote participation criminal court video testimony Hague court virtual trial witness videolink testimony trial attendance rules remote defendant rights Corder Mike ICC trial international trial video proceedings legal implications videolink trial trial appearance by video changes in court attendance policy trial by videolink remote court hearing virtual trial video court appearance defendant video participation international criminal court ICC Ruto Kenyatta trial attendance rules courtroom technology legal videoconferencing remote defendant rights self-representation The Hague court procedure changes criminal justice court attendance flexibility ICT in courts witness video testimony legal process remote access videolink trial virtual court proceedings remote court hearings international criminal court videolink defendant virtual appearance Ruto Kenyatta trial trial attendance rules remote legal process online court access ICC video attendance virtual legal representation The Hague remote trial benefits of videolink in trials court technology criminal trial remote participation self-representation remote court legal process efficiency international court virtual hearings videolink trial remote court hearings virtual trial attendance international criminal court procedures defendant remote appearance trial attendance rules digital court proceedings videoconference legal proceedings self-representation legal risks ICC trial cooperation non-custodial trial appearance The Hague court logistics legal technology in courts trial absence consequences virtual justice system video conferencing remote court hearings virtual trials defendant remote participation international criminal court procedures trial attendance rules self-representation in court legal technology ICTY videolink cases judicial process modernization fair trial rights courtroom technology legal remote access court procedure adaptations high-profile ICC trials
test-economy-thsptr-con02a	Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: progressive taxation tax fairness tax burden wealthy disproportionate tax impact public service consumption redistribution of wealth income supplements child benefits public healthcare usage public transport benefits private services preference tax equity proportional taxation flat tax equality in taxation tax justice benefits received vs taxes paid fiscal responsibility government revenue allocation tax policy critique wealth rights taxation ethics social contract income inequality tax system reform progressive taxation critique fairness in tax policy regressive tax effects proportional taxation flat tax argument public service consumption by income tax-benefit mismatch wealthy tax burden tax equity income redistribution debate tax justice benefits usage by income class private vs public service utilization proportional contribution tax fairness argument progressive taxation disadvantages equal tax responsibility taxation and social justice rich pay more taxes redistribution of wealth taxpayer benefits correlation efficient tax policy tax burdens on the affluent public finance fairness tax policy debate progressive taxation tax burden tax fairness tax equity flat tax proportional taxation regressive taxation redistribution public services welfare state social benefits income supplements child benefits public healthcare private services tax justice tax policy government revenue tax justice arguments wealth redistribution taxation and services use benefit receipt tax efficiency socioeconomic impact taxpayer justice consumption of public services tax system comparison tax reform income inequality fiscal policy progressive taxation fairness impact of progressive taxes on wealthy tax burden distribution use of public services by income group correlation taxes and benefits received proportional vs progressive tax systems arguments against progressive taxes wealthy pay more taxes benefits consumption by low income fairness in tax contribution private vs public service use by rich justification for flat tax redistribution and taxation critique progressive taxation system taxing wealthy vs poor income supplements use by poor effectiveness of progressive tax equity in public service funding public healthcare access by income tax revenue allocation justice progressive taxation tax fairness tax burden wealthy taxpayers tax equity distributive justice public services utilization proportional taxation flat tax income redistribution tax justice benefit principle ability to pay principle tax efficiency welfare state tax reform social services consumption tax policy debate tax incidence regressive taxes economic inequality moral taxation tax neutrality taxation and public goods private vs public services fiscal justice progressive taxation tax fairness wealthy tax burden proportional taxes public services consumption lower income beneficiaries income distribution tax equity tax justice tax system criticism private vs public services regressive taxation tax benefit correlation taxation philosophy equal contribution taxation redistribution of wealth fiscal policy social welfare tax policy debate income supplements child benefits public healthcare funding transportation subsidies taxation ethics Mayer David tax relief tax revenue allocation progressive taxation tax fairness disproportionate tax burden wealthy taxpayers tax justice regressive taxation tax equity public service funding income redistribution tax policy tax rates tax reform redistribution of wealth tax efficiency proportional taxation flat tax government benefits social welfare tax and public services taxation and consumption private vs public services income supplements child benefits tax fairness debate tax contribution fiscal policy tax justice arguments Mayer David tax relief progressive taxation tax fairness disproportionate tax burden wealthy taxpayers regressive taxation public services usage income redistribution tax equity proportional taxation tax justice tax policy debate welfare benefits public healthcare funding income supplements child benefits state tax revenue wealthy contributions private services preference tax justice for rich taxation and fairness fiscal policy utilitarian taxation equal tax contribution benefits vs. contributions taxation and public goods horizontal equity vertical equity government spending on welfare income inequality rich vs. poor tax impact taxation and social justice progressive taxation tax fairness wealthy tax burden income redistribution public services usage social benefits distribution tax equity proportional taxation flat tax tax justice tax policy debate fiscal responsibility welfare dependency income supplement programs child benefits public vs private services healthcare consumption tax revenue utilization tax and benefit correlation socio-economic impact tax system justice taxation ethics wealth redistribution government spending entitlement programs tax fairness proportional taxation tax equity regressive taxes public service utilization wealth distribution income redistribution taxation justice benefit incidence tax policy critique taxes on the wealthy social welfare usage economic inequality income tax burden fiscal justice taxation philosophy tax efficiency utilitarian taxation flat tax horizontal equity taxpayer benefit analysis fiscal policy public goods funding tax burden comparison consumption of public services
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con04a	The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, anarchy state sovereignty power distribution military capabilities economic capabilities neo-realism intergovernmentalism international relations bargaining negotiation state self-reliance international cooperation trust deficit international agreements Stanley Hoffmann power politics national interest realist theory security dilemma alliance formation global governance anarchy international relations neo-realism Stanley Hoffman intergovernmentalism distribution of capabilities military power economic power state-centric bargaining negotiation national self-reliance distrust among states international cooperation structural realism power distribution international system state sovereignty nation-state security dilemma international anarchy realist theory institutionalism balance of power agreements multilateralism international organizations diplomacy neo-realism international relations intergovernmentalism Stanley Hoffmann anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities state behavior bargaining negotiation state sovereignty power distribution international cooperation national self-reliance trust between states security dilemma balance of power international system international agreement realism theory international politics Neo-Realism international relations Stanley Hoffman intergovernmentalism anarchic international system distribution of military capabilities distribution of economic capabilities state trust international system intergovernmental bargaining negotiation importance of state self-reliance certainty vs uncertainty international relations neo-realist theory agreements intergovernmentalism Wikipedia source bargaining in international relations anarchy and state behavior international cooperation neo-realism international system structure neo-realism vs liberalism national self-reliance uncertainty negotiation in intergovernmental agreements state-centric international relations neo-realist theory applications international system anarchy distribution of power economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman neo-realism international relations theory of intergovernmentalism state behavior trust in international relations bargaining negotiation power politics national self-reliance uncertainty sovereignty interstate agreements realist theory international cooperation states’ interests anarchy in international relations neo-realist theory distribution of power international system economic capabilities states military capabilities states Stanley Hoffmann intergovernmentalism trust in international relations bargaining in international agreements negotiation in neo-realism national self-reliance in IR international cooperation realism intergovernmentalism vs supranationalism uncertainty in international politics realpolitik balance of power international relations anarchy distribution of power economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffmann Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism state-centric bargaining negotiation state sovereignty power politics international cooperation national self-reliance security dilemma political realism structural realism non-cooperation balance of power international agreements self-interest IR theory uncertainty in international politics trust among states international institutions interstate relations neo-realism realism in international relations international system anarchy distribution of power economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffmann theory of intergovernmentalism state bargaining state negotiation national self-reliance international cooperation state distrust balance of power intergovernmental relations international politics power dynamics structural realism international agreements security dilemma intergovernmental theory IR theory sovereignty international order international security neo-realist theory global governance international institutions alliance formation state-centric approach uncertainty in international relations international relations anarchy neo-realism intergovernmentalism Stanley Hoffmann economic capabilities military capabilities bargaining negotiation state sovereignty power distribution trust in international politics national self-reliance uncertainty international cooperation balance of power realism international system geopolitical strategy state behavior international agreements political theory international institutions international conflict national interest neo-realism intergovernmentalism Stanley Hoffmann anarchy international relations theory state sovereignty power distribution economic capabilities military capabilities bargaining negotiation nation-state trust in international system self-reliance uncertainty in international politics realism structural realism international cooperation balance of power international agreements
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro05a	Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear deterrence nuclear regulation public acknowledgement nuclear weapons transparency nuclear capability disclosure international cooperation nuclear program development nuclear security non-proliferation safety protocols clandestine programs nuclear stockpile security nuclear weapons oversight state rights arms control nuclear safety counter-terrorism nuclear material protection global governance developed countries assistance nuclear deterrence public acknowledgement nuclear regulation nuclear weapons transparency nuclear capability disclosure international cooperation nuclear program oversight safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs nonproliferation nuclear security weapons-grade material control terrorism prevention nuclear stockpile security state sovereignty arms control global nuclear governance nuclear program safety nuclear openness nuclear weapons policy nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons regulation public acknowledgement state nuclear rights nuclear capability transparency nuclear arms control international nuclear cooperation nuclear safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs nuclear nonproliferation developed countries assistance nuclear stockpile security nuclear material safeguards nuclear terrorism prevention visibility of nuclear arsenals nuclear program openness nuclear weapon safety nuclear proliferation international nuclear agreements Scott Sagan public acknowledgement of nuclear deterrence benefits of nuclear deterrence recognition regulation of nuclear weapons transparency in nuclear capability deterrent effect visibility international cooperation nuclear programs developed countries nuclear assistance nuclear safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs reduction prevention of nuclear terrorism openness in nuclear development security of nuclear stockpiles Scott Sagan nuclear weapons public policy nuclear regulation nuclear capability disclosure state responsibility nuclear weapons international nuclear oversight robust nuclear safeguards nuclear nonproliferation cooperation nuclear weapons risk mitigation nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons regulation public acknowledgement nuclear capability transparency nuclear nonproliferation international cooperation nuclear safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs nuclear terrorism prevention nuclear stockpile security state sovereignty nuclear rights nuclear weapons development Scott D. Sagan nuclear program oversight nuclear material control developed countries assistance nuclear arms control nuclear deterrence public acknowledgement nuclear weapons regulation nuclear capability transparency nuclear program cooperation nuclear safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs prevention of nuclear terrorism security of nuclear stockpiles international nuclear collaboration nuclear non-proliferation nuclear weapon safety visible nuclear deterrence state nuclear rights advanced nuclear programs Sagan 1993 regulation of nuclear weapons nuclear openness nuclear weapons control international security nuclear deterrence public acknowledgement nuclear weapons regulation nuclear transparency state capability deterrent effect nuclear security nuclear cooperation nuclear program development developed countries nuclear safety protocols robust safety clandestine nuclear programs nuclear proliferation weapons-grade material nuclear terrorism nuclear stockpile security nuclear openness arms control international nuclear agreements nuclear nonproliferation nuclear weapons management Scott Sagan organizational safety nuclear accidents nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons regulation transparency nuclear capability international cooperation nuclear programs developed countries nuclear assistance nuclear safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs nuclear non-proliferation nuclear technology transfer nuclear stockpile security nuclear safeguards nuclear weapons visibility nuclear capability disclosure nuclear proliferation control nuclear terrorism prevention international nuclear oversight nuclear risk reduction arms control agreements global nuclear security legitimacy nuclear deterrence nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons regulation nuclear capability transparency state rights nuclear arms control nonproliferation nuclear cooperation nuclear safety protocols developed countries assistance clandestine nuclear programs nuclear security weapons-grade material nuclear terrorism prevention nuclear stockpile management international nuclear agreements nuclear program oversight disarmament visibility of nuclear arsenals nuclear governance global nuclear norms nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear transparency nuclear nonproliferation nuclear arms control state sovereignty international security nuclear capability disclosure nuclear safeguards nuclear cooperation nuclear program safety clandestine nuclear programs nuclear safety protocols nuclear weapons security nuclear terrorism prevention intergovernmental oversight nuclear technology sharing nuclear risk reduction arms monitoring nuclear weapons oversight
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro03a	"Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. democratic peace theory liberal democracy conflict prevention war between democracies Kant Perpetual Peace republican liberalism negotiation culture checks and balances regime type democratic norms peace promotion democracy promotion democratization international relations human rights terrorism prevention marginalization self-determination civic participation public opinion war causation stable democracies democratic institutions global security non-democratic states peacebuilding democratic accountability regime change international cooperation democratic peace theory democracy and war democracy promotion Kant perpetual peace democratic governments constraints negotiation culture checks and balances war likelihood democracy democracy imposition peace democracy terrorism prevention human rights democracy democratic states conflict democratization and peace liberal democracy war international relations democracy democratic norms democratic peace evidence democracy human rights democratic conflict avoidance democracy global security democratic peace theory democracy promotion international relations conflict prevention war between democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments checks and balances negotiation culture imposing democracy peaceful world terrorism prevention human rights marginalization global security democratic values war avoidance democratization democratic institutions government accountability peacebuilding regime type civil liberties democratic norms democratic peace theory democracy and conflict promoting democracy consequences democracies and war history Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments checks balances public opposition to war war likelihood in democracies democracy culture negotiation democracy human rights terrorism in democracies marginalization prevention democracy global human rights democracy democracy and individual safety spreading democracy impact democracy imposition peace BBC democracies fight each other democratic norms and peace democracy and terrorism prevention effectiveness of democracy promotion democracy and international relations democratic peace theory Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democracy and war democratic governments public opposition to war negotiation culture checks and balances peace promotion democracy promotion war prevention democracy and terrorism democratic norms human rights minority rights marginalization global security democracy imposition interstate conflict democratic dyad liberal democracy political stability international relations democratization benefits terrorism prevention BBC war between democracies democratic peace theory Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democracy and war peace promotion through democracy wars between democracies checks and balances in government democratic negotiation culture imposing democracy benefits terrorism in democracies democracy and human rights international relations democracy promoting democracy and stability democratic conflict resolution democracy vs authoritarianism regime type and peace democratic values and peace democracy export consequences democracy and global security BBC democracies fight liberal peace theory democracy prevention of terrorism democracy peace democratic peace theory war between democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace constraints on war democratic culture negotiation checks and balances democracy promotion imposing democracy peaceful world terrorism prevention human rights marginalization political participation conflict prevention liberal democracy interstate war democratic governance public opinion international relations democratization democratic institutions political stability democratic values security non-violent resolution BBC democratic states Kantian peace democracy and peace liberal peace theory democratic peace theory Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic war constraints war between democracies checks and balances negotiation culture spreading democracy democracy and terrorism human rights promotion causes of peace conflict prevention war history democracies democracy effectiveness imposition of democracy peacebuilding democratization international relations democracy and security terrorism and political systems BBC democracies war democracy and marginalization democratic norms global human rights democracy promotion critique democratic peace theory liberal democracy conflict prevention war between democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace checks and balances democratic culture negotiation human rights terrorism prevention democratic institutions government accountability democratic norms regime type international relations peace promotion forced democratization democratization outcomes political violence civil liberties public opposition to war democratic governance marginalization political participation BBC democratic stability global peace interstate conflict human security democratic peace theory democracy promotion war between democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic constraints on war democratic culture of negotiation checks and balances peaceful world democracy and terrorism democracy and human rights marginalization and terrorism human rights norms BBC article democracies fight spread of democracy democracy and international relations"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con02a	The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. Olympic bidding bid duration opportunity cost financial impact land allocation Olympic Village stadia development government funds sporting events bid process IOC voting international relations personal relationships political influence foreign policy geographic rotation bid failure city selection decade-long planning bid expenses event hosting urban development resource diversion continent rotation Olympic bidding delays Olympic bid duration Olympic Games city selection Olympic bid costs Olympic bid financial impact Olympic land use Olympic stadia development delay Olympic funding diversion IOC voting process Olympic bid politics Olympic bid international relations Olympic bid disadvantages Olympic Games bid cycle Olympic city chance frequency Olympic Games site selection process Olympic Games hosting challenges Olympic Games foreign policy effects Olympic host city rotation Olympic bid impact on urban planning Olympic bid government expenditure Olympic bid city disadvantage Olympic bidding process bid duration opportunity cost land use restrictions urban development delays financial impact government funding allocation Olympic Village planning stadia development IOC voting system bid evaluation criteria international politics personal relationships city selection continental rotation event hosting cycle bid preparation costs unsuccessful bids resource diversion long-term planning sports infrastructure foreign policy influence competitive disadvantage city candidacy bidding timeline bidding process delays Olympic bid duration financial impact of Olympic bidding land tied up in Olympic bids effects of Olympic bidding on city development opportunity costs Olympic bids IOC decision-making process political factors in Olympic bidding international relations Olympic bids cost of bidding for Olympics Olympic bid cycle rotation of Olympic host cities economic consequences of Olympic bidding length of Olympic bidding timeline government spending on Olympic bids challenges in Olympic bid preparation drawbacks of long bidding processes impact on local sporting events Olympic site development freeze disadvantages for cities in Olympic bids Olympic bidding process bidding timeline opportunity cost land use restrictions government funding allocation Olympic Village development stadium construction delays IOC voting procedures geopolitical influence international relations bid evaluation criteria city economic impact bid preparation costs sports event funding diversion Olympic bid cycle continent rotation urban planning constraints political factors failed bid consequences long-term planning disruption stakeholder influence Olympic bid process Olympic bidding delays cost of Olympic bidding Olympic Village land issues government funds Olympic bidding IOC voting process international politics Olympics Olympic bid financial impact bid rotation Olympics disadvantages in Olympic bidding city selection Olympics Olympic bidding opportunity gap impact of foreign policy Olympics impact on sporting events funding Olympic hosting challenges Olympic urban planning constraints timeline for Olympic bid IOC member decision factors global impact Olympic bids future Olympic bid opportunities city preparation Olympics Olympic bidding delays bidding process duration Olympic Village land use stadia development financial costs government funding diversion opportunity cost host city selection IOC voting process international relations geopolitical influence foreign policy impact bid rotation event planning urban development infrastructure planning event hosting sporting event funding long-term investment city candidacy shortlist exclusion resource allocation Olympic Games intercontinental rotation venue construction Olympic bid cycle Olympic bidding process bid duration IOC selection process bid costs tied-up land city infrastructure Olympic Village planning stadia development government fund diversion sporting event funding international relations bid outcome delay city bid cycle continental rotation bidding inefficiency Olympic bid politics bid timeline Olympic host selection city bid disadvantages IOC voting influence Olympic Games impact bidding process reform urban development delay Olympic financial impact Olympic opportunity cost bid evaluation criteria bidding process duration Olympic bid timelines Olympic city selection IOC voting influence Olympic Village land use government fund diversion international politics Olympics bid process cost bid process inefficiency Olympic host city rotation bid rejection impact sports infrastructure delay Olympic land development personal relationships IOC global political tension sports city bid preparation duration Olympic bidding bid evaluation criteria bid rotation opportunity cost land use policy government funding allocation IOC voting process international relations city infrastructure development Olympic village planning sports event funding delayed urban development bidding cost analysis foreign policy impact Olympic host selection decision-making transparency political considerations bid competition strategies urban planning constraints economic impact
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro03a	The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. self-determination autonomy bodily autonomy individual rights fundamental rights personal agency human rights decision-making consent body sovereignty liberty freedom of choice moral autonomy self-governance bodily integrity personal freedom informed consent individual liberty personal sovereignty State intervention ethical autonomy personal values self-ownership voluntariness individual preference autonomy bodily autonomy self-ownership personal agency individual rights personal liberty bodily integrity human dignity informed consent decision-making capacity moral autonomy self-governance freedom of choice personal sovereignty self-determination principle individual freedom human rights liberty of person respect for autonomy ethical individualism personal empowerment privacy rights consent and capacity universal human rights non-interference moral agency civil liberties state interference value pluralism respect for persons fundamental rights individual autonomy bodily autonomy personal sovereignty human rights self-ownership self-governance personal freedom bodily integrity moral agency informed consent decision-making competence personal liberty autonomy theory fundamental rights value pluralism state interference ethical individualism self-determination principle individual preferences personal agency individual autonomy rights bodily autonomy and self-determination fundamental human rights and personal autonomy right to make decisions about own body autonomy versus state intervention personal liberty and human dignity informed consent and self-ownership self-determination principle in human rights law ethical implications of bodily autonomy personal freedom and state control moral justification for self-sacrifice competing values in autonomy subjective value of life and liberty individual rights versus collective good state limits in personal decision-making individual autonomy bodily autonomy self-determination fundamental rights human rights personal sovereignty informed consent moral agency personal decision-making state intervention autonomy vs authority legal competence bodily integrity self-ownership liberty individual freedom ethical self-governance subjective values preference autonomy state ethics personal sacrifice value pluralism individual choice rights to life personal autonomy doctrine medical ethics personal liberty individual dignity autonomy in law individual autonomy bodily autonomy personal autonomy self determination rights human dignity fundamental rights personal liberty decision-making authority right to self governance individual rights human rights law informed consent moral autonomy bodily integrity right to choose personal sovereignty individual freedom state vs individual rights right to privacy ethical autonomy freedom of conscience self ownership right to life personal decision making autonomy and state intervention self-determination personal autonomy human rights bodily autonomy consent individual freedom liberty decision-making bodily integrity personal agency individual rights moral autonomy self-ownership sovereignty human dignity pro-choice informed consent personal preferences state intervention individualism ethics of autonomy existential choice individual liberty personal sovereignty self-governance value pluralism self-sacrifice state vs individual intrinsic rights freedom of choice individual autonomy bodily autonomy self-determination fundamental human rights personal autonomy bodily integrity right to choose consent informed consent human dignity personal liberty self-governance freedom of choice moral agency individual rights autonomy in law legal autonomy human rights law right to privacy bioethics patient rights medical ethics state interference individual liberty decision-making autonomy self-ownership ethics of autonomy individual autonomy bodily autonomy self-ownership personal agency human dignity freedom of choice informed consent moral autonomy personal liberty state intervention right to bodily integrity ethical individualism self-determination in law fundamental rights legal autonomy subjective value individual preferences moral rights state authority limits consent ethics human rights philosophy autonomy and decision-making personal sovereignty rights theory state vs individual rights autonomy self-ownership bodily integrity personal autonomy individual rights informed consent moral agency freedom of choice self-governance self-sovereignty human dignity civil liberties personal liberty state intervention ethical individualism decision-making authority fundamental freedoms personal responsibility bioethics right to privacy
test-international-epvhwhranet-con03a	Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 referendums public relations PR politics referendum campaigns voter motivation government confidence economic management law and order public scandals protest voting EU Constitution French referendum Dutch referendum 2005 EU enlargement Eastern European workers migration Turkey EU membership ballot issues media distortion media bias media influence voter grievances national government dissatisfaction public opinion issue salience EU future agenda-setting political communication protest votes misinformation perception of referendums voter behavior policy decisions referendum bias protest voting media influence on referendums government confidence votes EU referendum case studies French EU Constitution vote 2005 Dutch EU Constitution vote 2005 issue salience in referendums voter motivations EU enlargement opposition impact of media distortion public opinion and referenda non-issue voting political scapegoating referendum campaigns voter dissatisfaction economic management and voting behavior law and order concerns immigration and referendums Turkey EU negotiations Eastern European workers political communication distorted media coverage public grievances in referendums indirect referendum outcomes referendum motives protest voting government confidence vote media bias issue framing voter behavior EU constitution 2005 French referendum Dutch referendum EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey EU negotiations public dissatisfaction economic management law and order political communication public opinion political disengagement political scandal ballot issue distortion voting psychology media influence on voting referendums and public relations referendum votes issue misalignment referendums as government confidence votes referendum campaigns and media influence EU Constitution 2005 referendum analysis voter motivation in referendums impact of media bias on referendums referendums and government dissatisfaction non-issue voting in referendums referendums and economic management referendums and law and order issues public scandals impact on referendum EU enlargement and referendums Turkey EU entry referendum influence Eastern European workers referendum concern referendum campaign issues versus ballot issues referendums manipulation by media French referendum 2005 reasons referendums public relations PR government confidence votes media influence voter motivation EU Constitution 2005 French referendum Dutch referendum EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey EU accession media bias protest voting issue distortion public perception voting behavior political campaigns governance dissatisfaction referendum drawbacks political legitimacy EU future law and order concerns economic management public scandals voter grievances House of Lords European Union Committee referendums and public relations referendum voting behavior influence of government confidence on referendums media bias in referendums referendums and EU constitution French and Dutch EU referendum 2005 non-issue voting in referendums referendum outcomes and government scandals EU enlargement and referendums public opinion on EU referendums voter motivation in referendums effects of media distortion on referendums House of Lords EU Committee enlargement Eastern European workers EU referendum Turkish EU membership referendum debate referendums public relations PR politics voting behavior protest votes government confidence government management economic issues law and order public scandals media distortion media bias EU Constitution 2005 referendum French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers labor migration Turkey EU negotiations ballot issues voter motivation referendum campaigns opinion expression political discontent national government policy judgment media influence referendum limitations biased coverage issue framing political grievances voter sentiment public opinion European Union House of Lords European Union Committee referendums public relations PR politics referendum campaigns government confidence protest vote EU Constitution 2005 French referendum Dutch referendum media distortion media bias voter motivation issue voting government management economic management law and order public scandals Eastern European workers EU enlargement Turkey EU entry House of Lords EU Committee strategic voting protest voting electoral behavior political communication agenda setting political grievances media influence voting psychology referendum outcomes voter dissatisfaction referendums public relations politics voter motivation voter behavior EU referendum EU Constitution French referendum 2005 Dutch referendum 2005 government confidence protest votes media influence media bias EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey EU negotiations economic concerns law and order public scandals political discontent issue framing voting patterns referendum campaigns policy decision-making electoral influence House of Lords report referendum effects media influence voter motivation government confidence protest voting EU enlargement issue distortion public opinion electoral behavior political communication biased coverage economic management law and order public scandals EU constitution French referendum Dutch referendum Eastern European workers Turkey EU entry House of Lords EU Committee
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro02a	Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. child safety age verification internet filtering content moderation parental controls digital wellbeing harmful content online safety censorship age restrictions youth protection laws explicit material access control responsible media government regulation child exploitation prevention illegal content blocking safe browsing children’s rights educational content cyber safety minor protection policies digital literacy safe environment restricted materials child protection online safety safeguarding children age verification internet censorship harmful content youth protection parental control digital safety age-appropriate content regulatory measures government regulation freedom of expression minor safety laws explicit content restriction protecting adolescents media regulation obscene material prevention children's rights underage protection child safety internet censorship age verification harmful content age-appropriate content online regulations digital privacy media literacy parental controls government regulation freedom of expression youth protection content moderation online safety laws child welfare restricted materials content filtering child exploitation prevention cyber safety legal restrictions child internet safety online content filtering for minors government regulation of youth media preventing minors' access to harmful content freedom of speech and child protection legal age restrictions for online materials safeguarding children from explicit content youth exposure to digital media risks parental control technologies age verification online balancing censorship and child welfare internet safety laws for children protecting children from obscene materials regulating children's access to social media educational resources for safe internet use digital literacy for minors policies on offensive material and minors restricting explicit online content for youth children’s rights and digital protection government duty to regulate obscene media for youth child protection online safety age verification internet regulation harmful content digital literacy parental controls censorship freedom of expression safe browsing youth safeguarding content moderation legal restrictions media regulation cyber safety minors’ rights government regulation children’s online privacy obscene material laws offensive content prevention child online safety internet filtering age verification parental controls safe browsing for kids online content regulation youth digital protection protecting children online content moderation for minors censorship versus child protection government regulation child safety harmful digital content children’s rights on the internet obscene material restrictions protecting youth from explicit content child safety age verification content filtering online safety parental controls digital literacy harmful content media regulation censorship youth protection internet regulation explicit content safe browsing legal restrictions freedom of expression responsible governance child exploitation age-appropriate content minors' rights safeguarding children online safety for minors child internet protection digital age verification parental controls obscene content regulation government censorship minors age-appropriate content child online privacy youth internet safeguards media literacy minors child exploitation prevention content moderation children internet filtering minors child data protection harmful media regulation offensive material minors social media age limits minor protection laws cyberbullying prevention minors digital citizenship for children child safety age verification online content filtering parental controls digital literacy internet safety child exploitation prevention harmful content regulation censorship youth protection laws media guidelines content moderation social media monitoring educational resources legal responsibility cyberbullying prevention explicit content blocking minors' rights school internet policies protection against grooming child safety online safety age verification parental controls digital content regulation internet filtering youth protection laws harmful content child exploitation prevention media censorship age-appropriate access cyberbullying prevention school internet policies sexual content regulation public policy digital literacy freedom of expression content moderation government oversight safe browsing
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro02a	The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 House of Lords Conservative majority political bias peer composition social elite economic elite diversity in Parliament gender representation ethnic minorities legislative power legislative reform representation fairness British society Parliament reform legislative diversity peer demographics political reform House of Lords reform minority representation gender imbalance structural bias elite dominance public representation government diversity political inclusivity House of Lords conservative majority political bias peer composition elite representation diversity in Parliament female peers ethnic minority peers legislative process institutional reform British government parliamentary reform social representation political representation House of Lords reform public policy British politics legislative bias diversity monitoring elite influence Smith Ben House of Commons Library 2008 House of Lords conservative majority peerage reform diversity representation gender imbalance ethnic minorities legislative process British upper chamber social elite economic elite political representation parliamentary reform democratic deficit UK politics proportional representation Lords reform proposals hereditary peers appointed peers diversity monitoring public accountability inclusivity British society Labour peers Liberal peers government reform misrepresentation legislative delay political elitism House of Lords reform representation in House of Lords Conservative majority House of Lords diversity House of Lords gender balance House of Lords ethnic minorities House of Lords elitism House of Lords impact of Lords on legislation House of Lords misrepresentation parliamentary reform UK diversity monitoring House of Lords social class House of Lords peer appointments House of Lords House of Lords and democracy House of Lords public perception legislative bias House of Lords inclusivity House of Lords House of Lords and British society equality in House of Lords political reform UK House of Lords conservative majority peer composition political bias social elite economic elite diversity monitoring gender representation ethnic minority peers legislative reform misrepresentation British population upper chamber reform UK Parliament House of Lords reform representation inequality legislative power democratic deficit political diversity peer selection British government parliamentary reform House of Commons Library Smith Ben ethnic minorities politics gender imbalance legislative delay elite governance inclusivity parliamentary diversity House of Lords reform representation in House of Lords diversity in House of Lords Conservative majority House of Lords ethnic minorities peers UK gender balance House of Lords social elite House of Lords House of Lords criticism British parliament reform legislative power House of Lords misrepresentation British population Labour peers House of Lords Liberal peers House of Lords minority representation UK politics House of Lords membership statistics House of Lords conservative majority traditional provenance political bias Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring gender imbalance female peers ethnic minorities representation legislative revision misrepresentation British population reform inclusivity political reform legislative power parliamentary structure UK politics democracy House of Commons Ben Smith ethnic minority representation gender diversity UK government peerage system upper chamber legislative process House of Lords reform inbuilt conservative majority peer demographic diversity ethnic minorities in House of Lords gender representation peers social elite political influence legislative bias UK British political representation upper chamber reform UK Liberal peers conservatism Labour Lords conservative views diversity monitoring House of Lords political inequality UK politics unrepresentative legislative institutions slow legislative process UK ethnic minorities politics UK women in House of Lords public life representation UK British parliamentary reform peer selection process conservative dominance UK politics House of Lords reform composition political bias Conservative majority representation diversity gender imbalance ethnic minorities social elite legislation revision democratic deficit UK Parliament peerage selection parliamentary reform proportional representation House of Commons comparison minority representation institutional reform modernisation legislative power British society House of Lords reform conservative majority parliamentary representation peer diversity gender inequality ethnic minorities elite governance legislative delay legislative revision British democracy political representation diversity monitoring social inequality political reform UK Parliament representation fairness Labour peers Liberal peers political bias underrepresentation legislative chamber constitutional reform House of Commons public accountability
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 academic freedom intellectual exchange university openness idea integration Confucian tradition Socratic tradition cross-cultural interaction East-West relations higher education academic dialogue critical thinking global academia student approaches institutional adaptation knowledge transfer intercultural communication educational philosophy academic independence Asia-Europe academic relations university-state relationship academic freedom idea exchange university openness intellectual diversity Confucian tradition Socratic method East-West integration intercultural dialogue academia-state relationship Western institutions in Asia critical thinking student approaches higher education ethics cross-cultural academic exchange educational adaptation academic pluralism global universities knowledge transfer intellectual humility pedagogical traditions academic exchange intellectual openness cross-cultural dialogue Confucian tradition Socratic tradition academic freedom intercultural integration East-West relations educational philosophy idea sharing liberal education university autonomy critical thinking student engagement academic collaboration knowledge transfer institutional adaptability Asia-Europe education academic diversity internationalization higher education policy global university teaching approaches academic innovation resistance to dogma university exchange of ideas academic openness cross-cultural academic integration Confucian vs Socratic tradition Asia-Europe intellectual interaction academic freedom universities and the state relationship Western institutions in Asia academic cultural clashes integrating educational traditions student approach to studies critical thinking in Asia academic lingua franca defending academic ideas higher education internationalization bidirectional knowledge exchange open-mindedness in academia university role in society arrogance in academic institutions impact of economic interaction on education university cultural adaptation academic exchange idea sharing intellectual openness university collaboration Confucian tradition Socratic tradition critical thinking academic integration Western institutions Asian academia state-academia relations intercultural dialogue educational philosophy academic diversity cross-cultural learning student approaches academic adaptation intellectual humility academic elitism global higher education universities idea exchange academic openness Confucian vs Socratic traditions Asian European intellectual interaction academia and state relationship Western universities in Asia academic intellectual diversity higher education integration cross-cultural education academic tradition clashes innovation in higher education intercultural academic exchange student approaches to study critical thinking in universities English as lingua franca academic adaptation Asia Europe university internationalization intellectual humility in academia educational philosophy comparison bilateral academic exchange universities idea exchange academic freedom intellectual openness Confucian approach Socratic approach Asian traditions European traditions economic interaction academia-state relationship Western institutions cross-cultural integration higher education academic discourse critical thinking student attitudes intercultural communication educational philosophy academic diversity institutional adaptability academic pluralism knowledge transfer educational collaboration global universities cultural exchange openness to new ideas university idea exchange academic openness Confucian tradition Socratic tradition intellectual integration cross-cultural academia Western universities in Asia academic imperialism higher education internationalization academic dialogue educational collaboration Confucianism vs Socratic method state-academia relationship intercultural learning intellectual humility educational philosophy critical thinking in universities Asian students academic lingua franca influence of economic interaction Western academic practices tradition clash in education receptive education models global higher education student study approaches academic idea defense university openness knowledge integration academic arrogance educational attitude exchange academic freedom idea exchange intellectual diversity cross-cultural dialogue university-industry relations Confucian tradition Socratic method East-West integration educational philosophy internationalization of education critical thinking student engagement academic openness Western universities in Asia cultural adaptation higher education policy transnational education intercultural communication knowledge transfer university autonomy global learning academic collaboration tradition versus innovation pluralism in education comparative education systems academic integrity educational values curriculum development liberal education philosophy of education academic freedom intellectual exchange cultural integration Confucian tradition Socratic method higher education East-West dialogue interdisciplinary collaboration critical thinking cross-cultural communication institutional autonomy educational philosophy global academia knowledge transfer multiculturalism in universities internationalization of education student engagement academic diversity university-state relations open-mindedness in education
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro02a	Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 women empowerment economic development gender equality women in politics African economies sub-Saharan Africa political participation Rwanda women parliamentarians poverty reduction leadership roles post-genocide Rwanda Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Liberia economic reforms GDP growth Africa conflict reduction peacebuilding feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker violence decline socio-economic transformation sustainable development female leadership women’s rights inclusive governance economic growth Africa gender diversity women’s political influence peace and stability women’s contribution economy women’s socio-economic impact women economic empowerment gender equality Africa women political participation female leadership economic growth women in parliament Africa Rwanda women parliamentarians gender and economic development sub-Saharan Africa gender roles women post-genocide Rwanda Liberia women leadership Ellen Johnson Sirleaf economic reforms feminisation of politics Africa gender peace conflict resolution women's impact GDP Africa women poverty reduction Africa female-driven socioeconomic development gender-based policy Africa women driving economic change women leadership success stories Africa women's role peacebuilding Africa women empowerment gender equality economic development Africa political participation female leadership Rwanda Liberia women in politics economic growth poverty reduction sub-Saharan Africa post-conflict reconstruction peacebuilding socio-economic progress GDP growth female parliamentarians Ellen Johnson Sirleaf feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker conflict reduction women in leadership sustainable development natural resource management women's impact on economy women economic empowerment Africa women political power sub-Saharan Africa gender equality economic growth Africa success stories women leadership Africa female parliamentarians Rwanda women post-genocide Rwanda Rwanda poverty reduction women Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf economic reforms women leadership GDP growth Africa impact female leaders African politics gender conflict and economic development Africa feminisation of politics Africa women peacebuilding African economies Stephen Pinker violence decline gender credit women African economic development women transformative leadership Africa case studies women empowerment Africa benefits of women’s political inclusion Africa economic outcomes gender equality Africa comparison men vs women leadership Africa women economic development Africa gender equality politics Africa women empowerment Africa women leadership economic growth women parliamentarians Rwanda economic benefits gender equality female political power Africa socio-economic impact women role of women reconstruction Rwanda Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Liberia women influence GDP growth feminisation of politics conflict reduction Stephen Pinker violence decline women post-genocide leadership poverty reduction women leadership fastest growing economies Africa women policy impact Africa gender and peacebuilding Africa women vs men leadership Africa gender inclusive economic policy women economic empowerment women political power Africa gender equality economic growth women leadership Africa female parliamentarians Rwanda women driven economies Africa Ellen Johnson Sirleaf economic reforms women's impact on GDP Africa gender equality political participation feminisation of politics Africa women post-conflict reconstruction gender and economic development Africa fastest growing economies women women's role poverty reduction Africa women peacebuilding Africa gender equality reduces conflict women leadership benefits Africa representation of women in parliament Africa Rwanda women parliamentarians Liberia economic growth women Pinker feminisation politics conflict women credit economic growth Africa women empowerment gender equality economic growth female leadership sub-Saharan Africa women in politics Rwanda women parliament poverty reduction post-genocide Rwanda Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Liberia economic reform GDP growth women in governance conflict resolution peacebuilding feminisation of politics socio-economic development natural resource economies political power for women women's impact on economy African women's leadership Stephen Pinker decline in conflict household management long-term economic planning women's rights post-conflict development women and peace inclusive economic development gender and economics African political progress women economic empowerment gender equality Africa women in politics Africa women leadership economic growth female parliamentarians Rwanda Africa fastest growing economies women-driven development women post-genocide Rwanda Ellen Johnson Sirleaf reforms Liberia economic reforms gender and peacebuilding Africa feminisation of politics gender role in economic development women poverty reduction Africa sub-Saharan Africa economic growth effects of women leadership Africa women influence on conflict reduction women as socio-economic drivers Africa Stephen Pinker violence decline women impact political stability gender inclusion development Africa women participation governance women and GDP growth Africa case studies female leaders Africa women empowerment economic development Africa gender equality political power sub-Saharan African economies women leadership Africa Rwanda women parliament Liberia economic reforms women Ellen Johnson Sirleaf impact women post-conflict reconstruction feminisation of politics conflict reduction women women in peacebuilding African female politicians women economic growth drivers gender and GDP growth women's role economic progress impact of women leadership Africa female representation government Africa women-driven development gender parity economics inclusive growth Africa Stephen Pinker women politics benefit women economic stability gender diversity politics women poverty reduction female empowerment success Africa gender and governance women women empowerment gender equality female political participation African economic growth women leadership women's impact on economy Rwandan women Liberian women Ellen Johnson Sirleaf post-genocide reconstruction sub-Saharan Africa women in government poverty reduction feminisation of politics gender and conflict peace and economic growth women-driven development gender-inclusive policies women in parliament sustainable development economic reforms African women
test-education-egtuscpih-con03a	Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. distance learning online education lack of interaction student engagement virtual classrooms reduced personal feedback limited communication digital classes pre-recorded lectures absence of discussions professor availability peer interaction impersonal education educational quality online learning drawbacks remote instruction teaching assistants feedback mechanisms engagement barriers communication challenges online education virtual classrooms student-teacher interaction peer communication lack of engagement personal feedback asynchronous learning synchronous learning digital learning challenges e-learning disadvantages absence of real-time discussion remote learning barriers isolation in online courses communication difficulties MOOC limitations pre-recorded lectures large class sizes limited instructor access educational quality online course drawbacks distance learning lack of interaction communication barriers online education drawbacks student engagement professor accessibility virtual classrooms limited feedback asynchronous learning student isolation teaching assistants lack of discussion absence of live sessions personal feedback challenges online learning disadvantages digital communication issues student-professor relationships quality of online education peer interaction remote learning challenges effects of online courses on communication online courses vs live discussion online learning lack of professor interaction online education student engagement pre-recorded lecture disadvantages email communication in online learning online courses lack of personal feedback teacher-student interaction online student-to-student communication online online education lack of discussion impact of MOOCs on communication Coursera communication with professors online courses student isolation online courses vs classroom interaction online education reduced engagement online courses no live questions online courses no real-time feedback online education quality lack of participation in online courses disadvantages of online classes online education student-professor interaction peer interaction communication barriers digital learning virtual classrooms lack of engagement asynchronous learning pre-recorded lectures absence of real-time feedback online course limitations student isolation limited networking academic socialization teaching assistant feedback massification of education impersonal learning environments quality of education online remote learning challenges disadvantages of MOOCs Coursera communication issues online course communication challenges lack of live interaction online learning impersonal online education limited student professor engagement disadvantages of prerecorded lectures absence of live class discussions difficulty networking online students lack of personal feedback in online courses online learning reduces educational quality online education limits peer interaction challenges of large online class sizes Coursera communication issues online courses vs traditional classrooms online learning lack of real-time discussion online education feedback mechanisms online courses live communication student-professor interaction student-student interaction communication barriers email communication high enrollment pre-recorded lectures lack of real-time discussion missing live class discussions virtual classrooms reduced engagement lack of personal feedback automated feedback teaching assistants absence of personal connection impersonal learning environment online learning drawbacks quality of education online course criticism digital education challenges instructor accessibility participation limitations peer interaction remote education disadvantages online learning communication barriers online courses lack interaction virtual classroom drawbacks impact of e-learning on student engagement disadvantages of online education online courses vs traditional classes limited feedback in online courses challenges in online student-professor interaction effects of online courses on collaboration reduced personal feedback online courses peer interaction in online classes online education hampers live discussion MOOC interaction problems online learning impairs mentorship online education communication issues pre-recorded lectures disadvantages lack of live discussion online learning student isolation online education online learning and academic performance online courses lack community virtual learning distance education student engagement instructor interaction peer collaboration communication barriers asynchronous courses synchronous learning online discussion forums educational quality feedback mechanisms student isolation teaching assistants e-learning limitations live interaction personalized feedback classroom dynamics community building learning outcomes educational technology digital classrooms student satisfaction teacher accessibility course participation real-time communication remote learning online education lack of interaction student-professor communication student engagement peer interaction asynchronous learning online course drawbacks educational quality online class participation feedback in online courses discussion forums pre-recorded lectures instructor access virtual classrooms social presence digital learning challenges MOOC limitations e-learning disadvantages learning outcomes online student isolation communication barriers
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro02a	Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 profit margins low profitability tourism sector challenges Tunisia tourism economic growth package holidays European tourists middle class income all-inclusive resorts per-capita spending tourism revenue competitive destinations Egypt tourism Greece tourism low-spending tourists systemic industry flaws niche tourism market sustainable tourism tourism diversification income generation tourism economic impact profit margin tourism sector Tunisia European tourists package holidays seaside resorts per capita tourist spending tourism industry profitability comparison Egypt Greece tourism low-profit tourism niche economic growth Tunisia systematic issues Tunisia tourism tourism revenue Tunisia all-inclusive resorts middle class visitors tourism market segmentation travel industry Tunisia tourism sector challenges tourist spending behavior value-added tourism diversification tourism Tunisia tourism policy Tunisia tourism revenue tourist spending Tunisia tourism profitability package holidays low-cost tourism European tourists resort tourism all-inclusive resorts tourism sector challenges tourism economic impact tourism industry flaws income per tourist tourism comparative analysis Egypt tourism comparison Greece tourism comparison tourism market segmentation tourism niches profit maximization strategies tourism sector reforms sustainable tourism economic growth Tunisia profit margin improvement strategies Tunisia tourism profit challenges increasing tourist spending Tunisia Tunisia tourism economic growth high profit tourism segments Tunisia diversifying tourist demographics Tunisia package holiday profitability Tunisia luxury tourism Tunisia prospects sustainable tourism Tunisia solutions tourism revenue optimization Tunisia tourism sector reform Tunisia comparative tourism profit margins Tunisia tourist per-capita spending increase value-added tourism Tunisia alternative tourism markets Tunisia Tunisia tourism industry analysis Tunisia vs Egypt tourism revenue Mediterranean tourism competition solutions for low-profit tourism boosting Tunisia tourism profitability Tunisia tourism profit margins low per-capita spending package holidays European tourists middle class tourists sea-side resorts all-inclusive tourism tourism industry challenges economic growth tourism sector flaws comparative tourism revenue Egypt tourism comparison Greece tourism comparison niche tourism tourism spending rates tourism sector profitability sustainable tourism diversification tourism high-value tourism tourism economics Tunisia tourism profit challenges low profit margins Tunisia tourism Tunisian tourism economic growth European tourists Tunisia spending Tunisia tourism package holidays per-capita tourist spending Tunisia Tunisia tourism sector issues Tunisian tourism vs Egypt Greece tourism industry flaws Tunisia increasing tourist spending Tunisia Tunisia tourism sector development solutions for low profit margins Tunisia tourism market diversification Tunisia Tunisian beach resort economics boost Tunisia tourism revenue profitability tourism industry Tunisia low margins economic growth package holidays European tourists middle-class all-inclusive resorts per capita spending tourism revenue competitive comparison Egypt Greece systematic issues sector challenges income generation tourist expenditure market niche economic impact resort tourism financial sustainability travel industry sector reform tourism policy revenue increase diversification spending patterns hospitality sector pricing strategy Tunisia tourism profit margins low per-capita tourist spending challenges in Tunisian tourism sector tourism package holiday impact European tourists Tunisia resort all-inclusive effects comparisons Tunisia Egypt Greece tourism tourism industry systemic flaws Tunisia economic growth tourism Tunisia middle class European visitors Tunisia tourism revenue improvement tourism sector diversification Tunisia sustainable tourism Tunisia luxury tourism Tunisia increasing tourist spend Tunisia tourism market segmentation Tunisia destination marketing Tunisia upgrading hotel services Tunisia off-season tourism Tunisia attracting high-income tourists Tunisia profitability Tunisia tourism package holidays European tourists middle class travelers resort tourism low per capita spending all-inclusive holidays tourism revenue economic growth tourism sector challenges comparative spending Mediterranean tourism tourism strategy tourism diversification high-value tourism luxury travel niche markets sustainable tourism tourism economic impact travel trends Tunisia revenue per tourist tourism competitiveness destination marketing tourism business models guest spending patterns Tunisia tourism profit margin low per-capita spending European tourists package holidays sea-side resorts economic growth tourism industry challenges tourist expenditure comparison Egypt tourism Greece tourism middle class visitors all-inclusive resorts tourism sector issues sustainable tourism market diversification revenue increase strategies luxury tourism niche tourism tourism policy Al Monitor
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con04a	"The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , suicide euthanasia assisted suicide sanctity of life emotional impact survivors relatives family members secular reasons ethical implications moral responsibility law legal protection medical ethics Hippocratic oath physician involvement patient care religious concerns terminal illness care for the dying autonomy harm principle medical professionals compassion end-of-life decisions societal impact slippery slope doctor-patient relationship palliative care moral obligations mental health public policy assisted suicide euthanasia sanctity of life impact on survivors emotional support family perspectives end-of-life ethics Hippocratic Oath medical ethics doctor involvement secular arguments religious concerns doctor-patient relationship moral implications legal protection ethical dilemmas physician-assisted death voluntary euthanasia patient autonomy duty of care societal impact law and end-of-life palliative care role of relatives medical professional stance compassionate care terminal illness grief and bereavement doctor obligations life preservation legal debates assisted suicide euthanasia sanctity of life impact on survivors emotional support secular ethics religious concerns family dynamics patient autonomy Hippocratic oath medical ethics doctor involvement end-of-life care legal implications voluntary principle compassionate care suicide prevention terminal illness palliative care moral obligations physician-assisted death societal impact ethical dilemmas harm principle law and medicine implications of individual death for others survivor impact of suicide emotional effects on relatives of euthanasia secular reasons for sanctity of life protection for doctors in euthanasia cases Hippocratic oath and assisted suicide doctors’ opinions on assisted suicide legal considerations for survivors and relatives ethical considerations in euthanasia medical professionals' role in euthanasia religious perspectives on suicide and euthanasia emotional burden of end-of-life decisions legal rights of family members in euthanasia voluntary principle in euthanasia debate doctor involvement opposition statistics physician assisted suicide ethical debates medical ethics do no harm protection against coercion in euthanasia sanctity of life euthanasia debate assisted suicide implications for survivors emotional impact legal considerations moral responsibility doctors' ethical duties Hippocratic Oath secular versus religious arguments family perspectives physician involvement patient autonomy end-of-life care medical ethics terminal illness support networks law and bioethics societal impact doctor-patient relationships euthanasia debate assisted suicide ethical issues sanctity of life arguments impact on survivors psychological effects on relatives doctors' role in euthanasia Hippocratic Oath and medical ethics secular arguments against euthanasia religious perspectives on suicide legal protections for medical staff patient-doctor relationship in end-of-life care emotional burden on families opposition to assisted dying medical professionals' views on euthanasia protection of vulnerable individuals consent and autonomy in euthanasia societal implications of assisted suicide ethical dilemmas in medicine law and end-of-life decisions involuntary participation concerns euthanasia assisted suicide sanctity of life survivor impact emotional consequences secular reasons religious objections family involvement loved ones moral responsibilities legal protection medical ethics Hippocratic oath do no harm doctor participation patient care emotional burden voluntary principle societal implications end-of-life decisions palliative care right to die terminal illness physician-assisted death ethical debate law and medicine suicide prevention compassionate care patient autonomy healthcare policy bioethics suicide implications survivor impact euthanasia debate sanctity of life emotional burden doctor involvement Hippocratic oath assisted suicide objections secular arguments against euthanasia religious perspectives on death legal protection doctors medical ethics euthanasia patient-relative dynamics healthcare professional perspectives voluntary euthanasia rejection assisted dying law impact on loved ones doctor-patient relationships UK euthanasia debate end-of-life care assisted suicide euthanasia sanctity of life survivor impact emotional support family consent secular ethics religious concerns doctor involvement Hippocratic oath medical ethics patient autonomy end-of-life care legal protection moral dilemmas palliative care doctor-patient relationship healthcare law ethical debates terminal illness mental health bereavement societal implications right to die physician-assisted death suicide prevention assisted suicide euthanasia sanctity of life impact on survivors emotional support ethical considerations legal implications family perspectives medical ethics Hippocratic oath doctor involvement secular reasons religious concerns patient autonomy palliative care end-of-life decisions medical professionals’ views harm principle doctor-patient relationship voluntary principle moral obligations healthcare law ethical dilemmas suicide prevention societal impact terminal illness care"
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 secularism secular values Western society separation of church and state religious symbols state neutrality religious expression equality public institutions National Secular Society religious dress societal unity state authority secular identity suppression of religion public spaces religion and government pluralism multiculturalism freedom of religion school policy government offices religious freedom British society Sharia courts secularism secular values religion and state separation religious symbols public expression of religion equality in Western societies National Secular Society religious dress code state institutions unity in society religious neutrality government and religion British secularism Sharia courts debate public policy on religion religious expression in schools impact of religious symbols Western identity laïcité state-sponsored religion freedom from religion secular public spaces secularism religious symbols Western society state neutrality equality public expression of religion separation of church and state National Secular Society British secularism religious dress religious identity public institutions social cohesion state authority multiculturalism religious expression ban secular values religious freedom public space government policy unity civic integration secularism in western societies separation of church and state secular values in British society religious symbols in public spaces National Secular Society policies equality and secularism religion in government institutions dress codes and religious identity effects of religious expression on social unity religious attire in schools religious neutrality in public offices state support for secularism arguments against religious symbols legal restrictions on religious expression public perception of secularism historical evolution of secular values influence of secular organizations suppression of public religion multiculturalism versus secularism religious freedom and state neutrality secularism religious symbols state neutrality public spaces religious expression equality multiculturalism state authority National Secular Society secular values religious dress British society separation of church and state religious freedom societal unity public policy integration social cohesion laïcité religious identity minority rights government institutions school dress codes faith in public life legal secularism secularism in Western societies separation of church and state religion in public spaces religious symbols in schools equality in secular states National Secular Society religious expression and state authority effects of religious dress on social unity secular values in British society suppression of religious expression Sharia courts UK state neutrality on religion impact of religious symbols in government institutions public policy on religion secular identity in Western countries secularism religious neutrality separation of church and state state authority public expression of religion equality religious symbols national identity public institutions British society National Secular Society religious dress codes unity societal ethos government policy multiculturalism religious freedom public schools sharia law social integration secular values religious pluralism civic equality laïcité anti-religious legislation public decorum secularism Western societies religious symbols state neutrality separation of church and state National Secular Society public expression of religion equal citizenship religious dress codes unity and social cohesion secular values public institutions British secularism state authority religious identity religious expression ban school dress codes government offices law and religion Sharia courts law and secularism religious pluralism equality legislation religious freedom social integration multiculturalism and secularism secularism Western society secular values state neutrality religion and state public expression of religion National Secular Society religious symbols religious dress equality social cohesion multiculturalism religious identity law and religion religious freedom secular education government institutions secular public spaces unity state authority religious pluralism church-state separation Sharia courts UK secularism religious accommodation public policy minority rights integration societal values religious tolerance secularism state and religion separation religious symbols public expression of religion equality in society religious dress codes national secular society Western societal values religious freedom secular education public institutions law and religion multiculturalism state neutrality sharia law in the UK religious pluralism religious identity integration laïcité social cohesion religious discrimination
test-economy-thsptr-con03a	The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: progressive taxation taxation regime state power undue power tax policy wealthy taxation tyranny of the majority redistributive taxation tax fairness state expansion tax burden consumption tax regressive tax flat tax public services funding majority rule fiscal policy economic liberty tax socialism Cato Institute tax incentives government overreach income redistribution rational taxpayer behavior tax system transparency democratic accountability social equity fiscal responsibility taxpayer preferences public expenditure progressive taxation state power government overreach wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority tax burden flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax policy fiscal policy tax equity tax fairness tax reform tax justice tax socialism Cato Institute public finance political economy tax incentives majority rule minority rights economic freedom tax efficiency tax transparency James Dorn progressive taxation tax policy state power majority rule tyranny of majority wealth redistribution tax burden wealthy taxation consumption tax flat tax regressive tax tax inequality fiscal policy state growth government spending tax fairness tax socialism Cato Institute tax reform tax incentives public goods collective action economic liberty marginal tax rates tax resistance tax allocation fiscal transparency tax justice state intervention political economy progressive taxation drawbacks dangers of progressive tax systems tyranny of the majority taxes disadvantages of taxing the wealthy state power over taxation tax policy and state size flat tax advantages regressive consumption tax benefits majority vs minority in tax systems fiscal responsibility and tax policy tax system transparency government growth and taxation taxpayer awareness and government spending rational tax policy preferences tax burdens and social equity taxation and democratic incentives tax socialism critique Cato Institute taxation analysis James Dorn tax arguments political economy of taxation systems taxing the rich consequences progressive taxation state power tax policy wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority tax burden flat tax regressive tax consumption tax fiscal transparency tax equity tax socialism majority rule tax fairness economic incentives government size tax efficiency public choice theory Cato Institute tax reform progressive taxation critique state power and taxation tyranny of the majority taxation effects of progressive tax on wealthy power to tax is power to destroy disproportionate tax burden flat tax benefits regressive consumption tax state size and tax visibility tax fairness tax policy and majority rule taxing the rich tax system reform Cato Institute tax analysis James Dorn tax socialism progressive taxation state power tax authority wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority majority rule minority rights tax burden wealthy taxation flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax fairness tax policy government size state expansion fiscal responsibility tax socialism Cato Institute public services rational voter preferences economic incentives tax efficiency tax equity tax regime tax reform progressive taxation state power tax policy tyranny of the majority wealthy taxation regressive tax flat tax consumption tax tax burden distribution government size fiscal responsibility tax fairness economic freedom tax socialism James Dorn Cato Institute tax equity majority rule tax incentives tax reform wealth redistribution public finance taxation and democracy taxing the rich state intervention fiscal policy progressive taxation state power taxation regime power to tax tyranny of the majority tax burden wealthy redistribution tax policy regressive tax consumption tax tax fairness state growth tax socialism Cato Institute James Dorn public finance fiscal policy majority rule tax reform tax efficiency tax equity political economy government overreach wealth redistribution tax incentives progressive taxation tax regime state power tax policy wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority disproportionate tax burden flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax fairness tax equity government overreach tax socialism Cato Institute tax justice economic freedom wealth inequality tax reform fiscal policy taxing the rich public spending tax incentives taxpayer accountability political economy state expansion majority rule tax efficiency social contract economic rationality
test-economy-bepighbdb-con04a	Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. democracy rule of law political stability economic development stable political framework dictatorship instability democratic governance inclusive institutions pluralism free and fair elections access to justice human rights economic freedoms private property rights innovation political institutions legal framework social unrest prevention government accountability sustainable growth prosperity institutional development Huntington democratization Acemoglu Robinson Why Nations Fail individual rights protection democracy rule of law political stability economic development inclusive institutions pluralism dictatorships authoritarian regimes free and fair elections human rights private property rights innovation justice access legal framework regime stability political institutions economic institutions economic freedom Acemoglu Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington democratization democratic governance social unrest prevention government accountability sustainable development power retention repression productivity growth civil liberties prosperity institutional quality pluralistic systems political frameworks authoritarian collapse democracy rule of law political stability economic development dictatorships political institutions inclusive institutions pluralism free and fair elections social unrest human rights economic freedom private property rights innovation productivity governance legal framework Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington democratization stable government political framework legitimacy power retention justice government accountability prosperity prosperity origins sustainable development democratic rule of law political stability democracy vs dictatorship economic growth stable political frameworks economic development inclusive political institutions and growth democracy legal framework justice free and fair elections social stability dictatorships instability economic impact private property rights innovation productivity Acemoglu Robinson Why Nations Fail summary Huntington The Third Wave democratization effects democracies human rights protection pluralism and economic success democracy and long-term stability rule of law and economic outcomes democratic institutions economic development democracy as precondition for growth effects of repression in dictatorships accountability in democratic governments economic freedoms and prosperity role of elections in social peace democratic rule of law political stability economic development dictatorships stability political frameworks power retention regime collapse democracy vs dictatorship stable legal framework access to justice government accountability free and fair elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation inclusive political institutions pluralism institutional prerequisites for growth economic institutions Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail democratization Huntington third wave prosperity origins government legitimacy political sustainability legal certainty repression consequences electoral integrity property rights economics democratic rule of law political stability economic development stable political framework dictatorship vs democracy sustainability of dictatorship legal framework access to justice government accountability free and fair elections prevention of social unrest economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity and innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights protection Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail preconditions for growth Huntington democratization third wave democracy stable government economic institutions long-term stability repression in dictatorships legitimacy of government prosperity and poverty rule of law benefits democracy advantages political system democracy rule of law political stability economic growth political framework dictatorship regime collapse sustainability legal framework justice access government accountability free elections fair elections social unrest violence prevention economic freedoms human rights private property rights innovation productivity Acemoglu and Robinson inclusive institutions pluralism individual rights economic development political institutions economic institutions democratization Huntington Why Nations Fail third wave prosperity poverty inclusive political system long-term stability governance civil liberties democratic rule of law political stability economic development stable political framework dictatorship instability power retention repression in dictatorships democracy vs dictatorship legal framework access to justice government accountability free and fair elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity and innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions sustainable economic growth democratization Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington Third Wave development and governance democracy benefits authoritarian regime risks rule of law economic impacts political institutions and prosperity democracy rule of law political stability economic development stable government dictatorships repression political institutions inclusive institutions pluralism human rights free elections legal framework economic freedoms private property innovation productivity Acemoglu and Robinson Huntington democratization societal progress governance justice access social unrest violence prevention prosperity political framework authoritarianism democracy rule of law political stability economic development dictatorships political institutions economic institutions human rights private property rights free and fair elections governance political frameworks repression innovation inclusive political systems pluralism justice legal framework social unrest sustained growth Huntington Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail democratization prosperity poverty individual rights government accountability productivity pluralistic governance institutional stability sustainable development
test-international-ehbfe-pro01a	"A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ federal Europe European integration EU federalism European Union member states European citizenship nationalism reduction conflict prevention ever-closer union EU policy-making EU veto power prosperity common good shared history European culture regional differences supranational governance European Commission Energy Taxation Directive carbon tax British veto EU success economic cooperation political union sovereignty pooling European identity pan-European unity common market intergovernmentalism post-nationalism European federal state multinational cooperation federal Europe European federalism benefits to citizens EU integration nationalism in Europe conflict resolution ever-closer union European unity policy-making in Europe EU member states veto abuse prosperity in Europe Britain EU relations carbon tax Europe Energy Taxation Directive EU governance shared European history European culture regional differences common good European Commission proposals EU legislation supranational governance national sovereignty EU economic policy EU environmental policy European solidarity history of European integration postwar Europe European identity EU reforms European integration federalism EU governance shared sovereignty supranational institutions nationalism reduction collective decision-making single market economic prosperity political union common policies veto power Energy Taxation Directive carbon tax climate policy regional autonomy cultural diversity ever-closer union conflict prevention European identity policy harmonization Brexit subsidiarity democratic legitimacy treaty reform intergovernmentalism solidarity member state relations monetary union social cohesion federal Europe pros and cons benefits of EU federalization impact of federal Europe on citizens EU nationalism mitigation ever-closer union vision history of EU integration national vs federal policy-making EU veto power issues effects of UK veto on EU policy carbon tax in federal Europe economic impact of EU federal state shared culture in European federalism regional differences in federal Europe sustainability and EU federal system overcoming national competition in EU precedent of veto use in EU policy harmonization in Europe future of EU governance federal Europe and prosperity examples of EU policy deadlock federal Europe European Union EU federalism nationalism in Europe ever-closer union policy-making in EU EU governance national vetoes EU carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive British veto EU European prosperity EU common good EU integration national sovereignty EU EU regional differences history of Europe EU founders vision EU policy competition conflict resolution Europe benefits of EU federalism federal Europe benefits European federalism advantages EU federal state European Union integration EU ever-closer union nationalism in Europe European policy-making competition EU veto power Britain EU carbon tax veto Energy Taxation Directive shared European history European cultural unity regional differences in Europe EU prosperity federal Europe common good EU decision-making challenges member state sovereignty European Union future success of EU integration European policy coordination federal Europe European integration EU benefits member states nationalism European unity ever-closer union policy harmonization veto power carbon tax EU governance prosperity energy taxation European Commission Britain EU relations regional diversity shared history common good EU reforms supranational government state sovereignty European solidarity economic cooperation policy coordination conflict prevention European identity national interests collective action European legislation federal Europe EU federalism benefits for citizens EU integration European Union ever-closer union nationalism reduction European policy-making European prosperity EU veto power national governments economic competitiveness in Europe carbon tax Europe UK EU relations EU climate policy Energy Taxation Directive European Commission proposals shared European history European culture regional differences in Europe common good Europe EU statehood European governance supranational Europe European unity EU member states EU decision-making EU legislative process post-national Europe federalism European integration EU governance supranationalism common good regional diversity nationalism reduction policy harmonization member state benefits prosperity legislative veto carbon tax energy policy unity European identity sovereignty economic cooperation conflict prevention shared history political union institutional reform cross-border collaboration sustainability democratic legitimacy collective decision-making federalism European Union integration supranational governance national sovereignty intergovernmental relations EU policy-making veto power carbon tax member state cooperation ever-closer union nationalism in Europe European identity regional differences shared European history common good prosperity in Europe EU reforms economic integration political union Britain EU relations"
test-science-dssghsdmd-con01a	Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear deterrence national missile defense missile defense systems nuclear stability arms race nuclear proliferation strategic stability second-strike capability anti-ballistic missile crisis stability Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer nuclear strategy disarmament nuclear brinkmanship technological arms competition nuclear diplomacy global security power parity security dilemma nuclear escalation strategic imbalance deterrence theory nuclear arms control international security nuclear parity destabilization nuclear doctrines nuclear deterrence nuclear stability nuclear triad second-strike capability missile defense systems anti-ballistic missile systems strategic stability destabilization arms race proliferation Cold War nuclear arms control counterforce first-strike nuclear balance of power defense offset strategic parity technological escalation national security nuclear nonproliferation missile shield strategic defense initiative deterrence breakdown security dilemma war likelihood escalation dominance crisis instability nuclear doctrine mutual vulnerability nuclear brinkmanship nuclear dyads comparative security Waltz nuclear theory Jervis stability-instability paradox nuclear deterrence second-strike capability first-strike advantage arms race strategic stability arms control missile defense systems anti-ballistic missile (ABM) treaty escalation nuclear proliferation security dilemma balance of power nuclear triad counterforce countervalue preemptive strike technological asymmetry crisis instability strategic parity extended deterrence mutually assured destruction breakdown of MAD national missile defense destabilization of world security nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons stability offensive-defensive arms race effectiveness of missile defense credibility of second-strike capability arms race escalation nuclear parity crisis stability technological impacts on deterrence global security implications of missile defense impact of missile shields on conflict small state nuclear deterrence equalization of power with nuclear weapons anti-ballistic missile systems Waltz deterrence theory Jervis nuclear equality Mearsheimer deterrence impact on nuclear peace theory first-strike advantage second-strike survivability Mutually Assured Destruction MAD national missile defense NMD nuclear deterrence strategic stability Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer anti-ballistic missile ABM arms race nuclear proliferation first strike capability second strike capability crisis instability deterrence stability nuclear superiority nuclear war risk missile shield disarmament strategic parity global security balance of power military escalation nuclear exchange international relations security dilemma technological arms competition offensive-defensive balance strategic ambiguity great power rivalry small state deterrence nuclear doctrine nuclear weapons policy arms control Mutually Assured Destruction MAD national missile defense nuclear deterrence stability-instability paradox arms race anti-ballistic missile systems nuclear strategy second-strike capability strategic balance nuclear proliferation missile shield security dilemma nuclear war risk escalation dynamics Waltz nuclear doctrine Jervis deterrence theory Mearsheimer nuclear stability effects of missile defense global security destabilization nuclear equalization strategic vulnerability nuclear arms control nuclear conflict likelihood technology and security missile defense and nuclear balance Mutually Assured Destruction MAD missile defense systems national missile defense nuclear deterrence nuclear stability nuclear weapons nuclear strategy world security deterrence theory escalation second-strike capability arms race anti-ballistic missile nuclear doctrine crisis stability nuclear proliferation preemptive strike strategic balance security dilemma technological destabilization nuclear arms control international security missile shield nuclear war likelihood Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer destabilization nuclear equality strategic parity mutually assured destruction MAD nuclear stability nuclear deterrence national missile defense anti-ballistic missile systems nuclear arms race nuclear war risk second-strike capability strategic stability nuclear weapons policy international security nuclear threat deterrence breakdown missile shield escalation dynamics arms control missile defense technology superpower rivalry security dilemma destabilization of deterrence balance of power strategic parity nuclear proliferation offense-defense balance Waltz nuclear theory Jervis nuclear strategy Mearsheimer nuclear doctrine Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear deterrence nuclear stability nuclear strategy missile defense systems national missile defense anti-ballistic missile nuclear arms race nuclear proliferation international security strategic stability second-strike capability nuclear parity escalation risk nuclear doctrine deterrence breakdown security dilemma nuclear war probability arms control nuclear disarmament nuclear equality balance of power Cold War nuclear peace theory military technology missile shield first-strike advantage destabilization Waltz 1981 Jervis 2001 Mearsheimer 1993 great power politics mutually assured destruction MAD nuclear deterrence nuclear stability Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer nuclear weapons anti-ballistic missiles national missile defense missile defense systems nuclear arms race strategic stability second-strike capability crisis stability nuclear strategy disarmament proliferation security dilemma strategic parity nuclear brinkmanship arms control missile shield preemptive strike balance of power escalation dynamics counterforce nuclear doctrine defense technology global security strategic competition destabilization nuclear proliferation
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro04a	"Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. democracy democratic governance self-determination political autonomy human rights political freedom government intervention regime change humanitarian intervention democratic values civil liberties participatory government popular sovereignty individual rights abusive governments global democracy promotion export of democracy democratic ideals political empowerment human dignity moral obligation spreading democracy political participation freedom of choice citizens' rights democracy promotion democratic intervention democratic values political self-determination humanitarian intervention regime change human rights political autonomy government legitimacy freedom individual rights democratic governance democratization self-rule voting rights political participation civil liberties democratic institutions liberal democracy democratic obligation anti-authoritarianism sovereignty international responsibility spreading democracy ethical intervention humanitarian responsibility political freedom rights protection democratic norms democratizing foreign policy democracy promotion democratic intervention political self-determination regime change humanitarian intervention human rights political autonomy democratization democratic governance individual freedom universal suffrage right to vote government accountability anti-authoritarianism self-governance international responsibility global justice moral obligation political rights freedom of choice good governance civil liberties democracy exportation democracy building democracy support intervention ethics spread of democracy democracy promotion intervention for democracy humanitarian intervention democracy value of political self-determination right to democratic governance justifications for democracy export democracy and human rights moral obligation democracy democratic regime change defending democracy abroad promoting political autonomy democracy and individual freedom checking government abuse democracy as moral imperative ethics of democracy promotion international democracy interventions democracy and humanitarianism global democratic rights democracy and human rights abuses democracy promotion humanitarian intervention democratic peace theory self-determination regime change political autonomy human rights government legitimacy democratization universal suffrage voting rights non-democratic regimes international responsibility political freedom value of democracy democratic values just war theory global governance intervention ethics spreading democracy democracy export political reforms tyranny prevention ethical intervention moral obligation freedom promotion oppressed populations authoritarianism political participation exporting democracy democracy promotion humanitarian intervention political self-determination regime change democratic values human rights political autonomy government legitimacy spreading democracy democracy and human rights moral obligation to democratize democracy vs authoritarianism intervention for democracy global democracy advocacy democracy as universal value abuses of power democracy and freedom international responsibility supporting democratic transitions democracy best form of government democratic regimes political self-determination political autonomy human rights government intervention humanitarian obligation individual freedom political participation voting rights government accountability regime change spreading democracy individual worth abusive governments self-governance democratization political freedom right to vote political equity moral obligation freedom of choice global democracy democracy promotion rights protection ethical intervention Stanley Fish political philosophy New York Times justification for intervention democracy promotion democratic intervention human rights political self-determination regime change humanitarian obligation government legitimacy democracy export foreign policy political autonomy democratic values democracy vs. authoritarianism ethical intervention global democracy democratization intervention ethics value of democracy international relations democracy advocacy political freedom democracy and human rights universality of democracy democracy and individual rights citizenship moral justification for intervention pro-democracy movements democracy democratic regime political self-determination human rights government intervention political autonomy freedom democratic values regime change humanitarian intervention democracy promotion civil liberties abusive governments political participation voting rights political freedom individual rights democratization democratic governance political empowerment democracy promotion humanitarian intervention political self-determination regime change human rights individual freedom political autonomy democratic values international responsibility liberal democracy intervention ethics democratic peace theory global governance government legitimacy self-governance political participation sovereignty democracy export moral obligation human dignity abusive governments democratization political rights universal values international law foreign intervention democracy assistance"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro03a	Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. hip hop censorship freedom of expression adult content regulation gangsta rap music industry control commercialization of hip hop diversity in hip hop parental advisory creative freedom conscious rap violent lyrics media regulation community standards youth protection music labeling artistic authenticity market influence music gatekeeping public policy music accessibility genre marginalization cultural impact ethical music consumption rap industry practices alternative hip hop violence in media hip hop censorship free speech in music artistic freedom state regulation of music music content control adult access to explicit content protecting children from explicit lyrics hip hop diversity gangsta rap influence commercialization of hip hop authenticity in rap music representation in hip hop music industry gatekeeping alternative hip hop conscious rap lyric violence misogyny in rap public perception of hip hop musical expression rights music market failure music classification systems record label dominance underground hip hop non-violent rap hip hop culture preservation freedom of expression in media youth protection and media music genre stereotypes free speech hip hop censorship artistic expression gangsta rap music regulation adult content music classification parental advisory media accessibility community standards commercial dominance diversity in music conscious rap violence in music music industry authenticity in hip hop exaggerated personas Ice Cube music stereotypes public control market failure music gatekeepers music labeling music business practices musician rights genre diversity lyrical content control creative freedom social impact cultural representation hip hop censorship debate free speech rights in hip hop state intervention in music adult access to explicit rap community impact of hip hop lyrics public control over music content diversity in hip hop commercialization of gangsta rap authenticity in rap personas hip hop versus gangsta rap violent content in music conscious rap artists music industry gatekeeping market failure in hip hop barriers for non-violent rappers music classification systems record label influence on hip hop promoting lyrical diversity mainstream versus underground hip hop impact of music regulation freedom of expression for rappers preserving alternative hip hop social responsibility in hip hop free speech censorship state intervention adult access community impact public control diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity persona violent lyrics market forces consumer culture mainstream success conscious rap music industry label influence market failure musical expression classification business practices genre accessibility youth exposure cultural impact artistic freedom media regulation album sales audience diversity content regulation music censorship creative barriers alternative hip hop social responsibility record labels Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music public profile regulation fan demographics artist opportunity hip hop censorship free speech hip hop state intervention music gangsta rap regulation adult content hip hop hip hop diversity preservation commercial dominance rap authenticity in hip hop violent lyrics regulation conscious rappers hip hop market failure music industry gatekeepers artistic freedom hip hop hip hop classification systems music content control representation in hip hop nonviolent rap promotion label influence in rap hip hop community engagement media depiction of hip hop social impact of rap lyrics hip hop free speech censorship state intervention media regulation adult content music classification community standards gangsta rap commercial influence violent lyrics conscious rap music diversity music accessibility artistic authenticity music industry music market failure content control parental advisory music labeling artist expression music industry gatekeepers major labels music genre stereotypes media influence violent music youth exposure music distribution responsible consumption music subgenres artist opportunities creative freedom societal impact cultural diversity public disengagement business practices hip hop culture lyrical content music regulation audience access alternative hip hop censorship free speech hip hop state intervention music classification of rap music gangsta rap dominance hip hop diversity commercial influence in hip hop adult content regulation music parental advisory rap conscious rap artists non-violent hip hop music industry gatekeeping lyrical freedom hip hop hip hop accessibility violence in music debate civil liberties artists music content regulation hip hop subgenres authenticity in rap music market failure media influence on hip hop protecting artistic expression ethical music production music consumer demographics rap lyrics controversy community impact hip hop cultural representation rap music industry practices youth hip hop censorship free speech state intervention gangsta rap media regulation adult content community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance violent lyrics conscious rap music industry authenticity in rap exaggerated personas market influence music classification record labels music accessibility alternative hip hop media gatekeepers artistic expression musical regulation genre fragmentation consumer behavior cultural representation business practices hip hop mainstream music public disengagement artist opportunities music market failure free speech hip hop censorship state intervention aggressive rap adult content regulation community impact public control genre diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity in hip hop media exaggeration Ice Cube lyrical content market influence music industry conscious rap non-violent hip hop record labels violent lyrics barrier to entry market failure music classification musical expression industry monopoly Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music business ethics artist opportunities censorship debate music accessibility parental advisory audience diversity cultural impact music regulation freedom of expression hip hop
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con01a	Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Olympic Games host city regional economic impact economic concentration urban regeneration capital city infrastructure investment geographical economic divide local benefits urban development housing market property prices metropolitan growth non-host regions national impact city selection event legacy uneven development economic disparity capital investment sports mega-events London 2012 Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics regional inequality public spending large-scale events local economy limited spillover host nation infrastructure disparity Olympic economic impact host city benefits geographic economic divides regional disparities capital city development urban regeneration infrastructure investment housing market effects mega-event impacts local vs national benefits spatial concentration London 2012 analysis host city selection post-event legacy economic inequality bid city challenges capital vs regional cities peripheral exclusion property price increases event-driven urbanization Olympics host city economic impact regional inequality capital cities urban regeneration house prices geographical divides national benefits infrastructure investment local development peripheral regions economic concentration event hosting United States China London 2012 Barcelona Sydney Manchester Birmingham spatial distribution wealth disparity economic spillover tourism long-term benefits opportunity cost Olympics economic impact outside host city Olympic Games benefits in non-host regions host city vs national impact Olympics regional distribution Olympics benefits economic inequality Olympics hosting urban development Olympic Games capital city Olympics economic growth house price effects Olympics host cities infrastructure investment outside host city Olympics Olympics and regional economic divides long-term benefits of hosting Olympics spillover effects of Olympics smaller cities Olympics economic impact capital vs regional city Games impact Olympics regeneration impacts economic outcomes Olympics non-host cities house prices and Olympic Games socioeconomic impacts of Olympics hosting Olympic legacy outside host city concentrated development Olympics host cities Olympic Games economic impact host city benefits regional inequality capital city concentration urban regeneration house price inflation geographical economic divide megacity development local vs national benefits event legacy infrastructure investment city selection bias socioeconomic disparities long-term urban effects London 2012 case study Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics non-host city impact national development imbalance Olympic bid requirements event-driven urban growth Olympic host city economic impact geographical economic divides Olympics hosting Olympics benefits United States China Olympic host capital city development economic effects London 2012 host city house price increase Sydney Olympics house prices Barcelona Olympics economic impact London Olympic regeneration capital city Olympic bids Olympics regional development disparity Olympic Games infrastructure investment non-host city Olympic benefits Olympic Games economic inequality Olympic Games urban regeneration Olympics national vs local impact Olympics impact economic concentration geographical economic divide host city development regional disparity Olympic Games benefits urban regeneration capital cities housing price increase infrastructure investment host city advantage London 2012 Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics economic spillover national development non-host cities sporting event impact training camp benefits event decentralization capital investment distribution mega-event effects national economic policy host city selection East London regeneration Olympic legacy Olympic economic impact host city benefits regional economic disparity Olympic Games development capital city Olympics infrastructure investment Olympics housing market Olympics East London regeneration United States Olympic benefits China Olympics economic effects London 2012 economic impact city vs. national benefit Olympics geography of Olympic investment urban concentration Olympic investments post-Olympics house prices Barcelona Olympics housing Sydney Olympics housing prices Olympic Games urban regeneration Olympic bidding process capital city selection Olympics Olympics and economic inequality Olympics metropolitan focus economic spillover Olympics Olympic-driven gentrification city-centric sports mega-events Olympic impact economic concentration host city development regional inequality urban regeneration housing prices geographical economic divide capital city selection nationwide benefits local economic impact infrastructure investment Olympic legacy economic spillover non-host cities event decentralization equitable development urban-rural disparity public spending distribution host city bias economic disparities sports event economics urban growth metropolitan advantage socio-economic effects regional development policy Olympic Games host city impact regional development economic benefits capital city bias urban regeneration housing prices geographical inequality economic disparity non-host cities national economic impact London 2012 economic impact Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics IOC bid process infrastructure investment urban-rural divide social impact event legacies major sporting events government policy
test-international-epvhwhranet-con04a	Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 EU reforms voter understanding public awareness legal jargon EU Treaties treaty amendments media bias anti-European sentiment European Parliament elections election turnout citizen disengagement informed decision-making elected representatives national interest European integration political participation EU skepticism public opinion democratic deficit referendum institutional reform EU treaty reform comprehension voter political knowledge public understanding EU treaties citizen engagement European Union EU legal jargon accessibility media influence EU referendums anti-European sentiment European Parliament election turnout voter apathy EU informed political decision-making democratic legitimacy EU direct vs representative democracy EU public awareness EU legislation treaty ratification process civic education European Union impact of media on EU public opinion EU constitutional amendments complexity of EU law information deficit EU public participation EU decision-making voter understanding EU reforms legal jargon EU treaties treaty amendments public awareness EU election turnout media influence citizen engagement anti-EU campaigns European Parliament elections political participation informed decision-making representative democracy policy communication public opinion referendum understanding treaty ratification European integration institutional trust EU voter understanding EU reform communication legal jargon EU treaties EU public awareness media bias EU anti-Europe campaigns EU treaty complexity European Parliament election turnout democratic legitimacy EU voter education EU reforms public opinion EU informed decision-making EU representative democracy EU citizen engagement European Union EU treaty amendments understanding EU political participation impact of media on EU voting understanding EU legal documents referendum vs parliamentary decision EU EU national interest reform public consultation EU reforms EU reforms voter understanding legal jargon EU Treaties treaty amendments public knowledge media bias anti-EU campaigns European Parliament elections electoral turnout representative democracy citizen engagement political communication democratic legitimacy informed decision-making EU reform understanding voter awareness EU treaties legal jargon EU reforms citizen engagement European Union media influence EU opinion public knowledge EU amendments European Parliament election turnout EU reform communication anti-EU campaign impact representative decision-making EU informing voters EU changes complex EU legislation political literacy EU reforms EU treaty amendment comprehension effects of media bias on EU perception EU reform comprehension legal jargon accessibility EU Treaties understanding voter awareness public engagement media influence anti-EU campaigns voter turnout European Parliament elections informed decision making elected representatives political participation EU governance civic education referendum challenges parliamentary democracy democratic legitimacy public opinion EU legislative complexity information asymmetry political communication Euro-skepticism electoral behavior EU voter awareness EU reform comprehension legal jargon in EU treaties public understanding of EU amendments EU treaty impact on nations media bias EU referendums anti-European campaigns European Parliament election turnout EU citizen political engagement representative democracy in EU informed decision making EU EU treaty education public opinion EU reforms voter misinformation EU EU reform communication strategies EU reforms voter understanding legal jargon European treaties public opinion media influence anti-EU campaigns European Parliament elections democratic participation policymaker expertise electoral turnout EU integration citizen knowledge media bias political communication EU referendum legislative process representative decision-making treaty amendments information dissemination EU voter understanding EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties public awareness media influence anti-EU campaigns European Parliament elections voter turnout citizen engagement policy evaluation media bias informed decision-making elected representatives public opinion democratic participation EU governance referendum knowledge electoral behavior political literacy
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro03a	It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, national security censorship freedom of speech wartime restrictions propaganda espionage government censorship Office of Censorship World War II censorship press freedom civil liberties national interest internal threats foreign threats intelligence media control information control public safety surveillance government regulation information warfare censorship in wartime American press radio censorship Hanyok civil rights during war state security war propaganda speech curtailment Second World War national security government censorship freedom of speech freedom of expression wartime censorship civil liberties propaganda control espionage prevention wartime restrictions public safety Office of Censorship World War II censorship press censorship radio censorship media control information control security measures state security internal threats foreign threats democratic rights emergency powers constitutional rights First Amendment limitations surveillance government control historical censorship information suppression war powers American press restrictions national security freedom of speech wartime censorship propaganda espionage government censorship Office of Censorship World War II civil liberties national interest internal security external threats information control public safety intelligence operations press restrictions media control surveillance enemy propaganda homeland security emergency powers First Amendment restricted information security measures government regulation censorship laws restrictions on freedom of speech during wartime government censorship in national security limits on civil liberties in war propaganda prevention in wars curtailment of free press in conflicts Office of Censorship World War II media control during wartime balancing security and freedom of expression historical examples of speech restriction press regulation for national interest American press censorship WWII internal and external threat response government civil rights limitations in emergency role of censorship in wars national security vs. freedom of speech national security freedom of speech censorship wartime censorship propaganda espionage internal security external threats government protection civil liberties World War II Office of Censorship intelligence studies press censorship radio censorship public safety information control constitutional rights national interest Hanyok government policy historical censorship US wartime policy surveillance media regulation national security censorship freedom of speech wartime government censorship war Office of Censorship WWII propaganda prevention war civil liberties during war US censorship history espionage and censorship World War II information control internal security threats media censorship government censorship in the United States wartime speech restrictions national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech war propaganda espionage national interest censorship Office of Censorship World War II civil liberties information control wartime restrictions press censorship radio censorship information security homeland security historical precedent intelligence surveillance emergency powers First Amendment public safety national security freedom of speech censorship wartime censorship propaganda espionage government control civil liberties WWII censorship Office of Censorship surveillance press restrictions radio censorship information control First Amendment state security intelligence agencies internal threats foreign enemies war powers United States censorship history media regulation freedom vs security historical censorship communication monitoring protected speech public safety constitutional limits national interest wartime government policy national security government censorship freedom of speech wartime censorship propaganda espionage World War II Office of Censorship civil liberties surveillance information control press freedom internal security foreign threats intelligence operations public safety media regulation wartime restrictions citizen protection historical examples constitutional rights emergency powers democratic values First Amendment U.S. government history national security freedom of speech censorship wartime propaganda government censorship Office of Censorship World War II civil liberties internal security foreign enemies wartime restrictions press freedom American press surveillance intelligence studies First Amendment emergency powers historical censorship U.S. government information control public safety military communication secrecy national interest
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro01a	The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 House of Lords democratic reform electoral representation peerage system hereditary peers life peers democracy representation public opinion Church of England religious influence British Parliament political legitimacy modernisation accountability Lincoln democracy quote government by the people UK constitution parliamentary reform citizen engagement democratic deficit representation crisis unelected chamber legitimacy of Lords democratic principles political participation British democracy House of Lords reform democratic representation unelected peers hereditary peers Church of England influence parliamentary democracy legislative reform representation gap British democracy accountability legitimacy government reform public opinion political participation House of Commons comparison modernization of Parliament constitutional reform electoral reform separation of church and state peer selection process citizen participation House of Lords democracy electoral reform representative government hereditary peers Church of England British Parliament political legitimacy public opinion democratic deficit political accountability parliamentary reform citizen representation constitutional reform legislative reform United Kingdom politics voting rights inclusive governance modern democracy historical context House of Lords reform democratic representation UK abolish hereditary peers church influence in parliament Lincoln democracy quote undemocratic institutions UK House of Lords elected chamber modernizing UK parliament public opinion House of Lords people’s representation Britain legitimacy of peers constitutional reform UK House of Lords accountability government by the people UK British democracy issues House of Lords democratic legitimacy representation UK Parliament peerage reform hereditary peers Church of England political accountability electoral reform unelected chamber democracy in Britain governance Lincoln’s democracy definition constitutional monarchy parliamentary reform modern democracy public opinion legislative modernization aristocratic privilege democratic deficit House of Lords reform democratic representation UK hereditary peers Church of England influence British democracy unelected legislators Lincoln democracy quote modernizing House of Lords UK constitutional reform legitimacy of House of Lords public opinion House of Lords representation in Parliament democracy in Britain abolition of hereditary peerage upper chamber reform UK House of Lords out of touch electorate representation democracy Abraham Lincoln government of the people by the people for the people 19th century US President noble birth right hereditary peers Church of England unelected chamber British parliament democratic legitimacy democratic deficit parliamentary reform peerage democratic representation constitutional reform public opinion legitimacy inclusivity political reform suffrage electoral system British government democracy-building modern democracy accountability legislative reform House of Lords reform democratic legitimacy peerage system unelected legislators hereditary peers church representation in parliament British democracy parliamentary modernisation public opinion House of Lords House of Commons comparison UK constitutional reform Abraham Lincoln democracy government accountability political representation UK electoral reform democracy definition people's representation aristocracy in government religious influence politics democratic deficit UK British political system House of Lords British Parliament democracy Abraham Lincoln governance representation electorate peerage noble birth hereditary peers Church of England democratic legitimacy reform upper chamber British politics electoral representation constitutional reform UK government public opinion legislative reform democratic principles historical context modern democracy parliamentary system citizen participation House of Lords reform democratic representation peer appointment hereditary peers Church of England influence parliamentary democracy electoral accountability unelected legislators British political system people's representation legitimacy of House of Lords democratic deficit legislative reform UK public opinion House of Lords government structure UK
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro04a	We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid quality of life organ donation euthanasia terminally ill survival prospects life expectancy suffering medication organ transplantation ethical considerations medical ethics donor sacrifice recipient benefits humanist perspective nursing care life preservation societal benefit consent end-of-life care altruistic organ donation maximizing organ supply mortality rational decision-making utilitarian ethics organ procurement patient autonomy quality of life assessment organ donation ethics euthanasia and organ donation terminally ill organ donors end-of-life decision making survival prospects and organ allocation rational organ allocation organ donor sacrifice organ transplant policy maximizing organ availability bioethics of euthanasia medical ethics organ donation consent for organ donation organ donation after euthanasia life-saving transplants organ donation process multi-organ transplantation societal benefit organ donation donor autonomy ethical dilemmas transplantation quality of life organ donation euthanasia survival prospects terminal illness medical ethics transplant ethics donor sacrifice organ transplantation organ allocation end-of-life decision making euthanasia policy ethical decision altruistic donation palliative care bioethics donation after euthanasia life expectancy patient autonomy suffering reduction life-saving measures patient consent moral implications utilitarianism healthcare prioritization quality of life measurement ethical organ donation policies euthanasia and organ donation terminally ill organ donors maximizing organ transplant outcomes rational decisions in end-of-life care utilitarian approach to organ donation sacrificing life for organ donation balancing individual rights and societal benefit measuring survival prospects in healthcare quality-adjusted life years in transplantation criteria for donor selection societal impact of organ donation consent in euthanasia-related donation multi-organ transplantation ethical considerations bioethics in organ allocation enhancing organ availability death criteria in organ donation value of life debates patient autonomy in end-of-life decisions quality of life organ donation euthanasia terminal illness organ transplantation survival prospects medical ethics quality of organs donor sacrifice palliative care end-of-life decisions utilitarianism ethical dilemmas prioritization in medicine cross-donation proportionality in healthcare resource allocation nursing philosophy humanist perspective bioethics quality of life measurement organ donation ethics euthanasia and organ donation terminal illness organ donation maximizing organ transplant outcomes utilitarianism in organ allocation relative quality of life assessment ethical organ allocation early euthanasia for organ donation sacrificing life for organ recipients multi-organ donation survival prospect organ donation bioethics organ transplantation humanist perspective organ donation societal benefit organ donation end-of-life care and organ donation rationing organs based on quality of life organ donation alternatives medical ethics resource allocation death and organ transplantation quality of life organ donation euthanasia terminal illness survival prospects organ transplantation functional organs medical ethics bioethics end-of-life decisions suffering medication altruistic sacrifice donor-recipient matching life-saving procedures humanist perspective nursing care ethical dilemmas maximizing organ availability organ donor consent proportional benefit societal good organ donation policy voluntary euthanasia patient autonomy life expectancy multi-organ donation organ donation euthanasia quality of life medical ethics transplant policy terminal illness survival prospect palliative care end-of-life decisions decision-making frameworks organ scarcity donor consent utilitarian ethics altruistic donation bioethics healthcare resource allocation organ procurement patient autonomy living donors ethical dilemmas life extension suffering reduction societal benefit recipient selection fairness in transplantation functional organs sacrificial donation medical rationing organ matching voluntary euthanasia organ allocation donation after euthanasia interdisciplinary perspectives health outcomes bedside ethics quality of life organ donation euthanasia terminal illness survival prospects functional organs organ transplantation ethical implications patient autonomy comparative quality of life medical ethics donor consent societal benefit organ allocation end-of-life decisions palliative care life sacrifice transplantation outcomes recipient selection mortality suffering reduction bioethics humanist perspective nursing care donation process maximizing organ yield organ donation euthanasia quality of life measurement medical ethics terminal illness life-saving surgery organ transplantation donor consent ethical dilemmas utilitarianism end-of-life decisions survival prospects palliative care bioethics altruistic sacrifice healthcare policy nursing perspectives organ donor benefits death criteria recipient prioritization
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro01a	A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. UN standing army United Nations military military hegemony US military power international peacekeeping multilateral intervention global security military balance diplomatic solutions Vietnam War American intervention multinational force conflict prevention state sovereignty peace enforcement military deterrence world government international relations collective security military blackmail US foreign policy global governance peacekeeping operations impartial military force international law military rival diplomacy over force United Nations reform state department diplomacy political crisis management UN standing army United Nations peacekeeping military hegemony American military dominance multinational military force impartial international army collective security global military balance conflict prevention military intervention diplomatic solutions US foreign policy Vietnam War intervention state sovereignty international law enforcement power projection global governance peace enforcement military deterrence US-State Department diplomatic negotiation international crisis resolution superpower rivalry military neutrality armed conflict prevention war deterrence United Nations military reforms UN peacekeeping international security military intervention collective security global governance deterrence balance of power military neutrality diplomatic solutions US foreign policy multilateral military force conflict prevention international law peace enforcement superpower restraint sovereignty humanitarian intervention military alliances global stability arms control UN standing army debate United Nations peacekeeping forces alternatives to US military dominance global military balance multilateral military intervention international conflict resolution UN military capability curbing US military interventions impact of UN army on global diplomacy historical cases for UN intervention impartiality of multinational armies checks on military superpowers diplomatic solutions versus military force Vietnam War UN intervention scenario strengthening international law enforcement effectiveness of collective security reducing military coercion in international relations implications for US foreign policy State Department versus Pentagon budget UN military funding and logistics precedent cases of UN intervention success challenges of creating a permanent UN army UN standing army military hegemony United States military dominance international intervention peacekeeping forces multilateral military force military deterrence global governance military balance of power military impartiality U.N. peace enforcement Vietnam War intervention military rival international diplomacy conflict prevention state sovereignty multinational military cooperation United Nations reform peace maintenance military blackmail prevention U.S. foreign policy global security conflict resolution U.N. military capability power projection international security forces UN standing army arguments American military hegemony alternatives United Nations peacekeeping reform multinational military intervention checks on US military power global military balance UN army effectiveness diplomatic solutions vs military force prevention of military interventions international responses to US interventions U.N. and Vietnam War impartial peace enforcement global security mechanisms limiting superpower dominance strengthening United Nations military capabilities UN standing army military hegemony American military power United Nations peacekeeping multinational force military intervention Vietnam War diplomatic solutions global security collective security military deterrence peace enforcement state sovereignty international relations military balance superpower restraint military blackmail impartial military force global governance conflict prevention peace maintenance military neutrality US foreign policy State Department security council international law armed intervention coercive diplomacy world peace military rival conflict resolution UN standing army United Nations military force ending American military hegemony military intervention prevention global peacekeeping forces multinational military solutions depoliticized military power United States foreign policy Vietnam War intervention international military deterrence balance of power diplomatic conflict resolution reduction of military dominance global security architecture peace enforcement UN State Department investment alternatives to US military intervention impartial peacekeeping international crisis response collective security sovereign state defense UN standing army United Nations military global peacekeeping force multilateral intervention military hegemony American military dominance international security military balance conflict prevention global governance diplomatic solutions state sovereignty Vietnam War intervention military blackmail power politics military neutrality peace enforcement U.S. foreign policy international law collective security diplomatic investment non-intervention humanitarian intervention multinational defense international relations military rival peace maintenance security council reform global crisis response state system reform UN military intervention United Nations peacekeeping global governance military balance of power international relations military neutrality diplomatic conflict resolution multilateral security forces US military dominance collective security Vietnam War alternative history international law enforcement superpower deterrence global peacekeeping United States foreign policy UN Security Council reform global conflict prevention military hegemony alternatives non-state military actors deterrence theory
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro04a	Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. nuclear deterrence arms race strategic stability cold war nuclear proliferation security dilemma balance of power nuclear nonproliferation nuclear doctrine crisis stability second-strike capability escalation control conflict resolution nuclear brinkmanship international relations power politics deterrence theory security assurance political compromise peacekeeping nuclear taboo nuclear triad war prevention regional stability military strategy nuclear deterrence nuclear peace theory non-proliferation stability-instability paradox great power relations arms race conflict prevention strategic stability balance of power security dilemma nuclear brinksmanship Cold War nuclear diplomacy arms control crisis stability deterrence theory second-strike capability escalation control proliferation optimism nuclear taboo power politics security guarantees nuclear non-use nuclear threshold risk of war preventive war nuclear strategy dissuasion minimum deterrence nuclear posture nuclear deterrence arms race strategic stability balance of power second-strike capability nuclear non-proliferation conflict prevention crisis stability nuclear diplomacy nuclear brinkmanship Cold War security dilemma nuclear doctrine escalation control nuclear signaling peace through strength nuclear proliferation nuclear taboo extended deterrence disarmament nuclear arms control nuclear threshold international relations security studies nuclear peace theory Nuclear deterrence benefits MAD doctrine advantages nuclear weapons prevent war stability through nuclear arms India Pakistan nuclear conflict resolution absence of wars between nuclear states nuclear arms promote peace cost of war with nuclear weapons nuclear weapons and international compromise historical examples of nuclear peace effectiveness of nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons and diplomatic dialogue nuclear proliferation and stability Kenneth Waltz nuclear weapons theory case studies of nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction impact nuclear-armed states conflict prevention nuclear arms and global security nuclear weapons as conflict defusers critique of nuclear peace theory nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction MAD doctrine strategic stability conflict prevention nuclear peace theory India-Pakistan nuclear relations nuclear arms race nuclear dyads international security nuclear proliferation crisis stability compellence and deterrence nuclear non-proliferation arms control security dilemma Kenneth Waltz nuclear taboo nuclear diplomacy second-strike capability nuclear brinkmanship balance of power escalation dominance deterrence stability no-first-use policy nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction nuclear stability nuclear peace theory nuclear arms race conflict prevention India-Pakistan nuclear relations nuclear nonproliferation Kenneth Waltz nuclear theory Cold War nuclear dynamics nuclear weapons and diplomacy war avoidance nuclear-armed states security dilemma nuclear brinkmanship nuclear weapons and international relations nuclear doctrine nuclear weapons and peace nuclear proliferation strategic stability nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction MAD doctrine conflict resolution international stability nuclear proliferation nuclear arms race nuclear peace theory balance of power war prevention Cold War India-Pakistan relations strategic stability escalation control military conflict security dilemma diplomatic negotiations great power politics Kenneth Waltz nuclear strategy nuclear arsenal crisis management nuclear threshold non-aggression arms control existential risk global security détente nuclear diplomacy international relations nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction MAD doctrine nuclear stability nuclear peace theory nuclear armed states conflict prevention escalation control arms race dynamics India Pakistan nuclear relations nuclear diplomacy Cold War nuclear standoff nuclear balance of power second-strike capability security dilemma nuclear brinkmanship proliferation theory Waltz nuclear theory nuclear weapons and peace deterrence effectiveness global security nuclear non-usage crisis stability international relations theory strategic stability comparative case studies nuclear nuclear taboo nuclear threshold deterrence credibility nuclear deterrence international stability balance of power arms race conflict prevention nuclear proliferation Cold War security dilemma strategic stability peace enforcement nuclear diplomacy crisis management power politics global security threat of retaliation superpower relations stability-instability paradox disarmament nuclear nonproliferation strategic arms limitation nuclear doctrine security guarantees extended deterrence second-strike capability nuclear deterrence arms race non-proliferation second-strike capability strategic stability nuclear diplomacy crisis stability international relations Cold War nuclear arms control security dilemma nuclear peace theory bilateral relations conflict prevention proliferation optimism escalation control deterrence theory security guarantees peace enforcement nuclear brinkmanship stable deterrence disarmament nuclear posture deterrence failure nuclear taboo
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con01a	Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, labour standards economic development developing countries developed countries business regulations industrialization employment growth labour market comparative advantage multinational corporations wage competition globalization factory jobs trade expansion working conditions government intervention labor unions industrial policy Malaysia China Southeast Asia job relocation labor scarcity foreign investment wage flexibility economic policies level playing field temporary deregulation minimum wage international competitiveness labor rights trade liberalization labour standards economic development developing countries race to develop labour flexibility comparative advantage multinational firms factory location decisions employment growth government regulation trade expansion China economic growth working conditions cost of labour labour scarcity union activity globalisation industrialisation labour market competition Southeast Asia labour development preconditions wage standards regulation trade-offs employment creation sweatshops transitional economies foreign direct investment level playing field business standards Malaysia labour market labour unions global labor practices impact of standards on growth developing countries economic development labour standards business regulations comparative advantage cheap labor factory relocation multinational corporations industrialization trade liberalization employment growth working conditions government policy Malaysia China Southeast Asia global competition trade expansion labour market industrial policy flexible employment economic policy minimum wage trade unions standards of living level playing field economic growth international competitiveness foreign investment economic preconditions labor market reforms labour standards developing countries business standards economic growth developing economies flexible labour multinational firms labour cost comparative advantage cheap labour employment growth labour standards developing vs developed country priorities labour unions economic development China labour standards case study Malaysia labour competition China trade expansion labour impact temporary relaxation labour standards economic development labour precondition multinational investment labour regulation impact of labour standards on FDI race to develop economic policies international labour norms flexibility economic trade-offs labour standards working conditions developing world development vs regulation labour globalisation labour standards industrialisation and labour policy Southeast Asia labour market impact cost of labour standards business regulations economic development developing countries developed countries labour flexibility comparative advantage cheap labour multinational corporations factory location trade expansion employment growth labour scarcity working conditions labour unions union activity wage competitiveness economic growth level playing field globalisation industrialisation labour market China development Malaysia labour market Southeast Asia labour migration regulation impact government intervention multinational investment international labour policy labour standards developing countries economic development preconditions global labor standards flexibility race to develop economies temporary suspension of labor regulations comparative advantage cheap labor multinational corporations site selection impact of labor costs on investment labor standards and economic growth China economic development model trade-offs labor standards vs development Malaysia labor market competition Southeast Asia labor policies labor unions developing economies cost of high labor standards international business standards developing world industrialization and labor rights global workforce regulations economic growth labor market government labor policy developing countries labour standards business standards developing countries economic development comparative advantage cheap labor employment growth factory relocation multinational firms trade expansion labor scarcity union restrictions industrialization Western labor standards developmental priorities flexible workforce China economic model labor costs foreign direct investment Southeast Asia labor market job outsourcing wage competition working conditions Malaysia labor policy globalisation economic policy workforce regulation temporary deregulation skill upgrading industrial policy labour standards developing countries economic development labor policy business standards developing economies comparative advantage cheap labor multinational corporations labor standards China economic growth labor labor standards impact economic growth flexible labor policies development Malaysia labor market competition trade union impact development cost of labor standards industrialization developing nations labor scarcity China trade Southeast Asia labor competition working conditions economic growth trade expansion labor standards employment growth developing economies low-cost labor global trade temporary relaxation labor standards development vs labor rights trade-offs economic development western labor standards developing world challenges implementing labor standards multinational investment labor policies job creation and labor labour standards economic development developing countries business regulations employment growth flexible labour comparative advantage multinational corporations working conditions cheap labour trade expansion industrialization wage policies unionization Malaysia China Southeast Asia labor markets competitiveness globalization FDI (foreign direct investment) social protections regulatory frameworks poverty alleviation economic liberalization human rights income inequality workforce mobility minimum wage industrial policy labor rights labour standards economic development developing countries developed countries business regulations international trade comparative advantage employment growth multinational corporations flexible labour factory relocation working conditions wage competition globalisation industrialisation labour scarcity Malaysia labour market China economic growth unionisation trade union impact worker rights employment policy wage standards cost of business level playing field regulation delay labour flexibility Southeast Asia economy developmental priorities FDI attraction export-led growth
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, town and gown relations university-state relationship higher education governance academic autonomy public policy education funding workforce training university as service provider faculty rights institutional rights academic freedom university versus corporation legal obligations of universities political role of universities student experience university funding models state control over universities university social responsibility education policy university governance senior common room perspectives public versus private interests education and law university-industry comparisons academic institutions and the state town-gown relations university-state relationship higher education policy academic autonomy university governance faculty rights institutional rights public funding of universities academic freedom university accountability role of universities in society political neutrality in academia service provision in education education and workforce development state regulation of universities university-industry analogy university-society interaction public perceptions of universities education policy debate comparison university supermarket institutional autonomy government-university negotiation societal expectations of universities town-gown relations university-state relations higher education policy academic autonomy university governance public policy political economy of education university funding academic freedom government-university partnerships university as service provider faculty roles student rights institutional rights education and law multinational corporations comparison supermarket analogy education regulation higher education and government political activism in universities cannabis policy in education cultural expectations of students university accountability education sector negotiation state control of universities town and gown relations state-university relationship university autonomy vs state control universities as service providers political role of universities funding of higher education academic freedom limitations faculty rights in institutional policy comparison of universities and corporations institutional rights versus individual rights legal obligations of universities international student experiences university compliance with local laws university-state negotiations higher education policy debates impact of state stability on universities universities and economic policy critiques of higher education governance town and gown relations university-state relationship academic autonomy university governance higher education policy political economy of universities public funding of universities faculty rights institutional rights student political engagement state regulation of education service provider universities workforce training university funding models comparison universities supermarkets international education policy campus law jurisdiction role of academia in society education and public good higher education ethics state-university negotiations town and gown relations university and state relationship academic independence university governance higher education policy public funding of universities university autonomy vs regulation role of faculty in university policy political neutrality in academia universities as service providers higher education and workforce development institutional rights vs individual rights comparison to corporate governance university obligations to state academic freedom universities and political stability university legal status public vs private university responsibilities academic criticism of government cross-cultural student experiences Western student experience higher education in Asia state-university negotiation university funding debate town and gown divide university-state relations higher education policy academic autonomy university funding public service universities academic freedom vs. state interests economic impact of universities faculty governance student rights institutional rights public vs. private sector comparison governmental regulation of universities universities as service providers knowledge transfer political influence on academia university accountability university societal role stakeholder relationships higher education governance town and gown relations university-state relations higher education policy university autonomy academic freedom public funding for universities economic impact of universities role of universities in society workforce training by universities political neutrality in academia university governance educational institutions vs corporations faculty rights university as service provider universities and local laws state regulation of universities higher education governance university funding models university and community relations universities and government institutional rights Asian higher education policy Western student experience international education policy university legal status public vs private universities town-gown relations university-state relationship political autonomy of universities academic freedom higher education policy service provider universities university funding university governance faculty rights institutional autonomy state influence on education education and economic stability comparison universities and businesses universities and local law international education policy cross-cultural education issues cannabis laws in education student rights workforce training university social responsibility critique of academic institutions university-state relations town and gown higher education governance academic freedom university autonomy state funding of universities political influence on universities university as service provider faculty rights institutional rights comparison supermarket university public policy and universities university accountability economic impact of universities legal obligations universities civic engagement university mission higher education criticism workforce development academic-industry comparison state-university negotiation
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro03a	Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 global tourism price wars international competition tourism policy low-cost destinations air connectivity Mediterranean tourism emerging markets travel infrastructure tourism growth package tours tourist arrivals destination marketing economic diversification tourism competitiveness Ben Ali era Jasmine Revolution Morocco tourism Spain tourism Turkey tourism Far East destinations North America travel Australasia tourism security concerns hospitality industry regional rivalry tourism market share airline links travel demand external threats sustainable tourism tourism competition international tourism market Tunisia tourism challenges package tour pricing air transportation links tourism market share destination competitiveness Morocco tourism Spain tourism Turkey tourism North Africa tourism Mediterranean destinations global tourism competitors Far East tourism North America tourism Australasia tourism tourist arrival statistics tourism industry policy price undercutting tourism economic impact post-revolution tourism travel industry trends tourism crisis regional tourism competition tourism market diversification international competition tourism market package tours air transportation price competition travel infrastructure Mediterranean destinations tourist arrivals destination marketing tourism policy travel restrictions competitive pricing tourism development tourism statistics tourism promotion tourism sector hospitality industry travel trends tourist preferences North Africa tourism security issues economic impact travel demand regional tourism global tourism market Tunisia tourism competition Tunisia tourism industry challenges international tourism market competition Mediterranean tourism destinations comparison Tunisia versus Morocco tourism Tunisia versus Spain tourism Tunisia versus Turkey tourism Tunisia air transportation links package tour price competition Tunisia Tunisia tourist growth statistics impact of Jasmine revolution on tourism North Africa tourism challenges global tourism competition Tunisia Tunisia competing with Far East tourism Tunisia versus North America tourism Tunisia and Australasia tourism competitors tourism policy Tunisia price undercutting in tourism industry Tunisia tourism versus Morocco growth effect of low fees on Tunisia tourism tourism crisis Tunisia tourism market share Tunisia Tunisia tourism overseas competition international tourism price competition tourism policy Morocco tourism Spain tourism Turkey tourism air transportation links package tours tourist numbers Jasmine revolution Ben Ali era Mediterranean tourism Far East destinations North America tourism Australasia tourism tourism statistics competitive advantage tourism crisis security issues tourism growth price undercutting tourism industry risks rival destinations Tunisia tourism challenges international tourism competition Tunisia vs Morocco tourism Tunisia vs Spain tourism Tunisia vs Turkey tourism price competition in tourism package tour pricing air transportation links tourism tourism industry policy Tunisia Tunisia tourist arrivals global tourist destinations Mediterranean tourism competition Far East tourism competition North America tourism competition Australasia tourism competition impact of Jasmine Revolution on tourism tourism undercutting tourism growth comparison Morocco Tunisia reasons for Tunisia’s tourism decline international travel links Tunisia alternative tourism strategies Tunisia Tunisia tourism overseas competition international tourism competitive market pricing strategies low fees price undercutting package tours air transportation links Morocco tourism Spain tourism Turkey tourism tourist arrivals Jasmine Revolution Ben Ali tourism trends Mediterranean tourism Far East destinations North America tourism Australasia tourism tourism policy tourist destinations market share tourism industry risks economic impact tourism growth security issues tourism crisis competitive advantages travel infrastructure tourism statistics global tourism Tunisia tourism challenges international tourism competition tourism industry risks price competition tourism tourism policy Tunisia Morocco tourism growth Spain tourism competition Turkey package tours air transportation tourism Mediterranean tourism rivalry global tourist destinations Far East tourism North America tourism Australasia travel competition Ben Ali tourism era Jasmine revolution tourism impact Tunisia vs Morocco tourism tourism pricing strategies tourism undercutting tourism market trends tourism growth statistics international tourism trends competitive pricing tourism policy Tunisia air transportation links package tour competition Morocco tourism growth Spain tourism competition Turkey tourism strategies Mediterranean tourism global tourist destinations Far East tourism North America tourism market Australasia tourism tourism market share undercutting in tourism tourism industry risks post-revolution Tunisia tourism tourism infrastructure tourism development challenges tourism strategy Tunisia international competition tourism policy price competitiveness package tours air transportation Morocco tourism Spain tourism Turkey tourism Mediterranean tourism global tourism market tourist arrivals tourism statistics Far East tourism North America tourism Australasia tourism destination marketing tourism development travel infrastructure tourism growth competitive advantage tourism crisis security issues tourism trends
test-education-egtuscpih-con04a	Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). campus experience student engagement extracurricular activities social interaction networking peer relationships university community personal development holistic education on-campus societies student clubs collaborative learning group activities face-to-face communication student activism civic engagement culture of participation leadership development informal learning university life sense of belonging social capital student identity historical student movements campus culture student society participation campus life university social experiences extracurricular activities networking opportunities in-person interaction online learning drawbacks student development personal growth student organizations university community student engagement collaborative learning social integration loss of campus culture student activism peer interaction holistic education student support networks community involvement campus experience student engagement extracurricular activities social interaction university community networking opportunities personal development student societies club participation campus events holistic education peer relationships real-life interaction campus culture sense of belonging student activism campus life face-to-face learning collaborative learning informal learning impact of online courses on university social life online learning vs campus experience student societies and remote education extracurricular activities in online education building connections in virtual university university student life comparison online vs offline loss of campus community in online courses role of university societies in student development university as social hub vs online platform effects of remote learning on student engagement online classes and student networking opportunities historical examples student activism campus importance of face-to-face interaction university university experience beyond academics online courses student development outside classroom online vs in-person online education and sense of belonging university isolation in online university courses networking limitations in virtual student engagement campus life extracurricular activities social development university community personal growth networking opportunities face-to-face interaction traditional education student societies holistic education campus experience social capital peer interaction civic engagement student activism offline learning benefits student identity experiential learning university culture university social life impact of online courses student societies extracurricular activities campus experience building connections in university student development online vs in-person learning university networking opportunities importance of student activities student engagement university community effects of remote learning student social interaction loss of campus culture university political activism group activities online student self-development university sports and clubs remote education disadvantages campus experience student engagement extracurricular activities social interaction university societies campus life student networking personal development offline activities student clubs sports participation debate clubs networking opportunities interpersonal skills student activism community building university traditions holistic education face-to-face interaction student unions political movements historical student protests university culture social networks in-person learning co-curricular involvement university social life online education drawbacks student societies extracurricular activities campus experience building connections student networking holistic university education impact of online courses student development offline student engagement student activism university community university traditions impact on student growth loss of social opportunities university events virtual vs in-person learning student leadership student political involvement networking after graduation role of campus involvement online learning limitations social capital in university importance of societies in university student engagement campus experience social interaction extracurricular activities university societies networking opportunities skill development personal growth offline community collaborative learning student activism campus community peer relationships face-to-face interaction holistic education campus culture leadership development community involvement university traditions student unions student engagement campus life extracurricular activities social interaction university societies student development networking opportunities student organizations holistic education community building peer interaction university experience student activism group participation physical presence educational environment co-curricular activities university culture social capital alumni networks student protests historical student movements collaborative learning online learning limitations virtual community interpersonal skills
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro01a	Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 women empowerment Africa agriculture gender equality female labor force land rights agricultural productivity women farmers access to credit rural women agricultural innovation wage gap land ownership economic development poverty reduction sustainable agriculture food security women’s rights agricultural output resource allocation financial inclusion women’s contribution agrarian reform gender disparity women in economy social equity women in African agriculture gender equality agricultural productivity land ownership rights rural women empowerment access to credit gender wage gap women’s economic participation agricultural development food security women as agricultural labor barriers to innovation female farmers policy interventions reducing hunger economic growth Africa women’s rights poverty reduction agricultural reform gender-based discrimination sustainable agriculture rural development financial inclusion women’s assets agricultural policy Africa women farmers gender equality land rights agricultural productivity rural development access to credit economic empowerment gender wage gap female land ownership food security agricultural output sustainable agriculture women's economic rights poverty reduction women's access to resources rural finance farming innovation agribusiness women's empowerment gender discrimination women in African agriculture gender inequality in agriculture female land ownership Africa barriers to women in farming Africa women agricultural productivity Africa economic impact of women farmers women and agricultural loans Africa women’s rights to land Africa closing gender gap agriculture Africa empowering women in agriculture Africa increasing female farm yields Africa reducing hunger gender equality policy solutions women farmers Africa women in African rural economies gender wage gap agriculture Africa women’s access to productive resources Africa land reform for women Africa female empowerment food security impact of women’s rights on African GDP strategies to support women farmers women in agriculture Africa agriculture gender inequality land ownership women economic empowerment agricultural productivity gender pay gap microfinance rural women food security women's rights agricultural innovation female labor force agricultural loans resource access agricultural GDP sustainable agriculture women's cooperatives gender mainstreaming poverty reduction barriers to women women’s land rights women in rural development FAO gender report agricultural output hunger reduction Africa economy women’s profit share rural finance agricultural policy women in African agriculture female agricultural labor force Africa women’s economic empowerment Africa gender inequality agriculture Africa women land ownership Africa women farmers productivity access to credit for women Africa women’s rights in agriculture rural women Africa barriers to women’s economic participation gender gap in African economy female farmer salary disparity empowering women in agriculture women and food security Africa FAO gender equality agricultural output women Africa impact of women in agriculture women access to productive resources increasing African GDP through women financial inclusion for rural women women’s role in African development land rights for African women closing gender gap Africa women Africa agriculture agricultural labor force gender gap economic empowerment land rights property ownership productivity female farmers rural women salary disparity credit access financial inclusion agricultural innovation food security poverty reduction GDP economic growth inequality resource allocation legal barriers loan access investment Sustainable Development Goals FAO gender equality women’s rights agribusiness rural development hunger reduction empowerment programs land tenure smallholder farmers social justice economic opportunity Africa’s economy farming development policy global development women's work recognition agricultural output World Farmers Organisation women in African agriculture gender equality Africa female farmers Africa land rights African women women economic empowerment Africa agricultural labor force Africa gender wage gap agriculture women access to credit Africa women financial inclusion agriculture African women farm productivity women innovation agriculture rural women Africa women-owned land Africa women agricultural loans Africa food security Africa women women poverty reduction Africa gender-based barriers agriculture women leadership Africa agriculture gender and economic growth Africa women in agribusiness Africa women empowerment gender equality agricultural productivity land rights rural development financial inclusion microfinance female entrepreneurship property ownership loan access food security economic growth wage gap rural livelihoods policy reform sustainable agriculture social justice poverty reduction education access resource allocation gender mainstreaming investment in women yield improvement hunger reduction capacity building legal reform inheritance rights women's leadership value chain participation rural credit inclusive development women empowerment gender equality land ownership agricultural productivity rural development microfinance women farmers African economy agricultural innovation women’s rights access to credit gender wage gap food security sustainable agriculture poverty reduction policy reform economic growth female labor force land tenure women leadership agriculture policy inheritance rights social inclusion resource allocation financial inclusion agribusiness education for women rural livelihoods legal barriers development programs
test-international-ehbfe-pro02a	A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. federal Europe cultural diversity European Union subsidiarity regional identities political accountability citizen participation parliamentary democracy European integration local autonomy member states checks and balances sovereignty political connection economic benefits military power international influence local traditions regional autonomy multiculturalism minority rights democratic legitimacy governance power sharing local democracy policy making European federalism identity preservation political representation social cohesion conflict resolution Basque region Corsica Northern Ireland Lombardy unity in diversity devolution responsiveness shared sovereignty political institutions single market opportunity expansion federal Europe cultural diversity subsidiarity member states European Union EU integration regional identity parliamentary democracy political connection national sovereignty EU institutions local autonomy cultural preservation regional autonomy minority rights economic benefits political power military power local representation European citizenship power sharing checks and balances democratic legitimacy responsiveness accountability regional conflicts sovereignty issues cultural traditions identity politics political participation cross-border mobility EU enlargement social cohesion unity in diversity decentralized governance conflict resolution dominant culture political structure subsidiarity principle local governance federalism European Union subsidiarity cultural diversity citizen advantages political integration regional identities parliamentary democracy local autonomy multiculturalism EU political institutions sovereignty economic cooperation international power governance checks and balances cultural preservation minority rights decision-making levels political participation respect for traditions peacebuilding regional conflicts national identity intergovernmentalism European citizenship social cohesion economic opportunities identity politics responsiveness accountability federal Europe cultural diversity preservation EU federalism advantages for citizens subsidiarity effectiveness accountability European Union large state benefits local autonomy in federal Europe political participation EU citizens checks and balances European federalism prevention of tyranny Federal Europe European Parliamentary democracy evolution bridging EU-citizen gap political connection European Union regional identity Federal Europe minority cultures protection EU conflict resolution regional autonomy Europe federalism vs national states regionalism European integration local traditions sovereignty issues Federal Europe EU subsidiarity principle impact economic opportunities EU federalism responsiveness local needs European Union federal Europe cultural diversity subsidiarity European Union governance citizen benefits accountability regional identity parliamentary democracy EU checks and balances EU political institutions sovereignty regional autonomy minority rights Europe economic integration local governance Europe EU power dynamics international influence European Union EU member states relations cultural preservation federalism benefits subsidiarity principle local traditions EU political participation Europe EU democracy cross-border work opportunities EU-wide education supranational governance conflict resolution Europe regional disputes EU EU legitimacy identity politics Europe federal Europe benefits cultural diversity protection subsidiarity in EU EU federalism advantages citizen empowerment European Union local autonomy EU regional identities Europe national sovereignty EU checks and balances European governance parliamentary democracy EU European political institutions EU connecting with citizens single market EU resolving regional conflicts Europe regional autonomy example Europe EU respect for tradition EU legislative accountability economic advantages EU military power European Union political representation European citizens federal Europe cultural diversity member states subsidiarity accountability local governance international power economic advantages military strength political influence large population states cost efficiency job opportunities study opportunities connection to political process respect for traditions local autonomy checks and balances prevention of tyranny law obedience parliamentary democracy EU institutions political gap citizen engagement social connections cultural connections sporting connections federalism regional identities minority rights sovereignty political structures conflict resolution dominant culture regional autonomy Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy European Union integration identity federal Europe cultural diversity subsidiarity European federalism EU democracy member state sovereignty regional identities political accountability EU institutions local governance power distribution international influence local autonomy political participation minority protection multiculturalism conflict resolution European integration parliamentary democracy citizen engagement economic opportunities educational exchange regional autonomy checks and balances effective governance EU expansion supranational governance social cohesion national identity intergovernmental relations European citizenship cross-border cooperation federal Europe cultural diversity member states subsidiarity individual rights local autonomy parliamentary democracy EU institutions political participation regional identity national sovereignty checks and balances minority protection transnational governance citizen engagement economic integration military power political power accountability local governance European integration conflict resolution multiculturalism social cohesion single market regional representation European federalism cultural preservation responsive governance federal Europe cultural diversity subsidiarity European federalism regional identities parliamentary democracy EU political institutions citizen participation checks and balances regional autonomy local traditions minority rights economic integration social cohesion political representation sovereignty transnational governance decentralization identity politics local responsiveness international power single market benefits political accountability conflict resolution regional empowerment
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro03a	Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. parental choice school choice education reform parental rights educational values individualized learning alternative education educational diversity teaching styles school selection personalized education curriculum flexibility public vs private schools educational innovation child-centered education state intervention parental involvement education policy educational freedom non-mainstream education state vs parental authority value transmission educational priorities educational options customized learning parental choice in education educational freedom school selection educational values parental rights school diversity individualized learning alternative education educational innovation non-mainstream education private vs public education educational autonomy school choice policy student-centered learning government role in education tailoring education to students educational pluralism parental authority in schooling homeschooling educational options school choice parental rights educational autonomy values-based education alternative schooling educational innovation non-mainstream education individualized learning private schools public school reform educational diversity parental involvement state vs. parental authority child-centered education curriculum flexibility homeschooling education policy education options education freedom government intervention in education parental choice in education school choice benefits educational freedom for families parental control over schooling alternative education options individualized learning approaches state vs parental educational authority private sector educational innovation non-mainstream education provision tailoring education to children’s needs values-based education selection diversity in educational priorities government role in education education system flexibility parents deciding school types customized schooling for children educational diversity benefits family values and school choice innovative private education education policy parental rights parental choice educational freedom school selection educational values parental authority state vs parents educational diversity individualized learning teaching styles child-centered education non-mainstream education alternative schooling education innovation private schools government intervention educational policy parental rights personalized education educational priorities school autonomy parental choice in education school choice policy educational freedom values-based education parental rights in schooling alternative education models individualized learning non-mainstream education state vs parental authority education education innovation customized learning environments educational diversity private vs public schooling student-centered education education policy reform educational pluralism homeschooling rights parental influence education personalized education pathways educational system flexibility parental choice in education education policy school choice educational freedom parental rights individualized learning educational diversity alternative education non-mainstream schooling educational values educational priorities private vs public education educational innovation teaching styles state vs parental authority educational provision child-centered education education reform parental involvement school selection parental choice in education school choice educational freedom homeschooling private schools alternative education personalized learning educational innovation state vs parental control individual learning needs educational values culturally responsive education education policy voucher programs charter schools non-mainstream schooling education reform parental rights in education diversity in education child-centered learning parental choice in education educational freedom school choice individualized learning alternative education educational innovation private vs public schools values-based education educational diversity parental rights in schooling education policy child-centered learning non-mainstream education state intervention in education education and family values education reform parental choice education policy school selection individual learning styles educational innovation private schools state vs parental authority educational values non-mainstream education alternative education educational diversity customized education children's needs educational freedom state intervention home education Montessori Waldorf education reform school vouchers parental rights educational philosophy
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro04a	UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. Brexit UK-EU relations foreign policy independence EU buffer zone UK migration control Channel border Ukraine crisis European Union sovereignty post-Brexit policy non-EU membership UK interests EU affairs Schengen area UK border security migration policy geopolitical buffer continental Europe regional security immigration Ukraine conflict EU foreign crises EU borders Brexit UK foreign policy EU withdrawal consequences UK-EU relations UK immigration control UK and Ukraine crisis UK border security Channel migration UK sovereignty Brexit impact UK-EU buffer zone British interests outside EU leaving European Union UK independence from EU Brexit foreign affairs post-Brexit UK EU external affairs UK migration policy UK national security UK geopolitical strategy Brexit UK sovereignty EU separation foreign policy independence Britain EU exit UK border control UK migration policy EU-UK relations British autonomy European Union crises Ukraine conflict migration crisis UK security UK national interest EU buffer state British foreign affairs post-Brexit policy UK geopolitical stance Channel border control EU responsibilities UK-EU disentanglement Brexit foreign policy impact UK disentanglement from EU UK independence from EU crises UK after leaving EU Brexit effects on migration Brexit and Ukraine conflict UK border control post-Brexit EU as buffer for UK UK focus outside EU affairs Brexit and foreign policy autonomy UK-EU relations after Brexit Channel migration post-Brexit UK security outside EU EU crisis management without UK UK sovereignty post-EU Brexit and UK national interests UK response to EU foreign policy crises Impact of Brexit on UK migration Brexit benefits for UK autonomy Britain outside EU responsibilities Brexit UK foreign policy EU withdrawal UK-EU relations post-Brexit Britain UK sovereignty EU migration policy Ukraine crisis European buffer state UK border control UK national interests EU external affairs EU enlargement geopolitical strategy UK UK independence Britain migration control EU defense policy UK global priorities Schengen Area Channel border security Brexit implications UK foreign policy independence post-Brexit EU relations UK and EU migration policy Ukraine crisis UK stance UK national interests outside EU EU buffer zone concept UK economic priorities post-EU UK security after leaving EU disentanglement from EU affairs British sovereignty Channel border migration control EU-UK diplomatic relations Brexit foreign policy benefits UK role in European security Brexit United Kingdom independence EU withdrawal British sovereignty EU foreign policy non-EU membership migration control Channel migrant crossings Ukraine crisis European Union buffer zone British national interests UK-EU relations border control UK politics immigration policy European conflicts Brexit consequences UK global strategy post-Brexit policies EU internal affairs UK disentanglement Brexit UK foreign policy EU separation UK-EU relations UK migration policy channel migration control EU buffer zone Ukraine crisis impact EU foreign policy UK sovereignty post-Brexit priorities UK international relations EU external crises UK border security UK productivity post-Brexit non-EU membership benefits EU affairs disentanglement UK independent diplomacy UK security strategy EU refugee crisis UK-European integration UK trade focus Brexit UK foreign policy EU detachment British sovereignty post-Brexit policy migration control Channel border Ukraine crisis EU buffer state UK-EU relations independent UK policies EU membership impact British productivity European migration EU external affairs non-EU foreign policy UK border security UK international relations sovereignty after Brexit EU crisis management UK geopolitical strategy Brexit UK foreign policy EU membership UK-EU relations migration policy Ukraine crisis channel border control British sovereignty European Union buffer post-Brexit UK EU disentanglement UK security British independence EU external affairs UK immigration EU-UK separation UK productivity non-EU foreign affairs UK-EU crisis management British interests
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro03a	Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, compensation reparations community recognition inequality oppressed communities institutional stereotypes social justice education reform curriculum development black history African American history minority protection state-led reform UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property cultural appropriation economic redress educational equity historical accuracy inclusive education minority representation social equity government responsibility implementation anti-racism restorative justice compensation reparations social justice community credit inequality oppressed groups recognition negative stereotypes education reform robust curriculum black history African American figures historical accuracy minority protection state-led reform UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property luxury brands controversy Chanel boomerang cultural appropriation indigenous rights educational funding curriculum development state responsibility racial equity equality movements international human rights restorative justice affirmative action compensation community credit reparations inequality oppressed communities recognition negative stereotypes community benefits educational reforms robust curriculum black history African American figures minority protection state-led reform UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples indigenous intellectual property cultural appropriation Chanel boomerang indigenous rights historical justice curriculum development state responsibility education policy social equity restorative justice minority empowerment institutional discrimination cultural recognition reconciliation indigenous education global black history diversity inclusion compensation for oppressed communities reparations for historical injustices credit and recognition for marginalized groups leveling the playing field for minorities reversing institutionalized stereotypes benefits of reparations for communities education on black history robust curriculum for black history African American historical figures in education state-led reform for minority protection state responsibility to protect minorities UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples implementation Indigenous intellectual property rights Chanel boomerang cultural appropriation Australia endorsement of Indigenous rights international action on Indigenous justice funding for accurate history education negative stereotypes of minorities benefits of state-led reparations opposition to Indigenous rights by compensation reparations community recognition inequality oppression negative stereotypes educational reform robust curriculum Black history African American figures state-led reform minority protection UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Professor Matthew Rimmer Queensland University of Technology Chanel boomerang controversy Indigenous rights international law cultural appropriation education policy global history education curriculum inclusivity state responsibility cultural recognition accurate history education minority representation social justice equality initiatives educational funding reparations compensation for oppressed communities recognition for marginalized groups reversing stereotypes educational reform US education model black history curriculum African American historical figures state-led reform protection of minorities UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property rights discrimination in education Chanel boomerang controversy indigenous cultural appropriation inequality in policy state responsibility for equity robust curriculum development increasing black representation in education education board reforms international human rights standards compensation reparations inequality social justice oppressed communities recognition negative stereotypes community benefit robust curriculum black history African American history educational reform state-led reform minority protection UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property cultural appropriation Chanel boomerang controversy indigenous rights international law education policy systemic inequality state accountability anti-oppression representation global history local history curriculum development social equity compensation social justice reparations community recognition inequality oppressed communities reversing stereotypes education reform black history curriculum development US government education state-led reform minority protection UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang controversy Australia Indigenous rights educational funding accurate historical representation African American history international human rights anti-discrimination policies cultural appropriation institutional reform indigenous community advocacy legal protections historical redress equality initiatives compensation reparations community credit inequality oppression negative stereotypes recognition educational funding black history robust curriculum African American history state-led reform minority protection international law UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples indigenous intellectual property cultural appropriation Chanel boomerang controversy indigenous rights historical justice education reform curriculum reform systemic discrimination social equity restorative justice state responsibility indigenous heritage cultural recognition repressed communities education policy compensation reparations inequality oppressed communities recognition negative stereotypes community benefits education reform black history curriculum African American history state-led reform minority protection UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property cultural appropriation Chanel boomerang controversy Indigenous rights educational funding historical accuracy social justice policy recommendations systemic inequality government responsibility international human rights
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, greek debt crisis eurozone crisis Greek default economic collapse financial crisis Greek banking sector ECB liquidity austerity measures drachma devaluation hyperinflation unemployment credit shortage sovereign debt bailout IMF EU financial aid public services collapse social unrest poverty imported goods prices currency exit economic recession government bankruptcy capital controls Grexit structural reforms economic recovery humanitarian crisis fiscal policy monetary policy Greek debt crisis Greece default Greece austerity Greek banking collapse Greek government default eurozone crisis Greece economic crisis Greek debt restructuring ECB liquidity Greece Greek drachma devaluation Greece inflation Greece unemployment Greek import costs living costs Greece Greek credit shortage Greek recession social impacts Greece crisis poverty Greece debt crisis austerity measures Greece euro exit Greek bailout public sector cuts Greece Greece IMF Greece EU negotiations sovereign debt default financial instability Greece Greek debt crisis austerity measures economic collapse Greek banking sector eurozone exit ECB support currency devaluation drachma inflation unemployment poverty social unrest Greek government bailout sovereign default international loans imported goods prices financial instability credit crunch public sector cuts European Union IMF intervention Greece debt crisis effects Greek banking collapse consequences of Greek default impact of austerity in Greece Eurozone exit scenarios economic consequences of drachma devaluation inflation in Greece living costs after default unemployment in Greece crisis supply shortages Greece euro exit government failure Greece crisis social impact of economic crisis in Greece alternative solutions to Greek austerity risks of default vs austerity Greece economic stability measures Greece historical examples of sovereign default ECB support for Greek banks restructuring Greek debt poverty in Greek economic crisis comparisons austerity vs default Greek debt crisis Greece default Greek banking collapse Greek austerity measures Drachma devaluation eurozone exit Greek unemployment Greek inflation Greek financial crisis Greek bank liquidity ECB reliance Greek economic collapse Greek import costs Greek credit shortage basic needs Greece Greek social impact Greek government response Greek poverty Greek living standards Greece sovereign debt European Union economy crisis management Greece Greek bankruptcy Open Europe report BBC News Greece crisis Greek debt crisis Greece default scenarios Greek banking collapse austerity measures Greece consequences of Greek default Greek drachma devaluation Greek euro exit economic impact of default Greece inflation crisis unemployment in Greece social impact Greek crisis ECB Greek banking support credit shortage Greece Greek government failure imported goods price Greece poverty in Greece solutions to Greek financial crisis Greek bailout alternatives eurozone crisis response surviving Greek recession Greek debt crisis Greece default austerity measures economic collapse banking sector ECB liquidity government default Greek banks Greek companies bankruptcy savings loss credit shortage Drachma devaluation currency risk inflation living costs import prices unemployment oil supplies medicine shortage foodstuffs shortage basic needs social impact poverty euro exit financial instability macroeconomic effects sovereign risk Greek recession public suffering European Union Eurozone crisis Greek debt crisis Greek default consequences austerity measures Greece Greek banking collapse ECB liquidity Greece Greek drachma devaluation Greek inflation crisis living costs Greece Greek unemployment rates Greek import costs Greek credit shortage Greek economic survival Greek government aid Greek poverty Greek euro exit Greek recession Greek financial crisis Greek bank bankruptcy Greek medicine shortage Greek oil imports Greek food supply Greek public services EU financial assistance Greek economic recovery Greek sovereign debt Greek social impact Greek fiscal policy Greek bailout Grexit eurozone crisis Greek debt crisis Greek default economic collapse banking sector failure ECB liquidity financial contagion austerity impact currency devaluation Drachma exit eurozone exit inflation effects import price increases sovereign bankruptcy unemployment Greece social consequences poverty in Greece emergency supplies public sector failure financial recovery bailout options fiscal policy Greece economic reform Greece euro area stability European Union response IMF intervention monetary policy Greek government debt credit crunch supply chain disruption humanitarian crisis basic needs Greece economic history Greek debt crisis Greek default austerity measures Greek banking collapse eurozone crisis ECB liquidity bank bankruptcy Greek unemployment Drachma devaluation Greek inflation import costs Greek poverty credit shortage economic recession Greece government failure essential goods shortage social impact Greece bailout alternatives Greek financial crisis euro exit consequences
test-economy-beghwbh-pro02a	The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, Hyperloop cost Hyperloop construction expenses Hyperloop vs high speed rail Hyperloop pods cost pressurized tube cost Hyperloop pylons Hyperloop station cost cost comparison high speed rail budget transportation infrastructure costs Hyperloop Alpha report Elon Musk Hyperloop California high speed rail cost passenger vs vehicle version SpaceX Hyperloop billion dollar infrastructure cheap mass transit affordability Hyperloop rapid transit costs innovative transportation economics Hyperloop cost comparison Hyperloop construction cost Hyperloop vs high-speed rail Hyperloop pod price Hyperloop infrastructure costs passenger Hyperloop cost vehicle Hyperloop cost high-speed rail project cost California rail costs transportation infrastructure costs Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha cost estimates public transport Hyperloop station cost Hyperloop pylon cost Hyperloop feasibility new transportation technologies efficient transit systems cost-benefit analysis Hyperloop mass transit innovation future of rail transport Hyperloop cost construction costs infrastructure expenses pod manufacturing pressurized tube costs station costs pylon construction total project cost passenger version cost vehicle version cost California high speed rail comparison high speed rail costs transportation project cost Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX estimates infrastructure comparison transportation technology expenses cost-benefit analysis rail vs Hyperloop project budget mass transit alternatives Hyperloop cost comparison Hyperloop vs high speed rail cost Hyperloop construction costs Hyperloop pod price Hyperloop pressurized tube cost Hyperloop station costs Hyperloop pylon construction Hyperloop total project cost California high speed rail budget Hyperloop economic feasibility Hyperloop infrastructure expenses high speed rail alternative Hyperloop capital expenditure Hyperloop vs conventional rail affordable mass transit solutions Hyperloop transportation budget rapid transit cost analysis Hyperloop vs bullet train cost sustainable transportation costs innovative transport system expense Hyperloop cost comparison Hyperloop construction costs Hyperloop vs high-speed rail Hyperloop pod price Hyperloop tube cost Hyperloop station cost Hyperloop pylon construction total Hyperloop project cost Hyperloop economic feasibility California high-speed rail cost infrastructure project comparison Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha transportation project budgets cost-effective mass transit innovative transport economics pressurized transit tube SpaceX Hyperloop analysis rail project cost analysis future transport infrastructure high-speed transit alternatives Hyperloop cost comparison Hyperloop vs high speed rail Hyperloop construction costs Hyperloop affordability Hyperloop infrastructure expenses Hyperloop station costs Hyperloop tube cost Hyperloop vehicle cost Hyperloop vs California rail Hyperloop feasibility Hyperloop budget analysis Hyperloop economic benefits Hyperloop project estimates High speed rail cost comparison California high speed rail price Hyperloop implementation costs Hyperloop transportation economics Elon Musk Hyperloop costs Hyperloop costs construction expenses Hyperloop pod price pressurized tube cost station cost pylon construction total project cost Hyperloop vs high-speed rail California high-speed rail infrastructure comparison transportation project budget Elon Musk Hyperloop SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha transportation innovation rail project cost comparison economic efficiency public transit cost futuristic transport cost engineering budget cost estimation project feasibility comparative analysis alternative transportation large-scale infrastructure cost-benefit analysis Hyperloop cost analysis Hyperloop vs high speed rail cost Hyperloop construction expenses Hyperloop infrastructure comparison Hyperloop station costs Hyperloop pod pricing Hyperloop vs California high speed rail transportation infrastructure costs Hyperloop economic feasibility high speed rail project costs Hyperloop budget estimation Hyperloop tube construction pylon construction cost public transportation innovation cost-effective mass transit futuristic transportation costs Elon Musk Hyperloop proposal SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha California rail project comparison transportation capital expenditure Hyperloop cost comparison transportation infrastructure costs Hyperloop vs high-speed rail affordable transport technologies Hyperloop construction expenses rail project budget Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX Hyperloop proposal California high-speed rail cost transportation innovation cost analysis economic feasibility Hyperloop futuristic transportation systems passenger transport cost efficiency vehicle transport systems mass transit alternatives infrastructure investment rapid transit system expenses pressurized tube costs pod manufacturing cost pylon construction cost public transportation budget comparison high-speed rail alternatives cost comparison Hyperloop construction cost high-speed rail cost infrastructure expenses transportation project costs Hyperloop vs high-speed rail project feasibility economic efficiency public transportation investment cost-benefit analysis innovation in transportation mass transit development sustainable transportation capital expenditure Elon Musk Hyperloop California rail project technology cost analysis transit affordability
test-economy-egppphbcb-con03a	Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 socialism economic stability financial crisis credit bubble credit crunch capitalism free market profit motive economic slowdown real estate bubble overconsumption property prices loan defaults market speculation economic stagnation capitalist crisis socialist economy planned economy profit vs needs investment risk market regulation housing market collapse financial instability economic inequality Marxist economics economic bubbles system comparison economic security speculative investment banking crisis debt-driven consumption socialist economic stability socialism vs capitalism credit bubble causes financial crisis capitalism housing bubble effects overconsumption capitalist system credit crunch socialism profit motive crisis real estate speculation debt-driven economy economic stagnation capitalism anti-crisis socialism systemic risk capitalism profit vs human needs credit expansion capitalism market crash sociology planning economic stability crisis-free socialism sustainable investment socialism Marxist economic critique socialism economic stability planned economy free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis profit motive real estate bubble subprime mortgage economic downturn overconsumption speculative investment asset inflation financial regulation market instability economic inequality debt crisis human needs surplus value economic cycles profit crisis state intervention systemic risk housing market collapse credit expansion economic recession economic planning Marxist economics economic security socialist alternatives Socialism vs capitalism socialist economic stability capitalist credit bubbles causes of financial crises overconsumption in capitalism profits versus human needs credit crunch in capitalism real estate bubbles economic crisis in free markets profit-driven investment issues house price inflation effects socialism and crisis prevention capitalist boom and bust cycles socialist system economic advantages capitalist market vulnerabilities preventing credit bubbles socialist alternatives to free market inherent risks in capitalism financial stability under socialism economic crises and profit motivation impacts of overinvestment market failure examples Marxist analysis of financial crisis socialized economy and crisis avoidance capitalist system limitations housing economic stability socialism vs capitalism financial regulation market speculation real estate bubble credit expansion debt crisis profit motive economic cycles market failures social safety nets economic planning asset inflation overconsumption bank lending financial oversight crisis prevention demand-driven economy economic inequality public investment government intervention systemic risk monetary policy financial sector speculative investment consumer debt property market economic stagnation socialism vs capitalism economic stability socialist economic crisis prevention credit bubbles in capitalism causes of financial crisis capitalist profit motive crisis overconsumption in capitalism real estate bubble capitalism socialist system financial security Marxist analysis credit crunch profit-driven economic instability capitalism credit crunch inherent socialist vs capitalist investment incentives market crash in capitalism economic stagnation capitalist system socialism human needs over profit financial crisis root causes property bubble capitalism difference socialism capitalism financial crises socialist response economic downturn comparative economic system stability socialism capitalism economic security free market credit bubbles credit crunch financial crisis economic slowdown falling profits real estate bubble property prices housing loans consumer debt overconsumption economic stagnation speculative investment profit motive human needs economic planning market instability economic inequality Great Recession subprime mortgage crisis Marxist economics financial regulation systemic risk economic cycles crisis theory planned economy Roberts 2008 In Defence of Marxism socialism vs capitalism credit bubble causes credit crunch explanation financial crisis capitalism economic crises and profit real estate bubble speculative investments housing market collapse debt-driven consumption credit bubbles in markets loans and financial crisis asset price inflation socialist economic stability profit motive capitalism crisis prevention socialism overconsumption capitalism financial speculation risks economic crisis solutions Marxist economic analysis alternative to capitalist crisis property market crash financial regulation socialism systemic risk capitalism housing loans risk debt and economic instability socialist economic planning human needs vs profit investment bubbles economic stagnation crisis crisis management socialism socialism capitalism financial crisis credit bubbles credit crunch economic slowdown profit falls real estate bubble property prices subprime mortgage crisis housing loans speculative investment economic stagnation overconsumption profit motive human needs economy alternative economic systems systemic risk economic inequality Marxist economics financial regulation economic stability market failure planned economy public ownership private ownership Keynesian economics boom and bust cycle crisis prevention economic resilience sustainable development cyclical crises bubble formation loan defaults financial leverage risk management government intervention financialization economic reforms economic stability socialism vs capitalism financial crises systemic risk market regulation profit motive credit expansion speculative bubbles real estate crisis overconsumption planned economy financial regulation income inequality economic planning capitalism criticism investment bubbles profit cycles crash prevention resource allocation sustainable development economic crises causes asset inflation Marxist economics banking regulation economic recession public ownership central planning financial speculation debt default mortgage crisis
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con02a	The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, Ernst B. Haas neo-functionalism abandonment interdependence theory European integration empty chair crisis economic integration high politics Rosamond pluralist environment Eurocentrism partial theory supranationalism spillover European Communities regional integration new functionalism international relations theory political integration limitations Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas theory abandonment interdependence theory European integration empty chair crisis Eurocentrism high politics economic integration integration theories pluralist political environment Rosamond Tranholm-Mikkelsen limitations of neo-functionalism supplementing integration theories neo-functionalist critique European Community political science international relations regional integration partial theory Ernst B. Haas neo-functionalism theory abandonment interdependence theory international relations economic integration high politics empty chair crisis Eurocentrism European integration pluralist political environment partial theory actor interests Rosamond Tranholm-Mikkelsen European Community supranationalism spillover effect regional integration alternative theories new dynamism EC Millennium Journal integration process Ernst B. Haas theory abandonment neo-functionalism criticism neo-functionalism vs interdependence theory limitations of neo-functionalism neo-functionalism and high politics empty chair crisis neo-functionalism Eurocentrism in neo-functionalism pluralist politics and neo-functionalism neo-functionalism partial theory neo-functionalism economic integration evolution of integration theories Rosamond on neo-functionalism Tranholm-Mikkelsen on Haas neo-functionalism success and failure neo-functionalism relevance neo-functionalism and European integration neo-functionalism and political actors supplementing neo-functionalism with other theories critiques of Ernst B. Haas neo-functionalism abandonment theory evolution interdependence theories international relations economic integration high politics empty chair crisis Eurocentrism European integration pluralist political environment theory limitations integration theories Tranholm-Mikkelsen Rosamond EC dynamics evolution of theories partial theory integration processes Ernst B. Haas theory abandonment neo-functionalism limitations high politics vs. economic integration Eurocentrism in neo-functionalism empty chair crisis interdependence theories pluralist political environment integration theories comparison criticisms of neo-functionalism evolution of European integration theories Tranholm-Mikkelsen on neo-functionalism Rosamond on neo-functionalism partial theory of integration failures in high politics success in economic integration role of actors in integration process theoretical relevance of neo-functionalism complex actor networks European integration dynamics. Ernst B. Haas neo-functionalism theory abandonment interdependence theory international relations economic integration high politics European integration empty chair crisis Eurocentrism pluralist political environment Rosamond partial theory integration process European Community political actors supranationalism spillover functionalism Tranholm-Mikkelsen theory critique reappraisal European Union EC dynamism integration theories crisis of neo-functionalism political science assimilation mid-1970s academic debate theory relevance IR theory Ernst B. Haas neo-functionalism abandonment of theory international relations European integration interdependence theory Tranholm-Mikkelsen 1991 economic success high politics failure empty chair crisis Eurocentrism complex web of actors pluralist political environment partial theory theory supplanted alternative integration theories limitations of neo-functionalism Rosamond relevance of neo-functionalism general interdependence theories European Community integration process analysis Haas theoretical evolution critique of neo-functionalism theoretical adaptation European Union studies international integration theories political integration supranationalism Ernst B. Haas neo-functionalism theory abandonment interdependence theory Tranholm-Mikkelsen Rosamond European integration empty chair crisis high politics economic integration Eurocentric critique pluralist environment integration theory supranationalism spillover limitations alternative theories regional integration European Community political actors new dynamism partial theory policy-making international relations Ernst B. Haas neo-functionalism abandoned theory interdependence theories international relations Tranholm-Mikkelsen empty chair crisis Eurocentrism Rosamond European integration economic success high politics failure pluralist political environment partial theory alternative theories European Community integration process supranationalism spillover effect European Political Theories limitations of neo-functionalism
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con03a	Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, economic development developing nations economic growth sovereign decision-making self-determination international standards aid conditionality policy autonomy national interest developmental policy Asian Tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan Southeast Asia China international aid labour standards World Bank International Labour Organization free trade national sovereignty donor influence policy prescription infant industry promotion educated labour force historical perspective development theory economic success industrial policy economic development developing countries economic growth sovereign decision-making development policy international standards self-determination foreign aid conditionality policy autonomy national interest policy prescriptions aid effectiveness Asian tigers developmental state labour standards international labour standards World Bank ILO free trade national sovereignty industrial policy infant industry protection historical development developmental success donor influence compliance aid dependency Southeast Asia economic sovereignty economic development sovereignty self-determination developing nations international standards foreign aid development policy Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan Southeast Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO free trade national interest policy autonomy labour force developmental success aid dependency economic growth development strategies economic sovereignty industrial policy infant industry protection policy prescription developmental state Ha-Joon Chang anti-globalization economic independence national development donor influence economic growth and national sovereignty development aid and conditionality self-determination in development policy international labour standards vs national interests Asian Tigers development model effectiveness of foreign aid conditional aid vs policy autonomy World Bank and ILO policy critique developmental policy independence success factors for developing nations inflexible international standards free trade and developing countries selective implementation of labour standards foreign donor influence on policy historical perspectives on development Ha-Joon Chang development theories state-led developmental strategies alternatives to aid-driven development education and labour force development development without aid sovereign development economic growth developing nations self-determination international standards aid conditionality donor influence Asian tigers state-led development labour standards policy autonomy World Bank ILO free trade criticism national interest developmental policies historical development models infant industry protection international aid debate selective compliance developmental sovereignty economic development developing nations sovereignty in development self-determination international aid aid conditionality labour standards policy autonomy success of Asian Tigers Singapore economic growth South Korea development Taiwan economic policy China development model international institutions World Bank policies ILO standards free trade criticism economic self-interest national developmental strategies infant industry protection historical development comparisons development theory Ha-Joon Chang developmental state model aid dependence international trade standards labour force education economic development developing nations sovereignty self-determination international standards aid conditionality ratification labour standards donor influence policy autonomy Asian Tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international institutions World Bank ILO free trade national interest economic growth developmental policy infant industry Ha-Joon Chang historical perspective domestic policy self-paced growth foreign aid comparative development education labour force economic independence forced compliance development theory economic development developing nations national sovereignty self-determination international standards foreign aid aid conditionality labor standards policy autonomy Asian Tigers economic growth developmental policies international institutions World Bank International Labour Organization free trade infant industry promotion Ha-Joon Chang selective compliance trade policy economic self-interest industrial policy aid dependency economic liberalization emerging markets state intervention economic independence standards ratification donor influence sustainable development economic growth development policy sovereignty self-determination developing nations international standards foreign aid donor influence Asian tigers national interest independent development labour standards economic autonomy World Bank ILO free trade policy prescription infant industry historical development state intervention indigenous growth strategies aid conditionality comparative development South Korea development Singapore growth China development model Southeast Asia economic policies international institutions economic priorities national standards economic sovereignty self-determination developing nations international standards foreign aid international institutions policy autonomy Asian tigers developmental policy labour standards World Bank ILO free trade national interest economic growth historical development state intervention Ha-Joon Chang infant industry comparative development aid conditionality developmental state policy prescriptions selective compliance sovereignty rights education and labour force state-led development
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro01a	CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, Common Agricultural Policy EU agricultural subsidies European Union budget allocation agricultural workforce GDP contribution agriculture subsidy reform alternative industry support agricultural income support subsidy inequality economic impact subsidies farm income Europe CAP criticism budget reallocation EU industrial policy Europe economic growth stimulation employment agriculture industrial subsidies comparison fairness CAP fiscal policy EU economic efficiency subsidies CAP criticism Common Agricultural Policy reform EU budget allocation agricultural subsidies impact subsidy fairness cross-industry comparison economic efficiency EU spending workforce proportion agriculture GDP contribution agriculture alternatives to CAP spending agricultural policy controversy subsidy dependence farmers industrial subsidies Europe CAP economic growth effects EU subsidy distribution employment agriculture EU budget prioritization EU industry privilege EU EU farming subsidies criticism CAP alternatives farmer income subsidies EU industrial policy farming vs industry subsidies agricultural policy fairness economic opportunity cost CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU subsidies agricultural subsidies budget allocation economic impact workforce employment GDP contribution subsidy inequality comparative subsidies farm income European farmers industrial support policy reform economic growth budget efficiency subsidy distribution alternative investments industry competitiveness CAP criticism fiscal policy sectoral fairness agriculture vs industry resource allocation EU policy subsidy cost-benefit structural funds economic diversification CAP budget reallocation alternatives to agricultural subsidies impact of CAP on EU economy comparison of CAP with other industry subsidies CAP and economic growth EU budget efficiency reforming CAP funding workforce distribution under CAP CAP and GDP contribution fairness of EU subsidies subsidies and industry competitiveness historical subsidies in EU industries CAP and job creation effectiveness of agricultural subsidies policy alternatives to CAP agricultural subsidies vs. industrial subsidies EU budget priorities reducing CAP spending maximizing EU budget impact economic potential of non-agricultural industries Common Agricultural Policy CAP subsidies EU budget allocation agricultural employment GDP contribution agriculture subsidy comparison economic growth Europe alternative industry funding farmer income subsidies EU industrial policy European coal industry European iron industry industry competitiveness EU economic reform public spending efficiency agricultural privilege budget reallocation labor force distribution EU economic diversification farm income support EU policy criticism Common Agricultural Policy criticism EU budget allocation agricultural subsidies debate CAP economic impact EU industry subsidies comparison inefficiency of CAP spending European Union financial priorities CAP reform proposals EU budget effectiveness fairness of agricultural subsidies subsidies and economic growth CAP vs. other EU industries CAP workforce employment statistics CAP GDP contribution alternatives to CAP funding subsidy inequality in the EU impact of CAP on job creation agricultural policy controversies European economic recovery subsidy privilege debate CAP critique Common Agricultural Policy criticism EU agricultural subsidies unfair subsidies budget allocation European Union economic efficiency employment agriculture GDP agriculture EU budget reform industry comparison subsidy privilege European farmers income support subsidy impact alternative industry support coal and iron industry decline job losses economic growth potential policy reform fiscal fairness subsidy effectiveness agriculture vs industry economic opportunity cost budget redistribution industrial policy subsidy comparison Europe agricultural workforce statistics GDP contribution by sector Common Agricultural Policy criticism EU budget allocation agricultural subsidies economic growth alternatives industry privilege comparison CAP reform European farmer subsidies EU workforce distribution inefficient funding sectoral budget fairness industrial subsidies Europe agricultural policy impact EU economic policy subsidy inequality European industry support CAP inefficiency EU economic development job creation alternatives subsidy distribution debate comparative industry analysis Common Agricultural Policy EU budget allocation agricultural subsidies subsidy fairness economic efficiency industry comparison workforce employment GDP contribution alternative industry funding European economic growth farm income support coal industry subsidies iron industry support EU financial priorities subsidy privilege rural development economic modernization policy reform government intervention market competitiveness Common Agricultural Policy EU budget allocation agricultural subsidies workforce proportion GDP contribution economic efficiency alternative industries economic growth subsidy comparison coal industry support iron industry support job preservation fairness of subsidies income support policy reform subsidy distribution European economy farm income CAP criticism sector privileges
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro02a	Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. hate speech law enforcement censorship liberalization obscenity trials publication standards social taboos stable society prosecution harm minorities prejudice defamation social isolation gangsta rap hip hop violent lyrics minority communities African-American Latin-American USA social division community trust social cohesion fear of crime negative stereotypes authenticity classification adjudication racial hatred religious hatred free speech media regulation Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash hate speech law enforcement censorship freedom of expression publishing standards obscenity trials Lady Chatterley trial Oz trial minority rights social taboos social cohesion vulnerable groups harm principle defamation group defamation propaganda prejudice violence freedom of speech liberal democracy racial hatred religious hatred Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash hip hop lyrics gangsta rap media representation minority communities stereotype discrimination public perception social division hate crime hate speech legislation legal standards cultural change music censorship authenticity social isolation criminality hate speech legal enforcement censorship obscenity trials publication standards freedom of expression social taboos minority protection fear of violence community defamation social isolation group libel hip hop lyrics gangsta rap racial stereotypes prejudice cultural harm social division minority representation trust and cohesion media regulation freedom of speech public safety propaganda criminality perceptions legal responses speech adjudication cultural impact defamation laws hate crime music censorship minority communities racial or religious hatred harm prevention free speech limitations Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash hate speech laws enforcement challenges hate speech censorship and freedom of speech Lady Chatterley obscenity trial Oz obscenity trial prosecution of hate speech print legal vs cultural taboos speech value of social taboos stability of society and taboos Jeremy Waldron hate speech Timothy Garton Ash hate speech harm of hate speech fear and violence minorities hate speech and group defamation propaganda in hate speech hate speech and social isolation gangsta rap hate speech controversial hip hop lyrics prosecution of rap lyrics rap music and social harm linking hip hop to hate speech impacts hate speech law enforcement censorship obscenity trials liberalisation publication standards prosecution taboos social stability harmful speech Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash group defamation social isolation gangsta rap hip hop violent lyrics minority communities racial prejudice fear of violence defamation cultural stereotyping music censorship free speech racial discrimination social cohesion crime perception authenticity in music liberal democracy racial hatred religious hatred speech adjudication hate speech laws legal enforcement of hate speech censorship standards UK Lady Chatterley obscenity trial Oz trial taboos in free speech free speech and minorities hate speech prosecution Jeremy Waldron hate speech harm Timothy Garton Ash free speech impact of hate speech on minorities defamation and hate speech group defamation law gangsta rap censorship hip hop and hate speech media stereotypes minorities violent rap lyrics law African-American community portrayal media cultural effect of hip hop social division music free speech vs. social harm regulation of music lyrics hate speech cultural standards racial prejudice hate speech censorship law enforcement obscenity trials publication standards legal prosecution free speech taboos stable society social harm minority communities violence prejudice defamation misinformation social isolation gangsta rap hip hop lyrics race relations stereotype cultural representation criminality trust social cohesion authenticity racial hatred religious hatred liberal democracy hate crime public order media regulation cultural impact freedom of expression social responsibility legal standards Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash hate speech law enforcement censorship free speech obscenity trials publication standards social taboos stable society legal prosecution minority protection psychological harm group defamation racial hatred social isolation gangsta rap hip hop censorship cultural representation African-American communities Latin-American communities community trust media representation violence in music prejudice social division fear of crime liberal democracy defamation in music authenticity in hip hop freedom of expression hate speech laws racial stereotyping social cohesion legal standards free speech vs hate speech music censorship moral standards racial prejudice hate speech censorship law enforcement obscenity trials publication standards taboos stable society social harm minority groups defamation group libel social isolation racial prejudice violence hip hop lyrics gangsta rap African-American communities Latin-American communities media portrayal stereotypes fear community trust social cohesion music censorship free speech liberal democracy hate crime public discourse cultural change vulnerable populations social division prejudice representation authenticity legal standards race relations minority rights harmful speech hate speech law enforcement censorship free speech freedom of expression obscenity trials Lady Chatterley Oz trial publication standards state prosecution legal regulation taboos stable society minority protection group defamation social isolation violence incitement prejudice vulnerable groups cultural change Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash legal challenges print media harmful speech gangsta rap hip hop lyrics racial stereotyping media portrayal African-American communities Latin-American communities social division community cohesion criminality perception violent music authenticity claims defamation in music
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 social media mental health teenagers social comparison envy self-esteem loneliness social isolation depression anxiety psychological well-being emotional health negative impact online behavior peer influence cyberpsychology digital communication social networking user satisfaction internet addiction youth development emotional distress Facebook effects social media addiction wellbeing mood disorders emotional impact adolescent psychology FOMO (fear of missing out) self-image mental wellness screen time social anxiety identity issues digital self-esteem online interactions social connectedness technology and health Facebook negative effects Facebook life satisfaction Facebook mental health Facebook depression Facebook anxiety Facebook self-esteem Facebook envy Facebook psychological impact social media negative impact social networking sites harm Facebook teenagers Facebook social isolation Facebook well-being Facebook and youth social media mental health Facebook negative behavior Facebook emotional impact social media children health Facebook loneliness Facebook peer comparison Facebook edited photos Facebook use consequences social media depression Facebook satisfaction decline social network daily use social media psychological disorders Facebook health effects Facebook user survey social comparison Facebook social media mental health life satisfaction Facebook negative effects teenage self-esteem online envy social comparison social isolation psychological disorders anxiety depression emotional well-being online behavior digital addiction peer comparison adolescent mental health negative social media impact social networking sites self-image loneliness social skills cyberpsychology youth social media use emotional impact of Facebook digital socialization unhealthy comparisons Facebook negative effects social media harms teenagers life satisfaction social media Facebook and self-esteem Facebook isolation effects envy on social networks social comparison Facebook social media mental health Facebook anxiety depression Facebook psychological disorders impact of Facebook on youth social networking behavior change Facebook and adolescent well-being Facebook use and depression social media compared to real socialization Facebook addiction life satisfaction negative impacts of online socialization teen self-esteem Facebook Facebook envy impact mental health risks Facebook social media impact Facebook negative effects teenage mental health online socialization social comparison envy on Facebook self-esteem decline adolescent isolation friendship difficulties behavior change social networks anxiety social networks depression teenagers psychological disorders social media youth life satisfaction harmful effects Facebook emotional well-being Facebook addiction cyberbullying digital detox mental health statistics social media poll results peer pressure social networks doctored images online envy adolescent mental health studies Facebook research negative emotions social media teenagers online behavior social networking sites impact youth psychological health negative effects of Facebook on teenagers social media and mental health Facebook and life satisfaction Facebook and self-esteem social networking site impact on behavior Facebook and teenage anxiety Facebook and depression psychological effects of social media Facebook envy online socialization drawbacks Facebook and social isolation Facebook usage and happiness social media comparison effects negative impact of Facebook on youth Facebook and psychological disorders social media and self-esteem issues Facebook and adolescent well-being daily Facebook use and mental health Facebook influence on friendship social media and emotional health Facebook mental health life satisfaction social media teenagers adolescents online socialization envy self-esteem social isolation peer comparison doctored photographs achievement amplification psychological effects anxiety depression negative impact behavior change social networking sites emotional well-being social comparison youth mental health friendship difficulties self-image psychological disorders Facebook addiction cyberbullying FOMO (fear of missing out) social anxiety digital communication loneliness teen social media use internet use consequences online behavior social media impact adolescent psychology Facebook negative effects Facebook life satisfaction social media envy social media self-esteem Facebook depression Facebook anxiety teenagers social media impacts online socialization harm social comparison Facebook psychological effects social media Facebook isolation mental health social networks youth and Facebook Facebook and friendships Facebook well-being Facebook self-esteem loss social media behavior change Facebook negative statistics Facebook psychological disorders Facebook addiction Facebook depression studies Facebook and loneliness Facebook mental health studies social media youth research social networking sites negative effects Facebook emotional effects Facebook anxiety teenagers youth online behavior Facebook mental health risks Facebook use negative impact life satisfaction Facebook social media mental health teenagers psychological impact self-esteem social isolation online envy social comparison anxiety depression emotional well-being social networking adolescent health peer influence social behavior Facebook addiction cyberbullying social media effects youth behavior psychological disorders social relationships digital socialization screen time effects social media and happiness negative emotions social media impact Facebook negative effects mental health teenage well-being online envy self-esteem social isolation anxiety depression psychological disorders youth behavior social comparison life satisfaction decline social networking risks technology and well-being social media addiction cyberbullying digital mental health adolescent development emotional health online behavior change
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con03a	Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. racial profiling counterterrorism airport security ethnic discrimination Muslim stereotyping civil liberties air marshal effectiveness terrorist recruitment radicalization prejudice security policy aviation threats institutional racism anti-Muslim bias law enforcement tactics marginalised communities social cohesion terrorism prevention airport screening security measures racial profiling counterterrorism airport security discrimination terrorism recruitment radicalization air marshals undercover security ethnic minorities Muslim communities security effectiveness passenger rights civil liberties security theater institutional prejudice terrorist propaganda security policies aviation safety bias in law enforcement social cohesion profiling terrorism prejudice discrimination Muslims marginalised groups ethnic minorities air security airport security air marshals radicalisation terrorist propaganda security measures counterterrorism institutional bias legitimacy ineffective policies racial profiling Islamophobia societal impact youth radicalisation passenger screening civil liberties flight safety law enforcement counterproductive threat perception airline security police presence stereotype deterrence effects of profiling on terrorism profiling and Muslim communities marginalised groups prejudice in security air marshal effectiveness threats to airline safety profiling vs actual security measures radicalization and institutional prejudice impact of profiling on youth radicalisation profiling legitimacy for terrorist propaganda alternatives to ethnic profiling in security effectiveness of air marshals in counterterrorism profiling and terrorist recruitment racial profiling in airport security prejudice reinforcement and terrorism profiling and community trust negative outcomes of security profiling profiling ineffectiveness in airlines profiling and legitimacy of extremist narratives profiling counterterrorism Islamophobia ethnic prejudice air marshals racial profiling airport security radicalisation terrorism propaganda discrimination in airports aviation security security effectiveness civil liberties marginalized groups security theater risk assessment anti-terrorism policies Muslim discrimination legitimacy of prejudice youth radicalisation ineffective security psychological impact counterproductive security measures racial profiling terrorism airport security profiling impact of profiling on Muslims ethnic profiling and radicalization profiling and terrorist recruitment effectiveness of air marshals alternative aviation security measures anti-Muslim bias security prejudice and terrorism links airport security discrimination profiling reinforcing terrorist propaganda effectiveness of profiling fighting terrorism profiling marginalised groups counterterrorism security balance institutional prejudice terrorism civil liberties aviation security perception of Muslims security checks ethnic groups airport screenings profiling and young radicalization profiling ineffectiveness terrorism racial profiling counterterrorism Muslim discrimination ethnic prejudice stereotyping airport security air marshals radicalization terrorist propaganda marginalization civil liberties Islamophobia security measures flight safety law enforcement anti-terrorism policy bias effectiveness of profiling social cohesion community trust youth radicalisation airport screening prejudice institutionalisation recruitment tactics security ineffectiveness profiling and terrorism ethnic profiling airports anti-Muslim prejudice security air travel security effectiveness air marshals impact terrorism security stereotypes airports radicalisation and prejudice airline security racial profiling counterterrorism strategies efficacy of air marshals root causes of radicalisation discriminatory security practices marginalised groups airport security airport security bias effects terrorism recruitment propaganda prejudice radicalisation security policy and civil rights stereotypes and counterterrorism profiling consequences terrorism airport security alternatives prejudice terrorism cycle profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims marginalised groups ethnic discrimination airport security air marshals counter-terrorism radicalisation terrorist propaganda racial profiling security measures civil liberties law enforcement flight safety institutional bias stereotype threat policy effectiveness social cohesion discrimination youth radicalisation racial assumptions anti-terrorism strategies racial profiling counterterrorism Muslim discrimination ethnic bias airport security air marshals radicalisation terrorist recruitment prejudice civil liberties securitization anti-Muslim sentiment law enforcement terrorism prevention security measures policy impact social justice identity politics discrimination consequences radical propaganda
test-international-aghwrem-con03a	Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. re-engagement reform movement Myanmar Burma military junta civilian government international pressure domestic pressure human rights violations fair constitution democratic elections pro-democracy political influence sanctions nominal change transitional government regime legitimacy political reform constitutional process political transition ruling elite accountability justice democratization political liberalization electoral reforms civil society international relations foreign policy sanctions policy authoritarianism regime change re-engagement reform movement military junta nominal civilian government international pressure domestic pressure meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections Myanmar ruling elite nominal change international political arena pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence sanctions Burma authoritarian regime democratic transition political reforms human rights abuses transitional government Burma politics BBC news Thanegi Ma reform movement Myanmar Burma military junta civilian government international pressure domestic pressure nominal change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections political reform pro-democracy supporters political influence constitutional process sanctions international relations regime legitimacy democratization political transition human rights political repression election monitoring transitional justice governance rule of law authoritarianism civil society Western sanctions Myanmar reform movement implications consequences of international re-engagement Myanmar impact of nominal civilian government Myanmar pressures on Myanmar military junta strengthening democratic reforms Myanmar fair constitution Myanmar human rights Myanmar justice legitimate elections Myanmar risks of early re-engagement Myanmar signal to Myanmar ruling elite international response Myanmar political reforms support for Myanmar pro-democracy activists effectiveness of sanctions Myanmar concerns with partial reforms Myanmar Thanegi Ma Burma sanctions analysis BBC news Myanmar reforms betrayal of Myanmar democracy movement exclusion from constitutional process Myanmar limited political influence Myanmar dissidents sustaining international pressure Myanmar meaningful change Myanmar governance Myanmar Burma military junta re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure civilian government democratic transition human rights violations justice fair constitution democratic elections pro-democracy movement sanctions political reform nominal change constitutional process political influence ruling elite political legitimacy international relations transitional justice authoritarian regime political opposition civil society Thanegi Ma BBC News Myanmar reform movement military junta civilian government international pressure Myanmar domestic pressure reform meaningful political change Myanmar fair constitution Myanmar human rights violations Myanmar justice perpetrators Myanmar democratic elections Myanmar nominal change Myanmar global political legitimacy Myanmar pro-democracy supporters Myanmar Myanmar constitutional process political influence Myanmar Burma sanctions debate international re-engagement consequences reform movement weakened Myanmar Thanegi Ma Burma sanctions BBC news Myanmar political reform challenges Myanmar sustaining reforms Myanmar Myanmar Burma military junta civilian government democratic reform human rights international pressure domestic pressure constitutional change fair constitution justice human rights violations democratic elections pro-democracy constitutional process political influence sanctions international political arena ruling elite nominal change piecemeal reform transitional government political repression accountability dictatorship regime change civil liberties electoral integrity transitional justice Burmese politics Myanmar reform military junta nominal civilian government international pressure domestic pressure fair constitution human rights violations justice for perpetrators democratic elections Myanmar ruling elite pro-democracy supporters constitutional process Myanmar political influence Myanmar sanctions on Burma Myanmar democracy movement international political arena meaningful political change transitional government Myanmar human rights Myanmar Burma reforms regime legitimacy democracy advocacy Myanmar Burmese military regime electoral reform Myanmar justice Myanmar. Myanmar democracy military junta civilian government international pressure domestic pressure fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections political reform nominal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence international relations sanctions Burma political transition human rights advocacy democratic transition authoritarian regime Myanmar military junta reform movement international pressure domestic pressure civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite nominal change political reform pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions transitional government regime legitimacy political sanctions democratization international relations political transition governance reforms
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con02a	There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. individualized labour standards implementation of standards international labour standards relevance developing nations trade union rights formal employment informal workforce India labour laws subsistence farming workforce diversity context-specific standards flexible labour regulation alternative to subsistence farming economic development labour standards adaptation donor policies global labour diversity core labour conventions tailored labour policies labour standards improvement individualized labour standards flexible labour policies context-specific labour regulations formal vs informal employment labour standards in developing countries international labour standards relevance core labour conventions India trade union rights informal workforce labour law coverage subsistence farming labour standards flexibility economic development donor policies one-size-fits-all labour standards tailoring standards to local contexts labour standards improvement labour regulation global diversity labour policies developing nations alternative livelihoods labour rights enforcement non-formal employment protections individualized labour standards implementation challenges international labour standards relevance developing countries core conventions trade union rights informal employment legal coverage subsistence farming workforce composition context-specific standards labour improvement economic alternatives low labour standards benefits global economic diversity donor policies development assistance formal vs informal sector ratification barriers country-specific needs individualised labour standards developing countries implementation of labour standards in India relevance of international labour standards to developing economies core ILO conventions and formal employment informal workforce and legal protections labour standards and subsistence farming situation-specific labour regulations alternative livelihoods to subsistence farming flexible standards for diverse economies effectiveness of one-size-fits-all labour policies economic development and labour standards donors’ roles in labour standards transition from subsistence farming to formal employment limitations of trade union rights in informal sectors context-based international labour standards benefits of tailored labour policies for development legal frameworks for informal workers challenges of ratifying international individualised standards international labour standards developing countries implementation challenges trade union rights formal employment informal sector subsistence farming core conventions legal provisions workforce demographics context-specific solutions one size fits all development policy donor strategies labor market diversity flexible regulations economic development ratification challenges labor law relevance subsistence economy incremental improvement adaptive standards policy adjustment labor standards effectiveness individualised labour standards implementation of labour standards relevance of international labour standards labour standards in developing countries trade union rights India formal vs informal employment legal coverage for workers subsistence farming workforce alternative to subsistence farming context-specific labour standards flexible standards for developing economies donor approaches labour policy global labour standards diversity development and labour standards one size fits all global economy benefits of low labour standards economic development labour policy labour standards ratification improving workforce conditions developing world adapting standards for subsistence economies individualized standards labor standards international labor standards developing nations implementation formal employment informal workforce core conventions trade union rights India labor laws legal provisions subsistence farming workforce diversity situation-specific problems low labor standards economic improvement alternative livelihoods global economy diversity donor recognition development assistance poverty reduction one size fits all workforce regulation employment protection developing economies ratification labor law relevance workforce formalization employment standards agricultural labor individualised labour standards international labour standards developing nations India labour rights conventions informal workforce legal coverage trade union rights developing countries subsistence farming labour standards context-specific labour regulation impact of labour standards on developing economies alternative livelihood subsistence farming flexible labour standards global economy donor policies labour development tailored labour reform employment protection informal sector relevance core conventions developing nations improving labour conditions developing countries individualised standards international labour standards developing nations India core conventions trade union rights formal employment informal workforce legal provisions subsistence farming situation-specific standards low labour standards labour alternatives economic development donor recognition global economy diversity labour policy ratification workforce diversity standard implementation context-sensitive solutions international labour standards developing nations individualized standards trade union rights formal employment informal workforce subsistence farming labour law applicability core labour conventions worker protection economic development policy implementation context-specific standards global workforce diversity development aid donor policies alternative livelihoods flexible labour regulations poverty alleviation workforce transition labour market reforms benefits of development one size fits all policies labour standards relevance legal coverage of workers
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con01a	In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, official English English-only movement language policy Hispanic immigrants assimilation linguistic minorities language legislation Spanish speakers discrimination cultural identity national language immigration policy language rights Americanization social integration minority rights anti-immigrant sentiment historical context language restriction multiculturalism language assimilation civil rights xenophobia ethnic targeting language politics language and identity official English language English-only movement language policy linguistic assimilation Hispanic immigrants language legislation cultural integration minority languages discrimination Spanish speakers language rights ethnic targeting language identity anti-immigrant sentiment Americanization language-based exclusion social cohesion immigrant communities legislative impact language and assimilation educational effects language stigmatization language and bullying language politics English Plus movement national language debate official English English Only movement language policy language legislation Hispanic immigrants language assimilation linguistic discrimination anti-immigrant sentiment Spanish speakers language rights cultural assimilation immigrant integration minority languages English Plus World War I language laws German immigrants language and identity language and nationalism language stigma language-based bullying language-based discrimination national language policies U.S. language debates multiculturalism language politics xenophobia ethnolinguistic groups lobbying groups immigrant alienation language unity language legislation effects English-only movement and Hispanic immigrants impact of official English laws on Hispanic communities language policy and minority rights in America historical context of English as official language in the U.S. assimilation and alienation effects of language laws discrimination against non-English speakers in the U.S. anti-immigrant sentiment and language legislation language identity and national unity in the United States public opinion on official English laws targeting Hispanics social consequences of stigmatizing Spanish speakers bullying and discrimination in schools over language lobbying for national language laws in the U.S. German immigrants and language controversies in World War I Hispanic population and assimilation debates English Only Movement official language legislation language assimilation Hispanic immigrants language discrimination linguistic minorities language policy USA English language politics anti-immigrant sentiment language rights Spanish speakers cultural assimilation minority rights sociolinguistics USA history of language policy xenophobia integration challenges educational impacts immigrant communities language and identity language-based bullying language diversity nationalism and language immigration policy minority alienation official English language debate English-only movement impact on Hispanic immigrants language policy United States linguistic assimilation immigrant discrimination Spanish speakers stigmatization history of English language laws anti-immigrant sentiment language and national identity effects on Hispanic community language legislation controversy minority language rights cultural assimilation policies education and language discrimination lobbying for official language multilingualism in America language and xenophobia English Plus vs English Only historical context language laws immigration and language politics English Only Movement official language legislation language policy Hispanic immigrants language discrimination assimilation linguistic minorities identity politics nationalism xenophobia language rights cultural assimilation language-based bullying Spanish speakers immigrant integration ethnic targeting language laws language stigmatization anti-immigrant sentiment minority rights English Plus movement social exclusion language and education discrimination against non-English speakers language and politics US language history lobbying groups Hispanic alienation assimilation arguments language and national identity official English language debate English Only movement language policy United States Hispanic immigrants discrimination language assimilation America anti-immigrant legislation US US language politics Spanish speakers stigma language and identity US World War I language laws linguistic minorities USA English language legislation immigrant integration United States cultural assimilation policies bullying Hispanic students discrimination non-English speakers English Plus movement language rights America ethnic targeting language laws US national language controversy official English language language policy United States English-only movement Hispanic immigrants language assimilation linguistic discrimination Spanish speakers minority languages cultural assimilation language and identity sociolinguistics anti-immigrant sentiment language legislation US historical language policy national language debate immigrant integration minority alienation English Plus language rights bilingual education language and prejudice cultural unity language-based bullying language and public policy ethnic targeting multilingualism US official English English-only movement language policy Hispanic immigrants language discrimination assimilation linguistic minorities cultural integration language legislation Spanish speakers national identity xenophobia anti-immigrant sentiment minority rights education policy language stigma social cohesion ethnic relations assimilation policy immigrant integration language diversity language and identity U.S. language laws racialization multiculturalism language rights immigrant communities social exclusion
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro05a	Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, organ donation donor awareness organ shortage transplant waiting list increase donors donor registration media influence organ transplant statistics donor cards public awareness campaigns voluntary donations saving lives altruistic donation deceased donors organ donation benefits donation rates organ donor recruitment family consent national transplant programs donation promotion health campaigns organ matching waiting time reduction organ donation policies patient stories organ donation donor awareness increasing donors public awareness campaigns organ transplant donor cards voluntary organ donation saving lives transplant waiting lists UK organ donation Germany organ donation organ shortage donation statistics media influence heart-breaking donation stories individual sacrifice promoting organ donation donor registration donation rates waiting time for transplants organ donation donor awareness increasing donors transplant waiting list raise awareness campaigns media influence donor registration organ shortage donor cards voluntary organ donation donor recruitment public education global organ needs donation rates organ donor myths legislative solutions altruistic donation organ matching family consent transplantation benefits organ donation awareness campaigns increasing organ donor registration impact of media on organ donation emotional stories organ donation strategies to boost organ donations shortage of organ donors statistics global organ transplant needs saving lives through organ donation societal benefits of organ donation donor card registration rates voluntary organ donation impact improving organ donation rates UK improving organ donation rates Germany addressing organ donor waitlists incentives for organ donation public perception of organ donation ethical considerations organ donation ways to encourage organ donation barriers to organ donation successful organ donation campaigns organ donation awareness organ donor shortage transplant waiting lists increasing organ donors donor registration campaigns media influence on donation public health education promoting donor cards living vs deceased donation ethical issues in organ donation international organ donation statistics donation consent laws opt-in vs opt-out systems family decision in donation motivational stories organ donors organ donation UK organ donation Germany impact of public awareness on donations supply and demand in organ transplants volunteer organ donation reducing transplant waiting times organ donation awareness increase in organ donors organ transplant statistics organ donor shortages UK organ transplant waitlist Germany organ donation rates donor card registration impact of media on donations stories of donor sacrifices motivating organ donation voluntary organ donation raising awareness for organ donation saving lives through organ donation global need for organ donors solutions to organ donor shortages organ donation donor awareness increasing donations transplant waiting list UK organ transplants Germany organ donation donor shortage voluntary donation donor cards saving lives media influence heart-breaking stories public awareness campaigns donation statistics organ availability transplant recipients donor registration reducing waiting times organ supply NHS international comparisons donation rates organ donor programs public health ethical donation organ donation awareness increase organ donors transplant waiting list UK organ transplants organ donation statistics organ donor shortage Germany organ donation voluntary organ donation saving lives with organ donation donor card registration encourage organ donation media stories organ donation donor family sacrifice organ donation campaigns global organ donation needs increasing organ donations organ recipient waiting time organ donation solutions ethical issues organ donation public education organ donation organ donation awareness increase donors organ shortage transplant waiting list donor registration donation statistics media influence donor card signup saving lives voluntary organ donation UK organ transplants Germany organ donors public awareness campaigns donation rates organ transplant necessity organ donor stories altruistic donation impact of media reducing wait times life-saving transplants organ donation donor awareness transplant waiting lists donor registration organ shortage public awareness campaigns media influence altruistic donation consent to donate donor cards life-saving transplants voluntary donation organ donation statistics UK organ donation Germany organ donation organ donor shortage donation rates organ donation promotion medical ethics saving lives
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro03a	Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. China Taiwan PRC recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé and Príncipe global population democracy international recognition population imbalance one China policy African countries East Asia peace Taiwan independence United Nations international law cross-strait relations sovereignty foreign policy small states diplomacy international justice superpower influence world politics geopolitical strategy PRC recognition Taiwan recognition São Tomé foreign policy population and international recognition one China policy China-Taiwan relations diplomatic recognition of China diplomatic recognition of Taiwan Africa China relations global population distribution East Asia peace international diplomacy small states foreign policy Taiwan sovereignty China diplomatic pressure cross-Strait relations United Nations Taiwan Taiwan independence diplomatic isolation Taiwan world population influence population diplomacy international recognition diplomatic recognition China-Taiwan relations PRC recognition Taiwan sovereignty global governance majority rule United Nations East Asian peace São Tomé and Príncipe foreign policy small countries diplomacy one-China policy world population influence Taiwan international status global justice international law minority representation cross-strait relations state recognition impact diplomatic imbalance China diplomatic recognition PRC vs Taiwan recognition one China policy debate international recognition of Taiwan population-based international relations Africa China relations São Tomé foreign policy global democracy and UN representation small states and great powers East Asia peace and stability legitimacy of state recognition justice in international recognition population and UN voting power global political imbalances cross-strait relations influence of China in Africa consequences of Taiwan recognition diplomatic pressure from China shifting alliances in world politics small countries in global diplomacy Beijing's one-China principle China Taiwan population imbalance international recognition São Tomé and Príncipe East Asia peace PRC diplomatic relations global democracy small African countries one-China policy Taiwan independence international politics world population recognition transfer United Nations cross-strait relations geopolitical justice diplomatic isolation minority rights human rights sovereignty reunification majority rule global influence global south superpower influence population diplomacy Taiwan recognition PRC diplomatic policy China relations African countries foreign policy international recognition Taiwan São Tomé China relations East Asia peace diplomatic imbalance global democracy population Taiwan reunification arguments legitimacy of PRC global south foreign policy one China principle international justice population small country diplomacy Taiwan China conflict transfer of recognition world population politics United Nations Taiwan China PRC Taiwan diplomatic recognition United Nations population imbalance one China policy international relations São Tomé and Príncipe East Asia peace sovereignty disputes cross-strait relations global justice democratic principles international diplomacy small vs large nations country recognition global population world politics Taiwan independence Chinese reunification Taiwan recognition PRC recognition One-China policy international relations São Tomé and Príncipe Taiwan China population diplomatic recognition East Asia peace global democracy Taiwan China conflict UN recognition Taiwan Africa China relations diplomatic pressure cross-strait relations small countries diplomacy global south China policy Taiwan isolation PRC influence Africa China soft power world population diplomacy population international recognition Taiwan PRC China diplomatic relations São Tomé East Asia peace democracy global justice sovereignty United Nations geopolitical influence majority rule small countries world population distribution one-China policy international law recognition policy cross-strait relations ethical diplomacy global representation international politics country recognition criteria Taiwan PRC China diplomatic recognition one-China policy international relations population imbalance United Nations São Tomé East Asia global politics cross-strait relations Taiwanese independence China-Africa relations justice in recognition small countries diplomacy world population geopolitical balance peace in Asia sovereignty international law
test-international-epvhwhranet-con01a	Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. EU integration parliamentary ratification direct democracy referendum history treaty ratification EU decision-making representative democracy legislative authority democratic legitimacy public participation historical precedents policy impact Maastricht Treaty implications Single Market creation economic integration sovereignty transfer political accountability popular consent supranational governance national sovereignty European Union treaties parliamentary ratification direct democracy referendums single market European integration Maastricht Treaty legislative process political legitimacy democratic deficit policy-making supranational governance economic regulation immigration policy monetary policy treaty significance public consultation representative democracy constitutional change decision-making authority historical precedents institutional reforms elite consensus policy impact majority voting progressive reform EU treaty ratification European referendums parliamentary approval single market act Maastricht Treaty economic regulation immigration policy monetary union democratic legitimacy historical precedent political integration treaty significance legislative process public vote supranational authority policy-making sovereignty transfer referendum necessity historical precedence parliamentary ratification of major treaties public voting on EU treaties significance of EU treaty changes impact of Maastricht Treaty Single Market Act public vote rationale for avoiding referenda consequences of popular vote on progress decision-making in treaty ratification comparison referendum vs parliamentary approval public consent in treaty law democratic legitimacy of treaty ratification historical patterns of EU treaty approvals role of public opinion in treaty process justification against referenda for less significant changes treaty ratification parliamentary approval popular vote referendum EU integration Single European Act Maastricht Treaty economic regulation immigration policy monetary policy democratic legitimacy legislative authority direct democracy historical precedent governance decision-making process sovereignty public consent European Union treaties policy impact electoral processes EU treaty ratification parliamentary approval of treaties history of EU referendums significance of treaty changes role of public voting in EU decisions implications of not holding referendums democratic legitimacy in EU impact of 1986 Single Market Act Maastricht Treaty consequences sovereignty transfer in EU public opinion on EU integration precedent for treaty approval methods comparison of referendum use decision-making in European Union constitutional changes without referendums legitimacy of parliamentary decisions impacts on national sovereignty evolution of EU powers referendums vs parliamentary ratification historical context of EU governance treaty ratification parliamentary approval referendums EU integration historical precedents Single Market Act Maastricht Treaty economic regulation immigration policy monetary policy legislative process voter participation democratic legitimacy policy consequences institutional change public consultation decision-making authority representative democracy constitutional change precedent cases governmental authority societal progress majority voting popular consent supranational governance historical treaty ratification parliamentary approval EU treaty history Maastricht Treaty debate Single European Act referendum vs parliament democratic legitimacy public consent treaty significance constitutional change process popular vote exclusion EU integration history legislative authority political representation sovereignty transfer direct democracy indirect democracy historical precedents decision making in EU voting mechanisms treaty consequences governmental decision making public participation in treaties European Union governance institutional change policymaking process historical context treaties legislative ratification EU treaty ratification parliamentary approval direct democracy referendums single market creation Maastricht Treaty economic regulation immigration policy monetary union historical precedent democratic legitimacy legislative authority representative democracy decision-making process public participation political progress significance of treaties majority voting government authority supranational governance constitutional changes EU treaty ratification parliamentary approval public referendum democratic legitimacy Maastricht Treaty significance Single European Act EU policy changes public participation EU integration history direct democracy representative democracy European Union decision-making constitutional changes political accountability treaty consequences supranational authority national sovereignty legislative process voting systems historical precedents
test-international-iighbopcc-pro03a	It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, climate change global warming temperature rise two degrees Celsius Paris Agreement emission reductions climate policy carbon cuts climate commitments UNFCCC binding agreements greenhouse gases ambitious targets post-2030 actions 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius safe temperature limit climate action climate negotiations international climate agreements global response climate change global warming temperature targets Paris Agreement climate policy emissions reductions greenhouse gases 2 degrees Celsius 1.5 degree goal international climate commitments UNFCCC binding emissions cuts climate ambition carbon neutrality global temperature rise mitigation strategies backsliding prevention climate action decarbonization climate negotiations post-2030 climate targets climate pledges IPCC recommendations net zero emissions climate treaty enforcement climate change two degrees Celsius global warming Paris Agreement temperature rise emission reductions climate policy binding targets climate commitments UNFCCC greenhouse gases carbon emissions mitigation climate ambition international agreements 2.7 degrees scenario 3.5 degrees scenario climate targets policy enforcement climate negotiations decarbonization adaptation strategies global response climate action temperature limit climate change agreement expansion Paris Agreement temperature goals global warming targets consequences of 2.7 degree Celsius rise impacts of 3.5 degree Celsius warming binding emissions cuts climate policy ambition implications of non-binding agreements future climate commitments after 2030 preventing backsliding on climate commitments safe limits for global warming effectiveness of climate agreements UNFCCC climate targets critique of international climate policy strengthening climate action climate change global warming temperature rise two degrees Celsius Paris Agreement emission cuts international climate policy UNFCCC greenhouse gases binding commitments climate targets 2030 pledges COP21 2.7 degrees scenario 3.5 degrees projection post-2030 measures climate ambition climate negotiations backsliding prevention environmental policy Nick Nuttall UN press release Joe Romm climate action thinkprogress media reporting climate safe temperature threshold climate agreements global emissions trajectory climate urgency environmental regulations climate change agreements two degrees Celsius target global warming limits Paris Agreement temperature goal climate policy ambition temperature rise projections UNFCCC climate commitments carbon emissions reduction binding emission cuts international climate negotiations 2.7 degrees Celsius scenario 3.5 degree global warming risk backsliding climate action stricter climate measures future emission targets deep decarbonization climate change mitigation global temperature stabilization climate change urgency climate change global warming temperature rise two degrees Celsius Paris Agreement climate policy greenhouse gas emissions carbon reduction 2.7 degrees scenario 3.5 degrees projection UNFCCC international climate commitments emission cuts climate targets binding agreements climate ambition environmental policy Nick Nuttall Joe Romm IPCC future climate impacts policy enforcement post-2030 commitments sustainability global response backsliding prevention climate change global warming two degrees Celsius temperature rise Paris Agreement emission cuts climate targets UNFCCC binding climate commitments post-2030 climate policy climate ambition temperature limit 2.7 degrees scenario 3.5 degrees warming climate policy effectiveness climate action international climate policy climate agreements climate backsliding environmental targets decarbonization Net Zero climate urgency global emissions COP21 climate negotiations United Nations climate response mitigation strategies carbon reduction climate adaptation climate change Paris Agreement global warming temperature target 2 degrees Celsius emission cuts carbon reduction binding commitments climate policy UNFCCC international agreements post-2030 targets climate ambition backsliding prevention greenhouse gas emissions scientific consensus climate mitigation global response policy enforcement future projections climate action climate change Paris Agreement temperature rise greenhouse gas emissions global warming targets 2 degrees Celsius climate commitments emission reductions binding agreements UNFCCC climate policy ambitious climate action carbon footprint international climate negotiations temperature thresholds mitigation strategies climate backsliding post-2030 targets environmental agreements climate adaptation climate science
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro04a	Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust denial hate speech pornography political polemic speech acts physical acts causal link rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism dangerous agendas Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism World War II revisionism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy theories Nazi crimes free speech limitations historical revisionism incitement to violence extremism propaganda misinformation Holocaust education denialism consequences hate crime legislation Holocaust denial hate speech pornography speech acts physical acts causality incitement dangerous ideologies scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism World War II revisionism historical negationism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism conspiracy theories freedom of speech censorship dangerous speech hate crimes insurrection media ethics moral responsibility political polemic rape causation propaganda extremist views legitimization of denial war crimes denial social harm historical truth Holocaust denial speech acts physical acts causal links pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas dangerous ideologies Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism World War II war of liberation western colonialism conspiracy theories anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimizing denial denialism freedom of speech historical revisionism misinformation propaganda extremist rhetoric social harm accountability public debate memory laws Holocaust denial effects speech acts and violence links between speech and physical acts pornography and crime correlation hate speech and hate crimes political polemic and insurrection scientific creationism dangers Holocaust denial agenda Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism and WWII Nanjing Massacre revisionism Holocaust denial and anti-Semitism Holocaust denial and neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy theories debating Holocaust denial legitimacy of Holocaust denial impact of Holocaust denial on society hate speech regulation history denial and extremism dangers of historical revisionism free speech limits and hate speech Holocaust denial speech acts physical acts causal link pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism World War II war of liberation western colonialism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy historical revisionism dangerous ideologies freedom of speech censorship media influence extremism denialism propaganda moral responsibility Holocaust denial hate speech consequences pornography and violence link speech acts physical acts scientific creationism dangers Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism hidden agendas of denialism effects of hate speech political polemic violence insurrection speech link legitimizing denial debate conspiracy theories Holocaust dangers of denial movements war crime denial impacts Western colonialism narratives free speech limits hate denialism social harm Holocaust denial anti-Semitism Holocaust denial hate speech speech acts theory pornography effects political polemic causal links hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism dangerous ideologies Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism WWII revisionism historical negationism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism conspiracy theories freedom of speech censorship dangerous speech consequences war crimes denial historical revisionism propaganda fringe beliefs societal harm legitimacy of debate moral responsibility hate ideology dangerous narratives Holocaust denial Holocaust revisionism hate speech consequences free speech limitations pornography and violence political extremism scientific creationism dangers Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese WWII revisionism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism conspiracy theories denialism historical revisionism hate crimes insurrection rhetoric radical political speech dangerous ideologies limits of debate apologism for atrocities modern militarism historical accountability sociology of denial propaganda effects incitement to violence harmful speech acts Holocaust denial hate speech free speech limitations pornography debates causal relationship speech violence scientific creationism Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism conspiracy theories war crimes denial political polemic insurrection incitement hate crimes historical revisionism dangerous ideologies extremist rhetoric propaganda speech regulation moral responsibility authoritarianism denialism misinformation public debate ethics Holocaust denial neo-Nazism anti-Semitism hate speech free speech limits disinformation conspiracy theories historical revisionism Nanjing Massacre denial Japanese militarism scientific creationism dangerous ideologies hate crimes pornography and violence causal link speech and action political polemic propaganda war crimes denial extremist movements memory laws ethics of debate speech regulation dangerous speech violence incitement freedom of expression education against denial social consequences historical truth denialism prevention
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro03a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. nuclear weapons agenda-setting power international stage United Nations Security Council UNSC nuclear powers world order international clout military capacity international relations non-proliferation agreements nuclear proliferation fairness arms control military imbalance international forums global governance state sovereignty balance of power security dilemma nuclear club post-World War II deterrence international hierarchy conventional militaries defense capability equality among states global politics nuclear deterrence military dominance global justice international equality nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation balance of power nuclear non-proliferation United Nations Security Council military capacity international relations global power dynamics nuclear monopoly nuclear parity arms race international law collective security international fairness post-World War II order nuclear disarmament strategic stability nuclear club international inequality state sovereignty crisis bargaining small state security nuclear equality power projection fairness in armament nuclear proliferation international relations United Nations Security Council nuclear deterrence global power dynamics military capacity international equality nonproliferation treaties world order post-World War II nuclear monopoly state sovereignty international forums arms control security dilemma military imbalance nuclear capabilities state autonomy international influence strategic stability nuclear weapons international agenda-setting nuclear powers global influence United Nations Security Council nuclear states nuclear weapons and international clout military capacity state interactions non-proliferation fairness debate post-World War II nuclear order nuclear club exclusivity nuclear proliferation and global equality nuclear arms and self-defense international status nuclear weapons leveling global power imbalance rights to nuclear development small states nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons and international fairness historical nuclear dominance nuclear weapons equal treatment arguments for nuclear armament balance of power nuclear weapons crisis bargaining nuclear threats nuclear weapons agenda-setting power international stage international forums United Nations Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II permanent membership military capacity international clout world order fairness non-proliferation agreements nuclear club small nations nuclear proliferation balance of power signaling crisis bargaining arms control self-defense conventional militaries international relations state sovereignty nuclear deterrence power imbalance global security nuclear parity international equality security dilemma Brookings Institution nuclear blackmail international law nuclear arms race nuclear disarmament nuclear weapons international influence agenda-setting power nuclear states United Nations Security Council nuclear powers nuclear proliferation fairness nuclear weapon equality international clout nuclear arms imbalance nuclear-armed states post-World War II nuclear order non-proliferation agreement critique nuclear club exclusivity military capacity global politics state self-defense nuclear weapons nuclear arms small states nuclear deterrence equality leveling global playing field right to nuclear weapons international order nuclear dominance nuclear weapon proliferation debate nuclear inequality power dynamics nuclear states nuclear weapons deterrence international relations agenda-setting United Nations Security Council permanent members nuclear powers global governance military capacity international clout power imbalance non-proliferation Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) nuclear club global order post-World War II fairness arms control self-defense conventional military state sovereignty crisis bargaining nuclear blackmail nuclear balance proliferation international security equality great powers international forums military dominance Brookings Institution signaling balance of power nuclear weapons international agenda-setting global power dynamics United Nations Security Council nuclear arms proliferation international forums post-World War II order nuclear powers military capacity state sovereignty nuclear imbalance nuclear non-proliferation treaties global security international clout nuclear parity conventional military disadvantage international fairness nuclear club exclusivity state defense capability equal nuclear rights level playing field signaling in international relations crisis bargaining model nuclear blackmail nuclear balance arms race strategic deterrence global inequality permanent UNSC membership historical anachronism small state security arms control nuclear proliferation international power dynamics agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear deterrence global governance non-proliferation treaties international fairness military balance post-World War II order nuclear inequality global security self-defense arms control nuclear exclusivity international relations state sovereignty conventional military disadvantage international law equal treatment of states nuclear legitimacy deterrence theory global power structure nuclear weapons international relations agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council permanent members global governance international forums military capacity great power politics nuclear proliferation non-proliferation treaties fairness equity arms control post-World War II order global security deterrence nuclear club small states state sovereignty international clout strategic advantage military imbalance defense capabilities power dynamics proliferation debates nuclear deterrence global equality international law security dilemma
test-economy-bepighbdb-con03a	Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, political regime economic development economic policy China economic policies free market government types dictatorship democracy autocracy economic growth South Korea economic takeoff democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth 1950-2000 economic miracle Franco regime Spain 1960s internationalization isolationist policies EU membership World Bank Atlas method comparative development government structure policy impact market liberalization regime change political system development outcomes economic reforms transition economies institutional factors economic dividends economic policy development political regime economic growth free market democracy dictatorship autocracy South Korea development China economic policy Spanish economic miracle Franco regime regime change market liberalization government role democratization industrialization economic reforms GNI per capita World Bank data trade openness economic institutions EU membership state-led development political institutions economic performance economic transition comparative development international economics policy effectiveness economic development political regime economic policy free market dictatorship democracy autocracy democratization China South Korea Spain economic growth GNI per capita 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist policies internationalization EU membership World Bank policy impact economic liberalization developmental state political system government form developmental success comparative analysis historical examples institutional factors market economy governance transition economies political regime impact on development economic policy versus political system China economic policy development free market and government forms dictatorship and economic growth democracy and economic growth South Korea economic takeoff autocracy South Korea economic growth democratization South Korea GNI per capita growth Spanish economic growth 1950-2000 Spain economic miracle 1960s Franco regime and economic policy Spain opening economy 1959 free market under authoritarian regimes EU membership and Spain economic growth World Bank GNI per capita data political institutions and economic development economic liberalization and growth market reforms under autocracy market political regimes economic policy development dictatorship democracy free market government systems China economic policy South Korea economic growth autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Franco regime economic miracle isolationist policies economic liberalization EU membership World Bank data comparative economic development political institutions economic reforms growth factors state intervention market liberalization political regime and economic development economic policy impact China economic growth free market policies government forms and economic success autocracy vs democracy development South Korea economic takeoff GNI per capita growth Spanish economic growth 1950-2000 Franco regime economy market liberalization in Spain EU membership and economic growth World Bank GNI data economic policy examples political system influence on development dictatorship economic performance democracy and economic progress international economic integration isolationist policies transition economies comparative political economy political regime economic development economic policy China free market dictatorship democracy government forms South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita economic growth Spanish economy 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist policies economic liberalization international trade EU membership World Bank development indicators policy impact authoritarianism economic reform market economy state intervention institutional quality modernization economic history industrialization political transition political regime impact on development economic policy effectiveness China economic policy free market policy government forms and economic growth dictatorship vs democracy economic growth South Korea economic development autocracy and democratization GNI per capita South Korea economic takeoff Spanish economic growth Spain 1950-2000 economic history Franco regime and economy Spanish economic miracle internationalization of Spanish economy EU membership economic impact World Bank GNI data political system and development government type and market policy economic liberalization examples economic growth under different regimes political regime development economic policy China free market dictatorship democracy government systems South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth 1950-2000 economic miracle Franco regime economic liberalization international economy EU membership World Bank data economic takeoff isolationist policy comparative economic development authoritarian growth democratic transitions economic outcomes political system effects political regimes economic development economic policy China economic policies free market democracy dictatorship government systems South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain economic growth Franco regime Spanish economic miracle economic liberalization EU membership isolationist policies World Bank development data government effectiveness market reforms economic takeoff institutional quality regime change
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con02a	Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. moral absolutes euthanasia right to die slippery slope assisted suicide medical ethics suicide legislation societal values universal acceptance mental health legal boundaries patient autonomy end-of-life choices depression terminal illness physician-assisted death dignity in dying equal access judicial review emotional distress suicide prevention palliative care ethical boundaries line-drawing problem consent vulnerable populations legislative intentions healthcare policy controversy patient rights assisted suicide euthanasia right to die moral absolutism slippery slope ethical boundaries medicalised death physician-assisted death suicide legislation mental health terminal illness suffering relief autonomy consent dignity in dying end-of-life choices societal impacts legalisation effects depression temporary distress vulnerable populations human rights palliative care safeguard measures suicide prevention ethical debates legal precedent healthcare ethics equality of access judicial intervention euthanasia assisted suicide right to die moral absolutism social ethics medical ethics slippery slope legislation patient autonomy universal rights mental health terminal illness depression legalisation end-of-life decisions physician-assisted suicide suicide prevention grief poverty addiction equality ethical boundaries public opinion health policy controversial legislation legal precedent safeguards vulnerable groups suicide methods societal acceptance moral absolutes and assisted suicide standardization of right to die expansion of euthanasia rights medicalized suicide access consequences of breaking moral boundaries slippery slope euthanasia argument universal right to die debate societal rejection of universal suicide rights arbitrariness in euthanasia legislation ethical boundaries in right to die laws effectiveness of suicide prevention laws contradictions in right to die policies euthanasia and mental health crises legislative intent and euthanasia dangers of incremental legalization equality of access to assisted suicide implications for vulnerable populations line drawing in euthanasia debates criticisms of selective euthanasia poverty and right to die euthanasia assisted suicide right to die slippery slope moral absolutism medical ethics legislation mental health terminal illness end-of-life rights societal attitudes universal acceptance universal ban palliative care suicide prevention healthcare policy legal arguments equality of approach autonomy patient rights euthanasia assisted suicide right to die slippery slope argument moral absolutism medical ethics suicide legalization end-of-life choices universal right to die societal impact of assisted suicide legislative challenges euthanasia mental health and euthanasia selective euthanasia policies terminal illness and suicide equality in assisted dying physician-assisted suicide suicide prevention law and ethics of euthanasia psychiatric euthanasia social consequences of right to die emergency room suicide moral boundaries in assisted dying dignity in dying healthcare regulation euthanasia moral absolutism euthanasia assisted suicide right to die slippery slope social norms legalisation medical ethics equality of access mental health terminal illness suicide legislation societal acceptance healthcare policy universal rights physician-assisted suicide ethical dilemmas societal impact grief addiction poverty end-of-life choices legislative challenges incrementalism legal precedent healthcare disparities autonomy patient rights mental competency legislative boundaries legal safeguards court cases subjective suffering moral relativism judicial review suicide prevention assisted suicide euthanasia debate moral absolutism right to die universal right medical ethics slippery slope end of life choices autonomy legislative boundaries social consequences suicide prevention ethical consistency mental health legalisation risks patient consent terminal illness psychological distress palliative care societal norms law and morality assisted suicide euthanasia moral absolutes right to die slippery slope medical ethics legislative boundaries universal acceptance universal ban societal rejection equality of access mental health suicide prevention legalisation consequences vulnerable populations emotional distress healthcare system end-of-life care judicial challenges policy expansion public opinion ethical dilemmas line-drawing problems incremental change legislative intent euthanasia assisted suicide moral absolutism right to die slippery slope legislative ethics medical ethics societal impact mental health suicide prevention legal boundaries terminal illness patient autonomy universal acceptance universal ban arbitrariness equality in law end-of-life choices judicial challenges healthcare policy public opinion grief addiction depression poverty stigma safeguards medical procedures patient rights suicide legislation
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro02a	Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright patent trademark cultural property minority communities reparations compensation systematic inequalities justice Navajo tribe Urban Outfitters case legal protection cultural heritage misappropriation cultural symbols traditional knowledge indigenous rights legal standards global intellectual property law cultural recognition misuse historic meaning legal redress democracy cultural consent legal reform cultural theft restorative justice cultural commodification cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright patenting global intellectual property laws cultural property minority communities Navajo tribe cultural misappropriation compensation reparations systematic inequalities justice cultural theft legal protection trademark infringement indigenous rights community recognition cultural heritage cultural symbols cultural consent legal remedies reparative justice misuse of cultural elements historic traditions democracy and culture cultural commodification cultural misappropriation intellectual property rights indigenous rights cultural heritage protection copyright infringement trademark infringement minority community justice reparations traditional knowledge cultural restitution global IP laws World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) intangible cultural heritage collective rights cultural exploitation legal frameworks ethical consumption cultural identity cultural sovereignty cultural commodification compensation for cultural property legal recognition of cultural property restorative justice equity in law cultural consent decolonization cultural preservation cultural sensitivity case law cultural property intercultural respect cultural appropriation legal framework extend intellectual property laws to culture global IP standards and minority cultures redefining cultural property rights reparations for cultural appropriation Native American cultural compensation copyright protection for indigenous designs legal recourse for cultural misuse global systems for cultural reparations democratizing cultural property law historical injustices and cultural theft minority name trademarking strengthening protection for cultural symbols cases of indigenous intellectual property theft cultural heritage protection law equity in cultural intellectual property impact of copyright on cultural restitution cultural property versus intellectual property global enforcement of cultural rights legal recognition of cultural traditions cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright patent law global intellectual property cultural property stolen culture minority rights reparations justice systematic inequality Navajo tribe trademark infringement legal standards compensation for cultural misuse Urban Outfitters case indigenous rights cultural symbols legal protection for culture cultural heritage law intellectual property expansion cultural exploitation minority community justice recognition of cultural property reparation policies international law copyright case studies heritage protection misappropriation of culture legal status of cultural property democratic legal protections consent in cultural use traditional knowledge law cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright laws patenting cultural property minority communities Navajo tribe cultural compensation reparations trademark infringement Urban Outfitters Navajo case global intellectual property standards indigenous rights cultural exploitation systematic inequality cultural justice misuse of cultural symbols legal recognition for cultures cultural reparations copyright for cultural names legal protection cultural heritage minority rights protection international cultural property law traditional knowledge protection compensation for cultural theft examples of cultural appropriation high-profile cultural appropriation lawsuits cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright patent trademark global intellectual property laws cultural property minority communities indigenous rights Native American Navajo tribe cultural theft misappropriation systematic inequality reparations compensation legal protections cultural heritage traditional knowledge misuse of culture cease and desist trademark infringement recognition community rights legal redress cultural symbols cultural consent historic traditions exploitation democratic equality global culture cultural identity creative designs medicines law reform cultural justice indigenous compensation corporate accountability Urban Outfitters cultural practices legal remedy cultural symbols cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright patent law cultural property minority rights indigenous rights Navajo tribe cultural misappropriation legal reparations global IP laws trademark infringement Urban Outfitters case minority cultural protection cultural compensation restorative justice cultural consent cultural symbols misuse systematic inequalities cultural justice legal recognition of culture democratizing IP law reparations for cultural theft cross-cultural exploitation indigenous cultural recognition cultural heritage protection traditional knowledge law global cultural policy case studies on appropriation legal frameworks for culture copyright for communities compensation for culture culture and law cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright law patenting global intellectual property standards cultural property minority communities stolen culture Navajo tribe trademark infringement cultural exploitation systematic inequalities reparations legal recognition cultural symbols cultural misappropriation cultural justice indigenous rights global cultural policy reparative justice legal frameworks cultural consent cultural heritage protection legal redress for minorities democractic equality cross-cultural ethics cultural rights legal remedies cultural ownership legal precedents creative designs traditional knowledge intellectual property rights economic compensation cultural identity cultural sustainability cultural autonomy cultural appropriation intellectual property rights global IP laws copyright patent law cultural property minority communities restitution reparations Navajo tribe trademark infringement legal protections indigenous rights cultural theft justice inequality Urban Outfitters lawsuit heritage protection traditional knowledge cultural compensation ceasing cultural misuse legal frameworks for culture discrimination legal recognition indigenous intellectual property restorative justice community empowerment equitable law enforcement cultural symbolism misappropriation cases IP templates cultural exploitation global legal standards
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con03a	"Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. media and democracy radio influence media neutrality democratic media propaganda radio and social change communication power media ethics information dissemination media manipulation historical radio impact Rwanda radio genocide BBC World Service comparison revolution and media state media control democracy promotion media and virtue national radio station significance media and tyranny social media revolution public broadcasting mass communication democratic renewal social transformation technology and democracy community radio democracy media and democracy media role radio and democracy radio propaganda media ethics Rwanda radio genocide BBC World Service social impact of radio democratic renewal media influence radio revolutions 1989 revolutions mass media radio and social change radio virtues media neutrality media and tyranny virtue signaling media national radio station democracy promotion Revolution 2.0 Mark Sedra social media and democracy democratic media platforms propaganda radio public broadcasting media language civic engagement information control atrocity media media democratization radio and democracy media and social change propaganda radio radio in revolutions Rwanda radio atrocities BBC World Service democracy media virtue association community radio limitations media neutrality radio political influence democracy promotion radio history national radio control media bias social media and democracy communication and power broadcast media impact revolution and radio democratic renewal media Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 media ethics radio platform analysis democracy and technology community radio democratic potential radio and democracy media and virtue association radio’s role in atrocity Rwanda radio genocide media role in democracy promotion BBC World Service democracy media and democratic renewal language and democracy revolutions and national radio 1989 revolutions radio community radio limitations radio and social change media forms and democracy Sedra Mark ""Revolution 2.0"" social media democracy democratic progress through media radio and authoritarianism comparative media influence communication and political change democratizing technology radio community radio media democratization democratic renewal radio and democracy media and virtue radio in conflict Rwanda radio genocide BBC World Service media influence radio and social change media role in revolutions radio station control 1989 revolutions national radio power democratization and media platforms media neutrality atrocity propaganda media ethics social media democracy Mark Sedra Revolution 2.0 community radio democratic potential media and democracy radio and social change radio misuse atrocities media virtue association Rwanda radio genocide BBC World Service democracy revolutions media role language and democracy comparison media support for democratic renewal community media limitations radio influence political power Sedra Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion media radio impact history national radio station control media neutrality democracy media roles social change social media democracy public broadcast democracy radio and tyranny examples community radio democratization media and democracy radio as platform broadcast media radio and atrocity Rwanda radio genocide media neutrality BBC World Service democracy promotion social change via media media comparison revolutions 1989 radio state media control democracy renewal radio history media virtues propaganda radio social media democracy Mark Sedra Revolution 2.0 Globe and Mail media radio political influence communication technology democracy media bias role of radio in society political revolutions media community radio democracy and media media and virtue media neutrality radio and atrocity Rwanda radio genocide media and tyranny radio and democracy BBC World Service media influence on society democratic renewal language and democracy 1989 revolutions media national radio control media role in revolution social change through media Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media and democracy medium vs message radio ethics historical misuse of media political communication propaganda and radio media platforms and democracy media impact comparison media theory community radio democracy media virtue radio and tyranny Rwanda radio genocide media and democracy BBC World Service democratic renewal media influence language and democracy national radio station 1989 revolutions radio and social change media platforms democratization media ethics media power social change radio history revolution media Sedra Revolution 2.0 social media democracy media democratization atrocity broadcasting media vs. truth communication studies political communication propaganda media democratic media theory community media radio and democracy media and social change Rwanda radio genocide media ethics BBC World Service democracy media virtue media and atrocity broadcast media politics revolutionary media strategies 1989 revolutions national radio station power social media democracy media influence communication and democracy propaganda radio media plurality freedom of press development communication information dissemination public sphere radio"
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . human rights trade liberalization academic cooperation value dissemination economic development wealth creation standard of living Western education elite universities educational access international collaboration gradualism policy differences cross-cultural exchange educational opportunities global governance democratization soft power transnational influence China United States European Union death penalty social mobility education reform UNESCO free trade political change multinational corporations social justice trade and human rights value dissemination international cooperation academic cooperation cross-cultural exchange elite universities global expansion education and societal development wealth and choice human rights improvements gradual change Western values transmission economic engagement educational access global education reform policy differences China US EU trade death penalty policy Burma rapid change social mobility through education UNESCO education human rights free trade academic impact international student mobility values dissemination human rights trade benefits increased wealth standards of living government arguments multinational corporations Western values academic cooperation gradualist approach existing strengths international trade China US EU death penalty trust building cooperation over time social change China reforms Burma reforms elite universities global education social mobility Western education returning graduates educational expansion equal opportunities UNESCO development of human rights moral case engagement CATO Institute free trade education and human rights trade and human rights academic cooperation impact global values dissemination economic growth and freedoms gradualist approach to reform educational exchange effects elite universities internationalization widening access to education western education influence multinational engagement outcomes human rights through cooperation trade and social change education as human rights catalyst cross-cultural academic partnerships value transmission in globalization trade policy and societal values higher education and global citizenship international student mobility diffusion of democratic principles cooperative gradual reform education access and social mobility linking education and development trade policy and normative change trade and human rights dissemination of values academic cooperation international trade wealth and living standards Western governments multi-nationals gradualism China-US-EU trade death penalty differences cross-cultural cooperation elite universities global education access social mobility Western education impact political elite inclusive education development and human rights UNESCO education report free trade moral case Robert Sirico human rights advancement educational exchange democratization via education soft power educational diplomacy intercultural dialogue trade and human rights academic cooperation and values dissemination international academic exchange gradualism in policy change elite universities globalization Western education impact social mobility through education education and human rights development expanding educational opportunities cultural exchange and societal change free trade moral case cooperation amidst political differences economic growth and human rights UNESCO education report cross-cultural university partnerships educational equity global global higher education access trade benefits human rights value dissemination contact theory academic cooperation globalization educational exchange elite universities Western education social mobility drip effect gradualism cooperation death penalty differences international trade cultural exchange education and human rights Robert Sirico CATO Institute UNESCO economic growth standards of living multi-nationals China trade US-EU relations social justice access to education government policy global education wealth distribution trade and human rights values dissemination economic cooperation academic cooperation educational expansion elite universities global Western education impact social mobility education international trade policy gradualism in reform cultural exchange human rights development education and social justice developing nations education global education access China US EU trade death penalty differences academic globalization UNESCO education report free trade benefits moral case for engagement education and democratization elite privilege education wealth and living standards policy diffusion through contact educational equity cross-cultural academic exchange trade and human rights academic cooperation value dissemination international trade global elite universities higher education reform social mobility educational access cultural exchange China US EU trade death penalty policy differences Western education impact wealth and human rights gradual social change UNESCO human rights education global knowledge transfer academic diplomacy transnational education equity in education education and social justice international standards of living human rights trade economic development value dissemination Western education academic cooperation cultural exchange elite universities social mobility international relations gradualism cooperation policy impact education reform globalisation wealth distribution standards of living moral engagement political change UNESCO CATO Institute evidence-based policy cross-cultural interaction educational access developing countries death penalty societal transformation global elite social justice political influence
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, leader health presidential illness head of state health media coverage government transparency political rumors health disclosure state secrecy public interest John Atta Mills health presidential communication misinformation Kissinger secret diplomacy Nixon China visit political scandal media manipulation Ghana president public trust medical privacy government cover-up press freedom political accountability leader health presidential health head of state health media coverage public interest government transparency health rumors secret illness political communication administration deception press access John Atta Mills health Ghana presidential health leader hospitalization leader death rumors political leadership health issues leader public appearances misinformation Kissinger illness Nixon China visit health disclosure government secrecy media speculation crisis communication presidential staff communication health cover-up political scandal leader medical condition truth in government Modern Ghana Atta Mills leader health disclosure presidential health transparency political leader illness media coverage leader health administration information control leader health rumors concealment of leader illness press and political health John Atta Mills health political communication strategies state secrecy leader health Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon secret visit executive health privacy public trust leader health government handling leader health misinformation leader health leader hospitalization presidential illness cover-up political rumor management leader health propaganda leader health transparency presidential health secrecy media and leader health public interest in leader health administration misinformation health Kissinger illness media strategy press rumors leader illness John Atta Mills health controversy government hiding president health political leaders health disclosure presidential health cover-up leader health and public trust state leader medical information manipulation of leader illness news Ghana president health rumors media handling political health tactics hiding leader health impact of leader health secrecy societal effects leader health rumors leaders health and political stability leader health transparency presidential illness disclosure political leader medical privacy media interest head of state health administration secrecy leader health misinformation leader health public trust political health Kissinger secret diplomacy health John Atta Mills health controversy Ghana president death rumors leader health media manipulation political rumors and secrecy presidential staff misinformation head of state hospitalizations political communication health crises impact of leader health on governance leader health transparency presidential health disclosure media and leader health political rumor control John Atta Mills health controversy state leader illness management Kissinger Beijing trip secrecy public interest in leader health government communication and health presidential health rumors media access to leader health information impact of secrecy on public trust historical leader health scandals Ghana presidential health examples of health misinformation managing leader health perceptions press coverage of leader illness government response to health inquiries health privacy vs. public right to know leader health and political stability leader health presidential illness political transparency media scrutiny public concern government secrecy rumor control administration deception Kissinger Beijing visit Nixon China trip John Atta Mills health health rumors presidential death reports Ghana politics media manipulation official statements presidential medical records public trust misinformation crisis communication hospital treatment leader physical fitness media coverage information disclosure leadership accountability leader health transparency political leader illness disclosure presidential health rumors media coverage leader health leader health secrecy John Atta Mills health controversy government communication strategies Kissinger Nixon Beijing visit secrecy impact of secrecy on public trust health information withholding media manipulation political health head of state illness history presidential health crisis management Ghana president health scandal public interest leader health concealment of leader illness effects of misinformation politics leader health public perception administration press relations health historical cases political leader illness leader health political transparency presidential health disclosure media coverage state secrecy public interest health rumors administration strategy Henry Kissinger Nixon visit China John Atta Mills health Ghana politics government communication misinformation leadership accountability executive health scandals crisis management political rumors press freedom government trust leader health transparency presidential illness disclosure media coverage of political health political rumors government secrecy John Atta Mills health political communication strategies public interest in leader health Kissinger Nixon Beijing visit administration media manipulation Ghana presidential health leadership and public trust health misinformation political crisis management head of state wellness press relations with politicians leader health scandals information control public perception of leader health impact of leader illness on governance
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con05a	Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, privacy rights surveillance state intrusion data protection confidentiality personal information government monitoring individual autonomy sexual privacy information security email privacy intelligence agencies civil liberties justified secrecy private communications moral justification privacy invasion digital rights information control privacy laws privacy rights surveillance government monitoring personal data data protection privacy invasion digital privacy information security email privacy sexual orientation confidentiality private life state surveillance moral privacy personal autonomy right to be forgotten privacy law confidentiality cyber privacy civil liberties data collection data protection surveillance government monitoring personal information privacy rights civil liberties digital privacy email surveillance sexual privacy state intrusion information security confidentiality mass surveillance privacy law human rights individual autonomy online privacy personal data privacy invasion ethical privacy communication privacy right to privacy debate privacy and government surveillance privacy vs security personal data collection concerns ethical implications of state surveillance privacy in digital communication moral justification for privacy sexual orientation privacy rights privacy in intimate relationships intelligence agencies privacy intrusion privacy in email communication public opinion on privacy privacy and human rights privacy laws and regulation privacy in modern society digital privacy threats privacy and technology surveillance state risks protecting online privacy privacy expectation in private life privacy rights surveillance information security digital privacy state surveillance email privacy sexual orientation privacy consent moral justification personal data protection government intrusion privacy invasion intelligence agencies private communication ethical privacy data confidentiality civil liberties privacy laws personal autonomy privacy expectations privacy rights invasion of privacy government surveillance personal data protection email privacy sexual orientation confidentiality moral justification for privacy intelligence agency data collection right to keep information private privacy and technology ethical privacy concerns digital privacy issues privacy in relationships private communication security state surveillance ethics privacy rights surveillance personal data information security email monitoring state intrusion government surveillance intelligence agencies sexual orientation confidentiality private communication data protection civil liberties moral justification private videos digital privacy information collection privacy invasion right to be forgotten online privacy personal autonomy marital privacy consent data privacy laws privacy rights surveillance data protection government surveillance personal data state intrusion sexual privacy email privacy digital privacy information security mass surveillance right to be forgotten privacy law civil liberties cyber privacy ethical surveillance privacy invasion confidential information internet privacy intelligence agency monitoring privacy in relationships privacy expectations privacy legislation safeguarding privacy privacy in communication privacy invasion surveillance personal autonomy information security government monitoring digital privacy state surveillance data protection right to privacy private communications email privacy sexual orientation confidentiality intimate videos protection moral justification privacy privacy rights intelligence agency data collection privacy ethics personal data human rights privacy laws data protection surveillance state intrusion personal autonomy confidentiality sexual privacy government monitoring privacy rights digital privacy civil liberties ethical surveillance email privacy information security moral justification secret-keeping privacy laws informational self-determination individual rights private communication online privacy
test-education-egtuscpih-con05a	Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. campus experience student independence life skills development financial responsibility personal growth social networking independent living student housing university transition adult skills soft skills real-world readiness university community student support services traditional vs. online education maturity personal development student life self-reliance residential education college adjustment campus life student independence life skills personal development university experience leaving home adulting financial literacy social skills soft skills transitioning to adulthood student autonomy traditional education residential education community building holistic development self-reliance college transition coming of age offline education in-person learning university accommodation peer interaction extracurricular activities support networks emotional growth personal responsibility university independence campus living student life skills transition to adulthood independent living skills college experience personal development life skills education residential university on-campus experience student self-reliance university socialization financial independence adulting skills offline education benefits traditional college student personal growth university transition student autonomy university networking benefits of traditional universities for independence traditional university vs online education independence university life skills development moving out for university advantages importance of leaving home for college independent living skills from universities real life preparation in traditional universities social skills learned at university university experience and adulthood online courses impact on independence comparison of traditional and online student independence how traditional universities foster adulthood student maturity in traditional vs online education university life lessons beyond academics personal growth through university experience student independence university life skills transition to adulthood independent living student autonomy leaving home for university life skills development traditional university benefits impact of online courses student personal growth university student experience adult responsibilities socialization in university real-world preparedness student self-management campus life online learning drawbacks independent adulthood preparation college life experiences university transition benefits of traditional universities challenges of independent living for students traditional universities vs online courses life skills learned at university university student independence preparing for adult life at university impact of leaving home for university university experience and personal growth skills gained from campus living social development at traditional universities drawbacks of online education university life transition student financial management at university networking opportunities in traditional universities personal development at university effects of online learning on independence importance of on-campus experiences university and self-reliance preparing for real world at university university vs online education for life skills traditional universities rite of passage independent living student independence life skills financial management self-sufficiency moving out living away from home student development in-person education campus life social skills personal growth offline higher education adult responsibilities problem-solving real-world preparation communication skills practical experience online courses comparison virtual education student maturity transition to adulthood offline vs online learning experiential learning student autonomy university independence student life skills traditional vs online education independent adult skills financial management for students cooking skills university student safety crime-awareness student networking benefits communication problem-solving online learning disadvantages rite of passage university student autonomy leaving home for university adulthood preparation real-life skills education university student development social skills in university online course limitations personal growth in higher education transitioning to adulthood traditional university experience independent living skills student independence transitioning to adulthood life skills development campus living leaving home for university self-reliance in students personal growth in higher education social skills in university financial responsibility for students university vs online learning building life competencies student autonomy real-world preparation college life challenges practical life skills university student support adapting to independence adult life readiness independent living skills student independence personal development university transition life skills education campus experience student maturity self-sufficiency social networking soft skills acquisition practical life skills financial literacy personal growth offline vs online education student adaptation transitional experiences adulting skills university lifestyle self-management interpersonal skills
test-economy-thsptr-con04a	Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: progressive tax complexity tax inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax compliance costs tax filing burden tax code loopholes administrative costs IRS audit system tax professional industry time cost of taxes tax system manipulation tax fairness wealth and taxation flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax reform tax system simplicity tax enforcement tax law complexity taxpayer behavior tax collection efficiency wealth inequality tax credits tax deductions taxpayer compliance tax audit costs tax administration tax simplification policy impact on taxation progressive tax system tax complexity tax inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax compliance costs tax preparation industry IRS costs tax administration costs taxpayer burden tax code loopholes tax filing time tax rebates audit costs wealthy tax avoidance regressive tax systems flat tax consumption taxes tax code manipulation tax collection costs tax simplification efficiency loss tax system complexity tax reform tax fairness tax equity administrative burden tax incentives tax system exploitation tax policy analysis progressive tax tax complexity tax inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax compliance costs tax filing tax administration costs tax auditing IRS budget tax loopholes tax professionals tax industry time spent on taxes tax system reform flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax code manipulation tax equity tax simplification tax burden tax policy administrative burden government revenue collection progressive tax system inefficiencies tax filing complexity tax avoidance strategies tax evasion mechanisms cost of IRS operations time wasted on tax preparation impact of progressive taxes on taxpayers tax loopholes exploitation tax specialist industry growth comparison progressive vs flat tax regressive consumption tax advantages administrative costs of progressive taxation negative incentives in tax systems tax reform proposals simplicity of flat taxes efficiency loss in tax systems impacts on low vs high income taxpayers tax code manipulation by wealthy tax compliance burden economic effects of tax complexity policy implications progressive tax tax system fairness debate progressive tax complexity tax system inefficiency tax evasion and avoidance tax compliance costs tax filing burden tax preparation industry tax administration expenses IRS operational budget tax loopholes exploitation wealthy tax avoidance tax code manipulation enforcement costs progressive vs flat tax regressive consumption tax tax system simplicity tax audit bureaucracy tax policy efficiency comparative tax systems government accountability tax tax reform proposals tax equity and fairness progressive tax system complexity tax filing inefficiency tax evasion incentives tax avoidance consequences cost of tax collection administrative burden of taxation impact of tax professionals tax code loopholes compliance costs flat tax benefits regressive consumption tax tax system simplification negative incentives of progressive taxes time lost on tax returns IRS operating costs tax audit expenses wealthy tax avoidance strategies tax system reform ease of understanding taxes burden on taxpayers progressive tax system tax complexity tax inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax compliance costs tax code loopholes administrative burden tax filing process tax preparation industry tax audits IRS costs tax enforcement regressive taxes flat taxes consumption taxes tax incentives tax fairness economic efficiency tax system reform tax simplification inequality time burden wealthy taxpayers tax consultants tax shelters tax loopholes tax regulations tax overhaul taxpayer compliance progressive tax system tax complexity tax inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax preparation industry tax compliance costs IRS budget tax filing burden tax code loopholes tax reform tax system administration regressive taxes flat tax consumption tax tax simplification taxpayer compliance time tax system manipulation tax audit costs tax system efficiency tax incentives wealthy tax strategies tax code exploitation tax administration expenses tax policy comparison tax system criticism tax filing process tax rebate maximization tax collection costs progressive tax system tax complexity tax evasion tax avoidance tax filing inefficiency tax compliance costs IRS budget tax code loopholes tax professionals tax consultancy industry administrative burden time wasted on taxes tax audits tax verification efficiency loss tax reform flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax system manipulation wealthy taxpayers tax policy tax administration tax system overhaul simplification of taxes tax fairness IRS operations economic incentives tax law complexity government spending on tax collection progressive taxation tax system complexity tax evasion tax avoidance administrative costs tax compliance tax code reform tax filing burden tax audits tax enforcement tax loopholes tax professionals flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax simplification tax efficiency IRS costs tax law manipulation tax policy comparison economic incentives equitable taxation
test-international-ehbfe-pro03a	A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. federal Europe European integration European Union global influence international actor global governance United Nations World Trade Organization International Monetary Fund intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture US-EU relations global affairs unified Europe economic power population Europe global economy trading partner global trade wealth generation foreign aid international development euro currency financial markets global negotiation collective bargaining Europe-China relations Europe-US relations transatlantic relations European donor supranational union European diplomacy international influence European global role international relations single European state federal Europe European Union integration supranational governance EU global influence international diplomacy EU foreign policy unified European state collective bargaining power EU United Nations representation EU WTO IMF participation European political culture liberal democratic traditions EU-US relations transatlantic partnership European economy size European population global trade partner international aid donor euro international role EU financial markets EU vs US China negotiation Europe global governance EU international organizations European unity EU external relations EU economic power Europe as a global actor European federalism EU integration supranational governance international influence global diplomacy common foreign policy collective bargaining power United Nations World Trade Organization International Monetary Fund transatlantic relations economic union global trade international aid eurozone single market political unity geopolitical strategy soft power European global role multilateral negotiations EU foreign policy transnational cooperation international organizations liberal values EU-US relations global leadership economic power global governance EU enlargement continental union regional influence unified Europe federal Europe international influence European Union global power EU as unified actor federal Europe UN role EU trade negotiation power Europe vs. USA global balance EU role in WTO IMF benefits of EU federalism EU population comparison euro global impact Europe as major donor EU economic strength federal Europe political culture Europe-China negotiation power Europe-USA partnership EU liberal traditions unified Europe global voice advantages of federal Europe Europe's role in global governance unified EU foreign policy federal Europe European integration EU global influence international organizations UN representation WTO negotiations IMF participation European diplomacy liberal traditions Europe political culture Europe transatlantic relations EU-USA relations EU-China relations unified Europe EU trading power EU economic strength European population EU foreign aid euro currency global role international financial markets Europe EU negotiation power collective bargaining Europe global governance geopolitical balance superpower Europe EU external relations European federalism federal Europe advantages European Union global influence Europe as international actor benefits of European federalism Europe UN representation Europe WTO IMF role EU trading power Europe-US global balance Europe political culture EU economic strength EU population size global comparison Europe global aid contributions euro international currency status Europe-China negotiations Europe-US negotiations unified Europe international relations EU liberal traditions Europe partnership with USA Europe global affairs role European integration benefits Europe world economy ranking federal Europe European Union international actor global influence citizen interests United Nations UN World Trade Organization WTO International Monetary Fund IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture transatlantic relations USA balance global affairs unified Europe economic power population size negotiating partner trading partner global economy foreign aid development aid donor countries euro currency international finance market power global wealth France Germany Poland negotiation strength US relations China relations European single voice supranational state European integration soft power hard federal Europe advantages European Union global influence EU international organizations EU UN representation EU WTO role EU IMF participation European political culture EU-USA relations EU global partner EU economic power EU population statistics EU trading power EU global economy share EU foreign aid EU euro currency impact EU US dollar comparison Europe as single state Europe global negotiations France Germany Poland EU EU-China relations EU international diplomacy EU world affairs European liberal traditions EU strategic autonomy EU foreign policy EU transatlantic relations EU superpower potential EU international competitiveness unified Europe benefits federal Europe stronger international actor European Union federation global influence UN participation WTO negotiation IMF influence intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations citizen interests EU foreign policy liberal traditions European political culture partner to USA US-EU relations global affairs unified Europe EU negotiation power EU trading partner EU economy European population global economic power Europe's global wealth international aid global donor euro currency international financial markets European countries France Germany Poland EU vs US EU vs China EU global message EU diplomatic leverage EU economic integration supranational European Union integration federalization international diplomacy global governance EU foreign policy supranationalism economic power global influence liberal democracy transatlantic relations multilateral organizations geopolitical strategy trade negotiations global aid Eurozone international relations United Nations World Trade Organization International Monetary Fund global balance of power US-EU relations Chinese foreign policy political unification European identity EU enlargement economic bloc soft power common currency global economy aid donor global partnerships
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro02a	Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. state education public schools educational quality school performance school management education standards parental choice school accountability school leadership education reform quality assurance educational outcomes school improvement management incentives performance evaluation educational competition school reputation teacher effectiveness curriculum development student retention education quality improvement state school performance public school standards educational accountability school management effectiveness parental choice in education educational competition school leadership education reform school improvement strategies teacher quality educational outcomes student achievement public vs private education school administration education policy school evaluation education service delivery school governance raising educational standards public education education reform school quality academic standards school performance educational outcomes teacher effectiveness school accountability parental choice education policy education management school leadership educational improvement student achievement school competition school innovation state education system education funding education equality education governance raising standards in public education enhancing state school outcomes state school accountability measures public vs private school quality parental choice in education education reform for state schools incentives for school leadership improving state school management high quality public education education quality assurance effective school leadership state school performance metrics retaining students in public schools school competition and quality education policy improvements education reform education quality improvement state school performance public vs private schools school management educational leadership parental choice school competition teacher quality accountability in education education policy school effectiveness education standards educational outcomes school administration parent satisfaction school improvement strategies performance incentives education governance educational equity education reform state schools quality improvement public vs private schools high quality education services parental school choice school management accountability education competition raising state school standards educational leadership improving public education performance incentives in schools management evaluation in education school performance monitoring state education system enhancement parental expectations in education educational service quality state education reform public school improvement educational quality school accountability school performance educational standards education policy school leadership educational management teacher effectiveness academic outcomes education incentives school competition parental choice education system improvement education equity education funding educational outcomes school reputation educational excellence public school standards school governance education administration best practices in education teacher quality school assessments state education reform quality improvement strategies education management best practices public school competitiveness parental choice in education state vs private schools educational service quality school leadership accountability education policy development school performance incentives educational standards enhancement teacher quality initiatives school funding models student achievement improvement school reputation management education outcome measurement government education strategies stakeholder engagement in education curriculum standardization school leadership training state education reform education policy public vs private schools educational quality school management accountability in schools school competition parental choice school improvement strategies education standards education leadership performance incentives education outcomes education equality state-funded schools education governance public school performance educational excellence teacher quality school reputation public education reform state school performance education quality improvement school accountability educational management school competition parental choice school leadership teacher quality student outcomes education funding academic standards private vs public schools education policy school effectiveness government oversight educational innovation performance metrics school reputation educational outcomes
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greece debt crisis sovereign default Eurozone exit public sector inefficiency corruption Greece tax evasion Greek economy recovery IMF involvement European Commission reforms ECB supervision austerity measures fiscal adjustment structural reform Greece borrowing costs financial hardship long-term solutions economic restructuring Eurozone membership bailout conditions Greek exports financial stability taxpayer burden single currency exit sustainable recovery Greek public administration crisis causes Greek debt crisis Greece default Eurozone exit Greek public sector reform corruption in Greece tax evasion Greece Greek austerity measures IMF supervision Greece ECB policy Greece European Commission Greece sovereign debt crisis Greek economic recovery public sector inefficiency Greece international financial assistance Greece structural reforms Greece Greece economic crisis causes Greek crisis solutions Greek bailout fiscal policy Greece Greece loan access austerity program Greece Greece debt crisis Eurozone default public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion Greek economy austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission borrowing restrictions economic reform structural adjustment export recovery financial supervision currency exit single currency fiscal policy bailout sovereign debt economic hardship public sector reform taxpayer burden financial crisis economic policy monetary union economic recovery Greece economic crisis solutions Greek default consequences public sector inefficiency Greece corruption and tax evasion Greece Eurozone exit impacts IMF ECB supervision Greece austerity measures Greece Greek export recovery default borrowing costs Greece structural reforms Greece Eurozone membership benefits Greek taxpayer burden causes of Greek crisis sustainable solutions Greece economy impact of default on public services Greece debt crisis expansion Greece and international funding Greek reforms necessity long-term effects of default EU support and supervision Greece Greece debt crisis Eurozone exit public sector inefficiency tax evasion Greek default IMF supervision austerity measures economic reform corruption in Greece export stimulus European Commission ECB bailout Greek borrowing financial restructuring crisis recovery structural reforms international funding sovereign debt economic hardship fiscal discipline Greece economic crisis Greek default consequences Eurozone exit impact public sector inefficiency Greece corruption and tax evasion Greece IMF ECB European Commission austerity economic reforms Greece effects of Greece leaving Eurozone alternatives to Greek default long-term solutions Greece crisis public debt Greece Greek exports after default borrowing post-Eurozone exit Greek austerity measures international financial supervision Greece structural reforms Greece Greek economy recovery strategies root causes Greece debt crisis Greece debt crisis Greek default Eurozone exit economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion Greek exports austerity measures IMF intervention ECB supervision European Commission funding structural reform borrowing access single currency sovereign debt fiscal adjustment job cuts economic hardship taxpayer burden crisis resolution financial stability public administration economic policy monetary union international bailout Greece economic crisis Greek default Eurozone exit Greek austerity measures public sector inefficiency Greece Greece corruption Greek tax evasion IMF supervision Greece ECB funding Greece European Commission Greece Greek financial reform Greek exports recovery sovereign debt crisis Greece structural reforms Greece Greek bailout Greek crisis analysis Eurozone financial stability Greek economic recovery Greece borrowing access aftermath of Greek default Greece public sector reform Greek debt crisis economic reforms Eurozone exit default consequences public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion Greek exports economic recovery borrowing access austerity measures IMF supervision ECB role European Commission funding fiscal discipline structural reforms Greek financial crisis sovereign debt bailout conditions long-term solutions Greek economy restructuring Greece debt crisis Greek default Eurozone exit public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion austerity measures IMF intervention ECB supervision European Commission funding structural reforms borrowing access Greek exports economic recovery single currency sovereign debt fiscal policy financial crisis bailout conditions Greek economy public administration reform international financial assistance long-term solutions taxpayer burden economic adjustment structural adjustment austerity policy Greek financial crisis
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con04a	"There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. labour standards enforcement labour regulations compliance western countries labour laws minimum wage policies statutory leave entitlements consumer influence on labour standards ethical consumerism supply chain transparency corporate social responsibility sweatshops exploitation illegal workers fair trade practices labour standards globalization retailers’ sourcing policies policy implementation gaps labour market deregulation wage inequality social justice in labour multinational corporations labour rights advocacy ethical sourcing labour standards enforcement labour law compliance western countries labour laws Germany minimum wage policy USA leave requirements consumer influence on labour standards ethical consumerism supply chain transparency sweatshop labour labour rights violations corporate social responsibility global supply chains fair trade ethical sourcing Primark sweatshops worker exploitation minimum wage debates labour regulation loopholes demand-driven labour standards international labour benchmarks labour standards harmonization policy implementation gaps retail industry labour practices legal vs actual labour standards consumer activism regulatory effectiveness labour standards enforcement minimum wage policy labour regulations Western countries labour exploitation consumer influence ethical consumption sweatshops supply chain accountability corporate social responsibility fair trade workers’ rights labour market disparities wage inequality labour law compliance retail industry ethics working conditions international labour standards global supply chains ethical sourcing uneven labour standards western countries labour regulation enforcement disparities minimum wage laws Germany minimum leave requirements USA consumer influence labour standards ethical consumerism and labour rights role of western retailers in labour exploitation Primark sweatshop allegations supply chain transparency western brands impact of global demand on labour conditions strengthening labour standards through legislation corporate social responsibility labour ethical sourcing policies consumer choices fair labour practices western firms promoting high labour standards aid versus market mechanisms labour rights examples of labour law gaps developed countries international labour standards compliance western countries labour law enforcement policy approaches to global labour standards labour standards western countries implementation disparities Germany minimum wage USA leave policy consumer influence product pricing retail supply chains British clothing retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers supply chain ethics consumer responsibility corporate accountability fair trade regulatory enforcement global labour market exploitation ethical consumption minimum wage policy labour regulation compliance worker rights anti-sweatshop movement CSR (corporate social responsibility) fair labor practices ethical sourcing globalisation wage inequality employment law labour standards enforcement minimum wage laws Western countries labour regulations Germany minimum wage debate USA leave policies consumer influence on labour standards ethical consumerism impact of consumer choices Primark sweatshop controversy labour exploitation in supply chains British clothing retailers labour practices global labour standards raising labour standards through consumption corporate responsibility supply chain transparency fair trade initiatives illegal workers exploitation labour rights improvement strategies multinational corporations and labour standards ethical purchasing behavior labour standards labor regulations Western countries implementation disparity minimum wage Germany USA legal leave workers' rights consumer influence ethical consumerism cheap products supply chain ethics Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation corporate responsibility retail industry international labor law fair trade economic globalization wage disparity ethical sourcing social responsibility labor exploitation corporate social responsibility (CSR) labor market policy minimum leave working conditions ethical consumption labour standards enforcement Western countries labour laws minimum wage Germany USA paid leave policies consumer influence labour standards ethical consumerism sweatshops Western retailers Primark labour practices global labour market labour exploitation corporate social responsibility supply chain ethics fair trade practices labour regulations compliance UK sweatshop scandals improving global labour standards international labour rights consumer activism labour law implementation ethical sourcing retail industry labour standards wage inequality cross-country labour comparison multinational corporations labour policies labour standards enforcement labour regulation disparities western countries labour laws minimum wage policies leave entitlement comparison consumer influence on labour standards ethical consumerism supply chain responsibility corporate social responsibility sweatshops western retailers Primark labour controversy global labour standards impact fair trade advocacy regulatory compliance labour exploitation western nations legal working conditions workers’ rights western countries economic drivers of labour standards raising labour standards through consumption multinational corporations and labour ethics policy reform labour practices labour standards enforcement minimum wage policies labour rights western countries consumer activism ethical consumption sweatshops supply chain transparency corporate social responsibility Germany minimum wage USA paid leave laws fair trade exploitative labour retail industry ethics regulatory compliance labour exploitation international labour laws fair wages labour legislation global supply chains"
test-economy-egppphbcb-con02a	Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation environmental sustainability ecological balance resource management green socialism sustainable development environmental justice capitalist environmental impact climate change biodiversity loss resource depletion eco-socialism limits to growth profit-driven economy ecological economics labor exploitation community empowerment degrowth circular economy ecological crisis global warming environmental regulation alternative economic systems renewable resources environmental degradation nature conservation social equity environmental ethics planetary boundaries environmental protection climate justice eco-socialism sustainable development ecological economics environmental justice green politics degrowth climate change capitalist exploitation resource depletion environmental degradation ecological footprint biodiversity loss renewable resources planetary boundaries profit-driven economy economic inequality social equity collective ownership public goods environmental policy community resilience alternative economies climate justice post-capitalism commons-based management systems change environmental sustainability just transition regenerative economy ecosocialism environmental justice sustainable development green economy ecological socialism climate justice environmental impacts of capitalism degrowth resource allocation environmental degradation capitalism vs socialism conservation planetary boundaries renewable resources social equity environmental policy circular economy ecological footprint anthropocene collective ownership public goods environmental regulation carbon emissions biodiversity loss habitat destruction ecological economics steady-state economy social well-being systemic change environmental sustainability socialism vs capitalism environmental impact ecological sustainability under socialism capitalism environmental degradation capitalism profitability and nature socialist approaches to ecological balance capitalism resource exploitation socialism and community-based resource management ecological crisis capitalism solutions socialism global warming policies capitalism habitat destruction socialism meaningful existence capitalism labor exploitation capitalist system crisis management environmental regulation under socialism sustainability economic systems comparison socialism environmental justice capitalism ecological limits alternative economic systems for sustainability socialism and climate change capitalist accumulation environmental impact sustainable development socialism vs capitalism ecological crisis environmental degradation resource exploitation environmental justice economic models and sustainability global warming ecological balance profit-driven economy capitalism critique community self-determination labor exploitation habitat fragmentation environmental policy eco-socialism degrowth economics green politics limits of capitalism accumulation and the environment social equity alternative economic systems ecosocialism socialism vs capitalism environment ecological sustainability socialism capitalism environmental impact environmental justice socialism resource allocation socialism sustainable economic systems capitalism climate change socialism green policies capitalism vs socialism resource use nature capitalism critique socialism ecological balance community self-determination environment capitalist growth limits sustainability socialism debate environmental crisis capitalism socialism climate solutions profit motive environment sustainable development socialism environment protection economic systems socialism sustainability sustainable living capitalism ecological balance environmental impact ecosystems pollution habitat fragmentation resource depletion commodification of nature accumulation of capital self-determination community meaningful existence labor exploitation social justice ecological crisis global warming climate change environmental degradation capitalist crisis resource limits environmental regulation degrowth green socialism economic alternatives environmental justice ecological economics planetary boundaries environmental sustainability accumulation limits anti-capitalism socialism and sustainability ecological socialism capitalism and environment environmental impacts of capitalism socialism vs capitalism ecology sustainable development eco-socialism capitalist exploitation of nature environmental justice green socialism social justice and environment limits to growth economic systems and climate change socialism climate policy capitalism resource depletion planetary boundaries socialist environmental policy degrowth movement capitalism and global warming socialism environmental benefits resource management socialism community-led sustainability nature commodification ecological crisis solutions socialist environmentalism capitalism critique environment socialism sustainability ecological balance capitalism environmental impact profitability ecosystem degradation pollution habitat fragmentation resource exploitation nature commodification self-determination community meaningful existence labor exploitation global inequality capitalist crisis ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits environmental justice climate change sustainable development resource conservation green economics social equity systemic change environmental protection renewable resources planetary boundaries ecological sustainability environmental justice economic systems comparison ecological economics capitalist environmental impact sustainable development resource management biodiversity loss climate change policy profit-driven economy degrowth green socialism environmental degradation social equity labor exploitation capitalist crisis post-capitalism capitalist accumulation pollution habitat destruction ecological limits alternative economies eco-socialism market failure environmental regulation
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con01a	Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel security territorial buffer 1967 borders Six-Day War defensive war territory withdrawal land for peace Sinai Peninsula return Jordan peace treaty Gaza Strip autonomy West Bank autonomy Palestinian Authority Arab-Israeli conflict national security occupied territories border security peace negotiations sovereignty strategic depth Arab wars of aggression legitimacy of annexation right to exist demilitarized zones Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport missile threat defensible borders unique security situation international law Jewish state mutual recognition withdrawal percentage pre-1967 claims defensive Israel security buffer territorial withdrawal Arab-Israeli wars Six-Day War 1967 1948 Arab Israeli War land for peace defensible borders pre-1967 borders West Bank security Gaza Strip withdrawal Sinai Peninsula return territorial compromise national security zones defensive war rights annexation legitimacy Tel Aviv airport security shoulder-fired missiles threat Palestinian Authority control peace negotiations Israel Middle East conflict Israel territorial disputes Israel defensible width Arab aggression history occupied territories negotiations Israeli-Arab peace treaties return of captured territory border security Israel Israel security territory buffer 1967 borders Six-Day War defensive war land for peace Sinai withdrawal West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority Arab-Israeli conflict Ehud Olmert national survival defensible borders occupied territories Arab wars of aggression peace negotiation territorial compromise international law annexation legitimacy Ben Gurion Airport military threat security concerns peace treaties territorial concessions Middle East conflict withdrawal percentages sovereignty pre-1967 territory Israeli defense strategy border security embattled democracy recognition of Israel renouncing terrorism Israel-J Israel security buffer post-1967 borders debate land for peace negotiations territorial concessions for security international law and defensive wars Arab-Israeli wars impact on borders defensible borders doctrine Sinai peninsula return peace with Egypt and Jordan Palestinian Authority territory transfer unique security needs of Israel minimal territory retention justification Ehud Olmert quotes on borders pre-1967 territorial claims Arab wars and territorial rights Israel withdrawal statistics legitimacy of annexation after defensive war strategic depth and national survival risks of indefensible borders recognition and withdrawal agreements historical precedents for land return security concerns with Israel security territorial buffer 1948 Arab-Israeli War 1967 Six-Day War Arab wars of aggression territorial claims pre-1967 borders land for peace Sinai Peninsula return peace treaties Palestinian Authority West Bank Gaza Strip negotiation withdrawal defensible borders national security Ehud Olmert unique security situation annexation legitimacy international law defensive war rights Ben Gurion Airport security territory disputes Israel-Palestine conflict Israel-Arab relations military strategy security rationale peace negotiations historical context territorial compromise Israeli withdrawal statistics Palestinian Israel security buffer defensible borders land for peace 1967 Six-Day War Israel territorial withdrawals pre-1967 borders Israel national security territorial compromise peace negotiations Sinai Peninsula return Gaza Strip withdrawal West Bank autonomy Arab-Israeli wars Palestine recognition security guarantees minimal territorial claims Ehud Olmert quote Tel Aviv airport security shoulder-fired missiles threat Jordan-Israel peace Arab wars of aggression legal legitimacy of annexation defensive war rights post-war negotiations buffer zone national survival Palestinian Authority territory Israel withdrawal percentages Israel peace treaties Israel-S Israel security territory buffer 1948 Arab-Israeli War 1967 Six-Day War Arab aggression pre-1967 borders West Bank Gaza Strip Sinai Peninsula return land for peace peace treaties Palestinian Authority territorial withdrawal national security defensible borders Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport shoulder-fired missiles Israeli annexation legal legitimacy defensive war Arab-Israeli conflict territorial negotiations peace agreements Palestinian recognition Israeli withdrawals military strategy Israel national survival Israeli military doctrine occupied territories Israeli territorial claims Israel security buffer Israel defensible borders 1967 Six Day War land for peace Israel Arab wars Israel withdrawal territory Israel Sinai return West Bank negotiations Gaza Strip withdrawal pre-1967 borders Israel national security Arab Israeli conflict Palestinian territory claims Jordan Israel peace Ehud Olmert borders shoulder-fired missiles Israel Israel unique security situation defensive war annexation legal justification Israeli borders Israel peace negotiations Israel territory retention Israel military strategy Palestine recognition Israel Israel Palestinian Authority Israel buffer zones Israeli territorial disputes Ben Gurion Airport security Arab aggression Israel Israel Israel security 1967 borders defensive wars land for peace territorial dispute Arab-Israeli conflict Sinai withdrawal West Bank Gaza Strip buffer zones Israeli annexation peace negotiations Palestinian Authority territorial compromise Israel national security Arab aggression pre-1967 territory Ehud Olmert defensible borders Ben Gurion Airport Palestinian terrorism military strategy international law occupied territories Israel-Egypt peace Jordan-Israel relations border demarcation national survival military buffer Middle East peace process territorial legitimacy United Nations resolutions Israeli withdrawal security guarantees Israel security territorial claims defensive wars Arab-Israeli wars 1948 war 1967 Six-Day War pre-1967 borders security buffer territorial withdrawal Sinai Peninsula return Israel-Egypt peace treaty West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority land-for-peace annexation national security defensible borders Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport shoulder-fired missiles buffer zones Palestinian recognition territorial negotiations international law unique security situation Arab aggression defensive annexation legitimacy of territory retention peace settlements Israel-Jordan peace comparative security lessons
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con03a	The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers neo-functionalism intergovernmentalism national sovereignty De Gaulle France Common Agricultural Policy majority voting institutional power Bonn Rome European Commission supranationalism member states conflict integration halt European Economic Community political crisis veto Luxembourg Compromise European institutions crisis mediation policy deadlock supranational vs intergovernmental France-Germany relations France-Italy relations European Union history Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers neofunctionalism intergovernmentalism Charles de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy CAP majority voting national sovereignty European Economic Community EEC veto supranationalism Euroscepticism institutional balance of power crisis in European Communities power shift European institutions abandonment of neofunctionalism Luxembourg Compromise European Council European history French policy European integration Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers neofunctionalism intergovernmentalism Charles de Gaulle France Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty European Economic Community institutional power shift Germany Italy European Community crisis supranationalism veto crisis Luxembourg Compromise European Commission decision-making political integration member states policy deadlock Bonn Rome EEC history EU integration theories Empty Chair Crisis 1965 causes Empty Chair Crisis 1965 consequences Empty Chair Crisis De Gaulle actions France withdrawal Council of Ministers 1965 Common Agricultural Policy Empty Chair institutional balance of power 1965 EEC French-German-Italian conflict 1965 integration halt European Economic Community 1965 Commission vs Council of Ministers power shift effects on European integration theories Neo-functionalism decline 1970s intergovernmentalism European integration French national sovereignty EEC mediation breakdown EEC Bonn Rome response Empty Chair European Community decision-making crisis historical significance of Empty Chair Crisis Council Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration de Gaulle France Common Agricultural Policy institutional balance of power Council of Ministers European Commission majority voting national sovereignty intergovernmentalism neofunctionalism Bonn Rome Germany Italy mediation breakdown European Community supranationalism veto crisis Luxembourg Compromise European politics national governments Treaty of Rome decision-making deadlock spillover European Union history Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration spillover theory European Commission Council of Ministers Charles de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting intergovernmentalism neofunctionalism national sovereignty European Economic Community institutional power shift supranational institutions European political crisis mediation system abandonment of neofunctionalism Treaty of Rome veto power Franco-German relations European Union history Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration spillover Council of Ministers European Commission institutional balance of power Charles de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting mediation national sovereignty neofunctionalism intergovernmentalism European Economic Community Bonn Rome French Presidency political crisis European Community supranationalism veto Luxembourg Compromise withdrawal decision-making integration theories member state conflict LSE Research Online Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration de Gaulle crisis France Common Agricultural Policy Council of Ministers power shift neofunctionalism crisis intergovernmentalism European Union Brussels crisis EU institutional balance EU majority voting national sovereignty EU Franco-German relations 1960s EU decision-making history EU policy stalemate EU Council of Ministers withdrawal Rome Treaty crisis Bonn Rome France EU European Community crisis 1965 EU institutional conflict EU mediation failure spillover effects European integration neo-functionalism abandonment LSE research Empty Chair Journal of Alternative Perspectives Social Sciences EU Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers neo-functionalism intergovernmentalism Charles de Gaulle Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Franco-German relations French-Italian relations European Communities institutional balance council presidency supranationalism Luxembourg Compromise decision-making deadlock European Commission European Council spillover effect abandonment of integration European political crisis LSE Research European Union history Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Commission national sovereignty France Charles de Gaulle Common Agricultural Policy majority voting Germany Italy mediation institutional power spillover neofunctionalism intergovernmentalism European Economic Community veto crisis resolution community institutions Luxembourg Compromise decision-making supranationalism European Union history state sovereignty integration theory LSE Research Online Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences
test-international-aghwrem-con01a	Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. liberal democracy moral responsibility international condemnation illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta civilian government legitimacy NLD 1990 election constitution amendment military reserved seats political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections electoral violence democratic activists government legitimacy international criticism human rights violations ethnic conflict freedom of speech undemocratic practices political engagement economic engagement international relations government censure government isolation Syria Iraq North Korea authoritarian regimes political repression democratic standards democratic legitimacy regime change international pressure liberal democracy moral responsibility illegitimate regimes Myanmar government military junta National League for Democracy 1990 elections constitutional reform reserved military seats parliament political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election legitimacy electoral fraud violence against activists sham elections authoritarian consolidation international legitimacy human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political repression international engagement diplomatic recognition global standards regime isolation economic sanctions international criticism authoritarian governments comparative cases Syria Iraq North Korea foreign policy moral foreign policy democratization transitional justice regime change electoral liberal democracy moral obligation illegitimate regimes Myanmar government military junta National League for Democracy NLD 1990 election constitutional reform reserved military seats parliamentary majority Aung San Suu Kyi political prisoners sham elections electoral violence democratic activists military consolidation legitimacy international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic sanctions government legitimacy international relations undemocratic practices global isolation regime censure authoritarian governments comparative analysis Syria Iraq North Korea moral obligation of liberal democracies denunciation of illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta legitimacy effects of constitutional military entrenchment exclusion of political prisoners in elections sham election consequences international engagement with illegitimate governments impact on democratic legitimacy human rights abuses in Myanmar ethnic violence and freedom of speech comparison with Syria Iraq North Korea international standards of human rights consequences of conferring legitimacy diplomatic isolation vs engagement international reaction to pseudo-democracies strategies to support democracy Myanmar ethical foreign policy toward Myanmar legitimacy and international recognition economic sanctions against military regimes role of the NLD in democracy responses liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar government military junta NLD 1990 election undemocratic practices reserved military seats constitutional amendment political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections violence democratic activists international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech legitimacy international relations economic engagement political engagement isolation censure authoritarian regimes Syria Iraq North Korea democratic standards political legitimacy electoral fraud military rule civilian government international sanctions external intervention democratic values Myanmar constitution Myanmar military junta illegitimate government democratic legitimacy international condemnation liberal democracy human rights violations sham elections political prisoners Myanmar military-dominated parliament constitutional restrictions Aung San Suu Kyi detention NLD election win 1990 foreign policy moral obligation regime recognition international isolation Myanmar denouncing authoritarianism Myanmar civilian government legitimacy ethnic violence  Myanmar freedom of speech repression Myanmar military influence in government international human rights standards global response illegitimate regimes engagement with authoritarian governments comparative analysis illegitimate regimes democratic activism Myanmar post-junta Myanmar politics liberal democracies moral obligation illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta civilian government democracy NLD 1990 election constitutional reform parliamentary seats military influence government legitimacy political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election fraud political repression democratic activists international legitimacy sham elections human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement global condemnation international relations authoritarianism Syria Iraq North Korea human rights standards political isolation international censure democratic norms authoritarian rule governance regime change military dictatorship political accountability civil liberties liberal democracy moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta 1990 democratic verdict National League for Democracy Myanmar constitution reserved military seats parliamentary amendment thresholds political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election legitimacy election violence political intimidation democratic activists government consolidation sham democracy international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech restrictions international engagement regime legitimacy human rights standards international relations illegitimate governments global censure political isolation Syria Iraq North Korea democratic legitimacy authoritarian rule electoral fraud military influence liberal democracies moral obligation illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta new civilian government National League for Democracy 1990 elections constitution parliamentary seats military influence constitutional amendment political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election legitimacy democratic activists political violence intimidation democratic process international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech undemocratic rule international engagement legitimacy international relations comparative analysis Syria Iraq North Korea authoritarianism democracy promotion sanctions diplomatic isolation legitimacy theory responsibility to protect international law political repression liberal democracies moral responsibility illegitimate regimes Myanmar military junta National League for Democracy NLD 1990 elections constitutional reform reserved military seats political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election fraud sham elections democratic activists human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international relations political legitimacy economic sanctions global censure international isolation authoritarian regimes democratic norms transitional justice comparative analysis Syria Iraq North Korea selective engagement foreign policy diplomatic recognition
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro01a	Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. music classification content rating censorship debate freedom of expression hip hop controversy violent lyrics gangsta rap media influence youth identity marginalized communities social impact of music music industry regulation media effects music and criminality cultural representation music perception music and developmental impact authenticity in music rap culture music policy age restrictions child protection music and violence political independence music classification schemes music and misperception controversial music music appeals process adult content access public criticism of music music and societal values music industry ethics performance restrictions online music regulation pop music classification censorship music censorship content regulation hip hop rap music violent lyrics music classification music labeling explicit content free expression artistic freedom music industry regulation 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regulation protecting minors from explicit music freedom vs control in music social impact of rap criticism of hip hop culture classification censorship freedom of expression hip hop violent music music criticism public perception marginalised communities rap lyrics authenticity gangsta rap music industry media coverage censorship debate music classification adolescent development violence in music youth culture social impact role models portrayal of violence materialism misogyny music regulation age restrictions media influence music policy cultural confinement urban youth music appeal process music content assessment adult-only content child protection laws music sales regulation live performance restrictions online content control community impact media representation psychological effects controversial art music classification content labeling censorship debate freedom of expression hip hop controversies violent lyrics music and youth gangsta rap media influence pop culture 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test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con03a	Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Olympic costs Olympic economic impact Olympic bidding process Olympic budget Olympic infrastructure Olympic security expenses taxpayer burden government funding public spending local taxes city regeneration event subsidies infrastructure investment economic legacy sporting event financing Olympics financial loss Olympic profit mega-event costs public sector investment city budget overruns urban development Olympic Games expenses long-term debt bid city costs fiscal responsibility sports event funding municipal expenditure taxpayer contribution Olympic revenue public finance city development economic opportunity cost Olympics cost Olympics expenses Olympic hosting budget Olympic Games financial impact taxpayer burden Olympics government spending Olympics Olympic bidding costs city infrastructure Olympics Olympic Games profit loss public funding Olympics economic impact Olympics event security costs over-budget Olympics urban regeneration funding Olympic tax increase Olympics local government funding hosting city liabilities sports event subsidies financial sustainability Olympics mega-event costs Olympic costs hosting expenses Olympic budget Olympic deficit economic impact public funding taxpayer burden city regeneration infrastructure investment Olympic bidding security costs government spending mega-events financial risks cost overruns local taxes urban development sports subsidies event legacy public debt Olympics cost overruns Olympic Games profitability taxpayer burden Olympics bidding process Olympic costs government expenditure Olympics security expenses Olympic Games infrastructure spending vs Olympics Olympics impact on local taxes city regeneration and Olympic funding comparison Olympic costs by city economic effects Olympics Olympics and public spending Olympic Games funding alternatives tax increases for Olympics cost-benefit analysis Olympics budgeting for mega-events Olympic investments vs direct infrastructure spending lessons from past Olympic Games budgeting London Paris Olympics cost comparison long-term financial impact Olympics legacy costs of hosting Olympics Olympic hosting costs Olympic bid expenses Olympic Games budget Olympic taxpayer burden Olympic city infrastructure government funding Olympics Olympics security expenses Olympics financial impact Olympics cost-benefit analysis Olympics public funding Olympic legacy mega-event economics taxpayer opposition Olympics Olympic project overspending direct infrastructure investment Olympic long-term costs urban regeneration Olympics 1984 Los Angeles Olympics finances 2012 Olympics bid Paris Olympics expenses London Olympics tax impact Olympics opportunity cost Olympic Games financial history Olympics hosting costs Olympics economic impact Olympics financial burden taxpayer funding Olympics Olympic Games infrastructure spending bidding city expenses Olympics public funding debate Olympics regeneration alternatives Olympics profit and loss Olympics budget overruns sporting events economics costs of hosting major events Olympics urban regeneration Olympics security spending Olympics tax increases London Olympics costs Paris Olympics spending Athens Olympics budget Olympics long-term financial impact public funding for sports events Olympic costs Olympic budget Olympic hosting expenses taxpayer burden public funding government expenditure Olympic profit bidding process cost London Olympics Paris Olympics Athens Olympics security spending infrastructure investment city regeneration local taxes mega-events sporting event subsidies financial impact cost overruns economic impact cost-benefit analysis urban development city planning operational costs international events host city finance fiscal responsibility event legacy mega-project budgeting Olympics cost Olympics expenses Olympic hosting budget Olympic Games losses Olympic Games profit bidding process costs Athens Olympics security Paris Olympics budget London Olympics tax Olympic infrastructure spending taxpayer burden Olympics city government Olympic funding Olympic project overruns Olympic cost overrun Olympics economic impact direct infrastructure investment Olympics and urban regeneration cost of hosting Olympics Olympic Games financial risk taxpayer Olympic expenses Olympic Games tax impact financial consequences Olympic hosting Olympics infrastructure improvement Olympic Games city costs government funding Olympics Olympics costs Olympic budget Olympics financial burden taxpayer impact Olympic Games security expenses government funding Olympics city bidding costs infrastructure investment Olympics Olympic city regeneration long-term Olympics debt Olympics economic impact hosting alternatives Olympic subsidy debate London Olympics cost Paris Olympics cost Athens Olympics spending sports event funding Olympics taxpayer contribution Olympic Games overbudget public infrastructure spending sports mega-events economics Olympics costs Olympic bidding expenses Olympic hosting burden government Olympic spending taxpayer Olympic burden Olympic security costs Olympic infrastructure Olympic budget overruns Paris Olympics finances London Olympics budget Athens Olympics security taxpayer impact Olympics city regeneration costs public funding Olympics Olympic legacy costs sports event subsidies major event budgeting local government spending Olympics economic impact Olympics infrastructure improvement alternatives
test-law-tahglcphsld-con01a	Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. drug abuse substance misuse public health addiction drug prohibition government regulation health risks drug policy illegal drugs drug legalization debate controlled substances social harm prescription drugs drug-related crime harm reduction drug prevention societal impact health campaigns drug enforcement substance ban drug safety drug prohibition substance abuse public health policy government regulation drug legalization debate societal harm addiction risks drug safety drug bans prescription drugs medical supervision drug purity drug acceptability health campaigns legal consequences social norms public safety drug legislation drug control drug policy enforcement health risks state responsibility drug misuse prevention harm reduction UK cannabis laws drug abuse substance misuse public health drug legalization government regulation drug prohibition health risks addiction drug policy controlled substances prescription drugs drug-related harm legality social impact medical dangers state responsibility drug enforcement drug safety legalization consequences harm reduction drug culture drug prevention drug legalization dangers government role in drug policy public health and drug use banning harmful substances drug purity and addiction risks prescription drugs vs illegal drugs societal harm of drugs medical dangers of drug use legalizing drugs and public perception health campaigns and drug laws government responsibility to protect citizens effect of legalization on drug acceptability cannabis reclassification UK impact substance abuse prevention risks of legal drugs drug law and societal impact restricting access to dangerous substances undermining public health messaging regulation of potentially harmful drugs drug policy drug prohibition drug legalization government regulation public health drug safety substance abuse drug addiction legal vs illegal drugs medicine regulation prescription drugs harm reduction societal harm drug purity drug control drug-related deaths drug acceptance cultural impact public messaging health campaigns cannabis legislation UK drug laws moral responsibility state intervention drug prevention social responsibility drugs and crime legal consequences health risks drug regulation effectiveness drug legalization debate dangers of drug use government drug policy public health and drugs arguments against drug legalization banning dangerous substances government responsibility drugs drug addiction risks drug-related harm safe drug use myth purity of legalized drugs prescription drug regulation medical dangers of drugs social acceptance of drugs impact of legalization on youth health campaigns drugs cannabis legalization UK drug-related government policies drug harm reduction state responsibility drugs drug prohibition government regulation substance abuse public health drug legalization addiction harm reduction drug policy controlled substances risk to society drug safety medical supervision prescription drugs policy enforcement drug laws health campaigns societal impact legal risks drug-related harm cannabis legislation drug acceptability UK drug policy moral responsibility public safety medical dangers drug purity drug control criminalization deterrence legislative measures drug legalization debate government regulation drugs drug safety concerns public health drug policy social harm drugs banning harmful substances dangers of drug use drug addiction risks drug purity legal issues prescription drug regulation medical dangers illegal drugs societal impact drug legalization government responsibility drug policy cultural acceptance drugs health campaign drugs cannabis legal status UK drug decriminalization arguments drug abuse prevention drug policy enforcement drug legalization disadvantages drug policy drug legalization drug prohibition public health drug addiction substance abuse government responsibility drug regulation social harm drug safety drug-related crime health campaigns medicine regulation prescription drugs drug law enforcement drug control drug purity addiction risks societal impact cannabis laws UK drug policy drug harm reduction legalization consequences drug culture medical dangers public perception state intervention dangerous substances criminalization drug-related fatalities drug policy drug legalization debate drug prohibition public health drug harm substance abuse government regulation drug safety addiction risk drug purity prescription drugs controlled substances legalization impact social acceptability drug decriminalization drug-related harms health campaigns government responsibility drug laws drug culture drug regulation substance ban legal vs illegal drugs cannabis policy UK drug laws drug messaging addiction prevention medical dangers health risks
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con02a	It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. English language acquisition immigrant experience linguistic assimilation cultural identity language policy non-native speakers language discrimination bilingualism integration challenges language barriers heritage languages language stigma social integration English proficiency multiculturalism immigrant adaptation economic opportunity language learning obstacles symbolic policy exclusionary practices language acquisition immigrant language barriers English proficiency linguistic discrimination cultural heritage English as a Second Language language policy immigrant integration stigmatization of non-English speakers assimilation pressures multilingualism in America economic impact of language skills language and identity language learning obstacles barriers to English acquisition impact of official language policies inclusion and diversity social integration of immigrants heritage languages minority languages in the United States language policy English-only laws immigrant assimilation linguistic discrimination bilingualism language acquisition barriers cultural identity heritage languages social integration language stigma English proficiency economic opportunity language access minority languages language rights language education acculturation immigrant experience symbolic policies language barriers social mobility diversity in America language exclusion multiculturalism language learning challenges language policy impact English language acquisition barriers assimilation versus cultural heritage immigrant experiences with English symbolic versus substantive language laws stigmatization of non-English speakers English proficiency discrimination bilingual cultural identity America economic necessity of English United States integration challenges for non-English speakers English-only legislation effects historical non-native English groups immigrant adaptation strategies policy effects on language minorities access to opportunities for non-English speakers English language learning resources consequences of linguistic exclusion social integration and language use language policy and social justice American multicultural linguistic history English-only policy language discrimination immigrant language acquisition cultural assimilation linguistic diversity language barriers stigmatization of non-English speakers English proficiency language learning obstacles heritage languages American cultural identity symbolic language policies language and economic opportunities language exclusion bilingualism in the US language assimilation pressures language policy impact minority languages United States English language dominance policy and immigrant integration English language assimilation immigrant language barriers cultural heritage in America English-only policies impact of English proficiency on immigrants language discrimination in the US challenges of learning English for immigrants social stigma for non-English speakers symbolic language policies economic impact of language policy access to opportunity for non-native English speakers American linguistic diversity integration vs assimilation minority language rights USA language and identity in immigration English language policy linguistic discrimination non-native English speakers immigrant assimilation cultural heritage language barriers language acquisition English proficiency U.S. language politics symbolic language laws language stigma assimilation challenges cultural identity immigrant integration language opportunity English-only movement language policy impact societal discrimination English language learners language access xenophobia workplace language bilingualism language legislation social integration language learning obstacles English language policy immigrant language acquisition cultural assimilation language discrimination language stigmatization American cultural heritage non-native English speakers English-only laws language barriers in the US linguistic diversity English proficiency challenges immigrant integration social consequences of language policy workplace language requirements symbolic language policies marginalized language groups second language learners immigrant experiences language access rights language and identity in America immigrant integration language policy cultural assimilation English language acquisition linguistic discrimination language barriers multilingualism heritage languages language education social stigma U.S. immigration language rights economic integration English-only policies minority languages American identity language and opportunity language-based prejudice sociolinguistics acculturation language and employment symbolic policies language accessibility immigrant challenges cultural diversity language policy English-only laws immigrant assimilation language discrimination cultural heritage linguistic diversity English language acquisition immigrant experiences language barriers social stigma economic integration language and identity non-native English speakers language education policy symbolic policies cultural exclusion immigrant rights language inclusion U.S. multiculturalism challenges learning English
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con02a	Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. airport security random checks identity verification passenger screening targeted profiling ethnic profiling terrorism prevention deterrence factor terrorist detection security effectiveness international terrorism al Qaeda airport surveillance security policies risk assessment equal treatment security strategy pre-emptive measures background checks travel security criminal deterrence security loopholes security protocols selective screening security vulnerability random passenger screening airport security identity checks terrorism prevention racial profiling ethnic profiling selective screening universal deterrence al Qaeda terrorist recruitment airport surveillance security effectiveness advance disclosure international terrorism security policy background checks randomization equal scrutiny selective enforcement travel security security loopholes risk assessment counter-terrorism strategies airport policing threat detection security protocol privacy concerns civil liberties anti-terrorism measures security transparency airport security random checks passenger screening identity verification terrorist detection deterrence ethnic profiling surveillance effectiveness international terrorism al Qaeda security protocols airport safety targeted checks equal treatment security deterrence security risks terrorist countermeasures security policy risk assessment airport surveillance criminal deterrence security strategies passenger profiling airport checkpoints aviation security government security measures random airport security checks effectiveness of random passenger screening dangers of targeted profiling at airports ethnic profiling and airport security deterrence through random checks security risks of announcing search criteria international terrorist recruitment strategies equal deterrence in airport security airport surveillance best practices flaws in targeted security checks impact of random searches on terrorism prevention al Qaeda airport attack strategies comparative security check methods counterterrorism strategies at airports random vs targeted identity checks maximizing airport security effectiveness passenger profiling dangers border security random screening fair airport search policies implications of selective screening deterrent effect of unpredictable security searches airport security random checks identity verification profiling ethnic groups terrorist detection surveillance strategies security screening risk assessment deterrence international terrorism al Qaeda security policy criminal prevention passenger screening airport surveillance selective screening security effectiveness threat deterrence airport procedures random passenger screening airport security effectiveness random security checks targeted security screening risks airport profiling dangers ethnic profiling security risks deterrence in airport security airport counter-terrorism strategies inclusive security measures terrorist evasion tactics profiling limitations in security random checks vs targeted checks al Qaeda airport security equal deterrence airport measures international terrorist organization adaptability maximizing airport security security through unpredictability airport security best practices effective terrorism prevention airport security policy recommendations drawbacks of profiling at airports airport security random identity checks passenger screening terrorist detection targeted profiling ethnic profiling security deterrence international terrorism airport surveillance al Qaeda security effectiveness criminal deterrence risk assessment airport safety counterterrorism profiling risks equal treatment security protocols search strategies security policies passenger demographics surveillance vulnerability behavioral screening security transparency terrorist tactics search efficiency random airport security passenger identity checks random screening efficacy airport security deterrence ethnic profiling risks anti-terrorism security policies targeted security checks terrorist tactics evasion equal-opportunity screening security surveillance methods airport counterterrorism strategy al Qaeda countermeasures non-discriminatory security international terrorism prevention security screening best practices advanced passenger profiling airport safety protocols security check transparency issues criminal deterrence at airports airport security loopholes random security checks airport security passenger identity verification counterterrorism terrorist profiling ethnic profiling airport surveillance targeted security security deterrent effect international terrorism al Qaeda terrorist recruitment unbiased security protocols airport safety profiling risks equitable security measures background checks airport randomization threat detection security effectiveness criminal deterrence selective screening security policy security discrimination risk mitigation random security checks airport identity verification airport security effectiveness deterrence against terrorism ethnic profiling risks terrorist profiling airport surveillance strategies international terrorist networks equitable security measures airport passenger screening criminal deterrence security policy consequences targeted vs random checks terrorism prevention discriminatory security practices airport security ethics al Qaeda tactics threat detection strategies
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con01a	An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. amnesty policy alienation repressive regimes Western democracies discourse breakdown diplomatic engagement reform negotiations press freedom democracy promotion regime response subversion international relations human rights incremental reform diplomacy sanctions regime change political dissent blogger crackdown patient engagement conflict escalation coercive diplomacy constructive engagement negotiation strategies North Korea appeasement Larison authoritarianism regime legitimacy nonviolent reform influence strategies public diplomacy dialogue vs. aggression trust-building international pressure amnesty policy alienation repressive regimes discourse reform Western democracies subversion power dynamics criminal dissidents communication breakdown diplomatic engagement incremental change patient diplomacy regime reactions democracy promotion press freedom peaceful reform non-aggression international relations government crackdown bloggers appeasement North Korea case study U.S. foreign policy engagement strategies negotiating with authoritarian regimes coercive diplomacy human rights diplomacy political reform soft power amnesty engagement policy repressive regimes diplomatic discourse reform Western democracies foreign policy communication breakdown regime change democracy promotion press freedom incremental change negotiation international relations constructive engagement state sovereignty human rights non-interference bloggers crackdown US-North Korea relations appeasement peaceful reform coercive diplomacy soft power regime response dissidents power dynamics cross-cultural negotiation political liberalization authoritarian states amnesty policy effects regime response to amnesty policy discourse with repressive regimes Western democracies engagement strategies reform incentives for authoritarian regimes impact on communication between West and regimes incremental change vs aggression case studies North Korea US relations press freedom in authoritarian regimes best practices for democratic reform patient diplomatic engagement backlash against criminal dissidents crackdown on bloggers authoritarian response subversion of regime power Larison engagement appeasement summary historical examples of engagement vs confrontation reform strategies in closed societies international pressure and reform fostering discourse with autocratic regimes peaceful reform incentives amnesty policy repressive regimes international relations diplomatic engagement discourse and reform Western democracies regime response subversion of power democratic reforms press freedom coercive diplomacy incremental change peaceful negotiation authoritarian government crackdown on dissent human rights bloggers repression U.S.-North Korea relations long-term strategy Larison engagement appeasement foreign policy non-aggression soft power regime stability cross-cultural communication political reform strategies amnesty policy alienate regimes repressive regimes discourse vs reform Western intervention power subversion criminal dissidents regime response communication breakdown equal footing diplomacy undermining sovereignty democratic reform strategies democracy promotion press freedom peaceful engagement incremental change non-aggression policy North Korea case study US foreign policy sanctions vs engagement regime crackdown effects blogger repression soft power diplomacy Daniel Larison constructive engagement long-term reform authoritarian backlash amnesty policy alienation regimes discourse reform repressive governments force population control Western democracies subversion power criminal dissidents communication breakdown diplomatic engagement equal footing mutual respect regime change democracy promotion press freedom incremental reform peaceful engagement coercive diplomacy North Korea US foreign policy gradual change crackdown bloggers authoritarianism engagement vs appeasement Daniel Larison The American Conservative amnesty policy alienation of regimes international discourse regime reform repressive regimes Western intervention subversion of power engagement strategy democracy promotion press freedom patient diplomacy incremental change US-North Korea relations government crackdown bloggers repression Larison engagement appeasement vs engagement foreign policy human rights diplomatic relations equal footing negotiations coercive diplomacy diplomatic consequences authoritarian regimes Western superiority cross-cultural negotiations positive reform communication breakdown dissident support soft power peaceable reform amnesty policy alienation regimes diplomatic engagement discourse reform repressive regimes population control Western intervention subversion power dynamics criminal dissidents communication breakdown equality in diplomacy cultural superiority democratic reform press freedom patient engagement peaceable negotiation core aims aggression North Korea US foreign policy incremental change long-term strategy bloodless transition blogger crackdown government censorship international relations regime change soft power persuasion mutual respect appeasement The American Conservative Larison amnesty policy international relations diplomatic engagement regime response repressive regimes discourse political reform Western influence democracy promotion press freedom incremental change North Korea US foreign policy negotiation strategies authoritarian government blogger crackdown peaceful reform coercive diplomacy regime change sanctions human rights subversion power dynamics diplomatic isolation communication breakdown constructive engagement
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro02a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation international power dynamics Security Council reform global governance military parity strategic stability nonproliferation regime international inequality state sovereignty arms race balance of power disarmament small state security nuclear club exclusivity international legitimacy post-World War II order NPT criticism nuclear arms fairness great power privilege international norm setting global security architecture conventional versus nuclear power strategic leverage universal nuclear rights structural injustice United Nations reform nuclear proliferation agenda-setting power international forums Security Council membership global governance military capacity international clout world order post-World War II nuclear club exclusivity non-proliferation treaties nuclear deterrence fairness in international relations disarmament balance of power equal treatment of states security dilemma nuclear monopoly nuclear equality international status military parity state sovereignty arms race national defense strategic stability deterrence theory geopolitical influence small states security superpower dominance unfair global structures nuclear rights international hierarchy nuclear nonproliferation regime nuclear proliferation international power dynamics United Nations Security Council global governance military deterrence arms control non-proliferation agreements nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international equality agenda-setting power world order military capacity security dilemma conventional versus nuclear arms international relations fairness in arms possession strategic stability nuclear club defense capability global security architecture crisis bargaining balance of power international clout post-World War II order exclusive nuclear powers agenda-setting power of nuclear weapons nuclear weapons and international status nuclear powers and UN Security Council membership fairness of nuclear weapons possession nuclear proliferation and global equality post-World War II world order and nuclear weapons military capacity and state interactions non-proliferation agreements and global power dynamics nuclear weapons and international clout exclusivity of the nuclear club arms possession rights and international law nuclear weapons and smaller states' security global nuclear disarmament vs. proliferation United Nations Security Council nuclear bias imbalance of power in international relations legitimacy of nuclear weapons possession nuclear deterrence and international fairness historical basis nuclear weapons agenda-setting power international stage United Nations Security Council nuclear powers global governance international clout military capacity post-World War II order fairness non-proliferation agreements nuclear club arms control international equality security dilemmas defense capability great power politics power imbalance deterrence small state security international law proliferation crisis bargaining global security nuclear blackmail nuclear balance international forums institutional bias permanent membership world order military dominance nuclear deterrence Brookings Institution James D. Fearon Richard K. Betts nuclear weapons and international influence UN Security Council nuclear states nuclear weapons and global agenda setting fairness in nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons and military parity post-World War II international order non-proliferation agreements critique nuclear deterrence and small states international power imbalance nuclear weapons arguments for nuclear weapon ownership nuclear weapons and state sovereignty equal rights to nuclear arms military capacity and international clout nuclear club exclusivity historical origins of nuclear power dominance nuclear weapons and global equality international relations and nuclear capabilities global governance and nuclear weapons defense rights for small nations nuclear proliferation and world fairness nuclear weapons agenda-setting power international relations United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation post-World War II order military capacity international forums international clout international inequality global governance nuclear club non-proliferation agreements arms control international fairness state sovereignty defense capability power imbalance world order international status military dominance national security nuclear deterrence crisis bargaining signaling theory balance of power nuclear monopoly disarmament international law small states security dilemma Brookings Institution Richard K. Betts James D. Fearon equal treatment nuclear weapons agenda-setting power international stage United Nations Security Council nuclear powers international clout military capacity world order post-World War II global inequality nuclear non-proliferation nuclear club arms fairness international forums military dominance state sovereignty deterrence theory nuclear proliferation nuclear parity security dilemma defense capability conventional military imbalance international relations power politics great power status nuclear rights nuclear equity crisis bargaining signaling balance of power global governance security council membership arms race global security global justice Betts Fearon nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation international relations power imbalance United Nations Security Council nuclear club post-World War II order nuclear non-proliferation arms control military capacity global governance international equality security dilemma nuclear monopoly state sovereignty disarmament debates small state security strategic parity nuclear arms race fairness in international law great power politics defense policy crisis bargaining agenda-setting nuclear blackmail conflict resolution international forums military dominance non-nuclear states security guarantees global justice international legitimacy institutional bias strategic advantage superpower status nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation international power dynamics global governance United Nations Security Council post-World War II order nuclear non-proliferation international equality arms race military parity security dilemma global security nuclear policy state sovereignty disarmament debates international fairness nuclear arms treaties power imbalance security guarantees small state security
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con03a	Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. women's rights reproductive rights bodily autonomy family planning contraception Church doctrine pregnancy unplanned pregnancy child welfare poverty women's health Catholic Church birth control population control parental responsibility maternal health religious ethics pro-choice pro-life social inequality global health slums favelas malnutrition child mortality women's empowerment personal choice ethics of reproduction right to choose motherhood reproductive freedom reproductive rights women's autonomy individual rights Church doctrine pregnancy ethics contraception family planning Catholic views birth control poverty and childbirth unintended pregnancies child welfare maternal responsibility global perspectives on pregnancy Western ideals poverty and children anti-natalist debate religious views on reproduction empowerment of women reproductive health decision-making in parenthood ecclesiastical authority celibacy and policy community support for parents women's rights reproductive rights Church doctrine contraception birth control family planning individual autonomy unwanted pregnancy poverty child welfare maternal responsibility Catholic views celibacy moral values religious teachings pregnancy ethics social inequality child malnutrition population policy pro-choice sexual health societal norms developing world parental responsibility global health child mortality women's reproductive rights right to choose abortion church doctrine on contraception pregnancy as a blessing planned vs unplanned pregnancy impact of poverty on child-rearing ethics of family planning women's autonomy in reproduction Catholic views on contraception societal responsibility for children child welfare in developing countries moral obligations of religious authorities women's health and wellbeing reproductive justice forced motherhood implications decision making in parenthood gender roles in childcare celibate clergy and reproductive policy poverty and family planning global perspectives on pregnancy reproductive rights women's autonomy individual rights contraception Catholic Church doctrine pregnancy ethics family planning socioeconomic factors child welfare slum conditions poverty and childbirth parental responsibility religious perspectives on birth control female empowerment planned parenthood birth control methods church versus secular values global reproductive health poverty and parenthood ethics of procreation barriers to contraception unintended pregnancies cultural views on pregnancy maternal rights decision-making in reproduction resource scarcity and children women's reproductive rights right to choose church views on pregnancy contraception debate planned vs unplanned pregnancy global perspectives on pregnancy poverty and child-rearing reproductive justice church teachings on family planning individual autonomy in reproduction maternal responsibility impact of poverty on children celibate clergy and reproductive decisions ethical considerations in family planning societal impact of unplanned pregnancies family planning in developing countries maternal health religious influence on reproductive policy pro-choice arguments reproductive autonomy individual rights women's autonomy reproductive rights right to choose church doctrine contraception pregnancy planning family planning birth control chemical barriers physical barriers population control poverty child welfare malnutrition global health slums developing countries societal attitudes joy of childbirth maternal responsibility parental decision-making religious influence celibacy ethical debate pro-choice reproductive freedom poverty and children childbearing moral philosophy reproductive health reproductive rights women's autonomy pro-choice abortion debate Church doctrines on pregnancy contraception family planning planned parenthood religious ethics and reproduction child welfare in poverty global maternal health societal attitudes to pregnancy birth control Catholic views on contraception poverty and childbearing parental responsibility child malnutrition religious authority vs individual rights poverty and reproductive decisions maternal rights ethical decision making celibacy and moral authority reproductive justice women's health unplanned pregnancy societal impact of childbirth women's reproductive rights individual autonomy Church doctrine on pregnancy birth control methods contraception debate family planning unplanned pregnancy maternal responsibility poverty and child-rearing global perspectives on childbirth cultural views on pregnancy slums and child welfare malnutrition and child mortality religious influence on reproductive choices celibacy and decision-making parental support systems societal impact of unplanned births ethical debates on abortion Church vs secular values planned parenthood policies female empowerment women's reproductive rights individual autonomy right to choose church doctrine on pregnancy contraception chemical barriers physical barriers unplanned pregnancy family planning poverty and pregnancy child welfare global inequalities slums favellas malnutrition child mortality role of women in family planning religious perspectives on reproduction celibacy authority of the church planned parenthood maternal responsibility reproductive health societal attitudes toward pregnancy ethical debates on abortion Catholic views on contraception gender roles poverty and childbearing moral responsibility personal choice in reproduction
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics social media risks Facebook dangers online sexual assault internet predators online grooming digital privacy threats victim safety cybercrime rape prevention women’s online safety Facebook sexual exploitation impersonation risks identity deception trust violations social network crime cyberbullying online harassment adolescent mental health teen cyberbullying online threats cyberbullying statistics youth online safety bullying prevention technology abuse spreading rumors online digital abuse online victimization internet child safety privacy violations psychological harm social media social network consequences social media dangers Facebook risks online predators identity deception sexual assault via Facebook cyberbullying on Facebook online harassment privacy concerns online safety mental health impact digital trust issues internet grooming social network crime Facebook and crime social networking site dangers social media and teens adolescent online safety emotional abuse cyberbullying statistics digital abuse Facebook and women's safety anonymity risks technology-facilitated abuse online victimization youth online risk harmful effects of Facebook social media dangers online predators Facebook safety online rape internet safety catfishing sexual assault online online trust issues online grooming privacy concerns social network crimes mental health effects cyberbullying internet harassment teen bullying adolescent safety online threats digital abuse Facebook victimization digital safety education internet rumors mental scars sexual violence prevention social media risks online anonymity digital privacy youth safety online technology and crime cybercrime online manipulation Facebook dangers Facebook safety risks Facebook and sexual assault Facebook and rape cases social media and crime Facebook identity fraud Facebook and women's safety Facebook meeting dangers online predator risks Facebook Facebook and cyberbullying Facebook and teen bullying Facebook harassment Facebook threats Facebook bullying statistics Facebook mental health risks Facebook and child safety Facebook trust issues Facebook privacy risks Facebook social harm Facebook and society Facebook negative effects dangers of meeting strangers Facebook Facebook and online rumors Facebook and psychological effects social networks and crime protecting oneself on Facebook Facebook and adolescent safety Facebook risks social media dangers online predators online safety online rape cases social network crime mental health threats physical safety online catfishing Facebook trust issues internet anonymity victim deception social network violence cyberbullying online harassment adolescent cyberbullying teen mental health bullying statistics cyberthreats Facebook and crime online scams grooming online digital privacy female safety online online rumor spreading Facebook mental health impact cyber victimization online sexual abuse social media risks for women technology and bullying online safety education Facebook dangers Facebook crime social media safety online predator risks dangers of social networking Facebook and mental health Facebook rape cases privacy threats on Facebook Facebook trust issues meeting strangers online cyberbullying on Facebook adolescent cyberbullying teen bullying statistics social network harassment online harassment Facebook rumor spreading Facebook and physical safety digital communication risks negative effects of Facebook social media and crime cyberbullying prevention Facebook and privacy loss child safety online Facebook influence on teens internet grooming social media abuse psychological impact of Facebook online threats teen online safety Facebook security concerns social media risks online safety Facebook dangers internet predators catfishing online identity fraud rape prevention digital harassment cybercrime social network crimes mental health impact privacy concerns online trust issues physical safety threats cyberbullying cyber harassment adolescent cyber risks teen internet safety online grooming online exploitation victim protection digital abuse harmful social networks psychological trauma digital self-protection online anonymity risks crime prevention on Facebook sexual violence online child safety on social media bullying statistics cyber security awareness digital literacy online manipulation social media negative effects privacy invasion Facebook dangers Facebook safety online predators social media risks online trust issues Facebook rape cases sexual assault social media predator grooming Facebook Facebook anonymity threats Facebook mental health cyber bullying Facebook adolescent online safety teen cyberbullying Facebook harassment digital safety social network crime Facebook victimization spreading rumors Facebook online threats Facebook internet safety for women cyber threats statistics online abuse social media Facebook psychological impact bullying statistics social media crime prevention digital harassment internet stalking Facebook privacy protection Facebook youth online safety social media law enforcement social media dangers online predators Facebook crime online sexual assault Facebook rape internet safety online grooming cyber crime privacy risks digital impersonation Facebook security social network abuse mental health risks physical harm victimization online trust deception cyber bullying online harassment teenage cyberbullying Facebook threats negative social media impact adolescent mental health online rumor spreading cyber safety education digital rights child safety online online abuse statistics Facebook and crime digital identity theft psychological effects social media safety for women online social media risks online safety digital identity online predators privacy concerns social network crime online sexual assault child exploitation grooming on Facebook cybercrime adolescent safety internet harassment mental health impact cyberbullying statistics online trust issues identity theft digital literacy Facebook regulations online rumor spreading technology abuse parenting online safety cyber abuse social networking dangers internet addiction cyber law online victim support digital citizenship teen mental health mobile device safety
test-international-aghwrem-con02a	The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. Myanmar military junta international recognition political legitimacy regime change illegitimate government democracy sanctions international law nationalised economy foreign investment trade restrictions poverty global governance diplomatic isolation US foreign policy EU sanctions concerted international action democratic reform authoritarian regime global opinion legitimacy crisis economic pressure human rights comparative cases Haiti South Africa disengagement strategy engagement policy ruling elite resource depletion international arena international relations domestic support artificial elections global response legitimacy withdrawal international recognition political legitimacy military junta Myanmar government popular support artificial elections global response US policy EU sanctions international opinion regime change Haiti precedent South Africa precedent nationalized economy economic sanctions foreign investment poverty in Myanmar military control democratic reform disengagement policy legitimacy in international arena international sanctions diplomatic pressure military regime human rights economic isolation global governance foreign relations international law international pressure Myanmar junta military regime international recognition political legitimacy domestic support artificial elections illegitimate government sanctions foreign policy trade embargo economic isolation democratic reform US sanctions EU policy nationalized economy poverty humanitarian crisis foreign investment regime change opposition movement international pressure humanitarian intervention diplomatic isolation authoritarianism human rights Southeast Asia global governance international law legitimacy crisis international recognition of military regimes impact of international sanctions Myanmar legitimacy of military governments international community response Myanmar precedent international influence illegitimate regimes Haiti international intervention South Africa apartheid international response nationalised economy military control Myanmar poverty under military rule Myanmar effects of international disengagement US EU policy Myanmar trade and investment Myanmar military democratic reform prospects Myanmar legitimacy in international arena authoritarian regimes historical cases international pressure regime change options for international community Myanmar recognition versus isolation military governments humanitarian consequences international policy Myanmar role of economic sanctions political legitimacy comparative analysis international responses authoritarianism international recognition political legitimacy Myanmar junta military regime domestic support artificial elections international sanctions EU policy US policy global governance legitimacy crisis nationalised economy poverty in Myanmar international engagement diplomatic isolation democratic reform illegitimate regimes Haiti precedent South Africa apartheid trade control foreign investment ruling elite resource dependence international opinion regime change international alignment authoritarian governments international pressure economic sanctions Myanmar political legitimacy international recognition military government Myanmar election legitimacy military junta international support global response Myanmar regime nationalized economy military control poverty under Myanmar military international community Myanmar sanctions democratic reform Myanmar legitimacy loss through disengagement historical precedent illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa regime change US EU Myanmar policy military regime international isolation economic sanctions Myanmar foreign investment Myanmar military popular support Myanmar government international pressure regime change military government trade control global opinion Myanmar legitimacy Myanmar junta military regime political legitimacy international recognition global community foreign policy sanctions diplomatic pressure economic engagement authoritarian governments illegitimate regimes US foreign policy EU foreign policy nationalized economy poverty democratic reform Haiti precedent South Africa apartheid international isolation resource constraints ruling elite state-controlled economy international sanctions trade barriers human rights democratic transition authoritarian rule international opinion regime change international legitimacy popular support election fraud Asia-Pacific politics Myanmar military government political legitimacy international recognition foreign policy nationalised economy international sanctions democratic reform US foreign policy EU foreign policy illegitimate regimes Haiti precedent South Africa apartheid economic control poverty in Myanmar international disengagement military elite trade and investment international legitimacy regime change humanitarian crisis global governance diplomatic leverage authoritarian regimes Myanmar democracy international sanctions impact economic isolation multilateral pressure ASEAN response regional stability human rights violations Myanmar military government political legitimacy international recognition nationalised economy poverty democratic reform international community US EU artificial elections illegitimate regimes global opinion trade control investment Haiti South Africa ruling elite sanctions disengagement external influence regime legitimacy foreign policy humanitarian crisis governance economic isolation democracy civilian support international relations authoritarianism regime change military junta Myanmar sanctions international recognition political legitimacy regime change foreign policy diplomatic isolation economic sanctions democratic transition human rights comparative analysis Haiti South Africa apartheid authoritarianism nationalized economy poverty impact legitimacy crisis global governance ASEAN response United Nations democracy promotion non-recognition policies international law transitional justice civil society foreign investment humanitarian intervention
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro04a	Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 UNSC United Nations Security Council PRC People's Republic of China diplomatic recognition São Tomé international institutions veto power Taiwan global governance international aid World Bank IMF diplomatic competition Oceania international relations China's influence membership threats diplomatic pressure aid organizations recognition policy UN Security Council PRC influence China veto power international organizations diplomatic recognition Taiwan relations São Tomé foreign policy World Bank IMF Pacific Island relations Chinese diplomacy United Nations membership international aid organizations cross-strait relations PRC-Taiwan diplomatic competition global governance veto threat small states in UN recognition politics major power influence multilateral institutions UNSC United Nations Security Council PRC China diplomatic relations recognition veto power international institutions São Tomé Tonga Taiwan influence international organizations World Bank IMF aid Pacific island diplomatic competition Chinese foreign policy UN membership small states global governance international diplomacy political leverage international recognition international aid agencies UNSC member influence PRC diplomatic power international organization veto China's role in the UN recognition and diplomacy São Tomé and China relations Taiwan vs China in international bodies World Bank influence IMF membership politics aid organizations and PRC pressure diplomatic competition China Taiwan PRC impact on small countries UN Security Council politics international initiative blockage Pacific island recognition switch UNSC China foreign relations PRC diplomatic influence United Nations Security Council Pacific diplomacy Tonga China relations diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Príncipe Taiwan diplomatic competition China veto power international organizations World Bank influence IMF influence international aid politics global governance diplomatic isolation China-Taiwan rivalry small state diplomacy Chinese soft power international membership recognition politics UNSC member influence PRC UN Security Council power diplomatic recognition Taiwan PRC Tonga UN membership PRC veto São Tomé UN initiatives PRC international organizations PRC influence World Bank PRC Taiwan IMF PRC Taiwan United Nations diplomatic challenges Chinese diplomatic leverage Taiwan international recognition China veto threat Oceania diplomatic competition PRC foreign policy multilateral Chinese influence United Nations UNSC United Nations Security Council PRC People's Republic of China permanent member veto power international recognition UN membership diplomatic relations Taiwan São Tomé Pacific islands diplomatic competition international institutions World Bank IMF international influence foreign policy international aid diplomatic pressure UN initiatives global governance international law multilateral organizations recognition politics UNSC members PRC influence United Nations Security Council diplomatic recognition China Taiwan relations São Tomé international relations UN veto power World Bank PRC role IMF PRC influence international institutions Pacific island diplomacy PRC diplomatic pressure global governance international aid organizations PRC diplomatic strategy Taiwan diplomatic isolation international policy PRC multilateral diplomacy Chinese foreign policy small states UN relations UNSC United Nations Security Council People's Republic of China PRC influence diplomatic recognition Pacific island diplomacy Taiwan-China relations UN veto power international organizations World Bank IMF São Tomé foreign policy small states diplomacy multilateral institutions aid organizations diplomatic competition Oceania diplomacy recognition and membership international relations PRC-Taiwan competition UNSC United Nations Security Council PRC People's Republic of China diplomatic recognition international relations veto power Pacific island Tonga São Tomé Chinese influence Taiwan international organizations World Bank IMF diplomatic competition aid organizations Oceania Chinese foreign policy recognition switch international diplomacy global governance
test-international-epvhwhranet-con02a	If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. EU treaties referendums member states treaty ratification direct democracy representative democracy EU decision-making parliamentary voting legislative process European integration unanimity requirement national sovereignty logistics treaty approval public consultation citizen participation policy-making supranational governance voting procedures international agreements democratic legitimacy minority veto collective decision-making UK parliament legislative representation Iraq war government accountability political consent EU treaties ratification process member state referendums direct democracy representative democracy qualified majority voting treaty approval public consultation parliamentary ratification national sovereignty legislative process treaty enactment EU decision-making citizen involvement intergovernmental negotiations democratic legitimacy policy implementation subsidiarity constitutional requirements treaty rejection unanimity rule voting mechanisms governance models electoral representation popular vote legislative versus direct vote war powers national referenda public opinion EU sovereignty versus integration EU referendums member state ratification treaty ratification representative democracy direct democracy EU decision-making legislative process referendum logistics unanimity requirement parliamentary democracy qualified majority voting national sovereignty UK parliament Iraq war public consultation government representation EU treaties democratic legitimacy referendum challenges supranational governance EU treaty referendums direct democracy EU member state approval EU EU decision-making processes treaty ratification mechanisms legislative representation EU comparison parliamentary vs referendum democratic legitimacy EU citizen consultation EU advantages representative democracy risks of unanimous consent logistics EU-wide referendums UK parliamentary voting historical referendums EU government representation EU Council Iraq war referendum comparison sovereignty and EU treaties policy-making without referendums minority veto EU efficiency of EU legislative process precedents for EU treaty ratification EU treaty ratification member state referenda European Union decision-making unanimity rule EU legislative process representative democracy direct democracy treaty approval mechanisms parliamentary ratification member state sovereignty EU governance qualified majority voting supranational institutions referendum drawbacks constitutional requirements public consultation legislative efficiency comparative politics democratic deficit institutional legitimacy EU treaty referendums member state voting direct democracy EU EU legislative process parliamentary representation EU EU citizen consultation effectiveness of referendums EU decision-making national sovereignty EU EU Council voting legitimacy of EU treaties pros and cons referendums EU comparison UK parliamentary system EU policy enactment EU integration challenges EU treaties referenda direct democracy representative democracy legislative process unanimity requirement treaty ratification member state sovereignty decision-making European integration parliamentary approval citizen consultation EU governance legislative efficiency veto power collective action public opinion supranational institutions national governments comparison with UK parliament role of referendums democratic legitimacy war with Iraq policy significance comparative politics EU referendums EU treaties ratification direct democracy European Union EU decision-making process member state voting EU EU governance models parliamentary vs referendum EU EU legislative process public consultation EU representation EU institutions voting mechanisms European Union opposition to EU referendums case studies EU treaty votes disadvantages of referendums EU democratic legitimacy European Union UK parliament voting system referendum frequency in Europe EU treaty enactment hurdles legitimacy of representative democracy EU member state veto EU comparative politics EU Iraq war UK referendum public participation EU European Union political structure EU referendums EU treaties member state voting decision-making process representative democracy direct democracy legislative process treaty ratification unanimity requirement EU enlargement parliamentary voting consent of citizens national sovereignty supranational governance UK parliament war with Iraq public consultation democratic legitimacy policy-making EU integration EU referendums treaty ratification decision-making process EU governance member state sovereignty EU enlargement democratic legitimacy representative democracy direct democracy unanimity rule qualified majority voting legislative process public consultation national parliaments policy implementation European integration institutional reform voting mechanisms subsidiarity federalism
test-economy-beghwbh-pro03a	The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 Hyperloop low cost transportation affordable intercity travel transportation cost comparison ticket price high-speed rail alternatives energy-efficient transport maintenance costs operating expenses infrastructure cost passenger capacity renewable energy transport competitive pricing Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha cost-effective travel mass transit systems sustainable transportation cheapest intercity mode travel affordability SpaceX transport innovative transit reduced travel expenses modern commuter options population capacity Hyperloop cost Hyperloop ticket price Hyperloop affordability intercity transport cost Hyperloop economic feasibility transportation price comparison Hyperloop vs flights cost Hyperloop operating costs Hyperloop maintenance costs Hyperloop energy efficiency Hyperloop profit low-cost intercity transport cheapest transportation methods Hyperloop infrastructure cost passenger Hyperloop pricing cost-effective transport sustainable transport costs Hyperloop financial analysis Hyperloop competitive pricing future transport expenses Hyperloop low cost transportation intercity travel cheapest transport mode ticket price transportation cost comparison energy efficiency infrastructure costs maintenance expenses staff costs price competitiveness alternative to flights mass transit high-speed transport sustainable transportation renewable energy passenger capacity transportation innovation Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha transportation economics affordable travel futuristic transport public transit solutions cost benefit analysis Hyperloop ticket price comparison Hyperloop cost analysis Cheapest intercity travel options Hyperloop vs airline ticket prices Hyperloop energy consumption Hyperloop maintenance costs Hyperloop profitability Low cost transportation systems Hyperloop infrastructure expenses Hyperloop passenger capacity Innovative transportation pricing High-speed train vs Hyperloop cost Hyperloop operation cost breakdown Sustainable mass transit systems Hyperloop economic feasibility Hyperloop energy production Intercity travel affordability Hyperloop staffing costs Future of cheap travel Hyperloop financial projections Hyperloop costs Hyperloop ticket price Hyperloop vs flights cheapest intercity transport Hyperloop energy efficiency Hyperloop profitability Hyperloop operating costs Hyperloop maintenance costs Hyperloop infrastructure transportation cost comparison Hyperloop passenger capacity Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha intercity transport economics innovative transportation systems sustainable high-speed transport Hyperloop ticket price comparison Hyperloop cost analysis Cheapest intercity transport Hyperloop vs airplane cost Hyperloop energy efficiency Hyperloop maintenance costs Hyperloop passenger capacity Hyperloop economic feasibility Hyperloop infrastructure amortization Hyperloop operating costs Hyperloop vs traditional transport Hyperloop ticket price calculations Hyperloop profitability Hyperloop staffing costs Hyperloop transportation innovation Hyperloop low cost transportation cheapest intercity travel ticket price transportation infrastructure operational costs energy efficiency maintenance costs staff costs price competitiveness affordable travel mass transit innovation Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha passenger transport transport economics alternative to flights sustainable transport high-speed travel cost-benefit analysis Hyperloop cost analysis Hyperloop ticket price Hyperloop vs airline cost Hyperloop infrastructure cost Hyperloop energy efficiency Hyperloop profitability Hyperloop maintenance cost Hyperloop operating expenses intercity transport comparison Hyperloop economic benefits Hyperloop passenger capacity Hyperloop staff costs Hyperloop vs conventional transport Hyperloop energy surplus affordable high-speed travel Hyperloop price competitiveness Hyperloop technology economics Hyperloop long-term costs Hyperloop mass transit Hyperloop Alpha report Hyperloop low cost transportation affordable intercity travel cheap ticket prices transport modes comparison Hyperloop vs flights transportation infrastructure costs energy efficient transport Hyperloop maintenance costs Hyperloop operating expenses Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX Hyperloop high passenger volume ticket price analysis cost effective travel sustainable transport system Hyperloop profit model energy production Hyperloop future transportation transport innovation next generation transit economic viability Hyperloop alternative to airlines travel affordability public transport pricing transport cost analysis affordable transportation Hyperloop ticket prices intercity travel costs energy efficiency transportation infrastructure maintenance expenses cost comparison air travel alternatives passenger volume operational costs sustainable transport economic feasibility mass transit Hyperloop profitability renewable energy high-speed travel Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha technological innovation
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro01a	Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, compensatory justice legal redress restorative justice reparations harm mitigation cultural restitution equality Rawlsian justice distributive justice moral compensation damages social justice cultural harm loss of earnings human dignity redress principle fairness reparation theory tort law egalitarianism emotional distress corrective justice liability externalities justice principles compensatory justice legal redress damages reparations restorative justice harm to reputation emotional distress lost opportunities egalitarianism corrective justice cultural harm cultural rights redress for cultural appropriation restorative measures equality of opportunity distributive justice John Rawls principle of redress compensation theory legal remedy moral compensation restitution social justice cultural identity dignity restoration externalities of harm compensatory justice reparations restitution legal redress moral compensation social justice egalitarianism harm principle distributive justice John Rawls cultural harm identity protection externalities loss of opportunity emotional damage reputational harm redress principle fairness equity legal remedies cultural appropriation compensatory damages restorative justice principle of redress corrective justice cultural restitution redress mechanisms equality victim compensation legal equity societal harm compensation for cultural appropriation legal principles of compensation compensatory justice Rawls emotional distress compensation harm to reputation compensation loss of opportunities redress egalitarian redress compensation compensation externalities harm restoring cultural identity compensation compensation for damaged dignity redress for cultural harms reparations for cultural appropriation lost business compensation cultural appropriation compensation for cultural loss Rawls redress principle compensation comparative justice and compensation compensation for inferiority feeling externalities in compensatory justice damages for loss of cultural heritage compensatory justice cultural appropriation egalitarianism redress principle harm compensation legal remedies emotional distress damages loss of reputation restitution equality theory John Rawls victim compensation non-economic damages cultural harm restorative justice social justice cultural identity unintended harm externalities legal compensation disadvantage remedy Gerald Gaus pollution analogy reputation loss lost business dignity harm income loss opportunity loss fairness in law reparations equality restoration justice theory compensatory justice cultural appropriation legal redress egalitarianism compensation for harm Rawls redress principle emotional distress compensation cultural harm remedies loss of reputation compensation restitution for cultural loss justice system compensation business loss compensation identity damage compensation damages for loss of opportunities philosophical compensation theories Gerald F. Gaus compensatory justice intent and externalities polluter pays principle legal remedy for appropriation equality through compensation restorative justice mechanisms compensation legal justice reparation harm redress emotional distress loss of reputation loss of dignity lost opportunities potential earnings equity justice principle disadvantage victim rights leveling inequality restitution damages cultural appropriation cultural harm lost business cultural awareness cultural identity feeling of inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian compensatory justice externalities unintended harm pollution analogy equality restorative measures legal remedies compensatory justice redress principle John Rawls compensation cultural appropriation harms legal remedies compensation egalitarian justice emotional distress damages loss of reputation compensation lost business due to cultural appropriation compensation for dignity harm equality and compensation harm externalities law restorative justice compensation theoretical frameworks culture and identity damage legal compensation for cultural harm justice system compensation principles compensatory damages redress for cultural appropriation compensation for lost opportunities compensatory justice legal redress harm compensation reparations restorative justice equality social justice John Rawls egalitarianism cultural appropriation cultural harm reputational damage emotional distress loss of earnings corrective justice externalities polluter pays principle distributive justice compensation principles redress mechanisms legal remedies reparative measures fairness moral philosophy dignity restoration economic justice compensatory justice legal redress harm to reputation emotional distress loss of opportunity cultural appropriation egalitarianism John Rawls principle of redress restorative justice reparations equality cultural identity damages social justice legal compensation unintended harm externalities polluter pays principle corrective justice moral philosophy business loss cultural awareness dignity fairness distributive justice legal remedies redress principle
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con02a	Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. radio technology traditional radio community radio Internet technology digital communication social media Facebook YouTube phone texting mobile phones internet cafes online information exchange digital technology portable technology media dissemination freedom of information online journalism bloggers censorship evasion software distribution broadcast replacement digital media media innovation extremist content media access technological advancement capital costs free communication online communities radio obsolescence traditional radio roles internet technology impact social media dissemination Facebook influence YouTube influence texting communication digital technology portable devices free information exchange internet cafes cell phone ubiquity community radio relevance media redundancy foreign aid for software online censorship evasion journalist protection blogger anonymity non-democratic countries support for extremism radio versus texting broadcast radio future NPR predictions digital media benefits social networking online information spread technology evolution media capital costs information accessibility radio technology digital communication Internet technology social media Facebook YouTube texting mobile phones internet cafes information dissemination online platforms portable devices community radio digital media communication evolution online censorship foreign aid for technology internet access broadcast replacement software for journalists information exchange cell phones media redundancy wireless technology modernization mobile internet freespeech tools media democratization online privacy future of radio technology relevance of radio in digital age decline of traditional radio impact of internet on radio social media vs radio community radio effectiveness digital communication vs broadcast radio radio redundancy argument technology and information dissemination internet replacing radio social media outreach power texting vs radio communication capital costs of communication technologies radio empowering extremists benefits of internet communication digital divide and radio modernization of community communication radio vs Facebook and Youtube cell phones and information exchange digital technology and free speech foreign aid and digital censorship journalists evading censorship NPR views on radio future public funding for internet communication broadcast radio obsolescence Internet technology digital communication social media dissemination Facebook YouTube texting cell phones information exchange digital technology community radio online censorship blogging tools foreign aid for software online journalism portable technology internet cafes broadcast media decline media redundancy modern communication platforms risks of radio empowerment of extremists software for journalists non-democratic countries free speech online online privacy tools digital media adoption mobile communication traditional radio roles information accessibility media evolution radio obsolescence technology evolution internet vs radio social media dissemination Facebook impact Youtube influence texting communication digital information exchange portable technology online censorship evasion software for bloggers journalists in non-democratic countries foreign aid and technology community radio relevance risks of radio model empowering extremists benefits of social media omnipresent cell phones capital cost comparison broadcast radio future NPR internet prediction radio obsolescence outdated technology broadcast decline internet communication social media Facebook YouTube texting mobile phones digital technology information dissemination online communities internet cafes cell phones portable devices free exchange of information communication evolution digital media community radio relevance extremist risks censorship evasion bloggers journalists non-democratic countries software distribution foreign aid NPR media transformation radio obsolescence traditional media decline internet vs radio digital communication social media influence Facebook information sharing YouTube outreach phone texting impact information dissemination internet cafes global connectivity mobile technology cell phones community radio relevance media redundancy foreign aid for digital tools online censorship evasion software for journalists non-democratic countries free speech technology media monolith risks extremism empowerment broadcast radio future NPR predictions media evolution radio vs texting digital age communication new media adoption information accessibility online activism journalist protection tools radio technology traditional media small scale radio communication methods internet technology digital communication Facebook YouTube social media phone texting free information exchange portable technology internet cafes mobile phones digital dissemination community radio media redundancy media evolution capital costs empowerment risks media censorship online journalism software for bloggers non-democratic countries media benefits media innovation broadcast radio replacement NPR CEO information dissemination digital age social connectivity radio obsolescence internet technology digital communication social media Facebook YouTube phone texting information dissemination internet cafes mobile phones free exchange portable technology community radio technological advancement online censorship digital journalism foreign aid software media evolution broadcast replacement NPR blogger evasion information accessibility software distribution non-democratic countries online privacy communication trends
test-economy-bepighbdb-con02a	Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Amartya Sen development theory unfreedoms human development democracy agency societal objectives political freedom Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP limitations economic inequality wealth distribution inclusive development dictatorship versus democracy political regimes GDP per capita social indicators quality of life Myanmar junta participatory development subjective well-being capability approach Amartya Sen development as freedom unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy societal objectives Human Development Index HDI freedom of speech economic growth GDP income distribution wealth distribution political regime dictatorship democracy versus dictatorship quality of life social indicators participatory development political freedoms Myanmar Burma military junta inclusive development equitable growth sustainable development social justice well-being capabilities approach human rights Przeworski and Limongi economic inequality per capita GDP political participation Sen 1999 economic indicators social progress Amartya Sen development as freedom unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy social objectives human development Human Development Index freedom of speech political freedoms distribution of wealth income distribution GDP per capita social indicators authoritarianism dictatorship economic inequality societal consensus participatory development wellbeing quality of life inclusive growth political regime Equatorial Guinea economic growth criticism measurement of development Przeworski Limongi democracy vs dictatorship citizen participation non-economic indicators development beyond economic growth Amartya Sen development freedom unfreedoms in development reasoned agency development democracy development relationship societal objectives development defining development indicators human development index limits freedom indicators development GDP limitations development wealth distribution development development and income inequality Equatorial Guinea development model dictatorships vs democracies economic growth GDP per capita and political regime freedom of speech development indicator participatory development inclusive development measures development and social justice development outcomes citizen involvement multidimensional development indicators political regime and development quality Amartya Sen development as freedom economic growth democracy Human Development Index unfreedoms reasoned agency societal objectives collective decision-making Myanmar junta military regime citizen participation freedom of speech GDP limitations income distribution wealth equality developed societies Equatorial Guinea GDP per capita dictatorships vs democracies political regime social indicators human rights inclusive development quality of life non-economic indicators growth distribution political freedom Sen 1999 Przeworski and Limongi 1997 development beyond economic growth Amartya Sen development removal of unfreedoms development as freedom democracy and development societal objectives development human development index indicators freedom of speech development economic growth vs development GDP limitations development wealth distribution development Equatorial Guinea development dictatorships vs democracies growth Przeworski and Limongi development political regime and GDP growth development and agency inclusive development measures multidimensional development political freedoms and development substantive freedoms capabilities approach development Amartya Sen development as freedom unfreedoms reasoned agency human development democracy societal objectives self-determination Human Development Index HDI freedom of speech economic growth GDP wealth distribution income inequality citizen participation military rule Myanmar strong state developed society political regime Przeworski Limongi dictatorship vs democracy GDP per capita economic indicators social indicators quality of life social justice political freedoms Equatorial Guinea income vs development inclusive development distribution of wealth capability approach agency societal consensus human rights Amartya Sen Development as Freedom human development economic growth democracy and development unfreedoms reasoned agency Human Development Index freedom of speech social indicators political freedoms GDP limitations wealth distribution income inequality dictatorships vs democracies Przeworski and Limongi Myanmar junta Equatorial Guinea developed societies citizen agency non-economic indicators development measurement democracy necessity economic redistribution development and freedoms political regime impact quality of development social choice theory inclusive development societal objectives GDP per capita distributional effects definition of development Amartya Sen development as freedom human development democracy unfreedoms agency self-determination Human Development Index freedom of speech political freedoms economic distribution inequality GDP limitations quality of life social indicators distributive justice participatory development inclusive growth capability approach dictatorship vs democracy political regime wealth distribution decision-making development ethics social progress rights-based development societal objectives economic justice empowerment governance Myanmar Equatorial Guinea military rule civic participation Amartya Sen development unfreedoms agency democracy societal objectives Human Development Index freedom of speech economic growth GDP wealth distribution income inequality Equatorial Guinea dictatorship democracy growth rates GDP per capita political regime political freedoms social indicators quality of life human rights participatory governance political participation inclusive development non-material indicators measuring development
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro03a	There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, African women education female literacy women's empowerment gender equality women's economic participation education and development women's entrepreneurship female employment women's workforce impact girls' education education in Africa gender gap in education illiteracy reduction youth female literacy economic growth Africa women's social mobility skills development manufacturing jobs women women-owned businesses Africa service sector women education opportunities women in business Africa African women empowerment women's education Africa female literacy rates Africa economic impact of educated women women workforce Africa girls' education programs women entrepreneurship Africa barriers to women's education gender equality Africa women in manufacturing sector women in service sector literacy improvement Africa youth female literacy Africa women's economic participation educational opportunities for women female empowerment initiatives post-independence African women women's roles in African economies UNESCO female literacy data women-led businesses Africa African women empowerment female education Africa women literacy rates Africa economic impact female education gender equality Africa women workforce Africa girls education Africa barriers to female education women entrepreneurship Africa women in manufacturing Africa social development women Africa women in services sector Africa UNESCO women literacy statistics post-independence African women women economic opportunities Africa gender parity education youth female literacy Africa women-led businesses Africa literacy improvement Africa women's role African economy African women education impact female literacy rates Africa empowering African women through education benefits of educating women in Africa economic potential of educated African women women workforce participation Africa educational progress African women gender gap in literacy Africa women entrepreneurship Africa role of women in African economy challenges in female education Africa historical female illiteracy rates Africa improving literacy among African women youth female literacy trends Africa women and economic development Africa women empowerment Africa education overcoming barriers to female education Africa sustainable development and African women investing in women’s education Africa post-independence women’s roles Africa African women education female literacy Africa illiteracy rates African countries women economic empowerment Africa education and workforce Africa women entrepreneurship Africa impact of education on women's potential gender disparities in education Africa youth female literacy Africa women in manufacturing Africa women in services sector Africa history of women’s education Africa UNESCO literacy statistics Africa post-independence African women barriers to female education Africa Africa gender gap education women's roles economic growth Africa investing in women Africa education-related policy Africa education improvement initiatives Africa African women education women literacy Africa women economic empowerment Africa female workforce Africa impact of education on African women illiteracy rates African women gender gap education Africa women entrepreneurship Africa UNESCO women literacy statistics African women's role economy African female youth education barriers to women's education Africa improving women literacy Africa education and women's economic participation women's access to education Africa historical illiteracy African women Africa women post-independence social impact female education Africa women in manufacturing Africa women in services sector Africa African women education female literacy rates women's empowerment Africa women economic participation gender equality women's education benefits sub-Saharan Africa female workforce women entrepreneurship Africa economic development Africa literacy improvement Africa girls education initiatives women in manufacturing Africa women in services sector Africa reduction in female illiteracy UNESCO female literacy statistics education and economic growth social impact female education post-independence women Africa barriers to education African women women setting up businesses Africa women-led organizations Africa African women education female literacy rates Africa women’s empowerment Africa economic impact educated women women's entrepreneurship Africa women workforce Africa post-independence African women gender gap education Africa UNESCO female literacy statistics female youth literacy Africa education opportunities African women women in manufacturing Africa women in services sector Africa literacy improvement Africa women and economic growth Africa barriers to female education Africa girls’ schooling Africa women's self-employment Africa African women business women’s role in African economy women education statistics Africa historical illiteracy Africa Sustainable Development Goals Africa women African women and development educational attainment African African women education economic empowerment female literacy rates Africa women workforce participation gender equality Africa youth female literacy improvement women entrepreneurship Africa women in manufacturing Africa women in services sector Africa educational opportunities for African women impact of women's education on economy Africa reducing gender disparity Africa historical illiteracy rates Africa women's business ownership Africa social progress African women post-independence African women development barriers to women's education Africa UNESCO literacy data Africa World Bank female literacy Africa advancing women's rights Africa education and economic growth Africa female education African women empowerment women's literacy rates women's economic participation gender equality women in workforce education and development sub-Saharan Africa female entrepreneurship girls' education educational barriers social impact women's rights education statistics UNESCO data historical illiteracy poverty reduction sustainable development gender disparities African development
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, government transparency political accountability leader health disclosure public trust executive secrecy electoral integrity political honesty administrative openness democratic responsibility leadership health information electorate rights misinformation in politics leader health rumors presidential health secrecy trust in government accountability mechanisms health disclosure laws political ethics public right to know presidential illness transparency accountability of leaders transparency of government leader health disclosure political secrecy public trust electoral trust leadership health transparency government honesty executive secrecy political accountability health of head of state communication ethics misinformation in politics secrecy and democracy electorate distrust political administration transparency open government leader health ethics historical examples of leader health secrecy influence of secrecy on public trust presidential health transparency democratic accountability leader illness disclosure truthfulness in government transparency political accountability leader health disclosure government secrecy public trust democratic governance political communication presidential health electorate rights misinformation political ethics leadership responsibility health transparency executive accountability trust in government political scandal Ghana politics John Atta Mills electoral integrity public disclosure head of state accountability government transparency leader health disclosure political secrecy consequences electorate trust administration honesty presidential health transparency public trust in leaders secrecy in political leadership Mills health controversy lying to voters accountability and secrecy leader health ethics impact of leader secrecy political misinformation government lies and accountability disclosure norms for leaders leader health and public trust transparency standards in government secrecy effect on democracy executive transparency political accountability public trust leader health disclosure government secrecy electorate rights misinformation in politics political ethics presidential health transparency administration honesty democratic principles health information disclosure Ghana political history John Atta Mills health media and political reporting leadership openness political communication public perception of leaders health scandals in politics democratic governance accountability of leaders transparency in government health disclosure of politicians secrecy in politics trust in elected officials ethical leadership political accountability public right to know leaders’ health transparency case studies John Atta Mills government lying to electorate impact of secrecy on democracy Ghana political history political communication ethics distrust in government leadership and public trust political transparency elected officials health disclosure secrecy vs openness in governance accountability transparency political leadership secrecy leader health electorate trust government openness public trust presidential health administration honesty misinformation political ethics John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Ghana politics public disclosure health disclosure democratic principles political deception leadership transparency voter rights executive accountability government secrecy leader illness political communication leader health transparency political accountability head of state health government secrecy electorate trust presidential health disclosure public official wellness political transparency administration honesty health misinformation Ghana presidential health John Atta Mills health political trust leaders and illness public right to know political communication ethics executive health issues governmental openness electoral integrity politician health cover-up accountability transparency political leadership health disclosure public trust government secrecy electorate rights executive health political ethics misinformation political responsibility presidential health democratic norms leadership integrity public officials voter trust health transparency political communication health of leaders historical examples case studies Ghana politics John Atta Mills government lying public perception political trust democratic accountability transparency government accountability leader health disclosure executive secrecy public trust political transparency electorate rights misinformation health status reporting political ethics democratic principles leadership integrity presidential health public disclosure administrative honesty official communication media coverage public scrutiny
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro01a	Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ unrest political instability tourism decline economic vulnerability Tunisia tourist arrivals violence law and order tourist safety Salafist attacks Sharia law travel advisories government warnings tourism revenue kidnapping threat travel bans foreign tourists risk perception tourism industry economic impact Western tourists ransom security concerns alternative destinations political instability tourism decline economic vulnerability law and order breakdown Tunisian revolution tourist arrivals Salafist attacks Sharia law travel advisories government warnings Western tourists ransom risk revenue loss unreliable tourism industry crisis impact destination safety perception regional unrest foreign tourism travel bans visitor reduction political instability tourism dependency economic vulnerability travel advisories tourist decline Tunisia tourism unrest impact Salafist attacks visitor safety law and order breakdown revenue loss tourist perception security threats ransom risk Western tourists tourism industry crisis Sharia law government warnings foreign travel bans destination security terrorist attacks tourism decline statistics socio-political turbulence tourism sector recovery regional instability alternative income sources economic vulnerability tourism tourism and political unrest effects of violence on tourism risk of relying on tourism tourism revenue decline Tunisia impact of revolution on tourism industry Salafist attacks tourism security threats to tourists Tunisia law and order breakdown tourism government travel advisories Tunisia ransom risks Western tourists unreliable tourism economy causes of tourism decline Tunisia instability and tourism sector post-revolution tourism trends solutions to tourism dependency alternatives to tourism-based economy diversification strategies Tunisia mitigating tourism-related risks economic vulnerability tourism dependency political unrest Tunisia tourism decline violence impact tourism law and order breakdown Salafist attacks Sharia law tourism safety perception foreign travel advisories Western tourists risk tourism revenue loss travel warnings tourist destination security ransom risk unreliable tourism industry international tourism trends North Africa travel risks revolution effects tourism tourist footfall statistics tourism instability political unrest tourism impact economic dependence on tourism tourism decline Tunisia Salafist attacks tourism Tunisia travel advisory impact tourism revenue loss law and order tourism Western tourists safety Tunisia revolution tourism tourism vulnerability tourist footfall statistics Tunisia tourism industry risks ransom threat tourists Sharia law tourism impact political instability tourism dependency economic vulnerability law enforcement breakdown revolution impact tourist safety Salafist attacks Sharia law terrorism travel advisories tourist decline government warnings Western tourists ransom risk revenue loss unreliable industry Tunisia tourism regional unrest international perceptions tourism downturn travel restrictions destination risk security concerns economic repercussions North Africa Arab Spring tourism dependency political unrest Tunisia tourism decline economic vulnerability Salafist attacks travel advisories tourist safety international travel warnings tourism industry risk law and order breakdown tourism revenue loss foreign investment Tunisia violent incidents tourism travel risk assessment Tunisian revolution impact Sharia law tourism tourist kidnapping threats Western tourists risk Middle East tourism instability regional insecurity tourism government travel warnings unrest impact tourism tourism crisis management tourism resilience post-revolution economic impact political instability economic dependency tourism decline violence law and order breakdown Tunisian revolution tourist safety travel advisories Salafist attacks Sharia law terrorism Western tourists ransom risk revenue loss economic resilience tourism alternatives country risk crisis management security concerns travel warnings visitor statistics hospitality industry economic diversification government response foreign affairs public perception crisis impact sustainable tourism tourism recovery North Africa unrest political instability tourism dependency economic impact Tunisia tourism decline security risks travel advisories Salafist attacks Sharia law law and order breakdown visitor perceptions tourist footfall violence impact travel warnings Western tourists ransom risk tourism industry reliability regional unrest revenue loss kidnapping threats North Africa tourism
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con03a	There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . euthanasia assisted suicide right to die elderly coercion social pressure autonomy perceived burden elderly care ageism normalization moral responsibility family pressure societal values death ethics depression mental health suicide risk end-of-life decisions intergenerational conflict societal norms aging population taboo cultural attitudes ethical dilemmas vulnerable groups freedom of choice involuntary influence psychological impact assisted dying social stigma right to die euthanasia assisted suicide elderly geriatric care societal pressure coercion freedom of choice perceived burden burden on society normalization aging population ageism social norms moral implications ethical considerations psychological impact suicide risk cost of elderly care intergenerational relations family dynamics autonomy invisible coercion end-of-life decisions older adults mental health self-perception stigma taboo healthcare policy vulnerable populations euthanasia assisted suicide right to die coercion elderly societal pressure silent coercion ageism perceived burden normalization of death suicide risk family dynamics end-of-life choices cost of aging population elder abuse voluntary death psychological impact taboo reduction quality of life medical ethics bioethics autonomy vulnerable populations gerontology healthcare policy social norms terminal illness decisions depression in elderly social isolation moral dilemmas eldercare societal cost right to die coercion elderly suicide societal pressure silent coercion euthanasia normalisation of assisted dying value of elderly in society cost burden elderly justification psychological impact right to die free choice vs. societal expectation suicide and perceived burden elderly contribution Western society moral implications right to die hidden coercion end-of-life social narratives geriatric euthanasia elderly mental health right to die intergenerational ethics euthanasia assisted dying and family pressure autonomy in end-of-life decisions taboo suicide norms societal narrative elderly burden ethical risks legalising right to die right to die euthanasia assisted suicide elder care coercion societal pressure moral norms elderly population aging society perceived burden cultural attitudes family pressure autonomy free will psychological effects normalization suicide risk taboo health care costs intergenerational conflict social ethics value of elderly mental health social stigma societal narratives cost of aging vulnerable groups ethical dilemmas law and policy bioethics individual choice right to die debate elderly suicide risk coercion in euthanasia societal pressure on elderly perceived burden elderly normalization of assisted dying ethics of euthanasia autonomy and coercion value of elderly in society psychological impact right to die cost of aging population culture of death assisted suicide societal implications free will in end-of-life decisions suicide causes elderly narrative of burden in aging policy impacts euthanasia safeguarding elderly autonomy pressures in right to die laws stigma around elderly suicide right to die euthanasia assisted suicide elderly aging society coercion social pressure autonomy psychological burden normalization silent coercion perceived burden societal norms cultural attitude end-of-life choice family pressure cost of care neurobiology of suicide mental health taboo moral implications societal value contribution of elderly ethical debate free will internalized expectation suicide risk factors health policy social narrative geriatric psychology right to die assisted suicide euthanasia elderly population coercion in end-of-life decisions societal pressure perceived burden normalization of euthanasia free will silent coercion ageism cost of elderly care mortality norm elderly suicide psychological impact socio-ethical issues end-of-life ethics autonomy vs coercion suicide among elderly intergenerational burden family pressure mental health and euthanasia social narratives on aging taboos and suicide annual review of psychology Thomas Joiner normalization effect senior citizens and mental health ethics of right to die social value of elderly right to die euthanasia assisted suicide elderly coercion autonomy free will societal pressure normalization moral responsibility burden society's expectations ageism healthcare costs social norms existential risk family pressure voluntariness mental health gerontology suicide risk taboo psychological burden dignity life value end-of-life decisions Western society ethical dilemmas legal implications palliative care right to die euthanasia assisted suicide elderly coercion free will silent coercion social pressure societal norms aging population burden on society intergenerational conflict family pressure normalization suicide psychological impact societal values cost of aging autonomy moral norms taboo perceived burden mental health ethics neurobiology of suicide Annual Review of Psychology quality of life end-of-life choices
test-economy-thsptr-con05a	The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, tax equity equality of opportunity flat tax proportional taxation progressive tax critique tax fairness distributive justice tax and social mobility liberty and taxation competitive free agents essential public services tax and economic incentives resentment from taxation entitlement psychology wealth redistribution tax policy Russia 13% flat tax ability to pay principle minimal state libertarian taxation equal access public goods tax policy flat tax progressive taxation equality of opportunity equality of outcome tax fairness proportional taxation public services economic competitiveness social mobility redistribution tax resentment entitlement effects libertarian tax theory income tax systems social engineering tax burden Russian tax model Rick Perry flat tax Nolan Chart essential services ability to pay tax justice wealth redistribution tax efficiency economic incentives tax neutrality socioeconomic stratification taxation policy equality of opportunity tax fairness progressive taxation flat tax proportional tax social mobility essential public services economic competitiveness tax burden wealth redistribution tax resentment tax entitlement social engineering libertarian tax views tax system comparison ethical taxation public goods ability to pay income tax models taxation purpose equality of opportunity vs equality of outcome progressive taxes criticism flat tax advantages flat tax Russia example tax fairness resentment from rich and poor entitlement effects of taxation proportionality in taxation essential services and taxation competitive free agents economy engineering social equality through taxes tax policy debate libertarian views on taxes alternatives to progressive taxation impact of tax systems on society ability to pay principle distributive justice and taxation public services funding through taxes economic competitiveness and tax structure taxation philosophy equality of opportunity vs equality of outcome purpose of taxes essential public services competitive economy progressive taxation critique flat tax proportionality in taxation resentment and entitlement wealth redistribution social engineering Russia tax model libertarian views on tax moral arguments against progressive tax Nolan Chart reference Rick Perry flat tax plan efficiency of taxation systems contribution according to ability fairness in taxation public goods funding economic incentives taxation equality of opportunity flat tax advantages progressive tax criticism proportional taxation tax fairness essential public services economic mobility and taxes resentment progressive taxation entitlement effects Russia flat tax example social equality and taxes libertarian tax perspectives income tax systems comparison flat tax vs progressive tax tax policy debates fiscal policy and opportunity equitable tax contribution tax systems and economic competitiveness tax reform arguments distributive justice in taxation taxation purpose equality of opportunity equality of outcome progressive taxation flat tax proportional taxation essential services economic competition social engineering redistribution tax resentment tax entitlement wealth transfer tax fairness ability to pay russia flat tax libertarian tax policy tax morality competitive economy social mobility government services tax policy debate tax equity distributive justice taxation purpose equality of opportunity equality of outcome progressive taxes flat tax tax fairness wealth redistribution essential services economic competitiveness tax resentment entitlement mentality tax proportionality ability to pay Russian flat tax tax policy debate libertarian tax views social equality tax system comparisons public goods funding tax justice rich-poor divide tax burden social engineering competitive free agents taxation philosophy flat vs progressive tax fiscal policy ethics tax system efficiency taxation equality of opportunity equality of outcome tax policy flat tax progressive tax income distribution wealth redistribution essential services economic mobility proportional taxation social justice tax fairness resentment entitlement regressive tax tax efficiency tax equity Russia flat tax public services funding welfare state economic competitiveness libertarianism fiscal policy tax burden social cohesion redistribution effects tax reform economic freedom social mobility equality of opportunity equality of outcome taxation philosophy tax policy flat tax progressive tax social equality economic mobility tax fairness redistributive taxation tax resentment entitlement essential services competitive economy ability to pay proportional taxation tax systems comparison Russia flat tax flat tax benefits criticism of progressive tax welfare state libertarian views on tax fiscal policy public services funding tax and social mobility Rick Perry tax plan
test-society-asfhwapg-pro01a	Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 gene patenting intellectual property biotechnology patents genomic inventions USPTO patent eligibility genetic sequences biomedicine legal framework patent law composition of matter isolation of genes utility requirement genome companies research investment patent rights nature discovery patent criteria patentable subject matter extraction techniques cloning methods drug patents cell line patents ethical considerations innovation incentives community genetics Merz legal controversies US patent law biotechnology research trade secrets patent applications inventorship biotechnology industry gene ownership biomedical innovation gene patents intellectual property law US patent law biotechnology patents genome research patent eligibility natural products isolation requirement genetic inventions genomic companies biomedical patents cell line patents drug patents patentability criteria invention discovery patent office guidelines extraction techniques cloning methods legal definitions patent controversies public concerns ethical issues Community Genetics Merz Mildred gene patent debate patent protection patent application process composition of matter biotechnological innovation gene patents intellectual property law biotechnology patents genome research US patent law patent eligibility inventions in nature isolation and utility biomedical patents novel biological materials drug patents cell line patents extraction methods cloning techniques patent office requirements legal protections for genetic inventions biotechnological innovation patent controversies research investment patentable subject matter gene ownership bioethics public policy Community Genetics genetic discoveries scientific innovation legal definitions gene patent debate intellectual property in genetics patent criteria for genes US law gene patenting patentable subject matter biotechnology gene patent ethical concerns biomedical patent inventions utility in gene patents companies genome research patents nature discoveries patent law isolating genes for patents gene patent legal precedent biomedicine patent examples gene patent controversies usefulness requirement for patents gene patents and public health research investment and patent rights genetic inventions and intellectual property gene patent legal challenges gene patent litigation US community genetics gene patent concerns genome companies intellectual property patent office genetic inventions gene isolation patent law patenting DNA gene patenting intellectual property law biotechnology patents genetic inventions USPTO guidelines genome research commercialization patent criteria biomedicine patents nature isolation patent patentability of genes invention requirements patent law US composition of matter patent patent controversy gene patent ethics biotechnology innovation patent office regulations patent eligibility biotechnological methods new drug patents cell line patents gene patent debate trade secrets in biotech patent scope research investment patents gene discovery utility patents patent law history criticism of gene patents patent protection genetic modification patents gene patent eligibility gene patent controversy intellectual property in genetics genome patent laws biomedicine patent criteria patent office requirements US patent law genetics patentable inventions biomedicine genetic research patents patenting natural discoveries gene isolation patent utility requirement patents companies genome research creations of the mind patents gene patent legal issues patent requirements biotech patenting DNA sequences patent rights life sciences extraction techniques patent cloning techniques patent gene patents intellectual property law patent eligibility bioprospecting isolated genetic material biotechnology patents genome research USPTO criteria patent law in biomedicine invention requirements patentable subject matter gene sequencing composition of matter biomedical innovation patent office guidelines ownership of genetic discoveries patenting life forms genomic intellectual property patent protection research investment legal frameworks biotechnology industry utility requirement discovery versus invention biotechnological inventions legal precedents ethical concerns patent rights genomics companies patentability criteria Community Genetics Merz J. US patent law patent applications gene patenting intellectual property law biotechnology patents genome research USPTO guidelines isolated genes patent eligibility biomedicine patents patentable subject matter genetic inventions patent law composition of matter new drugs cell lines patents extraction techniques cloning methods patent criteria genomic companies innovations in genetics patent disputes community genetics patent office requirements US patent law inventions in nature patent controversies patent rights ethical issues gene patents gene patenting intellectual property law genomic inventions biotechnology patents US patent law isolated genes genome companies biomedicine patents legal criteria for patents patent eligibility nature discovery useful invention patent controversy creation of the mind gene patent case studies genetic research investment patent scope composition of matter biotechnological innovation patent office guidelines patentable subject matter legal definitions policy debate community genetics patent history Merz Mildred references gene patenting intellectual property law biotechnology patents genome research patent eligibility US patent law biomedicine patents gene ownership patent criteria invention discovery composition of matter patent office regulations drug patenting cell line patents extraction techniques cloning patents patent controversies patentable subject matter research investment legal frameworks bioethics patent law history Community Genetics gene patent concerns innovation protection patent policy
test-international-siacphbnt-con03a	Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. cybersecurity information security internet safety cyber threats digital safety data protection online privacy cybercrime hacking incidents African cybersecurity Kenya cyber risks South Africa cyber threats online fraud identity theft security awareness digital literacy cyber risk management secure technology adoption entrepreneur cybersecurity data breaches technology privacy cyber resilience cyber law digital trust ICT security cyber attack prevention information assurance security prioritization cyber protection strategies cybersecurity information security digital safety cyber threats internet security Africa hacking cyber attacks cybercrime online fraud digital identity theft data privacy security awareness security promotion technology adoption digital users Kenya South Africa government cybersecurity cyber risk mitigation online safety security best practices protecting entrepreneurs cyber protection digital trust cybersecurity education cyber defense digital business security secure online transactions customer data protection sensitive information security cybersecurity cybercrime technology risks internet safety data protection digital security Africa Kenya South Africa hacking identity theft online fraud security policies digital privacy information security threat mitigation online safety internet governance malware phishing cyber attacks entrepreneur protection user safety digital trust secure authentication cyber laws risk management IT security network security cyber awareness security training technology security challenges internet security risks Africa cybersecurity concerns Africa hacking events Africa cybercrime statistics Kenya cyber threats South Africa digital user safety Africa technology adoption cybersecurity online fraud prevention Africa hacking prevention strategies identity theft prevention Africa securing digital entrepreneurs protecting business data Africa cybersecurity best practices Africa promoting digital safety Africa government response to cybercrime building trust in digital technology risks of insecure technology cybersecurity policy Africa enhancing online safety Africa cybersecurity internet security cyber threat hacking Africa security risk online safety digital users cyber-crime Kenya South Africa technology adoption data privacy identity theft cyber fraud information security digital entrepreneurship security awareness risk mitigation security policy user protection cyber law cyber attack digital infrastructure business security online privacy cyber resilience IT security network security cybersecurity solutions technology security risks internet security Africa digital safety strategies cybersecurity in Kenya cyber-crime statistics Africa data protection for entrepreneurs identity theft prevention fraud prevention measures hacking incidents Africa digital user security safe online practices cybersecurity awareness Africa secure digital entrepreneurship promoting online safety African cybersecurity policies information privacy measures technology adoption barriers cybercrime impact on business customer data protection secure business technology cybersecurity cyber threats online safety data protection digital security information security hacking prevention cybercrime fraud prevention identity theft secure internet internet security digital risk digital literacy security awareness African cybersecurity technology adoption data privacy secure digital environment cybersecurity policy cyberattack protection encryption computer security digital trust cyber law IT security online fraud tech security challenges government cybersecurity internet users secure entrepreneurship cybersecurity technology security digital safety internet security cyber risk hacking prevention Africa cyber threats online fraud digital identity theft cybersecurity in Kenya cybercrime Africa digital user safety secure technology adoption encryption cybersecurity policy cyber resilience information protection business data security digital entrepreneurship technology trust cybersecurity awareness internet fraud prevention digital privacy cyber attack prevention South Africa cybercrime African internet security secure online transactions digital infrastructure security small business cybersecurity technology adoption barriers cyber hygiene cybersecurity training digital innovation security online safety education cybersecurity internet security hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenya South Africa technology adoption online safety fraud prevention identity theft data privacy entrepreneur protection secure digital infrastructure cyber threats information security user confidence government policy digital economy security awareness cyber resilience digital trust security solutions online privacy cyberattack prevention cybersecurity online safety fraud prevention identity theft protection digital security cybercrime mitigation internet safety cybersecurity awareness secure technology adoption privacy protection data breach prevention hacking countermeasures secure digital infrastructure digital literacy African cybersecurity challenges cyber hygiene user education information security digital trust cybersecurity policy technology adoption barriers privacy regulations cyber resilience secure entrepreneurship
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro03a	Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, democratic legitimacy electoral mandate voter representation ICC prosecution international law head of state immunity sovereignty political interference popular sovereignty international justice electoral accountability post-election violence transitional justice national sovereignty legitimacy of prosecution judicial independence democratic process human rights international relations election observation Kenya elections 2013 European Union Election Observation crimes against humanity incumbent leaders international criminal justice democratic legitimacy electoral legitimacy sovereign will popular mandate electoral justice voter representation international law and democracy ICC and sovereignty political accountability rule of law vs. democracy international criminal justice political will national sovereignty international intervention electoral outcomes human rights vs. self-determination foreign court interference democratic consent justice and accountability post-election indictment democratic legitimacy popular sovereignty electoral process international law ICC prosecutions political accountability sovereignty vs. international justice post-election violence Kenyan elections criminal indictments head of state immunity transitional justice human rights law judicial intervention political stability election observation international relations governance legitimacy of ICC voter representation legal vs. political mandate Kenyan constitution international criminal justice public opinion global governance democratic mandate and ICC intervention impact of ICC on electoral legitimacy respecting voter mandate amid ICC charges international law versus democratic choice ICC prosecution and elected officials sovereignty and foreign court indictments legitimacy of indicted leaders with democratic mandate electoral will versus international justice Kenya election 2013 and ICC Uhuru Kenyatta Ruto ICC democratic legitimacy international community respect for democratic mandates consequences of ICC action on democracies foreign intervention in post-election governments balancing justice and democratic mandates indicted leaders and voter representation challenges of prosecuting democratically-elected leaders democratic legitimacy electoral mandate ICC indictment international law crimes against humanity Kenya elections voter will sovereignty international criminal court political accountability EU election observation democratic process rule of law legitimacy of prosecution post-election justice transitional justice African leaders ICC international justice system Kenya 2013 elections political immunity democratic mandate and ICC ICC intervention in elected governments international law and electoral legitimacy Uhuru Kenyatta ICC case democratic legitimacy William Ruto election mandate ICC respecting electoral outcomes ICC defendants democracy versus international criminal justice ICC and national sovereignty political legitimacy of indicted leaders effect of ICC on democratic process European Union election observation Kenya Kenya 2013 elections ICC impact will of voters versus international court crimes against humanity democratic leaders foreign courts and national elections democratic legitimacy electoral mandate international criminal court ICC defendants crimes against humanity Kenya elections voter will Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto international law political legitimacy sovereignty election observation European Union prosecution of politicians transitional justice heads of state trials judicial interference international justice popular mandate political accountability democracy and ICC national sovereignty post-election violence accountability versus democracy international community response legal versus popular authority democratic mandate interference ICC defendants Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta ICC case William Ruto ICC indictment international criminal court democracy Kenya election mandate ICC respect electoral mandate ICC EU election observation Kenya 2013 crimes against humanity electoral mandate international community democratic legitimacy foreign court political legitimacy judicial intervention elected officials ICC prosecution elected leaders sovereignty vs international justice elections post-indictment democratic legitimacy international law ICC respect for voter will electoral mandate and criminal accusations Kenya ICC controversy ICC and national sovereignty democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto electoral mandate Kenya elections 2013 International Criminal Court crimes against humanity voter will international law EU Election Observation Mission election legitimacy political accountability post-indictment elections sovereignty international justice African politics indicted leaders legitimacy of ICC global governance International Criminal Court ICC defendants democratic legitimacy electoral mandate Kenya elections Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto crimes against humanity international law voter will political legitimacy EU Election Observation 2013 Kenyan election international community response legal accountability sovereignty post-indictment election justice vs democracy foreign court intervention respect for mandates human rights political interference election monitoring African leaders ICC sovereignty vs accountability
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro04a	Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, partial-birth abortion late-term abortion abortion ban public opinion moral standards United States abortion legislation Congress vote presidential veto campaign promises pro-life pro-choice Gallup poll Senate House of Representatives public support abortion policy abortion law abortion debate reproductive rights Clinton veto Bush administration abortion restrictions abortion statistics moral values ethical standards public opinion popular support moral standards United States abortion laws partial-birth abortion legislation opinion polls on abortion abortion ban statistics Gallup abortion poll congressional votes abortion presidential veto abortion Clinton abortion veto Bush abortion policy legislative history partial-birth abortion American attitudes abortion abortion debate pro-life arguments abortion ethics democratic process abortion policy support abortion legal status partial-birth abortion partial-birth abortion abortion ban public opinion moral standards United States legislative support opinion polls Gallup poll House of Representatives Senate vote presidential veto campaign promises Bill Clinton George W. Bush pro-life abortion legislation national support abortion policy Republican Policy Committee abortion ethics abortion debate late-term abortion legal restrictions abortion statistics voter attitudes support for banning partial-birth abortion in the US public opinion on partial-birth abortion ban legislative votes on partial-birth abortion ban Clinton veto partial-birth abortion ban Bush partial-birth abortion campaign promise Gallup polls partial-birth abortion moral standards partial-birth abortion ban US Senate votes partial-birth abortion House of Representatives partial-birth abortion ban public attitudes towards abortion restrictions historical abortion legislation US Republican stance partial-birth abortion Democratic opposition partial-birth abortion ban partial-birth abortion ban polling data presidential actions partial-birth abortion ban partial-birth abortion abortion policy abortion legislation moral standards abortion public opinion abortion abortion opinion polls abortion support statistics abortion ban support US abortion laws House of Representatives abortion vote Senate abortion vote Clinton abortion veto Bush abortion promise Gallup abortion poll Republican Policy Committee abortion abortion debate United States abortion public sentiment abortion legal history congressional abortion action presidential abortion stance late-term abortion ban partial birth abortion public opinion partial birth abortion moral standards US abortion legislation history support for partial birth abortion ban Gallup abortion polls House and Senate abortion votes presidential actions on abortion bans 2003 partial birth abortion poll statistics Clinton veto partial birth abortion Bush campaign abortion promises US abortion policy debates partial birth abortion legal arguments Senate Republican Policy Committee abortion stance American attitudes on abortion abortion ban legislative process partial birth abortion late-term abortion abortion legislation abortion ban moral standards public opinion Gallup poll Senate vote House of Representatives vote President Clinton President Bush campaign promise reproductive rights pro-life pro-choice abortion laws United States political debate abortion procedure Supreme Court Roe v. Wade legal precedent public policy Congress human rights fetal viability Christian values women’s health national survey legislative process bipartisan support partial birth abortion ban public opinion on abortion abortion legislation US moral standards abortion House of Representatives abortion vote Senate abortion vote Clinton veto partial birth abortion Bush campaign abortion promise Gallup abortion poll 2003 Republican Policy Committee abortion legality partial birth abortion partial birth abortion support statistics US abortion policy history abortion moral argument partial birth abortion public support abortion ban polling data abortion lawmaking process presidential actions abortion laws partial birth abortion controversy abortion debate United States partial-birth abortion abortion legislation public opinion moral standards United States abortion laws abortion ban support Gallup poll abortion congressional voting abortion President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise pro-life movement late-term abortion abortion debate Senate vote abortion House of Representatives abortion abortion policy trends political controversy abortion abortion legal history ethical perspectives abortion republican policy abortion partial-birth abortion public opinion moral standards abortion legislation United States Gallup poll Senate vote House of Representatives vote President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promises abortion ban support legal controversy abortion statistics reproductive rights pro-life pro-choice federal abortion laws democratic process political debate opinion polls policy making abortion ethics Supreme Court decisions legislative history
test-international-ghbunhf-pro02a	UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. United Nations UN criticism human rights failures genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia minority rights women's rights child rights dictatorships UN peacekeeping scandals peacekeeper abuses Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China post-war human rights international law developing nations impunity accountability UN reform global governance sexual abuse by peacekeepers ineffective intervention UN legitimacy humanitarian crisis member state abuses ethnic cleansing human rights violations diplomacy failures United Nations UN failure human rights violations UN peacekeepers abuse ethnic minorities women's rights children's rights genocide Cambodia genocide Rwanda genocide Congo conflict Yugoslavia war crimes dictatorships Human Rights Council controversy developing nations UN inaction sexual abuse by peacekeepers UN scandals Saudi Arabia human rights Cuba human rights China human rights international law impunity post-war human rights atrocity prevention ethnic cleansing global governance humanitarian crisis accountability UN criticism ineffective interventions UN accountability United Nations failures peacekeeper misconduct genocide inaction Security Council criticism human rights violations ethnic minority oppression women’s rights neglect child protection failures dictatorship tolerance Human Rights Council criticism Cambodia genocide Rwanda genocide Congo conflict Yugoslavia war crimes sexual abuse by peacekeepers developing nations women’s issues member state impunity international human rights law UN reform global governance failure humanitarian intervention war crimes negligence institutional corruption peacekeeping scandals UN human rights failures UN inaction genocide UN peacekeeper abuses UN tolerance dictatorships UN Human Rights Council criticism UN and women's rights UN member states human rights record Rwanda genocide UN response Cambodia genocide UN Congo genocide UN response Yugoslavia genocide UN UN effectiveness human rights UN criticism developing nations UN legitimacy human rights UN response to child rights abuses UN double standards UN peacekeeping scandals UN member states human rights violations UN accountability human rights UN structural reforms human rights UN role protecting minorities UN human rights council controversial members UN failure protect civilians UN history of human UN human rights failures UN complicity abuse United Nations genocide response UN peacekeeper misconduct UN Human Rights Council criticism post-war human rights development UN dictatorships membership women's rights UN neglect ethnic minorities protection UN Rwanda genocide UN failure Cambodia genocide UN response Congo conflict UN role Yugoslavia war UN inaction UN peacekeeper sexual abuse developing nations women's rights Saudi Arabia UN criticism Cuba human rights UN China human rights UN UN credibility human rights international law UN enforcement UN human rights failures United Nations credibility UN peacekeeper abuses genocide UN inaction human rights council controversy UN and dictatorships UN women’s rights UN ethnic minority protection failed UN interventions UN response to genocide criticism of UN accountability of UN peacekeepers human rights abuses by UN UN and developing countries UN humanitarian intervention selection of Human Rights Council members United Nations reform UN war crimes post-war human rights development UN role in global justice united nations human rights violations un accountability postwar human rights un failure genocide cambodia rwanda congo yugoslavia ethnic minorities women’s rights children’s rights dictatorships un membership un peacekeepers sexual abuse human rights council saudi arabia cuba china international response un inaction peacekeeping scandals developing nations war crimes un credibility humanitarian intervention un reform international law member states human rights protection UN human rights failure United Nations accountability peacekeeper abuse scandals UN genocide response Rwanda genocide UN response Cambodia genocide UN Congo human rights UN Yugoslavia ethnic cleansing UN UN dictatorships membership human rights council criticism Saudi Arabia UN council China UN council Cuba UN council women's rights developing countries UN UN inaction women’s rights UN response ethnic minorities peacekeeping misconduct sexual abuse peacekeepers UN reform human rights UN legitimacy human rights post-war human rights development international law UN failure UN security council criticism UN and developing nations United Nations criticism human rights global governance UN accountability human rights violations UN peacekeepers abuse genocide response ethnic minorities protection women’s rights UN child protection UN post-war human rights UN failures Human Rights Council criticism UN member dictatorships Cambodia genocide UN Rwanda genocide UN Congo conflict UN Yugoslavia genocide developing nations women’s rights human rights council composition Saudi Arabia human rights Cuba human rights China human rights UN reform international law enforcement peacekeeping scandals humanitarian intervention global governance UN criticism UN accountability peacekeeper misconduct UN reform human rights violations genocide response ethnic minority protection women’s rights children’s rights Human Rights Council criticism member states dictatorships post-war human rights development peacekeeping failures United Nations effectiveness UN credibility international law enforcement sexual abuse scandals humanitarian intervention Rwanda genocide Cambodia genocide Congo atrocities Yugoslavia conflict women in developing countries UN legitimacy Security Council criticism UN peacekeeping missions UN transparency international human rights mechanisms
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. EU foreign policy High Representative EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member state sovereignty EU integration treaty ratification European Union governance foreign policy consolidation national interests Lisbon Treaty supranationalism EU decision-making intergovernmental negotiations UK stance on EU treaty rejection Common Foreign and Security Policy EU institutional reform High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum treaty rejection EU member states policy consolidation national sovereignty treaty ratification foreign policy decision-making Lisbon Treaty intergovernmentalism supranationalism UK opt-out EU integration institutional reform EU governance treaty negotiation policy unanimity constitutional treaty Europe integration EU decision-making member state autonomy EU foreign policy High Representative role EU reform treaty EU Constitution member state sovereignty Dutch referendum French referendum treaty rejection state-level decisions UK position on EU EU integration challenges treaty ratification EU unity supranational governance intergovernmentalism Lisbon Treaty European Council Common Foreign and Security Policy political integration European Union institutions constitutional treaty failure EU foreign policy challenges High Representative effectiveness EU reform treaty analysis failure of EU Constitution Dutch and French referendum EU state sovereignty in EU UK stance on EU foreign policy EU member state unity European integration obstacles Lisbon Treaty implications constitutional reform in EU intergovernmental decision-making EU foreign policy coordination EU EU institutional weaknesses salvaging EU Constitution history of EU treaties EU diplomatic capacity treaty negotiations outcomes member state autonomy EU supranational vs. intergovernmental EU EU foreign policy High Representative EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum treaty rejection member state sovereignty EU unity UK stance foreign policy decision-making state-level authority European integration treaty ratification constitutional initiative intergovernmentalism supranationalism political union treaty negotiations institutional reform national interests EU foreign policy challenges High Representative effectiveness EU Constitution rejection EU reform treaty analysis member state unity EU Dutch French EU referendum impact UK stance on EU foreign policy state-level decision-making EU EU integration obstacles constitutional reform in the EU EU governance structure European Union cohesion Treaty of Lisbon implications EU federalism debate supranational vs intergovernmental EU High Representative EU foreign policy European Union EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states policy consolidation state-level decisions UK representatives treaty language foreign policy integration EU governance supranational authority Lisbon Treaty constitutional failure national sovereignty intergovernmentalism political unification EU institutional challenges treaty ratification European integration policy divergence institutional reform political cohesion EU foreign policy High Representative role EU reform treaty EU Constitution rejection Dutch referendum French referendum member state sovereignty UK position on EU foreign policy decision-making EU integration challenges treaty negotiations EU institutional reforms national interests in EU EU unification obstacles Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) supranational vs intergovernmental EU decision-making processes Lisbon Treaty state-level authority EU constitutional crisis European Union governance High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member state unity UK EU stance EU integration foreign policy consolidation treaty negotiation national sovereignty EU decision-making supranational authority institutional reform intergovernmentalism European unity constitutional failure Lisbon Treaty political integration state-level decision-making policy fragmentation EU governance treaty ratification European Parliament EU foreign policy High Representative effectiveness EU reform treaty EU Constitution rejection member state unity Dutch and French referendums intergovernmental decision-making supranational integration Treaty of Lisbon UK opt-outs European integration challenges sovereignty issues institutional reform policy coherence foreign policy coordination treaty ratification national interests EU governance state-level decision-making
test-international-emephsate-con03a	Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey-EU relations Cyprus dispute EU accession reunification talks EU membership diplomatic recognition Greek Cypriots Turkish Cypriots UN peace plan stalled negotiations accession criteria political barriers reopening ports reopening airports confidence-building measures Van Rompuy EU enlargement international diplomacy bilateral relations Northern Cyprus European integration Schengen area EU external relations customs union peace process Turkey EU accession Cyprus dispute Turkey-Cyprus relations EU enlargement Cyprus EU membership Turkey diplomatic recognition Cyprus Cyprus reunification Turkey-EU negotiation obstacles Ankara Protocol EU-Turkey accession talks Cyprus conflict Nicosia negotiations Northern Cyprus Greek Cypriots Turkish Cypriots Famagusta port Varosha EU foreign policy UN Cyprus plan Annan Plan Mediterranean geopolitics European Union accession Turkey-EU relations Cyprus dispute Turkish recognition of Cyprus reunification talks stalled negotiations EU enlargement UN peace plan Annan Plan Greek Cypriots Turkish Cypriots Nicosia ports and airports reopening diplomatic impasse EU member states international recognition political obstacles Van Rompuy statement bilateral relations confidence-building measures International Crisis Group Bloomberg EU presidency enlargement process EU-Turkey accession talks Cyprus settlement Turkey Cyprus relations Turkey EU accession obstacles EU enlargement Cyprus issue Cyprus reunification negotiations Cyprus recognition requirement barriers to Turkey EU membership Cyprus Turkish ports airports Turkey EU integration challenges Van Rompuy Turkey Cyprus Cyprus EU membership impact Greece Cyprus Turkey conflict Cyprus peace plan 2004 UN Cyprus settlement Cyprus recognition diplomatic steps EU member state veto Turkey Turkey EU relations future International Crisis Group Cyprus Cyprus negotiation confidence-building Cyprus Turkish confidence measures Cyprus EU stalled talks Turkey EU accession Cyprus recognition EU enlargement Cyprus dispute Turkey-Cyprus relations EU-Turkey negotiations Cyprus reunification Annan Plan stalled negotiations European Union membership Van Rompuy statements Greek Cypriots Turkish Cypriots ports and airports reopening diplomatic barriers confidence-building measures international mediation UN peace plan EU foreign policy Middle East geopolitics accession obstacles International Crisis Group EU integration regional disputes Turkey Cyprus relations Turkey EU accession Cyprus reunification negotiations recognition of Cyprus by Turkey EU enlargement obstacles Turkey EU entry challenges Cyprus EU membership Van Rompuy Turkey statement stalled EU Turkey negotiations UN peace plan Cyprus reopening Turkish ports to Cyprus Cyprus settlement steps International Crisis Group Cyprus Turkey Cyprus confidence building Greek Cypriots EU accession Turkey-Cyprus relations EU accession European Union enlargement diplomatic recognition reunification negotiations Ankara Protocol EU-Turkey talks Greek Cypriots Turkish Cypriots UN peace plan Annan Plan stalled negotiations EU membership Van Rompuy Cyprus dispute frozen conflicts port reopening airport reopening confidence-building measures international recognition disputed territories diplomatic barriers EU conditionality accession criteria International Crisis Group East Mediterranean politics geopolitical tensions Turkey EU accession Turkey Cyprus relations Turkey does not recognize Cyprus Turkey EU membership obstacle Cyprus reunification negotiations Van Rompuy Turkey EU EU enlargement stalled Cyprus EU member Annan Plan 2004 Cyprus Turkey Cyprus ports airports EU Turkey relations Greek Cypriots rejection UN plan International Crisis Group Cyprus confidence-building Cyprus Turkey Cyprus settlement steps Turkey foreign policy EU EU Cyprus dispute Cyprus diplomatic recognition obstacles Turkey EU entry European Union enlargement challenges Turkey EU accession Cyprus recognition EU enlargement Greek Cypriots Turkish Cypriots EU membership conditions Cyprus conflict reunification talks Turkey Cyprus relations EU negotiation obstacles Van Rompuy statements UN peace plan European Union diplomacy reopening ports reopening airports confidence-building measures international recognition EU foreign policy accession process settlement initiatives Northern Cyprus diplomatic impasse regional stability EU-Turkey relations European Council peace negotiations Turkey EU accession Cyprus dispute EU-Turkey relations Cyprus recognition European Union enlargement Cyprus reunification UN peace plan Cyprus Ankara Protocol stalled negotiations Turkey EU Van Rompuy Cyprus Turkish embargo Cyprus Greek Cypriots EU Turkish Cypriots reopening ports Cyprus Turkey foreign policy EU obstacles EU membership Turkey Cyprus dispute resolution Cyprus international relations Europe-Turkey diplomatic relations EU member state veto Turkey
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con01a	Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. collective bargaining democracy labor unions worker representation industrial relations workforce feedback employee voice management-labor communication worker rights public interest indirect benefit employee satisfaction workforce retention brain drain industrial action strikes protests labor-management negotiation workplace democracy employee empowerment fair labor practices labor disputes unionization labor advocacy negotiation process socioeconomic impact labor unions workers’ rights employee representation workplace democracy industrial action collective action negotiation processes labor-management relations labor laws unionization employee voice workforce wellbeing industrial democracy workplace feedback mechanisms workers’ councils collective agreements labor disputes workers' advocacy strike action labor negotiations public sector bargaining social dialogue worker empowerment fair labor standards brain drain prevention job satisfaction workplace productivity employment relations labor market dynamics employee engagement labor unions workers' rights industrial relations workplace democracy employee representation negotiation labor-management relations public interest social justice workforce satisfaction labor negotiations indirect benefits workers' happiness strikes protests workforce retention brain drain prevention workplace feedback labor policy collective action fair treatment employment law labor disputes collective voice employee engagement collective bargaining in democracy necessity of collective bargaining collective bargaining in the workplace feedback structures workers managers worker representation decision making collective bargaining and public interest indirect benefits of collective bargaining workforce happiness productivity preventing brain drain impact of unhappy workforce collective bargaining versus strikes disruptive labor actions collective bargaining versus protests benefits of employee negotiations industrial relations collective bargaining public sector collective bargaining collective bargaining and employee well-being economic impact collective bargaining worker communication structures collective bargaining for public good effectiveness of collective bargaining collective action in labor unionization and democracy labor rights and democracy workplace democracy and bargaining collective bargaining democracy labor rights workplace feedback structures employee-employer communication public good profit vs public interest workforce happiness indirect benefits worker advocacy unionization brain drain prevention strikes protests industrial relations employee well-being labor-management relations negotiation processes worker representation labor unions workforce productivity industrial action social dialogue public sector labor relations economic justice collective bargaining in democracy importance of collective bargaining benefits of collective bargaining collective bargaining and public interest worker feedback structures collective bargaining vs strikes indirect benefits of collective bargaining workforce happiness and productivity preventing brain drain with collective bargaining collective action in the workplace collective bargaining and management communication collective bargaining in public sector collective bargaining and workplace democracy collective bargaining for labor rights necessity of collective bargaining collective bargaining democracy labor unions workers' rights industrial relations employee-employer relations workforce communication feedback structures workplace democracy public good profit vs. public interest labor action strikes protests worker satisfaction employee well-being brain drain prevention workforce retention indirect benefits labor negotiations employee advocacy industrial action management-labor dialogue economic justice organizational change social justice unionization collective action dispute resolution labor-management relations collective bargaining industrial relations democracy worker rights labor unions employee feedback management communication public good workforce satisfaction workplace happiness brain drain prevention labor strikes worker protests employee advocacy workforce retention labor-management relations indirect benefits public interest job satisfaction workplace democracy employee engagement strike action collective action union negotiations labor policy workplace adjustment labor advocacy employment conditions social dialogue economic justice labor unions worker rights industrial relations democracy and labor employee feedback workplace communication collective action public interest profit vs. public good workforce well-being worker satisfaction employee retention brain drain strikes labor protests workplace democracy negotiation processes labor-management relations indirect benefits employee engagement dispute resolution participatory decision-making workers’ organizations fair labor practices union representation labor unions workers' rights industrial relations unionization workplace democracy labor negotiations employee representation public interest workforce satisfaction labor strikes protest actions collective action feedback mechanisms management-worker communication profit vs public good brain drain workforce retention employee welfare policy advocacy workplace reforms legal frameworks social dialogue economic justice labor policy dispute resolution
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con02a	The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on Internet freedom digital rights online censorship government regulation international governance freedom of expression information accessibility internet neutrality public domain online autonomy state intervention online privacy digital democracy online sovereignty open web web governance media control content moderation cyber law internet jurisdiction global communication transnational information online civil liberties self-regulation individual rights Internet freedom government regulation censorship free speech digital rights online privacy net neutrality information control internet governance international communication global internet public sphere online autonomy nanny state individual rights democracy jurisdiction internet policy global governance online information cyberlaw digital democracy human rights online state surveillance authoritarianism internet governance internet freedom government regulation free speech online digital rights censorship information control online privacy public sphere international law net neutrality internet jurisdiction digital democracy online autonomy self-regulation cyberlaw global internet policy freedom of information internet sovereignty media regulation internet governance government control internet free internet domain international public space online internet regulation debate internet censorship pros cons nanny state internet digital freedom government authority online internet as global commons information rights internet personal responsibility online extremist content regulation Western liberal democracies internet policy online self-regulation information jurisdiction internet cross-border internet governance state power internet dictatorship internet control national laws cyberspace user autonomy online internet governance free speech cyberspace regulations digital sovereignty online censorship international law information freedom digital rights global commons public sphere online government control internet online privacy transnational networks internet neutrality state intervention civil liberties internet virtual public space cross-border data communication rights nanny state internet authoritarian internet policies net neutrality internet autonomy self-regulation online internet policy democratic governance internet internet regulation government censorship internet freedom digital rights online privacy information autonomy international internet governance free speech online internet as public sphere cyber sovereignty net neutrality digital democracy state control of internet online civil liberties global digital policy online content moderation freedom of expression internet internet governance debate state's role internet cross-border internet policies Internet freedom digital rights online censorship government regulation information control free speech net neutrality public sphere global internet cyber sovereignty democratic governance individual autonomy digital privacy nanny state authoritarianism internet governance transnational networks international law online safety digital literacy information dissemination virtual communities freedom of information user empowerment state surveillance self-regulation harmful content extremist content internet regulation political authority online self-governance open access information society information ethics media freedom communication rights digital citizenship internet governance internet freedom digital rights online censorship government control internet as a public domain international law free speech online digital democracy net neutrality sovereignty and the internet global communication information regulation online privacy civil liberties nanny state criticism anti-censorship state surveillance transnational internet online self-regulation liberal democracy and technology digital autonomy public vs private internet cyberlaw borderless internet rights internet governance online freedom censorship digital rights net neutrality international law public sphere global regulation free speech government control democratic values information access online privacy sovereignty authoritarianism nanny state digital citizenship self-regulation harmful content internet policy civil liberties online autonomy internet law virtual communities transnational issues internet governance internet freedom government regulation digital rights censorship online privacy net neutrality free speech international law public domain digital democracy information control cyber sovereignty media regulation virtual space online communities transnational internet expression rights authoritarianism civil liberties
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro01a	"The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: patent reform pharmaceutical industry lobbying drug pricing evergreening monopoly pricing patent law loopholes research and development incentives patent monopoly generic drugs access to medicine innovation stifling public health impact intellectual property rights healthcare inequality policy capture patent expiration pharmaceutical regulation pharmaceutical profits patent protection drug accessibility legislative influence public interest competition in pharmaceuticals economic dynamism patent abuse patent term extension patent thicket regulatory capture pharmaceutical lobby patent exclusivity drug patents pharmaceutical monopoly patent system reform evergreening intellectual property big pharma lobbying pharmaceutical industry regulation generic drugs drug pricing patent law loopholes healthcare justice innovation incentives access to medicine monopoly pricing patent abuse pharmaceutical lobbying influence patent term extensions patent cliffs transparency in drug patents public health impact R&D incentives patent reform open innovation compulsory licensing patent thickets patent transparency healthcare inequality generic competition access to pharmaceuticals policy reform antitrust in pharma patent expiration regulatory capture price gouging government intervention patent system injustice cost patent system reform drug patent policy pharmaceutical industry lobbying drug patent loopholes evergreening patent monopoly generic drugs access to medicines intellectual property rights patent law pharmaceutical profits R&D incentives patent extension public health innovation stifling monopoly pricing patent abolition drug affordability big pharma influence legal lobbying patent exploitation healthcare inequality patent barriers policy capture patent protection market competition patent innovation research incentives health policy reform generic competition medicine accessibility patent exclusivity pharmaceutical regulation drug patent reform pharmaceutical patent abuse evergreening criticism drug pricing transparency impact of pharmaceutical lobbying patent law loopholes reforming intellectual property rights alternatives to drug patents big pharma and legislation drug access and affordability monopolistic practices in pharmaceuticals economic impact of patent laws ethics of drug patents innovation vs drug patents patent-induced market monopolies consequences of pharmaceutical lobbying pharmaceutical patents and public health cost of prescription drugs drug patent system alternatives open-source pharmaceuticals abolishing drug patents benefits global consequences of drug patents patent extensions in pharmaceuticals policy proposals for drug patents healthcare system and patent patent reform drug patent evergreening pharmaceutical lobbying monopoly pricing access to medicines intellectual property law generic drugs patent loopholes pharmaceutical industry regulation innovation incentives drug pricing healthcare justice public health policy patent legislation pharmaceutical profits research and development costs patent abuse drug patent expiration market exclusivity patent extensions patent thickets healthcare inequality pharmaceutical competition drug affordability open innovation compulsory licensing patent monopoly patent system critique pharmaceutical ethics patent exploitation drug patent critique pharmaceutical patent loopholes patent evergreening impact pharmaceutical lobbying influence reform drug patent system patent monopoly harms alternatives to drug patents drug patent policy reform pharmaceutical industry regulation patent barriers to innovation ending evergreening practices access to medicines drug pricing patents patent law pharmaceutical companies public health patent reform generic drug access patent-induced market distortion big pharma patent abuse economic consequences of drug patents innovation without patents patent reform drug patent law pharmaceutical industry lobbying patent evergreening intellectual property rights Big Pharma public health access to medicine monopoly pricing patent loopholes drug pricing policy generic drugs innovation incentives research and development healthcare justice legislative capture pay-for-delay pharmaceutical regulation patent abuse TRIPS agreement WTO patents compulsory licensing access to essential medicines patent thickets pharmaceutical monopolies profit protection social welfare patent extension patent expiration competition policy patent strategy consumer rights international patent law pharmaceutical ethics drug patent injustice pharmaceutical patent criticism evergreening patents drug patent loopholes pharmaceutical lobby power patent law reform drug pricing monopoly patent system critique patent-induced market distortion access to medicine barriers generic drug suppression patent incentives reform patent extension abuse pharmaceutical industry lobbying patent monopoly harm public health impact patents innovation stifled by patents patent regime reform drug affordability issues patent-driven inequality patent law special interests research recoupment arguments open innovation pharmaceuticals drug patent abolition reforms for equitable drug access pharmaceutical patents drug patent system patent law reform pharmaceutical lobbying evergreening monopoly pricing drug patent loopholes intellectual property innovation incentives generic drugs access to medicine patent abuse patent extensions healthcare costs drug pricing pharmaceutical profits legislative influence pharmaceutical industry practices patent expiration research and development public health impact patent reform advocacy patent system critique open access drugs patent policy medicine affordability patent reform pharmaceutical industry lobby drug patent loopholes evergreening patents monopoly pricing pharmaceuticals drug patent expiration pharmaceutical industry influence research and development costs patent exclusivity access to medicines generic drug access patent law critique pharmaceutical innovation incentive public health impact patent system alternatives patent policy analysis drug pricing regulation anti-competitive practices intellectual property rights health care justice policy lobbying pharmaceutical patent system inequality patent abuse prevention economic implications drug patents US pharmaceutical regulation"
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro04a	Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. firearm access firearm suicide gun control laws suicide prevention lethal means mental health firearm regulations means restriction gun-related deaths self-harm risk public health gun availability impulsive suicide restrictive legislation gun policy suicide statistics access to firearms gun law effectiveness firearm ownership impact suicide deterrents firearm suicide access to guns gun control gun legislation gun availability suicide prevention mental health lethal means restriction firearm regulation gun safety restrictive gun laws suicide rates firearm access means of suicide impulsive suicide state intervention firearm-related deaths unsuccessful suicide attempts suicide methods public health policy firearm access suicide methods mental health risk gun regulation lethal means firearm suicide rates suicide prevention gun control policies firearm legislation impulsive suicide public health access to firearms restrictive gun laws means restriction firearm availability gun-related deaths suicide statistics self-harm prevention mental illness accidental shootings gun ownership suicide statistics countries with strict gun laws suicide rates firearms access suicide risk gun control suicide prevention lethal means suicide accessibility guns and mental health gun laws correlation suicide suicide risk factors firearms impact of gun availability on suicide restricting firearms suicide reduction preventing suicide through gun regulations evidence supporting gun control for suicide prevention unsuccessful suicide attempts gun access effectiveness of gun restrictions on suicide public health impact of gun ownership gun control suicide prevention firearm regulations mental health means restriction lethality of suicide methods public health policy gun violence suicide statistics firearm accessibility gun legislation impulsive suicide suicide intervention cross-country comparison gun-related suicides access to firearms restrictive gun laws means availability mental illness and firearms lethal means counseling gun laws and suicide rates firearm access and suicide risk gun control and mental health firearm suicide statistics gun regulation effectiveness impact of gun ownership on suicide suicide prevention policies lethal means restriction suicide firearms and public health gun violence and self-harm gun safety measures gun ownership and mental health suicide methods and availability reducing firearm suicide rates country gun laws suicide correlation firearm suicide gun control suicide prevention lethal means firearm regulation access to guns public health mental health suicide risk factors gun legislation impulsive suicide means restriction firearm accessibility suicide statistics gun-related deaths self-harm suicide methods restrictive gun laws unintentional suicide suicide attempt outcomes mental illness firearm availability accidental deaths homicide rates gun safety gun ownership and mental health gun ownership and suicide gun control and suicide rates impact of gun laws on suicide firearm availability and suicide gun access and mental health suicide prevention gun control restrictive gun laws suicide reduction correlation guns and suicides means restriction suicide prevention lethal means access suicide firearm suicide statistics state intervention gun ownership gun regulation mental health unsuccessful suicide outcomes public health gun laws gun policy suicide effects international gun laws suicide gun legislation and fatalities mental illness firearms suicide method accessibility firearm regulation suicide prevention mental health gun control policies access to firearms firearm-related deaths suicide methods restrictive gun laws means restriction public health lethal means firearm suicide rates impulsive suicide gun access laws self-harm prevention national suicide trends firearm availability safety measures gun law strictness suicide statistics firearm access suicide prevention gun control laws mental health lethal means restriction suicide risk factors public health policy firearm legislation suicide statistics means reduction impulsive suicide firearm-related deaths firearms and mental illness gun control effectiveness societal impact of gun ownership
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro02a	We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. art censorship art ethics freedom of expression social values moral offense art controversy public sensitivity trauma and art offensive artwork artist responsibility cultural trauma freedom vs harm value conflict societal norms artistic limits community standards creative restriction public harm shock art historical trauma art and morality psychological impact Nazi imagery in art hate symbols Chapman brothers controversy art and social responsibility harmful art protective censorship individual rights art and trauma victim sensitivity social disgust art and ethics debate offensive content regulation art and public decency art censorship offense in art moral values social values artistic freedom audience sensitivity trauma and art social responsibility ethics in art controversial art freedom of expression art and harm art and society viewer protection Nazi imagery in art hate imagery cultural sensitivity balancing rights moral outrage protecting vulnerable groups art and emotional harm limits of artistic license art and public reaction psychological impact of art rights of viewers trauma triggers in art art censorship artistic freedom moral values public decency trauma social harm cultural sensitivity freedom of expression ethical responsibility psychological impact offensive art hate speech art ethics audience protection respect for victims art controversy societal norms Nazi imagery art and trauma individual rights vulgar art boundaries in art art and morality artist responsibility emotional harm art regulation art censorship debate protecting individuals from offensive art art and social values conflict psychological harm from art freedom of expression versus societal harm controversial art impact Chapmans Nazi imagery controversy ethical limits of artistic freedom balancing artistic expression and public trauma art that violates core individual values art and historical trauma moral responsibility in art regulating artwork for public good negative effects of offensive art art and collective memory societal acceptance of controversial artists duty to protect vulnerable individuals from art art ridiculing central values emotional responses to art art and minority sensitivities trauma-informed art policies art censorship artistic freedom social values offense in art trauma and art cultural sensitivity moral rights public exposure harm principle societal acceptance controversial art art and ethics Chapman brothers Nazi imagery art and trauma freedom of expression audience impact responsible art art controversy victim sensitivity historical trauma art restrictions balancing rights emotional harm satire boundaries modern society ethics art censorship moral limits in art artistic freedom vs societal harm protecting sensitive audiences ethical boundaries in art art and social values central values and art trauma and art reception controversial art art and public reaction art and emotional harm freedom of expression limitations art and community standards offense in contemporary art Nazi imagery in art artists’ responsibilities balancing artistic expression societal protection from offensive art ethics of controversial imagery psychological harm from art art censorship freedom of expression social values artistic responsibility harm principle psychological trauma ethical art controversial art social disgust moral offense art and society offensive content societal norms cultural sensitivity artistic limits hate imagery historical trauma Chapmans brothers Hitler imagery Nazi symbolism victim impact public decency artistic boundaries moral rights emotional harm art regulation artistic restriction audience protection traumatizing art art censorship artistic freedom moral values social disgust trauma in art Nazi imagery in art ethics of art freedom of expression societal norms artist responsibility art and harm art controversy public sensibility art and trauma art and history sensitive content in art value conflict in art protecting individuals from harm limits of artistic expression offensive art cultural sensitivity emotional impact of art art and society art regulation art and respect Chapmans brothers controversy art and ethics historical trauma art and outrage rights versus expression psychological harm from art art censorship moral values social disgust individual trauma artistic freedom ethical art controversial art freedom of expression offensive artwork societal standards harm principle Nazi imagery public sensitivity psychological harm cultural impact value violation responsible art artistic restrictions audience protection art and ethics freedom of expression artistic censorship social values emotional harm moral limits in art public outrage trauma in art ethics of representation offensive art art and society Chapman brothers controversy Nazi imagery in art cultural sensitivity audience protection unrestricted creativity balancing rights art-related trauma art ethics debate societal responsibility modern societal values freedom vs harm controversial art examples
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro01a	Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 gun control firearm regulation Washington DC Second Amendment gun ownership restrictions public safety monopoly on violence state authority self-defense individual rights firearm ban gun violence prevention constitutional rights civilian disarmament government protection legal restrictions urban firearm policy district gun laws collective security community safety legislative measures violent crime rights revocation gun legislation risk mitigation gun-free zones right to safety policy effectiveness handgun ban assault weapon restrictions law enforcement authority gun control firearm regulation Second Amendment public safety disarmament handgun ban urban violence state monopoly on force constitutional rights individual rights law enforcement efficacy crime reduction Washington DC firearms laws self-defense laws mass shootings community safety governmental authority violence prevention regulation of arms citizen security legislative restrictions gun ownership limitations public policy state vs. individual rights legal precedent federal vs. local law arms ban justification societal harm gun violence statistics rights revocation gun control firearms regulation Second Amendment public safety weapon ownership restrictions DC handgun ban state monopoly on violence self-defense laws civil liberties gun violence prevention arms prohibition constitutional rights urban gun laws crime reduction government authority legal limits on firearms right to self-protection public order disarmament policies gun ownership debate community safety firearm legislation DC gun laws citizens’ rights vs. state power armed resistance legislative restrictions handgun regulation anti-gun policy US gun policy federal firearm laws state security mandate DC gun control debate right to bear arms limitations state monopoly on violence argument symbolic meaning of gun rights checks and balances on government power public safety vs individual rights arms ban in high-crime areas revoking gun rights in DC constitutional implications Second Amendment exceptions to gun rights targeted gun restrictions gun violence in urban areas DC firearm regulations harm prevention rationale for gun bans historical context of right to bear arms implications for other US cities legal framework for arms prohibition balancing security and liberty justifications for revoking individual gun rights differentiating federal vs state jurisdiction on firearms gun control Second Amendment firearm regulation public safety state monopoly on violence self-defense laws DC gun laws constitutional rights civil liberties arms restrictions gun violence in DC right to self-protection political philosophy checks and balances state oppression security of citizens legislative frameworks firearms ban local jurisdiction policy arguments comparative analysis crime rates law enforcement legal precedent urban gun violence gun ownership rights gun control in Washington DC Second Amendment limitations firearm regulations in DC right to bear arms debate monopoly of violence state theory public safety and gun rights DC gun ban justification constitutional gun rights DC check and balance on state power arms regulation urban areas citizens self-defense laws revoking gun rights exceptions to gun rights targeted gun bans crime rates and gun ownership DC historical context gun laws DC policy arguments against guns in DC state security versus citizen rights empirical evidence gun bans effectiveness of gun bans in cities gun control Second Amendment firearm regulation public safety Washington DC arms prohibition state monopoly on violence citizen self-defense civil liberties right to self-defense government authority handgun ban violence prevention constitutional rights public security gun violence legal restrictions state power crime rates urban safety law enforcement firearm legislation American gun laws risk mitigation state-citizen relationship armament limits community safety gun ownership social contract political theory gun control DC Second Amendment debate right to bear arms firearm regulation Washington DC public safety firearms state monopoly on violence citizen self-defense rights handgun ban DC gun violence prevention DC legal restrictions firearms DC US gun laws comparison urban gun crime arms rights revocation constitutional gun rights policy on firearms in cities disarmament DC gun ownership laws DC state security vs. individual rights arms ban legal justification district-specific gun laws selective gun rights ban gun control policy effectiveness crime rates firearms DC civil liberties and gun ownership collective security vs. individual arms gun control Second Amendment District of Columbia firearm regulations public safety violence reduction state monopoly on violence citizen rights disarmament self-defense laws firearm bans urban gun violence constitutional interpretation gun ownership restrictions public security legislative measures right to self-defense US gun policy government authority arms regulation historical context legal precedent gun control firearm regulation Second Amendment public safety violent crime gun violence self-defense government authority civil liberties state monopoly on violence urban gun laws DC handgun ban constitutional rights collective security democracy law enforcement crime statistics arms limitation legal precedent public policy US Constitution rights and responsibilities societal harm community safety state-citizen relationship firearm restrictions
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro02a	Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. public service broadcaster BBC religious broadcasting minority interest religious worship attendance offensive views mainstream church positions homophobia illiberal opinions sexism airtime fairness diversity of perspectives level playing field broadcasting impartiality secularism National Secular Society representation in media media plurality religion in media controversial opinions broadcaster responsibility discrimination media bias freedom of expression pluralism church influence minority representation religious programming BBC religious broadcasting public service impartiality secularism minority religious interest representation of ideas church views controversy offensive church opinions media balance broadcaster neutrality religious programming criticism homophobia in religion illiberal church views sexism in religion mainstream church criticism diversity of perspectives BBC bias protest against religious airtime minority belief coverage media fairness national secular society religious privilege modern Britain religion religious attendance statistics equal airtime public broadcaster ethics public service broadcasting BBC impartiality religious broadcasting minority interests freedom of expression secularism church influence media fairness editorial balance diversity of perspectives broadcasting ethics religious criticism representation in media homophobia in religion sexism in religion illiberal views media responsibility church attendance statistics National Secular Society controversial opinions media regulation diversity in media UK religion pluralism offensive speech media policy BBC religious broadcasting controversy secularism in public service media minority interest airtime allocation religious offense in media fairness in BBC programming BBC and church influence religious diversity on BBC church attendance statistics UK BBC impartiality religion representation of non-religious views BBC public broadcaster duty of neutrality BBC religious bias criticism faith vs secular values media National Secular Society BBC criticism level playing field for ideas BBC BBC and homophobia criticism censorship of offensive religious views BBC equality in public service broadcasting BBC response to reactionary opinions diversity of viewpoints BBC BBC public service broadcaster religious broadcasting minority interests church views offensive opinions airtime allocation level playing field secularism religious diversity mainstream churches extreme sects homophobia illiberal opinions sexism public perception media fairness broadcasting ethics religious attendance statistics media representation National Secular Society religious impartiality disproportionate coverage UK media freedom of expression opinion diversity public service broadcasting religious representation media BBC religious programming secularism UK media church views controversy offensive religious views media impartiality minority religious interests diversity of perspectives media mainstream church criticism homophobia in religion sexism in church illiberal religious views media airtime fairness balancing divergent views minority vs majority interest BBC National Secular Society BBC religion offence broadcasting proportional religious content freedom of expression BBC BBC public service broadcaster religion religious broadcasting minority interest church mainstream churches religious views offensive opinions homophobia sexism illiberal reactionary secularism National Secular Society airtime allocation diversity of perspectives freedom of expression programming balance audience irritation broadcasting ethics proportional representation minority voices church attendance statistics controversial issues media impartiality editorial neutrality faith and broadcasting fairness public opinion UK society media criticism public service broadcasting BBC bias religious representation secularism minority interests religious offence media fairness airtime allocation church influence homophobia in religion sexism in churches illiberal religious views broadcasting standards level playing field pluralism in media National Secular Society religious attendance statistics church and state freedom of expression media ethics religious privilege reactionary religious opinions diversity of ideas broadcaster responsibility religious minorities media impartiality BBC public service broadcasting religious representation media fairness minority interests secularism church criticism offensive views content diversity airtime allocation broadcaster neutrality church and state religious minorities homophobia in religion sexism in religion UK media pluralism editorial policy bias in broadcasting religious attendance statistics National Secular Society media ethics viewpoint balance freedom of expression BBC religious programming religious broadcasting BBC impartiality public service media freedom of speech secularism minority religious views media representation church and state religious pluralism broadcasting ethics offense in media discrimination homophobia sexism illiberal views equal airtime UK religious attendance representation fairness media bias divergent viewpoints public interest controversy religious minorities broadcasting policy National Secular Society
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro01a	Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ child performers education limitations schooling hours training vs education UK education laws compulsory school attendance child labor laws academic development performance commitments educational neglect specialized skill focus arts education legal requirements for child actors impact on academic achievement balancing performance and education alternative education homeschooling extracurricular commitments educational disruption working children legislation child performers education child labor laws impact of performing on schooling child actors school requirements education for young performers performing arts and academic achievement compulsory education child performers academic challenges child entertainers legal requirements child performers UK balancing performance and education child stars formal education minimum education hours child performers child performer work hours regulations academic outcomes child artists effects of performing on children's schooling child performers education limitations formal schooling time commitment performer training compulsory education UK education laws child labor regulations academic achievement child actor legal requirements performance arts homeschooling minimum education hours extracurricular activities child development educational neglect balancing education and performance rights of child performers impact on academics protective legislation child performer education laws impact of performing on child education education requirements for child actors UK consequences of limited schooling for performers balancing performance and formal education legal education minimum for child entertainers effects of performance training on academics child performers missing school school attendance regulations for performers specialized training versus academic education UK child performer schooling hours family attitudes toward performer education education policy for young performers long-term impact on education for child actors academic challenges for child entertainers child performers education limitations impact on schooling formal education time commitment training schedule UK regulations education requirements performing arts child labor laws academic achievement extracurricular activities compulsory education legal restrictions specialized training work-life balance family priorities educational neglect child welfare performing children educational attainment school attendance child actor laws educational policy children's rights child performers education impact child performers school hours effect of performing on academic achievement education laws for child actors UK disadvantages of performing careers for children specialized training and childhood education balancing performance and schooling child labor and education educational challenges for young performers child performer work hour regulations long-term effects of limited formal education compulsory education for child entertainers child performers formal education limited schooling training hours UK regulations compulsory education education requirements working hours child labor laws performance schedules academic impact specialized skills acting dancing family priorities education detriment legal restrictions Children’s Legal Centre education policy child rights extracurricular activities school attendance academic achievement educational opportunities performing arts children child performer education formal education impact performer training and schooling child actors school requirements UK child performer laws education hours for child performers child star academic challenges balancing performance and education child talent education limits specialized skill impact on schooling children's legal rights performers education laws for child entertainers performing arts school attendance family attitudes to child performer education underage performer regulations child performers formal education academic achievement training hours school attendance education requirements child labor laws performing arts education policy child development extracurricular activities work-life balance compulsory education homeschool regulations talent development educational impact performing children legal education standards child actors child dancers performing licenses child performers education impact of performing arts on education child labor laws formal education requirements UK regulations on child performers balancing training and schooling academic achievement child entertainers education policy for young performers homeschooling child actors child performer work hours effects of performing careers on schooling education support for child artists performing arts and academic performance compulsory schooling exceptions educational attainment of young performers
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con03a	Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa economic development infrastructure education electricity access energy gap Sub-Saharan Africa World Bank economic growth Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo construction industry gender gap women’s education literacy rates youth literacy female education male education primary education secondary education tertiary education gender disparity skilled jobs economic drivers gender equality women’s empowerment policy intervention human capital workforce development education policy sustainable development educational attainment social inequality Sub-Saharan projects economic opportunity Mauritius Korea comparison UNESCO World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report Africa infrastructure education development economic growth electricity Sub-Saharan Africa World Bank Grand Inga Dam construction industry gender gap women's education female literacy youth literacy rates primary education secondary education tertiary education educational attainment labor market skilled jobs economic participation gender inequality women's economic empowerment Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO education statistics workforce diversity human capital employment opportunities women in STEM barriers to education economic drivers policy interventions regional disparities education reform sustainable development infrastructure development education reform gender gap economic growth electricity generation Sub-Saharan Africa energy projects Grand Inga Dam literacy rates female education youth literacy tertiary education educational inequality skilled workforce economic drivers women in economy poverty alleviation infrastructure investment World Bank education statistics gender parity construction industry economic disparity regional development sustainable growth human capital girls’ education workforce participation policy interventions SDGs Africa economic challenges barriers to education educational access empowerment female workforce participation education outcomes sectoral employment societal impacts Africa infrastructure development Africa education challenges gender gap in African education women in African economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity deficit Grand Inga Dam impact World Bank Africa infrastructure female literacy rates Africa primary vs tertiary education Africa barriers to women’s economic leadership Africa construction industry gender roles Africa socioeconomic effects of infrastructure Africa women in STEM Africa women’s role in African development educational inequality Africa economic growth Africa infrastructure strategies to close gender gap Africa increasing women’s participation in construction policy for women’s higher education Africa future of African workforce gender dynamics Africa development infrastructure deficit education gap electricity generation Sub-Saharan Africa World Bank statistics economic growth Grand Inga Dam construction industry gender disparities female literacy male literacy education enrollment ratio primary education secondary education tertiary education gender gap in education highest skilled jobs economic drivers women in the workforce Sub-Saharan statistics youth literacy rates UNESCO data education attainment African economy economic inequality women’s empowerment gender parity workforce participation economic impact development projects case studies Mauritius infrastructure Korea benchmark regional growth barriers to education female economic influence Africa development challenges infrastructure deficit Africa education gap Africa female literacy Africa male vs female education Africa Sub-Saharan Africa electricity economic growth infrastructure Africa World Bank Africa infrastructure Grand Inga Dam project gender disparity education Africa youth literacy rates Africa tertiary education Africa gender gap female empowerment Africa education economic impact of infrastructure Africa women economic roles Africa construction industry gender Africa overcoming infrastructure deficits Africa policy interventions Africa education girls enrollment Africa statistics UNESCO Africa education data sustainable development Africa skill gap Africa future of African economy education inequality Africa World Economic Forum Africa gender gap Africa infrastructure education economic development Sub-Saharan Africa electricity generation World Bank Mauritius South Korea Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo construction industry gender roles women workforce female education literacy rates gender gap youth literacy Angola Central African Republic Ghana Sierra Leone primary education secondary education tertiary education educational inequality skilled jobs economic growth gender disparity workforce participation policy interventions barriers to education UNESCO World Economic Forum gender gap report economic empowerment social development access to education economic drivers women in economy Africa infrastructure development African education challenges female literacy Africa gender disparity education Africa infrastructure gap sub-Saharan Africa electricity production Africa Grand Inga Dam project economic growth infrastructure Africa construction industry Africa women in African economy tertiary education gender gap Africa youth literacy rates Africa World Bank Africa infrastructure UNESCO literacy statistics Africa gender gap in secondary education Africa African economic future women empowerment Africa skilled jobs gender gap Africa education enrollment Africa economic impact of infrastructure Africa improving female education Africa economic drivers Africa statistics Africa education barriers to women in economy Africa gender inequality Africa African development infrastructure deficit education gap economic growth electricity generation World Bank reports Grand Inga Dam construction industry gender disparity female literacy male literacy youth literacy rates primary education secondary education tertiary education educational attainment gender inequality skilled jobs economic drivers women in economy Sub-Saharan Africa Mauritius infrastructure Korea economic model women’s empowerment barriers to education gender roles economic impact global gender gap World Economic Forum UNESCO statistics African economic future Africa development infrastructure deficit education gap female literacy Africa youth literacy Africa Sub-Saharan Africa electricity Grand Inga Dam gender gap education African economic growth World Bank reports Africa construction industry Africa male dominance construction tertiary education Africa literacy rates comparison gender roles economy Africa women economic impact Africa educational attainment Africa barriers to female education Africa skills gap Africa public infrastructure projects Africa economic drivers Africa
test-international-gmehwasr-con04a	Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 conflict escalation proxy wars foreign intervention military entanglement arms supply consequences foreign policy risks intervention in civil wars military commitment troop deployment arms training unintended consequences Syria crisis policy reversal Vietnam War analogy rebel support outcomes great power involvement intervention dilemmas conflict duration risk assessment heavy weapons provision foreign intervention military escalation arms supply consequences proxy war conflict entanglement escalation risks foreign policy reversal Vietnam War parallels troop deployment intervention risks military commitment supplying weapons impact rebel support consequences international relations unintended escalation military involvement heavy weapon training power involvement supply chain escalation military escalation foreign intervention arms supply consequences proxy war stakes in conflict Vietnam War parallels foreign policy risks troop deployment rebel support conflict escalation international relations military involvement training rebels heavy weapons transfer policy reversal intervention outcomes war entanglement power dynamics Middle East conflicts Syrian civil war unintended consequences long drawn out conflict risks escalation of military involvement foreign policy consequences of arming rebels risks of supplying arms to conflict zones historical parallels Vietnam conflict escalation dangers of incremental intervention unintended consequences of military aid potential for mission creep implications of foreign support for rebels training requirements for supplied weapons political costs of intervention strategic stakes in foreign conflicts risk of entanglement in civil wars consequences for diplomatic relations case studies of arms supplies leading to escalation military commitment escalation foreign intervention backlash Syrian conflict external influence stakes of arming opposition groups lessons from Vietnam in foreign interventions conflict escalation proxy war foreign intervention arms supply consequences military commitment Vietnam War parallels intervention risks foreign policy reversal military training boots on the ground heavy weapons proliferation rebel support unintended consequences great power involvement international relations Syrian civil war foreign policy risks intervention precedents military entanglement escalation dynamics external actors in conflict intervention case studies armed conflict implications conflict outcome uncertainty armed intervention escalation risks of arming rebels foreign policy consequences Syria military escalation examples Vietnam war comparison repercussions of intervention supplying arms to rebels risks conflict escalation Syria military commitment escalation international relations Syria training rebels heavy weapons troop deployment risks supplying weapons foreign policy unintended consequences intervention intervention in civil wars Syria conflict Western involvement proxy war risks entanglement in foreign conflicts complicity in conflict escalation precedent Vietnam conflict arming rebels foreign relations escalation foreign intervention arms supply conflict involvement military commitment proxy war foreign policy consequences Syria rebel support government stakes troop deployment heavy weapons military training Vietnam War analogy international relations long-term consequences power entanglement intervention risks policy reversal diplomatic fallout conflict escalation military engagement foreign intervention proxy war escalation risk military involvement arms supply consequences foreign policy implications Vietnam War parallels rebel support risks conflict entanglement regime change troop deployment international relations military training heavy weapons transfer intervention consequences Syria conflict power projection diplomatic fallout intervention escalation supply chain risks escalation foreign intervention proxy war arms supply military involvement Vietnam War parallels policy reversal international relations rebel support foreign policy risks troop deployment conflict entanglement military training heavy weapons transfer intervention consequences Syria crisis escalation military intervention foreign policy consequences proxy wars arms supply conflict dynamics long-term involvement Vietnam War analogy rebel support training rebels supplying arms risks Syria conflict international relations unintended consequences military commitment foreign entanglement heavy weapons training government response regional stability intervention outcomes
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro02a	"Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, North Korea attention-seeking behavior Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il provocations missile launch military attack international attention global response sanctions China negotiations aid for concessions reversible concessions diplomatic cycle regime incentives international relations nuclear brinkmanship bad behavior rewards regime survival strategies foreign aid denuclearization diplomatic stalemate coercive diplomacy international condemnation humanitarian aid nuclear negotiations escalatory tactics crisis bargaining North Korea provocation cycle attention seeking Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un missile launches military provocations international sanctions China veto diplomatic negotiations aid for concessions reversible concessions regime incentives bad behavior rewards international response North Korea strategy foreign policy crisis diplomacy sanction effectiveness diplomatic engagement coercive diplomacy pattern of behavior regime survival humanitarian aid negotiation tactics denuclearization talks regional security provocation diplomacy North Korean negotiation tactics sanctions effectiveness China veto North Korea regime behavior incentives aid for concessions missile launch provocations Kim Jong Un strategy reversible concessions cycle of provocation international response North Korea North Korea aid dependency deterrence policy engagement strategy authoritarian bargaining North Korea provocation cycle attention-seeking behavior North Korea Kim Jong Un diplomatic strategy North Korean aid negotiation tactics China blocking North Korea sanctions reversible concessions North Korea North Korea missile launch response North Korea and international aid history of North Korea provocations North Korea sanctions effectiveness bad behavior rewarded North Korea North Korea leverage diplomacy Kim Jong Il provocation strategy North Korean negotiation patterns global response to North Korean provocations North Korea provocations attention-seeking behavior Kim Jong Un strategy missile launches military provocations international sanctions China veto negotiation tactics aid for concessions regime incentives reversible concessions diplomatic cycle deterrence strategies coercive diplomacy regime survival foreign policy international response economic aid bad behavior rewards escalation cycle nuclear diplomacy North Korea provocation cycle attention-seeking foreign policy Kim Jong Un missile launches aid-for-concessions strategy reversible concessions North Korea China blocking sanctions North Korean negotiation tactics Kim Jong Il regime behavior international response North Korea provocations North Korea escalatory actions North Korea military threats North Korea diplomatic strategy foreign aid incentives North Korea sanctions effectiveness North Korea ""How to Free North Korea"" analysis North Korea attention-seeking regime Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack international attention sanctions China negotiations aid provocation cycle reversible concessions diplomatic strategy global response bad behavior incentives foreign aid international relations denuclearization security threats coercive diplomacy humanitarian aid power play escalation nuclear program policy response appeasement United Nations security council conflict management regional stability North Korea provocation cycle attention-seeking regimes Kim Jong Il diplomacy Kim Jong Un tactics North Korean missile launches international response North Korea China North Korea sanctions reversible concessions North Korea negotiation strategy aid for bad behavior North Korea diplomatic cycle North Korean provocations sanction effectiveness regime incentives global security North Korea North Korea military threats foreign aid manipulation appeasement North Korea recurring escalation North Korea Foreign Policy analysis Adrian Hong North Korea dealing with rogue states deterrence North Korea humanitarian aid and authoritarianism nuclear brinkmanship North Korea North Korea provocation cycle international relations Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il missile launch military threat sanctions China global attention negotiation tactics reversible concessions foreign aid regime behavior coercive diplomacy strategic bargaining aid for compliance denuclearization diplomatic strategy authoritarian regime international response North Korea provocation strategy Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention seeking behavior missile launches military actions international sanctions China veto aid for concessions negotiation tactics reversible concessions global attention North Korean diplomacy Foreign Policy analysis Adrian Hong regime incentives cycle of bad behavior international response diplomatic negotiations economic aid nuclear brinkmanship political manipulation"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro02a	Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. net neutrality tiered Internet ISP pricing bandwidth discrimination content prioritization Internet censorship digital divide freedom of expression open Internet content throttling commercial censorship access inequality network management Internet governance paid prioritization service differentiation BT Content Connect FCC regulations information access platform neutrality net neutrality tiered internet internet service provider policies bandwidth discrimination content prioritization digital divide internet access inequality traffic management paid prioritization content throttling open internet internet censorship freedom of information fair competition zero-rating network management practices consumer rights internet openness data caps content delivery internet regulation telecom policy broadband access content neutrality discrimination in internet service ISP competition net neutrality Internet censorship ISP throttling bandwidth discrimination content prioritization open Internet digital rights freedom of information traffic shaping commercial censorship access equality Internet freedom broadband pricing data caps telecom regulation digital divide end-user rights content provider discrimination network management consumer protection two-tier internet risks net neutrality concerns ISP content prioritization differential pricing internet impact on freedom of expression internet commercial censorship internet political censorship internet internet access inequality broadband tiered services ISP traffic shaping open internet protection effects on online content producers digital divide internet quality of service internet discrimination BT Content Connect controversy fair access to online content preventing internet censorship internet regulation implications user access discrimination content provider competition internet net neutrality two-tier internet ISP pricing broadband discrimination content prioritization bandwidth throttling digital divide freedom of expression content provider competition commercial censorship political censorship open internet BT Content Connect internet access equality service provider regulation internet fast lanes preferential treatment data discrimination network management media diversity net neutrality two-tier internet ISP discrimination internet access rates content throttling bandwidth pricing freedom of expression online digital censorship commercial censorship political censorship content prioritization open internet equal internet access ISPs content control internet fairness network neutrality debate internet regulation BT Content Connect digital rights content providers broadband equality two-tier Internet net neutrality ISP discrimination content prioritization bandwidth throttling Internet censorship commercial censorship political censorship Internet freedom content providers end user impact flat rate services quality of service access inequality tiered pricing digital divide freedom of expression ISP competition network management BT Content Connect information access pay-for-priority open Internet content delivery Internet regulation two-tier internet network neutrality net neutrality risks ISP pricing models differential pricing internet internet access inequality content throttling bandwidth discrimination ISP content prioritization commercial censorship internet political censorship online freedom of expression internet internet content discrimination paid prioritization open internet advocacy digital divide ISP competition content provider inequality broadband policy internet regulation internet access rights net neutrality laws consumer internet rights telecom regulation internet speed discrimination telecom policy digital rights internet internet access affordability internet content fairness media pluralism internet net neutrality ISP discrimination bandwidth throttling Internet freedom content prioritization tiered Internet pricing commercial censorship digital rights Internet access equality network management open Internet Internet regulation freedom of expression online paid prioritization broadband policy content delivery competitive disadvantage digital inclusion Internet governance traffic shaping net neutrality two-tier internet ISP throttling bandwidth discrimination content prioritization freedom of expression digital censorship internet access inequality commercial censorship political censorship open internet broadband pricing internet regulation content providers network management practices
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con03a	Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, migrant return policies repatriation challenges migrant resettlement migration sustainability economic migration conflict migration refugee resettlement aid for migration migration incentives developing countries migrants migration policy effectiveness re-migration migration deterrents migration motivation migration cycles migrant stories European migration routes migration and development migrant re-entry forced return outcomes forced return deportation policy migrant resettlement developing countries aid-for-migration deals safe third country refugee relocation secondary migration economic migrants migration sustainability repeated attempts asylum seeker motivation migration deterrence Europe migration routes migration policy effectiveness case studies migration push factors migration pull factors returnee experiences Rachid Algeria case migration deterrence policy irregular migration economic migration migrant return developing countries aid for migration migration policy conflict refugees safe countries migration incentives resettlement effectiveness migration sustainability developed country migration migrant motivations re-migration secondary migration Europe migration routes Algeria migrants migration case studies migration deterrence migration resettlement programs migrant decision factors migrant return patterns economic migration sustainability aid-for-migration policy criticisms migrants moving to developing countries refugee resettlement challenges migrant motivations developed countries repeat migration behaviors migration policy impacts deterrence of economic migrants migration case studies Algeria Rachid migration Europe migration policy effectiveness migration resettlement alternatives safe country for refugees migrants fleeing conflict push-pull migration factors developed vs developing country migration migrant reattempt rates evidence migration reroutes aid conditionality migration BBC migration report migration as economic strategy ineffectiveness of migrant relocation migration return incentives economic migration return migration migration policy sustainable migration migrants' motivations developed countries developing countries aid-for-migration deals refugee resettlement secondary migration migrant return rates forced displacement safe third country migration deterrence integration challenges pull factors push factors migration cycles migrant reattempts asylum policy international migration case studies migration migration incentives migration and development migration to Europe migration risks migration alternatives Lucy Ash Rachid Algeria forced repatriation effectiveness migrants returning home policies economic migration solutions aid-for-migration deals sustainability of migrant relocation migration to developed countries deterrence of economic migrants failed migrant relocation examples migrant motivations and destination choice impact of returning migrants developing countries and migrant resettlement alternatives to rich country migration conflict refugees relocation repeat migration patterns migrant stories Europe migration policy analysis case studies migrant returns reluctance to settle in developing countries migration push and pull factors challenges of international migration agreements migrants return migration aid for resettlement sustainable migration policy conflict refugees safe countries economic migration developed countries migration incentives migration alternatives development levels migration recidivism migration deterrence migration success stories migration attempts policy effectiveness migration returns Algeria migration migration to Europe migration challenges resettlement policies case studies migration outcomes BBC migration reports migration and development economic migration migration policy deportation effectiveness migrant return rates migration to developed countries migration incentives aid for migration control migration sustainability forced relocation outcomes migrants fleeing conflict safe country policies secondary migration migration deterrence resettlement in developing countries push and pull factors migration migrant case studies European migration crisis repeat migration attempts migration and development aid and migration agreements migration enforcement challenges BBC migration reports voluntary return migration migration and safety conflict-driven migration migration motivation economic migration refugee resettlement forced migration circular migration repatriation asylum policy safe third country global migration trends development aid migration deterrence migrant motivation push-pull factors migration sustainability destination country migrant return rates migration policy effectiveness human rights international protection migration case studies migration challenges Europe migration North Africa migration policy critique economic opportunity resettlement outcomes migration management migration incentives forced migration repatriation resettlement policies migration deterrence economic migration asylum seekers refugee policy migration sustainability international aid developing countries migration routes remigration push and pull factors migration cycles migration enforcement migration case studies European migration migration policy effectiveness safe third countries migration motivation migration recurrence deterrence effectiveness migration incentives Rachid Algeria case migration to developed countries destination preferences migration policy loopholes
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con01a	Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. censorship free speech freedom of expression information restriction media control internet regulation open debate public discourse anti-censorship civil liberties government hypocrisy content moderation viewpoint diversity hate speech moral autonomy public awareness information access intellectual freedom online speech religious expression controversial material opinion diversity public criticism democratic values rights limitation transparency self-regulation expression rights societal harm media bias free expression anti-censorship internet freedom open discourse information access intellectual freedom civil liberties opposing viewpoint exposure debate over censorship government hypocrisy suppression of speech marketplace of ideas rights to information limiting free speech moral reasoning combating prejudice religious speech speech regulation uncensored internet criticism of censorship public debate exposure to extremism self-regulation collective discernment free expression information access intellectual freedom government censorship internet regulation open debate public discourse civil liberties media freedom viewpoint diversity constitutional rights democratic values opinion suppression critical thinking ideological control speech regulation transparency moral autonomy content moderation public awareness hate speech propaganda information control societal tolerance freedom of information free speech vs censorship dangers of censorship censorship and democracy effects of banning online material public access to controversial ideas censorship and government hypocrisy responsible internet regulation debating extreme views prejudice and exposure logic versus censorship religious material censorship public critical thinking censorship free speech paradox censorship undermining open society combating hate speech internet freedom and regulation consequences of suppressing speech exposure as anti-prejudice strategy moral judgment and censorship freedom of expression benefits censorship free speech public discourse information access worldview extreme material religious opinion government hypocrisy Internet bans prejudice open debate logical criticism moral judgment civic responsibility unrestricted expression public enlightenment media regulation freedom of information democratic values speech limitations viewpoint diversity free speech arguments censorship debate harm of internet censorship freedom of expression government hypocrisy censorship exposing prejudice through speech debate on religious content censorship risks of banning online material public debate vs censorship dangers of restricting information impact of censorship on democracy criticism of paternalism in censorship protection vs free access information moral responsibility of citizens censorship and worldview internet freedom benefits limits of free speech combating hate speech with exposure logical criticism vs content bans consistency in free speech policies effects of media censorship free speech censorship public discourse information access intellectual freedom government regulation internet censorship religious expression public debate moral autonomy prejudice exposure logical criticism contradictory policies hypocrisy freedom of expression media control access to information open society individual judgment suppression of ideas negative expression critical thinking patronising attitudes societal debate democratic values free speech censorship debate internet censorship government hypocrisy freedom of expression public discourse combating prejudice religious opinion sites access to information moral censorship open debate exposure of extremism limiting speech criticism of censorship paradox of free speech dangers of banning public accountability freedom of the press rights of citizens censorship policies propaganda media freedom civil liberties democracy and censorship thought control online freedom critical thinking information restriction societal impact of censorship anti-censorship arguments free speech censorship public debate internet freedom information access censorship consequences government hypocrisy religious opinion extreme material open discourse combating prejudice moral criticism exposure to ideas information suppression logical criticism democratic values media regulation opinion diversity rights limitations critical thinking viewpoint tolerance civil liberties online censorship societal impact free expression information access public discourse internet regulation prior restraint moral autonomy viewpoint diversity governmental hypocrisy intellectual freedom hate speech public debate democratic values censorship drawbacks open society propaganda media literacy critical thinking speech regulation content moderation civil liberties
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con01a	Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. racial profiling institutional racism discrimination minority rights civil liberties second-class citizenship ethnic stereotyping Islamophobia anti-Irish sentiment security forces bias resentment social injustice government policy aviation security state control human rights violations prejudice criminalization ethnic minorities public perception racial profiling institutional racism discrimination minority rights civil liberties social justice second-class citizens prejudice ethnic profiling anti-Muslim bias security policy Irish discrimination aviation security government policy group criminalization national security resentment stereotyping human rights Western nations law enforcement bias unjust practices public perception UK history state authority Muslim communities racial profiling institutional racism discrimination minority rights second class citizenship anti-Muslim bias security practices ethnic discrimination government policy civil liberties prejudice stereotyping state authority human rights social justice law enforcement ethnic minorities collective punishment resentment social cohesion equal treatment counterterrorism national security public perception group stigmatization historical injustice racial profiling impact institutional racism examples effects of profiling on minorities historical profiling in UK ‘innocent until proven Irish’ explanation western policies towards Muslims aviation security and discrimination government profiling consequences civil rights and profiling profiling resentment in minority communities state control and profiling racial profiling in aviation lessons from UK security history Muslim profiling in western countries group criminalization dangers social effects of profiling state-mandated discrimination anti-profiling arguments profiling and civil liberties public trust and profiling racial profiling institutional racism minority rights civil liberties discrimination second class citizens counterterrorism security policy societal resentment United Kingdom Irish discrimination Muslim profiling western nations aviation security governmental authority group criminalization security forces social justice prejudice equality historical parallels public policy cultural bias law enforcement human rights violations racial profiling institutionalized racism minority rights second class citizens discrimination in law enforcement proven innocent Irish security forces bias resentment among minorities anti-Muslim policies ethnic profiling in aviation civil liberties human rights violations impact on social cohesion government messaging criminalization of groups Britain profiling history Western nations mistakes Muslim profiling effects state control of authorities prejudice in public policy racial profiling institutional racism discrimination minorities second-class citizens injustice wrongful profiling stereotype civil rights ethnic minorities security forces innocent until proven Irish resentment marginalization Islamophobia Muslims western nations prejudice state control government policy potential criminals provocative message aviation security law enforcement bias historical parallels social exclusion group stigmatization racial profiling institutional racism discrimination minority rights civil liberties anti-Muslim sentiment airport security security policies ethnic profiling social justice human rights UK Irish discrimination second class citizenship government policy state control bias in law enforcement prejudice equality Western nations counterterrorism community relations racial profiling institutional racism minority rights discrimination civil liberties anti-Muslim bias security policies second class citizenship law enforcement bias ethnic targeting UK Irish profiling government surveillance prejudice social justice counter-terrorism human rights public resentment wrongful suspicion equality multiculturalism racial profiling institutional racism minority rights discrimination civil liberties second class citizenship anti-Muslim bias counterterrorism policy security forces ethnic profiling social justice prejudice injustice human rights UK security history wrongful suspicion state authority government policy community resentment law enforcement bias equality Irish discrimination Muslim discrimination aviation security policies criminalization western nations historical parallels civil rights ethnic minorities collective punishment
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con01a	Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 transparency normalization government secrecy policy normalization unintended consequences bad policy covert operations targeted killing drone warfare CIA drone program Department of Defense public opinion military action covert action legitimacy accountability disclosure deniability media coverage public perception legal frameworks oversight ethics military transparency policy termination secrecy vs transparency normalization of violence state secrecy democratic accountability normalization of drones organizational responsibility transparency normalization government secrecy policy normalization covert operations clandestine activities drone warfare CIA drone program Department of Defense targeted killings military conflict public opinion on drones normalization of secret programs government disclosure accountability legitimization of bad policies perception of military action civilian oversight transparency drawbacks policy unintended consequences normalization of violence secret-to-public transition US drone strikes ethical implications public support for military drones transparency vs secrecy foreign policy covert vs overt action national security institutionalization of controversial policies transparency normalization government policy secrecy public opinion covert operations drone strikes CIA Department of Defense targeted killings military conflict policy legitimacy policy accountability deniability ethical implications legal frameworks governmental transparency normalization of violence civilian casualties military policy intelligence operations oversight policy evaluation public perception normalization effects transparency normalization effects transparency bad policy persistence transparency government secrecy drone strikes normalization transparency and policy outcomes covert actions public perception military vs CIA drone support impact of revealing government programs transparency and accountability normalization of targeted killing Department of Defense drone control public opinion military vs covert transparency drawbacks government secrecy vs normalization policy inertia transparency effects of transparency on policy reform transparency and ethical standards legitimization of controversial practices public response to transparency lasting impact of disclosed programs transparency normalization government policy secrecy covert operations public perception deniability accountability drone strikes CIA Department of Defense targeted killing military conflict public opinion policy implementation policy termination ethical implications normalization of violence democratic oversight civilian casualties defense policy intelligence operations military transparency normalization of covert actions legislative oversight international law military ethics US foreign policy media coverage security policy public support transparency normalization government secrecy policy transparency consequences drone policy normalization CIA drone program Department of Defense drones targeted killing normalization military vs covert action public opinion on drones transparency and public perception transparency unintended effects drone strikes accountability government transparency risks normalizing controversial policy secrecy vs openness outcomes transparency normalization policy secrecy deniability government practices drone strikes CIA Department of Defense targeted killing military conflict covert actions public opinion accountability ethical implications drone program public reaction policy termination legitimization strategic communication foreign policy military drones civilian casualties oversight normalization of violence defense policy government transparency policy normalization covert operations deniability CIA drone strikes Department of Defense targeted killing military conflict public opinion drones transparency consequences drone program oversight normalization of violence secret government programs ending bad policy military vs. covert action policy secrecy drone strike statistics accountability in government normalization risks foreign policy transparency transparency normalization government secrecy policy entrenchment CIA drones Department of Defense targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert operations military operations deniability accountability drone strikes policy disclosure normalization of violence drone program oversight US foreign policy civilian casualties ethical implications program transfer policy inertia government accountability counterterrorism operations secrecy vs transparency decision-making processes normalization risk transparency normalization government secrecy policy entrenchment drone strikes CIA drones Department of Defense targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert operations military operations secrecy consequences government accountability policy visibility normalization of violence drone program transfer public perception ethical implications security policy
test-economy-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. women gender diversity intersectionality feminisation of labour age race socioeconomic background education empowerment gender inequality labour market female participation human capital access to opportunity workforce diversity social inclusion Atieno 2006 workforce empowerment educational attainment labour force participation women's rights women identity female diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality race age socioeconomic status education level empowerment gender inequality labour market participation human capital access to opportunities workplace diversity women’s empowerment structural barriers labour force segmentation socioeconomic disparities educational attainment discrimination Atieno study gender and work workforce inclusion inequality among women intersectionality gender diversity labour market female workforce empowerment education socioeconomic background race age feminisation of labour inequalities among women human capital labour force participation access to work women's employment women's capabilities gender disparities social class workplace diversity education and empowerment structural inequality women empowerment women's rights workforce participation Atieno 2006 study intersectionality women labour market feminisation of labour diversity impact of education on women employment socioeconomic factors affecting women empowerment race and gender inequalities in workforce differences in empowerment among women human capital and female labour force participation barriers to women empowerment in labour markets Atieno 2006 women labour market study unequal access to employment for women role of education in women’s work opportunities intersectional analysis of women’s empowerment determinants of women’s labour market participation diversity within female workforce factors influencing women’s empowerment intersectionality feminisation of labour female empowerment gender inequality women's education socioeconomic status race and gender labour market participation women’s human capital disparities among women women’s labour opportunities empowerment factors education and empowerment diversity among women barriers to empowerment women’s socioeconomic backgrounds age and empowerment labour force diversity Atieno 2006 determinants of women’s empowerment access to education for women intersectionality in women’s empowerment effects of education on women’s labor participation diversity among women in the workforce socioeconomic factors and women’s employment race and gender in labor markets human capital and female empowerment inequalities among women in labor markets feminisation of labour and intersectionality barriers to women’s empowerment impact of education on women’s empowerment Atieno 2006 women labor study women’s access to labor opportunities empowerment disparities among women labor force participation versus empowerment factors influencing women’s capability for work women diversity intersectionality feminisation of labour age race socioeconomic background education empowerment inequality unequal empowerment labour market workforce participation human capital access to employment Atieno 2006 female labour force participation education and empowerment social stratification opportunity gaps labour market disparities occupational segregation gender inequality barriers to empowerment marginalized women inclusive empowerment structural inequality intersectionality women in labor market feminisation of labour empowerment of women gender inequality women’s education human capital and women socioeconomic status and empowerment race and labor participation age and women’s workforce participation Atieno 2006 study labor market inequalities diverse women backgrounds equal empowerment labor force participation women and work opportunities women’s access to education women’s socioeconomic diversity education and empowerment barriers to women’s empowerment structural inequalities among women intersectionality women empowerment gender diversity labor market feminisation of labor socioeconomic status race and ethnicity education and employment inequality among women human capital female labor force participation access to opportunities age diversity barriers to empowerment women’s education workforce inclusion gender inequality empowerment determinants social stratification structural barriers differentiated empowerment feminisation of labour intersectionality gender inequality women empowerment socioeconomic diversity educational attainment labour market participation race and gender human capital theory empowerment disparities access to employment women's rights workplace diversity structural barriers female labour force Atieno 2006 study employment inequalities social stratification determinants of empowerment marginalization economic participation education and empowerment
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con04a	The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, national sovereignty democracy imposition self-determination government autonomy political system choice democracy promotion regime change international law United Nations Charter state equality intervention religious law tribal law communism non-interference political pluralism sovereign rights international relations state consent legitimacy of government external intervention forced democratization humanitarian intervention sovereignty violation democracy promotion regime change national self-determination international intervention political autonomy sovereignty vs intervention self-governance non-interference UN Charter Article 2(4) legitimate government democratic peace theory ethical interventionism cultural relativism human rights vs sovereignty political legitimacy external imposition government by consent non-democratic regimes legitimacy of intervention self-determination principle national sovereignty self-determination democracy promotion government intervention regime change political autonomy international law United Nations Charter interventionism non-interference state sovereignty imposition of government forms of governance religious law tribal law communism international relations humanitarian intervention state equality national rights global governance imposing democracy vs national sovereignty right to self-determination international law and regime change UN Charter and state equality legitimacy of foreign intervention cultural relativism and governance democracy promotion ethics sovereignty and external influence non-intervention principle alternatives to democracy religious law governance tribal systems communism and self-governance United Nations intervention criteria cases of justified intervention global norms on government imposition human rights vs sovereignty historic examples of democracy imposition effects of forced regime change international relations sovereignty debates post-colonial state autonomy democracy promotion national sovereignty self-determination regime change international law United Nations Charter legitimacy of intervention political autonomy non-intervention principle state sovereignty imposition of government respect for cultural diversity right to self-governance humanitarian intervention international relations consent of the governed religious law governance tribal law governance communist systems global governance authority of UN national identity political pluralism foreign policy ethics state equality use of force international law sovereignty vs intervention autonomy in governance national sovereignty democracy imposition self-determination government choice international law United Nations Charter intervention ethics nation-state autonomy regime change debate democratic promotion legitimacy of governance non-intervention principle religious governance tribal law communist systems human rights and sovereignty UN use of force political independence state equality foreign intervention international relations national sovereignty democracy imposition self-determination government choice non-intervention autonomy United Nations Charter state equality regime change international law political systems religious law tribal governance communism national rights external interference intervention policy national self-direction authoritarianism universal values humanitarian intervention legitimate government national interests political autonomy sovereign rights UN principles international sovereignty state consent government legitimacy national sovereignty democracy imposition self-determination government autonomy political independence United Nations Charter intervention in sovereignty international law regime change non-intervention principle foreign policy ethics cultural relativism right to self-governance imposition of government systems democratic promotion political pluralism external interference legitimacy of governance state equality UN intervention limits acts of aggression humanitarian intervention debate customary international law sovereignty versus democracy diplomatic pressure respect for local governance state-centric international relations non-liberal governments democracy versus authoritarianism nation-state autonomy democracy imposition national sovereignty self-determination government intervention regime change international law United Nations charter political autonomy non-interference self-governance religious law tribal law communism state equality UN intervention human rights national identity forced democratization international relations sovereignty rights foreign policy democracy promotion global governance political systems external influence collective security humanitarian intervention state legitimacy respect for sovereignty national self-determination interventionism non-intervention principle state sovereignty regime change democracy promotion international law United Nations Charter humanitarian intervention self-governance political autonomy legitimacy of government cultural relativism Westphalian sovereignty consent of the governed international relations non-democratic systems authoritarianism political pluralism global governance
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con03a	Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. pornography ban prohibition black market gender stereotypes sex industry demand for pornography internet distribution child pornography non-consensual pornography sexual violence regulation feminist movement taboo sexuality sexual repression sexual harassment sexual urges infidelity rape rates women's rights sexual autonomy unintended consequences sociocultural impact policy effectiveness underground markets legal regulation sexual health societal norms censorship freedom of expression pornography ban prohibition effects black market gender stereotypes feminist movement sexual repression sex crime rates underground pornography regulation online distribution sexual harassment infidelity rape rates child pornography non-consensual pornography women’s sexuality societal taboos sexual health demand for pornography consequences of bans pornography ban black market prohibition gender stereotypes pornography industry internet distribution sex work regulation child pornography non-consensual pornography sexual violence sexual harassment sexual repression feminist perspectives sexuality taboo gender dynamics sexual health online censorship human trafficking women's rights sexual autonomy effects of banning pornography consequences of pornography prohibition pornography legislation and gender stereotypes impact of porn bans on black market comparison of prohibition and porn bans online distribution of pornography black market and child pornography non-consensual pornography risks regulation and sex industry feminist views on pornography sex as a social taboo banning pornography and women's rights pornography bans and sexual violence limitations on sexual outlets for men pornography and sexual harassment rates pornography prohibition and infidelity increases in rape after porn bans social impact of restricting pornography history of porn regulation unintended consequences of porn bans pornography ban prohibition effects black market gender stereotypes sexual repression feminist perspectives sexual violence sex industry regulation online pornography sexual harassment sexual taboos women’s rights male sexuality societal impact child pornography non-consensual content sex work infidelity rates rape risk harm reduction censorship consequences sexual freedom public policy internet distribution historical prohibition sexual health pornography ban debate effects of banning pornography pornography and gender stereotypes prohibition and black market online pornography distribution consequences of banning adult content feminist perspectives on pornography sexual taboos and society sex work and regulation pornography market demand effects on sexual harassment relationship between pornography and sexual crime social impact of pornography bans history of prohibition laws regulating adult industries pornography and women's rights legalization versus prohibition of pornography criminalization of pornography consequences sexual health and pornography media censorship and sexual content pornography and social norms pornography ban prohibition gender stereotypes black market child pornography non-consensual pornography sexual violence online distribution regulation feminist movement sexual taboos gender equality sexual repression sexual harassment sexual urges sexual services infidelity rape social consequences sex industry demand for pornography consequences of prohibition women's rights societal attitudes towards sex pornography ban effects of banning pornography black market pornography prohibition effects gender stereotypes and pornography internet pornography distribution child pornography risk non-consensual pornography pornography regulation sex work black market feminist perspectives on pornography sexual repression consequences men's sexual urges sexual harassment increase infidelity increase rape statistics and pornography women's rights and sexuality taboos and sexual behavior gender dynamics pornography underground pornography market public policy on pornography pornography ban prohibition consequences black market internet distribution child pornography non-consensual porn violence unregulated porn industry gender stereotypes feminist movement sex and society sexual repression sexual harassment infidelity rape rates women’s sexual agency sexuality taboo men’s sexual outlets demand for pornography societal impact legal regulation harm reduction public health social norms unintended consequences history of prohibition pornography regulation gender stereotypes prohibition history black market effects digital distribution sex work feminist perspectives sexual taboos freedom of expression sexual violence child exploitation consent issues public policy societal impact sexual harassment infidelity rape statistics sexual repression harm reduction demand-driven industries
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con03a	Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, intelligence agency misconduct government surveillance abuse abuse of information abuse of power trust in intelligence agencies FBI historical abuses privacy violations state overreach PRISM scandal waterboarding governmental transparency state accountability whistleblowing national security overreach civil liberties infringements intelligence agency reform public oversight ethical surveillance government secrecy abuse prevention government surveillance intelligence agency misconduct misuse of surveillance data privacy violations abuse of governmental power state surveillance abuse intelligence oversight government accountability civil liberties infringement unauthorized surveillance PRISM program historical FBI overreach trust in intelligence agencies information misuse J Edgar Hoover surveillance state power abuse intelligence community transparency national security ethics human rights violations surveillance state risks surveillance government overreach privacy violations state secrecy misuse of intelligence civil liberties trust in government mass surveillance whistleblowing Edward Snowden PRISM program national security abuse J Edgar Hoover COINTELPRO intelligence oversight government accountability unlawful monitoring information misuse state power abuse constitutional rights ethical surveillance government transparency historical surveillance state intimidation FISA courts abuse of power by intelligence agencies misuse of surveillance data government overreach privacy trust in intelligence agencies historical abuses FBI surveillance ethics intelligence agencies trust issues government information misuse surveillance state dangers PRISM revelations abuse waterboarding intelligence abuse oversight of intelligence agencies historical surveillance abuses J Edgar Hoover FBI controversy intelligence agencies accountability privacy rights intelligence agencies government surveillance controversy state abuse of information intelligence agencies transparency national security versus privacy government surveillance intelligence agency overreach abuse of power information misuse privacy violations state surveillance FBI history J Edgar Hoover government accountability surveillance scandals trust in intelligence agencies civil liberties PRISM program waterboarding intelligence misconduct surveillance ethics mass surveillance historical government abuse surveillance transparency secret government programs intelligence agency abuse keywords government surveillance risks misuse of surveillance data historical intelligence agency scandals trust in intelligence agencies FBI abuse examples J Edgar Hoover surveillance government power abuse PRISM surveillance controversy intelligence overreach impact of government surveillance reasons for distrust in intelligence agencies surveillance and personal freedoms cases of intelligence agency overstep waterboarding intelligence controversy civil liberties and surveillance government accountability in surveillance government surveillance intelligence agency abuse state power misuse information abuse mass surveillance privacy violations trust in intelligence agencies governmental overreach PRISM scandal historical abuse FBI J Edgar Hoover wiretapping personal freedom whistleblowers oversight of intelligence misuse of authority privacy rights government accountability civil liberties surveillance controversies secret surveillance Fourth Amendment Edward Snowden state secrecy surveillance transparency surveillance state public trust erosion ethical intelligence national security abuse wrongful surveillance intrusive monitoring intelligence agency misconduct government surveillance abuse misuse of confidential information state overreach intelligence agencies trust issues historical intelligence scandals government transparency government accountability FBI surveillance history national security ethics intelligence oversight whistleblowing in intelligence PRISM revelations J Edgar Hoover controversies surveillance and civil liberties abuse of surveillance powers privacy rights violations secret government operations intelligence agency reform preventing power abuse surveillance state dangers human rights and intelligence post-9/11 surveillance COINTELPRO abuses waterboarding and human rights protecting citizens from government abuse surveillance abuse government overreach intelligence oversight data misuse privacy violation state surveillance PRISM scandal trust in government FBI history whistleblowing government accountability power abuse ethics in intelligence civil liberties mass surveillance information security coercive surveillance state power limits abuse case studies Hoover FBI intelligence scandals government surveillance intelligence agency misconduct state overreach privacy violations information misuse FBI abuses trust in government government accountability PRISM revelations historical surveillance abuse state power abuse Hoover FBI waterboarding controversy surveillance ethics whistleblowing civil liberties national security overreach transparency in intelligence agency oversight abuse prevention
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con05a	"Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. arms embargo China Europe United States US-EU relations technology transfer human rights Taiwan military intervention BAE Systems defense sales EU foreign policy transatlantic relations security cooperation strategic interests diplomatic tension American military technology export controls military procurement congressional threats arms trade national security geopolitical impact Western alliances embargo consequences international law arms embargo China US-China relations EU-China relations US-Europe relations transatlantic relations arms sales human rights Taiwan US intervention military technology transfer BAE Systems defense industry congressional threats European defense firms strategic interests security policy military alliances international trade geopolitical tensions technology restrictions American foreign policy European Union policy embargo consequences US commitments arms embargo US-China relations EU-China relations military technology transfer European defense industry Taiwan security human rights in China Congress technology restrictions transatlantic relations BAE Systems American foreign policy EU foreign policy arms sales to China strategic interests diplomatic consequences China-Taiwan conflict international security export controls defense cooperation political repercussions lifting arms ban US relations EU China arms embargo impact US technology transfer restrictions Europe BAE Systems China arms sales US commitment Taiwan security US response EU China arms trade American concerns human rights China Congress threat technology sanctions Europe EU defense industry US market risk US intervention Taiwan China conflict Europe US diplomatic strains arms ban American military facing European tech China European firms policy arms export China international arms embargo geopolitics consequences lifting EU China arms embargo arms embargo US-China relations Europe-China arms trade transatlantic relations Taiwan security human rights China technology transfers BAE Systems European defense industry US-Europe technology restrictions US foreign policy American intervention Taiwan Sino-European relations China arms ban Congressional threats UK defense exports EU foreign policy international arms sales military technology exports China human rights European Union policy EU arms embargo China lifting arms ban consequences US-EU relations impact on US-China relations technology transfer restrictions BAE Systems China sales US commitment Taiwan Europe selling arms to China human rights in China US intervention Taiwan Congress technology transfer threats EU defense industry US State Department position EU-China military trade impact on transatlantic relations EU-US security cooperation America's China policy arms embargo US-China relations EU-China relations Taiwan human rights US foreign policy defense technology technology transfer BAE Systems military intervention European defense industry US Congress strategic alliances freedom of Taiwan defense cooperation US commitments European Union diplomatic repercussions military technology security concerns international relations sanctions weapon sales embargo consequences transatlantic relations arms embargo US-China relations Europe-China arms sales Taiwan security US foreign policy human rights China technology transfer restrictions BAE Systems China policy EU-US diplomatic tensions military technology export Congressional threats transatlantic relations freedom of Taiwan China arms ban European defense industry risk of escalation European Union foreign policy China military threat US intervention Taiwan Sino-American tension international arms trade export controls EU embargo policy defense technology export China military buildup arms embargo China arms sales US-Europe relations human rights China Taiwan conflict US commitment Taiwan technology transfer restrictions Congress threats Europe BAE Systems China European defense companies US intervention Taiwan EU arms policy Sino-American relations European foreign policy military technology exports arms embargo China US-Europe relations technology transfer human rights Taiwan BAE Systems EU foreign policy US foreign policy military intervention European defense industry Congress technology restrictions US-China relations European Union defense exports American military commitment transatlantic alliance China arms sales international diplomacy embargo consequences security cooperation"
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro03a	"Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” gender diversity affirmative action workplace equality boardroom representation executive leadership female empowerment talent pipeline management progression professional development skills acquisition women in STEM corporate governance organizational performance career advancement leadership opportunities productivity growth role models women’s mentorship breaking glass ceiling equal opportunity policies women’s education female participation labor force diversity succession planning inclusive hiring women in business gender parity positive discrimination employment quotas women’s promotion incentives leadership aspirations diversity initiatives organizational culture workforce inclusion gender quotas women in leadership executive positions corporate performance board diversity women’s career advancement management representation female executives workplace equality positive discrimination talent pool women's education professional development leadership pipeline organizational productivity breaking glass ceiling female role models gender balance women in management career aspirations workforce diversity women’s empowerment business success skill development gender representation corporate governance gender quotas female executive representation women in leadership boardroom diversity corporate performance productivity improvement women’s career advancement female education management pipeline positive discrimination talent pool women in STEM workplace diversity women’s professional development gender equality women’s empowerment mentorship programs breaking glass ceiling female role models women in male-dominated sectors leadership incentives professional job recruitment organizational diversity gender-balanced boards succession planning quota impact studies McKinsey women report women’s labor participation national economic growth human capital development gender quotas benefits women in executive positions impact of quotas on education quotas and corporate performance boosting national productivity with gender quotas keeping women in management quotas and career progression women adapting job preferences quotas reducing positive discrimination developing women’s skills through quotas long-term talent pool women quotas and economic contribution McKinsey report women leadership women’s leadership aspirations quotas and professional development women in male-dominated sectors role models women leadership quotas and female representation quotas for boardroom diversity incentives for women education women’s advancement in management case studies on gender quotas effectiveness of quotas in business gender quotas women in leadership women in executive positions gender diversity corporate performance national productivity women's education professional advancement boardroom diversity positive discrimination management pipeline talent pool workplace gender equality career advancement female role models women in STEM women in male-dominated sectors organizational performance diversity incentives McKinsey report women’s career development women’s skill development workforce diversity glass ceiling female empowerment leadership pathways economic impact of gender quotas affirmative action professional job preferences women's ambition mentoring women succession planning gender quotas women in leadership female executive representation corporate diversity women in management boardroom quotas workplace gender equality professional career development women's education incentives women in STEM breaking glass ceiling women's economic contribution female talent pipeline women in executive roles positive discrimination alternatives female empowerment in workplace McKinsey women leadership report women in traditionally male fields gender-balanced boards encouraging women in careers gender quotas women in leadership female representation executive positions corporate performance national productivity women’s career advancement professional development workplace diversity positive discrimination boardroom diversity talent pool women’s education gender diversity skill development management advancement women in STEM female executives workplace equality organizational effectiveness women’s empowerment corporate governance role models women in male-dominated sectors mentorship McKinsey report Australian Human Rights Commission female career progression gender quotas women in leadership women executive positions corporate board diversity gender equality corporate women professional advancement talent pool gender diversity positive discrimination alternatives women skill development female career progression women's education incentives executive pipeline women workplace diversity policies female board representation management gender balance McKinsey women leadership women business performance national productivity gender women in male-dominated fields women leadership motivation workplace gender parity women corporate governance Australian Human Rights Commission women unlocking female potential professional job quotas gender diversity benefits gender diversity corporate governance workplace equality female leadership women in management executive gender quotas talent pipeline professional advancement career motivation skill development mentorship positive discrimination national productivity organizational performance diversity policies boardroom representation gender balance inclusive hiring women’s empowerment leadership opportunities succession planning talent retention workplace culture breaking glass ceiling gender equality workplace diversity women's empowerment affirmative action female leadership executive gender quotas boardroom diversity organizational performance national productivity women's career advancement talent pipeline management promotion professional development diversity policies positive discrimination women in STEM women's educational attainment role models corporate governance mentorship programs women in male-dominated industries glass ceiling organizational culture change inclusion initiatives empowerment strategies leadership training gender representation policy impact economic growth business case for diversity"
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro04a	Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 divided government bipartisan cooperation partisan polarization party structure compromise legislative gridlock executive-legislative relations coalition-building cross-party collaboration presidential leadership electoral strategy policy outcomes consensus politics opposition control legislative-executive balance divided Congress political negotiation two-term presidents Bill Clinton Ronald Reagan voter preferences government effectiveness party dynamics political compromise bipartisan achievements American politics divided government bipartisan cooperation party structure political compromise partisan polarization cross-party collaboration presidential effectiveness legislative-executive relations electoral outcomes American political parties consensus building policy achievements divided Congress opposition control legislative gridlock compromise governance voter preference bipartisan consensus interparty negotiation party dynamics divided government effects U.S. governance congressional opposition executive-legislative compromise divided government bipartisan cooperation political compromise party structure legislative gridlock policy outcomes executive-legislative relations partisan polarization cross-party collaboration unified government presidential governance opposition control congressional dynamics electoral strategy coalition building governance effectiveness American political system two-term presidents voter preferences historical achievements policy negotiation legislative productivity checks and balances partisan rivalry political consensus divided government and party structure bipartisan cooperation in Congress effects of divided government on party dynamics historical examples of bipartisan consensus presidential success under divided government partisan motivations for supporting divided government compromise in American political parties voter preferences for government composition impact of opposition-controlled Congress policy outcomes in divided government divided government and legislative productivity presidential election and divided government polarization and party cooperation divided government and American achievements divided government and policy making divided government bipartisan consensus legislative compromise party polarization executive-legislative relations political cooperation partisan dynamics congressional control presidential success opposition party electoral strategy governance outcomes American political structure policy negotiation interparty collaboration ideological moderation legislative gridlock historical precedents voter preferences democratic governance divided government effects bipartisan cooperation political party structure compromise in government divided government bipartisanship presidential success divided government Congress opposition control bipartisan legislative achievements divided government public opinion divided government re-election presidential compromise strategies party polarization divided government policy outcomes divided government example bipartisan achievements effects on election dynamics partisan politics compromise historical bipartisan consensus government structure political parties president opposition Congress legislative effectiveness divided government divided government political party structure bipartisan cooperation compromise legislative gridlock partisan polarization Congress control presidential governance electoral strategy American achievements bipartisan consensus opposition party divided Congress policy outcomes executive-legislative relations voter preferences mature cooperation Reagan presidency Clinton presidency re-election strategy policy negotiation cross-party collaboration U.S. government structure legislative-executive compromise political polarization party competition divided government bipartisan consensus political party structure effects of divided government compromise in politics party cooperation American political parties partisan polarization legislative gridlock executive-legislative relations presidential leadership congressional opposition cross-party collaboration electoral strategies bipartisan achievements policy outcomes divided government presidency and divided congress divided government advantages divided government disadvantages divided government case studies Reagan divided government Clinton divided government impact on legislation legislative productivity voter preferences divided government polarization effects divided government research divided government political party structure bipartisan cooperation compromise in politics partisan polarization divided Congress presidential success Reagan Clinton policy outcomes bipartisan consensus voter preferences mature cooperation opposition control legislative collaboration executive-legislative relations policy making American political achievements electoral strategy congressional control policy consequences governance party dynamics partisan considerations divided government bipartisan cooperation party structure political compromise legislative gridlock executive-legislative relations partisan polarization cross-party negotiation presidential success Congress control opposition party policy outcomes American political parties electoral strategy government effectiveness ideology moderation consensus building cooperative governance historical examples bipartisanship benefits
test-international-siacphbnt-con02a	The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. technological revolution Africa technology adoption mobile phone access technology quality digital divide internet connectivity imported electronics Chinese mobile phones quality control local manufacturing affordable technology high-speed internet infrastructure challenges technology expectations exclusive benefits reality versus hype market regulation connectivity inequality digital inclusion technological revolution Africa technology adoption Africa digital divide technology accessibility Africa mobile phone quality Africa imported technology Africa Chinese mobile phones Africa technology hype Africa internet connectivity Africa ICT infrastructure Africa technological benefits Africa technology expectations Africa technology reality Africa socioeconomic impact technology Africa technology quality testing digital inequality Africa digital inclusion Africa tech market regulation Africa rural urban tech divide Africa cost of technology Africa technological revolution Africa technology adoption Africa digital divide Africa mobile phone quality Africa technology accessibility Africa China mobile imports Africa technology hype Africa ICT infrastructure Africa internet connectivity Africa quality testing electronics Africa locally produced technology Africa affordable connectivity Africa technology benefits Africa technology inequality Africa mobile penetration Africa technology impact Africa rural urban technology gap Africa telecommunications Africa high-speed internet Africa broadband access Africa technological revolution in Africa technological hype Africa technological reality Africa technology accessibility Africa mobile phone quality Africa Chinese mobile phones Africa technology expectations Africa internet connectivity Africa high-speed internet Africa digital divide Africa technology exclusivity Africa market device approval Africa quality testing imports Africa locally produced technology Africa affordable technology Africa geographic disparities connectivity Africa rural vs urban internet Africa digital infrastructure Africa economic impact technology Africa technology adoption Africa barriers to technology Africa technological revolution Africa technology adoption Africa mobile phone access Africa digital divide Africa technology quality Africa Chinese phone imports Africa low-cost technology Africa technology expectations Africa internet connectivity Africa rural urban digital gap Africa quality assurance technology Africa local technology production Africa internet speed Africa affordable connectivity Africa technology hype Africa socioeconomic impact technology Africa market regulation technology Africa mobile device quality Africa technological revolution Africa technology adoption Africa mobile phone access Africa technology quality Africa Chinese mobile phones Africa technology hype Africa internet connectivity Africa digital divide Africa technology expectations Africa technology benefits Africa technology constraints Africa local technology production Africa technology import quality Africa digital infrastructure Africa affordable technology Africa digital inequality Africa high-speed internet Africa tech market regulation Africa technological revolution Africa technology adoption mobile phones China imports low-cost devices device quality quality testing internet connectivity high-speed internet digital divide geographic disparities affordability accessibility market approval exclusive benefits expectations vs reality technology infrastructure local production economic impact hype vs reality digital inclusion telecommunication ICT development technology penetration rural vs urban connectivity challenges technological revolution Africa technology adoption Africa digital divide Africa mobile phone quality Africa imported mobile devices Africa technology expectations Africa internet connectivity Africa high-speed internet Africa Chinese mobile phones Africa low-cost smartphones Africa telecommunications infrastructure Africa quality testing electronics Africa technology accessibility Africa technology benefits inequality Africa urban rural digital gap Africa ICT policy Africa technology market regulation Africa locally produced technology Africa internet affordability Africa technology hype Africa socioeconomic impact technology Africa digital literacy Africa technological innovation Africa technological revolution Africa mobile phones technology access technology quality imported devices China imports low-cost phones poor quality electronics quality testing local manufacturing market approval internet connectivity high-speed internet digital divide geographic disparities affordability technology expectations technology benefits technology hype infrastructure challenges connectivity inequality economic impact BBC World Service 2013 technological innovation digital divide Africa mobile phone adoption technology quality imported technology Chinese mobile phones quality assurance market regulation internet connectivity broadband access technological benefits socioeconomic impact hype versus reality technology accessibility rural versus urban technology technology affordability digital infrastructure connectivity challenges ICT policy local manufacturing digital literacy technology equity technological expectations information and communication technology (ICT) African technology markets
test-politics-glghssi-con01a	Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Scottish independence UK global influence international institutions UN Security Council EU membership foreign policy diplomatic relations UK clout Scotland international status economic impact Edinburgh business hub Scottish fisheries policy European bodies national sovereignty global representation geopolitical power multinational corporations territorial integrity constitutional change international recognition Scottish independence UK global influence international clout UN Security Council membership European Union relations Scotland foreign policy loss of influence Edinburgh business base economic impact international organizations fisheries policy post-independence Scotland diplomatic status separation effects international recognition multinational companies Scottish economy constitutional implications David Sinclair Scottish sovereignty UK international influence global clout Scottish independence UN Security Council international institutions European bodies fisheries policy Edinburgh business base post-independence Scotland economic impact political influence company relocation Scottish interests EU membership global diplomacy sovereignty international relations constitutional change Tavistock House David Sinclair Scottish independence international influence UK role global institutions Scotland UN Security Council membership Edinburgh business base post-independence impact on Scottish interests fisheries policy Scotland EU representation loss of UK diplomatic clout economic implications Scottish independence Scotland international recognition Scottish foreign policy after independence UK seat at global top tables Scottish influence post-UK Scottish independence business impact Scotland international alliances Scottish membership European bodies Scottish independence UK international influence global clout UN Security Council international institutions European Union membership Scottish foreign policy Edinburgh business attractiveness economic impact fisheries policy Scotland EU relations geopolitical influence constitutional implications UK international standing diplomatic power secession consequences European bodies business investment national security international relations Scottish independence UK international influence impact on UN Security Council Scotland global representation European Union membership Scotland Scottish economic impact Edinburgh business climate Scottish fisheries policy international institutions UK diplomatic clout Scotland foreign policy Scotland Scottish independence consequences Scottish business environment UK diplomatic status post-independence Scotland constitution unit Scottish independence UK international influence global power United Nations Security Council UK institutions Scotland independence Scottish international status diplomatic clout European Union relations fisheries policy economic impact Edinburgh business hub post-independence consequences international reputation foreign policy multinational corporations trade relations political leverage membership loss supranational organizations international representation Scottish independence UK global influence international clout UN Security Council membership European Union representation Scottish foreign policy Edinburgh economic impact international institutions UK diplomatic power Scotland fisheries policy Scottish business environment UK-Scotland relations corporate investment Scotland Scottish sovereignty international relations Constitution Unit global economics post-independence Scottish political status Britain's international standing Scottish EU access Scottish independence UK international influence UN Security Council membership global clout European Union negotiating power Scottish economic impact Edinburgh business hub impact on fisheries policy loss of international voice Scottish foreign policy diplomatic influence economic consequences independence Scottish representation international organizations Scottish independence UK international influence United Nations Security Council Scotland global standing international institutions European Union membership Scottish foreign policy fisheries policy Scotland Edinburgh business impact economic consequences independence Scotland trade relations global diplomacy UK post-independence Scotland Scotland EU accession Scottish political influence international business Scotland UK constitutional change security implications Scotland Scotland global recognition national sovereignty Scotland
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro03a	Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, abortion ethics adoption alternatives unwanted pregnancy psychological effects third trimester late-term abortion guilt moral arguments child adoption pregnancy options foetal development pro-life emotional impact maternal mental health unplanned pregnancy ethical dilemmas adoption advocacy abortion consequences abortion vs adoption maternal guilt pregnancy outcomes abortion ethics alternatives to abortion adoption vs abortion psychological impact of abortion third trimester abortion unwanted pregnancy options late-term abortion emotional effects adoption maternal guilt abortion fetal development abortion pro-life arguments adoption benefits abortion consequences moral arguments abortion stages of pregnancy mental health abortion adoption process unwanted babies birth mother experiences late pregnancy adoption abortion alternatives adoption unwanted pregnancy psychological effects late-term abortion third trimester pregnancy options maternal guilt fetal development emotional impact moral arguments child adoption pregnancy stages Bupa stages of pregnancy ethical issues pro-life pregnancy continuation birth options maternal mental health fetal rights abortion alternatives adoption vs abortion psychological effects of abortion late-term abortion debate unwanted pregnancy solutions ethical arguments against abortion third trimester pregnancy options adoption benefits emotional impact of adoption mental health and abortion abortion guilt pregnancy continuation adoption pro-life arguments adoption late pregnancy decision-making harm of unwanted pregnancy abortion statistics fetal development stages pregnancy mother’s psychological health abortion adoption statistics support for pregnant women abortion vs adoption outcomes unwanted baby solutions parental responsibility pregnancy ethical dilemmas abortion impact of abortion on women abortion ethics adoption alternatives unwanted pregnancy solutions psychological impact of abortion psychological impact of adoption third trimester abortion late-term pregnancy maternal guilt abortion fetal development stages child adoption advocacy abortion versus adoption emotional consequences abortion maternal mental health Bupa pregnancy stages pro-life arguments unwanted babies options adoption benefits abortion moral arguments effects of late-term abortion pregnancy continuation alternatives abortion alternatives adoption vs abortion psychological effects of abortion late-term pregnancy adoption third trimester pregnancy options unwanted pregnancy solutions adoption benefits guilt after abortion psychological impact of adoption late-term abortion ethics emotional consequences of abortion unwanted babies adoption reasons against abortion stages of pregnancy abortion impact of adoption on mothers adoption as alternative to abortion abortion ethics adoption alternatives unwanted pregnancy late-term abortion psychological impact guilt after abortion adoption benefits third trimester pregnancy pro-life arguments abortion vs adoption pregnancy options Bupa pregnancy stages moral implications child welfare maternal mental health foetus viability ethical dilemmas psychological harm termination of pregnancy alternatives to abortion pro-adoption viewpoints emotional consequences abortion debate child adoption services abortion alternatives adoption vs abortion psychological effects of abortion psychological effects of adoption third trimester pregnancy late-term abortion unwanted pregnancy solutions adoption benefits abortion debate ethical arguments abortion emotional impact abortion pregnancy options late-stage pregnancy adoption child adoption ethics pro-life arguments abortion guilt fetal development stages abortion adoption comparison abortion psychological harm adoption psychological outcomes alternatives to abortion adoption benefits late-term abortion psychological effects of abortion psychological effects of adoption unwanted pregnancy solutions third trimester pregnancy abortion ethics abortion guilt fetal development stages maternal mental health adoption vs abortion impacts of unwanted pregnancy late pregnancy options support for pregnant women child welfare adoption moral arguments against abortion reproductive choices pregnancy support services child adoption statistics abortion ethics moral arguments adoption alternatives to abortion unwanted pregnancy solutions psychological impact abortion third trimester abortion adoption benefits late-term abortion maternal guilt abortion psychological harm adoption stages of pregnancy abortion vs adoption child welfare abortion debate pro-life arguments adoption as alternative pregnancy options fetal development maternal mental health ethical considerations abortion
test-international-ghbunhf-pro03a	UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN governance decision-making reform Security Council veto UN bureaucracy institutional inefficiency General Assembly debates Security Council structure permanent membership veto power diplomatic deadlock organizational reform international decision-making UN modernization power imbalance member state influence global governance multilateralism challenges procedural obstacles UN effectiveness policy implementation barriers UN reform Security Council veto UN bureaucracy permanent members UN inefficiency veto power Security Council reform General Assembly criticism decision-making process power imbalance UN structure international governance veto reform global governance challenges disproportionate power world organization criticism multilateral decision-making institutional reform United Nations effectiveness United Nations decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly Security Council veto power permanent members P5 reform diplomatic deadlock global governance institutional reform power imbalance international relations organizational structure multilateralism consensus failure political gridlock agency effectiveness structural reform veto reform council enlargement representative fairness accountability world politics UN reform proposals Security Council veto power General Assembly effectiveness bureaucracy in international organizations alternatives to UN decision-making Security Council permanent membership reform inefficiencies of UN structures criticism of UN bureaucracy UN effectiveness in conflict resolution global governance challenges reforming international institutions equitable representation in UN United Nations legitimacy crisis history of Security Council vetoes calls for democratizing the UN UN reform Security Council veto permanent members UN bureaucracy decision-making inefficiency General Assembly criticism global governance veto power abuse multilateral diplomacy structural reform international relations global policy UN effectiveness Security Council structure disproportionate power world peacekeeping collective security international organization flaws United Nations criticism institutional reform UN reform Security Council veto power General Assembly effectiveness UN bureaucracy criticism permanent members power Security Council structure UN decision-making inefficiency reforming veto rights World leaders at UN UN diplomatic stalemates proposals to restructure UN disproportionate influence in UN UN effectiveness debate expanding Security Council membership alternatives to UN veto accountability in UN decision-making criticisms of UN governance history of UN veto use limitations of UN intervention improving UN responsiveness UN bureaucracy United Nations inefficiency UN decision-making Security Council veto General Assembly criticism UN reform permanent membership veto power abuse international governance global policy multilateralism challenges power imbalance diplomatic stalemate institutional dysfunction global forum debates international organization criticism world body effectiveness UN structural issues UN decision-making reform UN Security Council reform UN General Assembly effectiveness UN bureaucracy inefficiency Security Council veto power permanent members UN global governance reform international organization dysfunction Security Council deadlock UN modernization multilateralism challenges global policy stasis veto power criticism UN accountability UN decision paralysis UN reform decision-making efficiency Security Council veto permanent members structure bureaucracy criticism General Assembly effectiveness global governance institutional reform multilateralism challenges veto power limitations international cooperation decision paralysis representation imbalance power dynamics UN modernization accountability transparency reform proposals diplomatic deadlock international law UN reform Security Council veto permanent members decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly criticism power imbalance institutional reform international governance veto power abuse multilateralism Security Council structure global policy diplomatic gridlock international relations organizational effectiveness UN modernization peacekeeping challenges superpower influence accountability transparency member state equality
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro02a	Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. sovereign immunity diplomatic immunity state immunity international law foreign jurisdiction ICC prosecution regime change diplomatic relations head of government international criminal court legal immunity customary international law universal jurisdiction international criminal justice political immunity diplomatic protection international treaties separation of powers national sovereignty government accountability jurisdictional immunity war crimes prosecution state sovereignty democratic mandate international relations legal precedent sovereign immunity functional immunity absolute immunity international law customary international law diplomatic immunity state sovereignty universal jurisdiction ICC jurisdiction prosecution of heads of state regime change international criminal court foreign prosecution immunity exceptions crimes against humanity war crimes political immunity legal immunity international relations head of government prosecution accountability for leaders transitional justice Nuremberg principles head of state prosecution precedents immunity lifting immunity challenges international treaties diplomatic protection state accountability leader prosecution sovereign immunity absolute immunity diplomatic immunity state immunity international law ICC prosecution regime change immunity exceptions customary international law functional immunity personal immunity foreign jurisdiction universal jurisdiction international criminal court crimes against humanity war crimes immunity from prosecution head of government sitting president immunity legal precedent domestic courts international relations extradition Pinochet case prosecution of leaders rights of states Vienna Convention diplomatic relations accountability of leaders high-level immunity head of state immunity international law head of state immunity precedent diplomatic immunity foreign courts ICC prosecution heads of state regime change international law ICC jurisdiction heads of state head of state immunity vs accountability state sovereignty and ICC limits of head of state immunity international criminal court regime change diplomatic relations head of state immunity prosecuting sitting heads of state immunity and foreign courts challenges to head of state immunity head of state immunity exceptions head of state immunity sovereign immunity foreign courts diplomatic immunity ICC prosecution international law regime change sitting heads of state diplomatic relations customary international law personal immunity functional immunity criminal jurisdiction international criminal court vexatious litigation immunity from prosecution democratic legitimacy universal jurisdiction international relations state sovereignty sovereign immunity international law diplomatic immunity ICC jurisdiction state sovereignty regime change head of government immunity foreign court jurisdiction prosecution of heads of state international criminal court legal immunity diplomatic relations international diplomacy customary international law government leaders immunity accountability for leaders universal jurisdiction crimes against humanity international justice immunity exceptions sovereign immunity state immunity diplomatic immunity international law ICC jurisdiction customary international law absolute immunity restrictive immunity foreign sovereigns legal immunity functional immunity personal immunity state officials international criminal court regime change diplomatic relations head of government immunity international justice universal jurisdiction prosecutorial overreach foreign prosecution international diplomacy accountability of leaders United Nations immunity waiver political immunity criminal prosecution of leaders international norms head of state prosecution foreign tribunals separation of powers sovereign immunity international law ICC jurisdiction diplomatic immunity universal jurisdiction prosecution of heads of state state sovereignty foreign courts international criminal court legal precedent regime change customary international law immunity ratione personae immunity ratione materiae war crimes prosecution crimes against humanity state leaders accountability international treaties Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations head of government immunity transitional justice political asylum international justice extradition and immunity enforcement of international law state immunity sovereign immunity diplomatic immunity international law foreign courts ICC International Criminal Court regime change diplomatic relations head of government customary international law prosecution universal jurisdiction judicial intervention separation of powers international relations legal precedent accountability war crimes crimes against humanity international justice immunity exceptions international treaties sovereignty international diplomacy political prosecution legal immunity sovereign immunity diplomatic immunity customary international law immunity ratione personae immunity ratione materiae International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction regime change international law head of government state sovereignty Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations prosecution of heads of state legal precedent foreign affairs international relations UN Charter accountability transitional justice political interference universal jurisdiction state responsibility immunity exceptions crimes against humanity war crimes
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 social media distraction academic performance student grades online distraction educational impact digital multitasking social networking sites learning outcomes attention span academic achievement Facebook use study habits technology and learning digital addiction cognitive performance student productivity negative effects academic success education and technology social media influence social media distraction academic performance student grades digital addiction social networking effects online distractions educational outcomes Facebook and learning technology impact on education social media and study habits digital literacy multitasking and academic achievement attention span media multitasking technology and cognitive development negative effects of Facebook student productivity internet use and education educational technology risks time management and social media social media digital distraction academic performance student grades educational outcomes technology in education online learning multitasking social networking study habits classroom attention cognitive impact youth social media use time management information overload mental health learning environment focus internet addiction socialization vs. education negative effects of Facebook on student learning Facebook distractions and academic performance social media impact on education Facebook usage and student grades social networking and study habits Facebook addiction and learning outcomes Facebook and time management for students educational disadvantages of Facebook social media interference with studying Facebook and mental focus in students academic consequences of Facebook use social media and student success preventing Facebook distraction in students Facebook vs academic achievement Facebook effects on college students role of Facebook in academic decline social media and scholarship eligibility digital distractions and student learning social media's influence on academic failure alternatives to Facebook for students social media distraction academic performance digital addiction Facebook and education online learning interruption student productivity social networking sites cognitive overload multitasking and learning information overload time management academic achievement student focus education technology mental health and social media internet use and grades social media usage statistics digital wellbeing educational psychology student engagement Facebook impact on education social media distractions students academic performance social networks Facebook negative effects learning student grades and Facebook studying and social media use educational outcomes Facebook usage digital distractions school social networking and academic success technology affecting learning student productivity and social media Facebook study habits students comparing grades social media users educational consequences Facebook avoiding distractions for students Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress social media academic performance lower grades scholarship university admission community college studying multitasking social networks digital distraction cognitive load academic success online behavior psychological effects education socializing time management research studies academic achievement mental focus attention span educational outcomes Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose social networking American Psychological Association Facebook distraction social media and academic performance negative effects of Facebook on education students and social networking digital distractions in learning Facebook impact on student grades multitasking and learning outcomes social networks and study habits technology and academic achievement online distractions and student success Facebook addiction and education educational impact of social media student productivity and Facebook learning efficiency and social media use digital media and attention span cyber behavior and student performance social media distraction academic performance digital addiction student productivity online multitasking social networking impact educational outcomes technology in education focus and concentration digital wellbeing time management student engagement academic achievement Facebook usage social media and learning screen time effects academic success education technology cyberpsychology digital literacy academic performance digital distraction social media addiction cognitive overload student productivity educational technology time management online learning attention span multitasking mental health social networking study habits motivation academic achievement information overload youth behavior psychological impact screen time digital literacy educational outcomes university scholarships community college peer influence social isolation self-regulation learning environment academic challenges technology in education online engagement
test-international-gsciidffe-pro04a	It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, freedom of expression internet censorship circumventing censorship online anonymity digital rights human rights activism freedom promotion government surveillance enabling free speech digital platforms online activism anonymous communication civil liberties international intervention state censorship low-cost interventions online privacy secure communication anti-censorship technology digital activism online freedom facilitating dissent internet freedom voice empowerment government restrictions free media surveillance evasion freedom of expression online censorship circumventing censorship digital rights internet freedom promoting free speech anti-censorship tools anonymity software civil liberties human rights advocacy online activism secure communication freedom enablers governmental intervention international support digital activism press freedom freedom promotion funding information access protecting activists online surveillance privacy protection digital whistleblowing authoritarian regimes repression resistance freedom of expression internet censorship digital rights online anonymity anti-censorship software human rights online activism circumventing censorship free speech government intervention international support information freedom secure communication virtual private networks proxy servers whistleblower protection digital activism online platforms secure messaging state surveillance promoting democracy cyber rights global freedom internet freedom protecting activists privacy tools circumventing censorship benefits cost effective online freedom enabling freedom of expression globally supporting digital activism promoting anonymous communication software international intervention for free speech empowering activists under censorship low-cost internet freedom initiatives Britain Foreign Office online freedom funding technology to bypass government censorship humanitarian benefits of anti-censorship ethical justification for bypassing censorship state-sponsored censorship and global response supporting dissidents through technology defending online human rights freedom of expression internet censorship circumventing censorship digital rights online anonymity activism government intervention human rights promoting democracy free speech tools online security anonymous communication digital activism internet freedom UK Foreign Office funding freedom of speech online platforms surveillance evasion cost-benefit analysis software for activists global internet policy information access political dissent repressive regimes civil liberties state censorship media freedom freedom of expression enable free speech circumvent censorship cost effective censorship circumvention online anonymity tools digital rights protection promoting internet freedom state-sponsored censorship activism support software government intervention for free speech anonymous communication platforms international digital rights support for oppressed activists human rights online free speech advocacy programs benefits of online freedom technology for civil liberties UK support for digital freedom internet censorship bypass protecting journalists online freedom of expression internet censorship circumvention tools online anonymity digital rights human rights activism free speech anti-censorship technology enabling dissent promoting democracy internet freedom anonymous communication civil liberties government intervention privacy protection secure communication global activism political repression information access digital advocacy state censorship international support UK Foreign Office William Hague online privacy speech suppression online organising human rights advocacy freedom of expression circumvent censorship internet freedom digital rights online anonymity state surveillance activist protection free speech software human rights advocacy anti-censorship tools government censorship online privacy information freedom protest organization secure communication whistleblower protection foreign policy freedom digital activism civil liberties UK Foreign Office censorship global freedom initiatives media freedom secure messaging authoritarian regimes internet censorship laws freedom promotion methods freedom of expression internet censorship circumvention tools digital rights online anonymity activist protection government intervention human rights online activism free speech anti-censorship software information freedom state censorship secure communication internet access Britain Foreign Office promoting democracy media freedom whistleblower protection surveillance evasion encrypted messaging civil liberties dissident support online organizing international support freedom of expression internet censorship anti-censorship tools online anonymity human rights digital rights information freedom online activism government censorship freedom enablers whistleblowing privacy software secure communication civil liberties circumvention technology freedom promotion state surveillance online privacy internet freedom UK Foreign Office humanitarian intervention political activism encrypted messaging digital advocacy policy intervention internet policy
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro01a	South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea security North Korea relations Korean Peninsula conflict self-reliance bilateral negotiations military capabilities economic disparity Cold War legacy deterrence regional powers multilateral intervention conventional forces diplomatic autonomy inter-Korean relations sovereignty military balance economic strength defense policy unilateral response international actors South Korea autonomy inter-Korean relations Korean Peninsula conflict resolution Cold War aftermath regional security North Korea deterrence military balance Korea economic disparity Korea unilateral response South Korean military capabilities International Institute for Strategic Studies Korea multilateral vs unilateral diplomacy neighboring powers Korea self-reliant security South-North negotiations defense independence regional powers influence inter-Korea engagement Korean economic comparison conflict de-escalation Korea South Korea North Korea Korean Peninsula inter-Korean relations self-reliance security military capability economic strength deterrence conflict resolution bilateral negotiations Cold War legacy neighboring powers unilateral response conventional forces military balance regional security multilateral process diplomacy South Korean economy military superiority North Korean aggression international influence strategic autonomy South Korea independence in security South Korea-North Korea conflict resolution South Korea economic superiority over North Korea South Korea military capability vs North Korea Cold War impact on Korean Peninsula South Korea deterrence capacity bilateral Korea negotiations reduced role of neighboring powers in Korean issue self-reliant Korean conflict solution comparison of Korean economies military qualitative advantage South Korea multilateral process necessity in Korea handling North Korean aggression Korean Peninsula self-management external intervention in Korean security South Korea international relations removal of foreign influence in Korea regional security in East Asia South Korea defense readiness diplomatic autonomy of South Korea South Korea self-reliance Korean Peninsula security inter-Korean relations frozen conflict resolution post-Cold War Korea South Korea economic superiority North Korea military comparison conventional military balance South Korea military capabilities regional powers influence multilateral negotiations Korea South Korea defense policy Korean Peninsula diplomacy South Korea deterrence North Korea aggression South Korea independent response security autonomy economic disparity Korea strategic studies Korea Korean conflict management South Korea self-reliance South Korea-North Korea conflict resolution Korea Peninsula security South Korea military capability South Korea economic strength multilateral vs bilateral negotiations Korea South Korea deterrence South Korea handling North Korea Cold War Korea Korean Peninsula self-determination South Korea independence in security regional powers in Korean conflict South Korea defense autonomy inter-Korean negotiations South Korea-North Korea power balance South Korea self-reliance inter-Korean relations Korean Peninsula security military balance conventional forces North Korea economic disparity Cold War deterrence diplomacy multilateralism regional powers conflict resolution sovereignty defense capability foreign intervention military superiority economic strength negotiation escalation reunification US-ROK alliance East Asia peace process strategic stability force projection defense policy international relations South Korea self-reliance South Korea security Korean peninsula conflict resolution inter-Korean relations South Korea military strength North Korea deterrence Cold War legacy Korea South Korea economic superiority regional powers Korea multilateral negotiations Korea self-handling Korean issues South Korea defense capability Korea independent diplomacy North-South Korea negotiations strategic balance Korean peninsula East Asia security US role Korean peninsula China-Korea relations Japan-Korea security Korean conflict solutions ROK conventional forces ROK versus DPRK independent deterrence Korea South Korea response North Korea Korea bilateral talks South Korea self-reliance inter-Korean relations peninsula security regional autonomy military strength comparison economic disparity Korea North Korea deterrence multilateral negotiations Cold War legacy East Asia strategic independence conventional military balance regional powers Korea South Korean defense security autonomy Northeast Asia politics inter-Korean conflict resolution military qualitative advantage unilateral response options South Korea autonomy inter-Korean relations independent security policy military balance Korean Peninsula North Korea deterrence economic disparity Korea Cold War aftermath regional powers influence multilateral negotiations conventional forces comparison self-reliance defense South Korean military capabilities security strategy diplomatic independence economic superiority
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con03a	People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. government censorship internet censorship public suspicion citizen distrust dictatorial behavior China censorship political satire public outrage freedom of information information control government transparency media control citizen rights freedom of expression authoritarian regimes social unrest government accountability information suppression government criticism civil liberties government censorship internet censorship public reaction backlash citizen resistance distrust state control information suppression political satire freedom of expression freedom of speech authoritarian regimes Chinese censorship media control societal suspicion information access public outrage government transparency civil liberties information manipulation propaganda dissent social media censorship government accountability rights to information internet censorship government censorship public reaction citizen discontent government distrust internet freedom information control political satire media control free speech authoritarian regimes social unrest government transparency state surveillance public outrage propaganda freedom of expression civil liberties information suppression political criticism online dissent oppressive governments digital rights information access population ignorance state control Internet censorship effects public reaction to censorship government trust and censorship political satire under censorship censorship in China consequences of information suppression state control and public suspicion freedom of information negative effects of government censorship political dissent in censored countries censorship and social unrest censorship vs. transparency information control as dictatorial behavior media censorship impact civil liberties and government restrictions population ignorance and state power citizen resistance to censorship censorship as a tool of authoritarianism public outrage over restricted information censorship and democratic values government censorship internet censorship public reaction citizen discontent government trust authoritarianism freedom of information political satire freedom of speech information control civic unrest government transparency state suspicion individual rights public interest Chinese censorship media control information access digital rights state propaganda censorship backlash population ignorance democratic values freedom of expression media suppression political dissent internet censorship public reaction government censorship backlash censorship effects on society chinese internet censorship protests political satire in response to censorship public trust government transparency information suppression consequences digital freedom and state control censorship and civil disobedience examples of censorship backlash freedom of expression under censorship impact of censorship on public opinion government information control criticism citizens' response to media censorship authoritarianism and internet regulation censorship government control internet censorship freedom of speech public reaction public outrage distrust in government political satire authoritarianism suppression of information information control China censorship state secrecy free expression civil liberties human rights public interest government transparency media censorship information freedom dictatorial behavior government criticism social unrest population ignorance state surveillance censorship effects individual autonomy political dissent State-society relations online censorship information suppression internet censorship government censorship public reaction to censorship censorship in China authoritarian regimes state control of information political satire China effects of censorship government transparency citizen-government trust censorship and public suspicion anti-censorship movements freedom of information digital rights human rights China social media censorship discontent with censorship state propaganda media suppression China online activism China government censorship internet censorship public suspicion citizen response authoritarian regimes freedom of expression information control political dissent media regulation state surveillance digital rights protest movements misinformation government transparency human rights civil liberties political satire public trust social media censorship state propaganda freedom of information dissident voices restricted access public outrage population ignorance government censorship public perception citizen reactions political satire China authoritarian regimes Internet censorship public outrage civil disobedience freedom of information dissent social unrest information control public trust democracy freedom of expression digital rights surveillance propaganda state media transparency media freedom policy criticism government accountability resistance movements
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro03a	Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. gun culture firearm regulation gun control debate psychological effects firearm safety sports shooting ethics gun ownership firearm policy weapon desensitization public safety gun violence lethal weapons compensation for gun owners shooting sports gun bans firearm legislation social impact of firearms gun restrictions recreational shooting risk of gun ownership gun culture firearm desensitization glamorization of guns sports shooting impact psychological effects of shooting sports gun ownership attitudes public opinion on firearms gun control debate impact of shooting sports on society firearm regulation promotion of gun rights weapon normalization economic impact of gun bans compensation for gun owners shooting sports and violence gun legislation societal interests vs gun rights gun club influence retail firearms trade gun ban consequences gun violence firearm regulation gun control policy psychological effects gun normalization public safety lethal weapons gun ownership rates sport psychology cultural attitudes gun glamourization firearm restrictions gun ban societal impact compensation schemes public health gun culture shooting sports legislative measures risk perception firearm fatalities recreational shooting mental desensitization gun lobby weapon legality impact of sports shooting on public perception of firearms does shooting sports lead to gun desensitization psychological effects of sports shooting correlation between gun sports and gun culture influence of shooting sports on gun ownership attitudes glamorization of firearms through sports role of shooting clubs in society societal impact of gun culture arguments for banning sports shooting effectiveness of gun control measures economic compensation for gun bans balancing minority interests with public safety in gun control policy international comparison of shooting sports and gun laws declining public support for shooting sports regulation of firearms in sport contexts relationship between gun sports and mass shootings firearm desensitization gun culture sport shooting impact gun ownership gun control debate firearm legislation gun violence psychological effects of shooting glamorization of guns public safety minority interests vs societal benefit economic compensation gun ban gun club compensation firearm retail trade lethal nature of firearms societal impact of sport shooting regulatory policy shooting sports ethics firearm policy reform gun control gun culture firearm regulation effects of sport shooting gun ownership debate psychological impact of shooting sports glamorization of firearms compensation for gun bans public safety and firearms societal interest versus individual rights sports shooting controversy legality of sport shooting gun ban implications firearm desensitization ethical issues in shooting sports restriction on gun ownership economic impact of firearm bans shooting sports and violence public opinion on gun bans firearm use in society desensitization gun culture firearms gun ownership sport shooting glamorization gun control gun ban compensation societal interest public safety firearm legislation gun clubs economic loss gun trade lethal weapons regulation minority interest weapon normalization responsible ownership firearm policy gun control debate firearms legislation gun culture impact of sport shooting psychological effects of shooting sports gun ownership regulation banning firearms gun clubs compensation retail firearms industry economic impact of gun bans firearm desensitization public safety and shooting sports pros and cons of gun ownership societal interest vs minority rights glamorization of guns unnecessary gun possession arguments against sports shooting gun violence recreational shooting controversy firearm policy reform gun culture firearms legislation gun ownership psychological effects firearm desensitization sports shooting controversy gun bans gun control policy shooting sports impact firearm safety social impact of shooting sports compensation for gun owners gun club regulation economic impact of gun bans public health and firearms firearm regulation debate cultural attitudes towards guns anti-gun arguments lethal weapons perception gun violence prevention gun control firearm regulation gun violence public safety gun culture psychological impact desensitization gun ownership firearm legislation gun ban shooting sports lethal weapons societal impact crime rates gun policy public health compensation schemes firearm industry recreational shooting gun rights mass shootings gun education youth exposure to guns mental health policy debate
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro01a	This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. art censorship freedom of expression controversial broadcast blasphemy allegations viewer choice media warnings public offence graphic language sexual references religious sensitivity opera broadcast BBC 2 Jerry Springer: The Opera artistic merit audience rights Lawrence Olivier Awards media controversy viewer responsibility offensive content national broadcast critical reception informed consent societal norms cultural controversy theatre on television free speech religious criticism performance rights artistic freedom public reaction freedom of expression censorship artistic expression blasphemy controversial art viewer discretion opera controversy BBC programming audience choice media warnings public outrage religious offence sexually explicit content offensive language moral standards broadcast ethics Jerry Springer: The Opera award-winning theatre media responsibility viewer complaints societal values critical reception cultural debate free society informed consent art criticism public broadcasting religious sensitivities art censorship freedom of expression media controversy blasphemy debate viewer discretion artistic merit public broadcasting offensive content religious sensitivity opera controversy Laurence Olivier Awards BBC 2 programming public outrage media ethics cultural criticism informed choice adult rights moral panic art appreciation public discourse blasphemy in art freedom of expression opera controversy BBC opera broadcast complaints religious offense in media Jerry Springer: The Opera reception public reaction to controversial art viewer choice in offensive content informed consent media broadcasts censorship versus artistic freedom graphic content in televised art media warnings and viewer responsibility audience response to offensive broadcasts balancing artistic merit and offense critical response to opera broadcast legal implications of blasphemy in media Lawrence Olivier Awards controversy national broadcast of controversial performances art versus religion in public media complaints process for offensive programming ethics of broadcasting controversial works media regulation censorship freedom of expression artistic freedom blasphemy broadcast ethics viewer discretion audience choice religious controversy offensive content public broadcasting media backlash opera controversy BBC 2 Jerry Springer: The Opera viewer complaints informed consent cultural criticism media warnings expressive rights offensive language sexual reference public reaction artistic merit lawrence olivier awards controversial art public morality media responsibility freedom of speech cultural sensitivity societal norms objectionable content freedom of expression censorship in art blasphemy in media viewer discretion public controversy offensive content warnings artistic freedom right to choose media responsibility opera on television religious sensitivity graphic language in broadcasts sexual references in art public reactions to art audience choice consequences BBC2 controversies Jerry Springer: The Opera Olivier Awards media ethics national broadcast debates art blasphemy objection offense free speech censorship opera BBC television broadcast graphic language sexual content viewer discretion informed choice religious controversy freedom of expression audience rights public reaction media warnings Jerry Springer: The Opera artistic freedom moral outrage cultural debate Olivier Awards national broadcast public perception artistic merit viewers controversy criticism freedom of choice personal responsibility societal norms media ethics Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC controversy blasphemy accusations television censorship freedom of expression opera broadcast criticism religious offence graphic language television sexual references in media viewer choice media warnings media criticism UK broadcasting public reaction artistic freedom audience responsibility media ethics Lawrence Olivier Awards BBC complaints religious satire free society and art media outrage broadcast controversy UK television history theatre on television offence and pretence cultural debate national broadcast opera self-censorship public morality offensive content 2005 media events media debate UK art censorship blasphemy debate freedom of expression audience choice broadcast warnings moral outrage artistic merit offensive content religious sensitivity media controversy opera broadcast television complaints media ethics public reaction cultural criticism adult content media literacy Lawrence Olivier Awards BBC programming Jerry Springer: The Opera blasphemy censorship freedom of expression offensive content artistic freedom media controversy BBC Jerry Springer: The Opera viewer choice media warnings religious sensitivity opera broadcast graphic language sexual reference UK media public reaction Lawrence Olivier Awards audience rights cultural debate media ethics freedom of speech artistic merit freedom to choose religious offence controversial art national broadcast
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro03a	The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. visual communication artistic expression emotional impact public art consent in art art and controversy visual media power art vs conversation psychological effects of art traumatic art visual stimulation memory retention art and discomfort public space art art and societal norms taboo subjects in art confrontation through art art and trauma permanence of visual art art as social commentary immediate impact of art visual art media comparison expression of ideas visceral impact emotional response public art controversy taboo subjects public spaces museums parks consent audience reaction confrontation trauma art and society shock value memory retention discussion vs. art art communication psychological impact art reception spontaneous exposure ethical considerations cultural impact art and emotion visual communication freedom of expression art criticism art and discomfort visual art media comparison expression of ideas visceral impact lasting effect public art societal reactions art controversy consent in art art and discomfort taboo subjects in art emotional impact traumatic art challenging art public spaces art and memory communication methods art as persuasion instant impact discussion versus art visual communication art and psychology controversial art art reception art in society art and emotion visual art impact visual art vs other media visceral effect of art public art controversy art and consent art and taboo subjects art in public spaces emotional impact of visual art lasting effects of art art confronting trauma art vs conversation art and public discomfort artistic expression of ideas art and social impact media comparison art art and psychological impact audience consent in art art provoking reaction public reaction to art art and controversial topics visual art emotional response visual art art vs media expression of ideas visceral impact lasting effect public art art controversy uncomfortable ideas trauma in art art in public spaces art and consent taboo subjects art confrontation art and emotion art museums street art psychological impact of art art and memory challenging art art and society art discourse visual art expression impact of visual media art vs conversation public art controversies emotional impact of art art and consent trauma in visual art art in public spaces art and taboo subjects visceral effects of art memory and visual art confronting controversial art lasting impression of art art and discomfort psychological effects of art challenging norms through art visual art expressive power media comparison conveying ideas emotional impact visceral response lasting effect public art consent in art public spaces psychological effect controversial art taboo subjects traumatic imagery art and discomfort cognitive response art museums urban art audience reaction art communication sensory impact visual communication art and society cultural expression aesthetic experience visual art impact art vs media expression visceral impact of art public art controversy art in public spaces psychological effects of art traumatic art experiences art and consent art and taboo subjects art as emotional trigger memory and visual art art and social discomfort art and public reaction expressive power of art confronting art art and societal norms controversial art art criticism lasting effect of art art and emotional response visual art impact art vs media art expression ideas emotional response art public art consent art controversy visual communication art and trauma public space art art and discomfort art memory retention taboo in art art visceral effect art vs conversation art psychological effects art triggers confronting art art societal impact visual art impact art vs media ideas art visceral effect public art controversy art censorship art and taboo art in public spaces art expression emotional visual communication art psychological effects art and trauma art consent discussion art as social commentary art perception discomfort in art memory and art art challenging norms
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro02a	Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 handguns firearm concealability weapon portability crime weapon choice handgun criminal use gang firearms police evasion weapon identification accidental firearm injuries public safety firearms handgun regulation firearm lethality handgun crime statistics self-defense firearms illegal weapon possession handgun vs rifle handgun vs shotgun urban gun violence restricted firearms gun control policies handgun violence firearm concealability gun crime criminal weapon choice firearm accessibility gun-related harm handgun portability firearms and gangs weapon concealment gun accidents handgun lethality urban gun violence firearms and drug trade police and concealed weapons handgun regulation firearm safety risks handguns vs rifles handguns vs shotguns public safety and handguns criminal firearm possession accidental shootings illegal firearm use concealed carry firearm accessibility weapon concealability handgun violence criminal firearm use gun control accidental shootings weapon portability urban crime gang violence crime prevention gun-related crime firearm lethality handgun regulation self-defense weapons illegal firearms firearm safety weapon identification gun violence statistics handgun ownership handgun concealability handgun portability handguns vs rifles handguns vs shotguns handguns vs knives criminal use of handguns handguns and accidental injuries handguns and public safety handgun regulation concealed carry risks handguns and law enforcement handguns and gang violence drug dealers handguns handguns and crime rates handguns and self defense handguns compared to long guns handgun-related harm handguns and urban crime social impact of handguns handguns and violent crime handgun concealability handgun portability handgun crime statistics handgun vs shotgun handgun vs rifle weapon identification distance authority weapon checks handgun ranged attack concealment in violent crime gang member weapon preference drug dealer handgun use handgun criminal use accidental handgun injuries handgun recklessness handgun harm comparison weapon availability and crime concealed carry dangers handgun lethality handgun public safety firearm accident rates handgun dangers handgun concealability handgun portability handguns vs shotguns handguns vs rifles criminal use of handguns handguns and crime handgun identification handgun accessibility handgun accidents accidental handgun injury handgun safety concerns weapons concealment gang weapons drug dealer weapons firearm comparison handgun misuse handgun prevalence armed violence concealed carry risks handgun concealability handgun portability handgun criminal use handgun vs rifles handgun vs shotguns handgun accidental injuries handgun harm comparison handgun identification difficulty handgun use by gangs handgun use by drug dealers concealed weapons portable firearms firearm crime firearm accidents weapon accessibility handgun safety firearm regulation weapon concealment handgun lethality handgun availability firearm-related crime civilian harm handguns crime prevention weapon visibility law enforcement detection accidental shootings gang violence handgun regulation firearm injury statistics handgun dangers handgun vs rifle handgun vs shotgun concealable weapons portable firearms firearm concealment handgun crime rate handgun and gang violence handgun and drug dealers handgun and accidental injuries handgun accessibility handgun regulations criminal weapon choice firearm identification firearms and public safety handgun lethality handgun statistics gun violence handgun policy handgun and self-defense accidental firearm discharge handguns and law enforcement firearm injury rates urban crime and handguns weapon concealment risks handgun accidents handgun danger handgun concealability handgun portability handgun vs rifles handgun vs shotguns concealed weapons handgun crime statistics handgun use in gangs handgun use in drug trade handgun criminal activity handgun accidental injuries firearm identification handgun legislation weapon concealment handgun public safety handgun availability handgun harm comparison handgun self-defense handgun regulation handgun violence handgun detection firearm crime handgun misuse handgun risk factors concealability portability handgun crime statistics handgun violence handgun vs rifle danger firearm accessibility accidental gun injuries gang weapon preference criminal weapon choice urban crime weapons gun control policies self-defense weapons law enforcement detection weapon lethality comparison firearm regulation gun safety unintentional shootings handgun misuse illegal firearms crime prevention
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con02a	Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 information asymmetry international competition transparency issues national security secrecy intelligence advantage competitive advantage secret capabilities military information decision-making advantage US-China information asymmetry authoritative military sources classified information state competition security policy strategic secrecy intelligence disclosure transparency in military affairs asymmetric information national security concerns military developments information sharing secrecy in international relations information dominance advantage in competition strategic information defense intelligence military secrecy state secrecy global competition secrets information control military transparency information asymmetry intelligence sharing military transparency national security secrecy international competition strategic advantage classified information information disclosure defense capabilities competitive intelligence security clearance secret keeping asymmetric information military intelligence knowledge advantage state secrets defense information security competition intelligence leaks transparency challenges information superiority information asymmetry national security intelligence sharing military transparency international competition strategic advantage secret capabilities defense information classified information US-China relations intelligence advantage military secrecy information withholding state secrets transparency issues knowledge advantage security policy competitive intelligence information asymmetry in international competition transparency in international relations national security information sharing secret-keeping in state competition advantages of military secrecy intelligence transparency issues U.S.-China military information gap competitive advantage through secrecy international strategic information disclosure consequences of unequal transparency authoritative military information sources impact of secret capabilities state secrecy and decision-making implications of information imbalance information asymmetry international competition transparency national security secrets military intelligence decision advantage competitive advantage information disclosure state secrecy intelligence sharing US-China relations intelligence imbalance disclosure risks competitive intelligence military transparency security policy strategic secrecy authoritative information adversarial advantage information control information asymmetry international competition national security secrecy intelligence advantage military transparency competitive intelligence secret capabilities authoritative military data decision-making advantage United States China information gap strategic secrecy transparency issues disclosure risks bilateral intelligence sharing military information control national security information competitive disadvantage information vulnerability state secrets military developments China Pentagon report China security information management international relations secrecy information imbalance intelligence superiority information asymmetry international competition transparency national security competitive advantage secrecy intelligence sharing decision-making state capabilities military intelligence United States China authoritative information defense strategies strategic secrecy national defense information advantage competitive intelligence information disclosure military transparency information retention adversarial advantage open source intelligence security policy classified information international competition information asymmetry national security secrets military intelligence transparency issues information advantage strategic secrecy decision-making leverage US-China information gap intelligence disclosure competitor analysis security policy information warfare authoritative military information national security strategy competitive advantage secret capabilities military transparency state competition intelligence sharing international competition information asymmetry transparency issues national security secrets competitive advantage intelligence sharing military capabilities secrecy benefits state competitors decision-making information information disclosure US-China information asymmetry authoritative information military transparency information advantage military intelligence secrecy in competition China military developments Pentagon report strategic information management information asymmetry national security intelligence sharing military transparency international competition state secrets competitive advantage strategic secrecy China military US-China relations defense capabilities authoritative information Pentagon report information warfare security policy decision-making advantage military intelligence national defense classified information espionage international relations secret strategies defense transparency global security military competition
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro02a	performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ child labor child exploitation entertainment industry child actors financial abuse parental control guardian responsibilities child rights talent agents legal protection child welfare decision-making authority entertainment law child performers guardianship trust funds financial guardianship child advocacy abuse prevention minors in entertainment earnings protection child labor laws celebrity children performer exploitation family dynamics child star lawsuits child performer exploitation child labor laws child actors legal protection parental misuse of earnings agent financial conflict of interest Jackie Coogan law Gary Coleman lawsuit Macaulay Culkin earnings child star financial abuse safeguarding child performers decision-making for minors child performer rights entertainment industry regulation legal guardianship in show business child talent contracts protection of minor entertainers child labor regulations entertainment industry ethics child actors child athlete exploitation guardianship laws child labor laws financial abuse talent agents parental misconduct child protection policies minors’ earnings performer contracts legal guardians child advocacy Hollywood child stars child rights decision-making capacity child welfare trust funds for minors guardianship abuse performer unions psychological impact legal representation for children family court labor unions child advocacy groups entertainment law Coogan Law celebrity child abuse prevention child performer exploitation legal protections for child performers child labor laws in entertainment parental financial abuse child stars agents and conflict of interest child performers guardianship of child performers' earnings famous cases of exploited child actors legislation Jackie Coogan Law child entertainment industry risks psychological impact exploitation child performers financial safeguards for minor performers ethics in child talent management court cases child performer exploitation solutions to child star exploitation parental rights vs. child rights income Macaulay Culkin legal battle parents Gary Coleman lawsuit parents Jackie Coogan money lawsuit regulation of child acting agents child performers trust accounts child performer exploitation child labor laws child actor rights legal guardianship entertainment financial abuse minors agents conflict of interest parental control earnings Jackie Coogan law Gary Coleman lawsuit Macaulay Culkin emancipation protecting child earnings entertainment industry ethics child athlete exploitation minors in entertainment safeguarding child performers court cases child stars celebrity child guardianship entertainment law for children trust funds child performers performer agent accountability child performer exploitation child actors legal protection famous child star lawsuits parental exploitation of child earnings agent exploitation child performers Jackie Coogan law Gary Coleman lawsuit parents Macaulay Culkin parents earnings risks for child entertainers child performer labor laws financial abuse child performers protecting child stars decision-making minors entertainment child actors guardianship child earnings parental control child performers child exploitation performer exploitation child labor decision-making authority child actors agents financial exploitation parental exploitation child labor laws child star lawsuits entertainment industry guardianship child earnings child celebrity child labor protection Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin child performer rights minors in entertainment legal guardians child star finances child performer advocacy agent conflicts of interest child performer exploitation child labor laws child actor rights parental exploitation agent exploitation child performers legal protection Coogan Law child earnings protection celebrity child lawsuits financial exploitation minors entertainment industry child rights child star legal battles minors in entertainment child performer advocacy protecting child performers child actors trust funds decision-making minors agent conflict of interest parental guardianship abuse famous child star lawsuits Gary Coleman lawsuit Jackie Coogan lawsuit Macaulay Culkin earnings child protection laws underage performers child performer guardianship child performer exploitation child labor laws parental exploitation agent conflicts of interest child star legal cases minors' earnings protection Jackie Coogan case Gary Coleman lawsuit Macaulay Culkin parental dispute child celebrity financial abuse guardianship abuse children's rights in entertainment entertainment industry regulations child actors' trust funds Coogan Law safeguarding child performers child athlete exploitation legal protection for minors ethical representation of minors child welfare in show business child labor laws child performer protections guardianship abuse entertainment industry regulations minors’ earnings parental exploitation agent accountability financial guardianship child star lawsuits child actors' rights trust accounts for minors Jackie Coogan law Gary Coleman lawsuit Macaulay Culkin legal case entertainment law child welfare youth performers' unions legal safeguards for minors child exploitation prevention earnings misappropriation
test-society-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? double burden feminisation of labour unpaid domestic work unpaid care work gender roles reproductive labor family care labour-force participation women's work time poverty physical demands mental load breadwinner mothers feminisation of survival empowerment gender equality work-life balance invisible labor gendered division of labor recognition of women's work gender inequality intersectionality labor market participation women's empowerment Sassen women's mental health gendered anxieties domestic responsibilities gender pay gap occupational segregation double burden feminised labour market unpaid domestic work unpaid care work gender convergence family care reproductive labour women’s labour labour-force participation work-life balance gender roles mental load physical demands emotional labour invisible work breadwinner anxiety gendered survival economic empowerment gender inequality women’s empowerment recognition of women’s work labour market recognition feminisation of work Sassen 2002 gendered division of labour intersectionality time poverty care economy socioeconomic status equality at work gender equality unpaid care work domestic labor work-life balance feminization of labor women's empowerment labor force participation gender roles invisible labor time poverty mental load breadwinner mothers reproductive labor gender wage gap social recognition women's mental health occupational segregation double shift family caregiving economic empowerment gender norms women's workload survival strategies women's rights labor market discrimination double burden women feminising labour market unpaid domestic work unpaid care work gender convergence unpaid work reproductive sphere labour family care responsibilities labour force participation women impact on women's time physical and mental demands women anxieties of breadwinner women feminisation of survival women's unrecognised labour women's empowerment labour market recognition of women’s work women's role labour market gendered division of labour empowerment through employment women equality in unpaid labour recognition of invisible labour Sassen feminised survival gender inequality work women's economic participation balancing paid and unpaid work empowerment or exploitation women labour force double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work unpaid care work gender convergence reproductive labor family care labor-force participation women's empowerment time poverty physical demands mental load breadwinner anxiety feminisation of survival gendered division of labor invisibility of women's work recognition of women's labor work-life balance gender roles social recognition women's economic empowerment work-family conflict gender inequality care economy Sassen 2002 double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work unpaid care work gender equality women workforce reproductive labour family care responsibilities labour-force participation women's empowerment work-life balance time burden women physical burden women mental load women breadwinner anxiety feminised survival Sassen 2002 invisible women’s labour gender convergence gender equalisation recognition of women’s work empowerment through work women’s labour market contribution gender disparities recognition of care work gendered division of labour social cost of female employment intersection of paid and unpaid work gender roles unpaid care double burden feminisation of labour unpaid work domestic labour care work gender roles reproductive labour family care labour-force participation women's empowerment time poverty mental load physical demands working women gender inequality work-life balance breadwinner anxiety feminised survival female workforce invisible labour recognition of women's work empowerment debate gender convergence Sassen 2002 women's role labour market participation gendered division of labour economic empowerment social recognition women's burden occupational segregation double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work unpaid care work gender roles reproductive labour family care women’s labour force participation work-life balance gendered division of labour mental load physical burden emotional demands breadwinner mothers feminisation of survival Sassen 2002 recognition of women’s work labour market gender equity empowerment through work invisible labour gender pay gap women’s empowerment time poverty dual roles women gender inequality social recognition care economy intersectionality labour market disparities housework recognition work recognition gendered anxieties household responsibilities double burden feminising labour market unpaid care work gender roles reproductive labour family care women's mental health women's physical burden time poverty breadwinner women feminisation of survival labour force participation women's empowerment recognition of women's work gender inequality work-life balance invisible labour care work recognition women's economic participation social reproduction Sassen 2002 women's labour rights gendered division of labour intersectionality equality in domestic work women's workload mental load gender wage gap employment and empowerment female workforce recognition gender division of labor unpaid care work feminisation of labour work-life balance mental load time poverty gender empowerment labour market inequalities domestic responsibilities women's labour force participation caregiving burden gendered anxiety invisible labor economic recognition gendered survival role strain family care responsibilities intersectionality empowerment debate recognition of women’s work
test-international-gmehwasr-con05a	"Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 policy effectiveness policy outcomes rebel armament military support foreign intervention Syria conflict Iran Russia arms supply military aid anti-aircraft missiles M1 Abrams tanks Syrian government Senator John McCain escalation risks policy popularity intervention consequences regime change military balance strategic outcomes proxy war international relations conflict resolution humanitarian impact U.S. foreign policy policy effectiveness military intervention arming rebels Syria conflict rebel success military aid foreign military support Iran Russia arms supply military balance armored vehicles anti-aircraft missiles US involvement escalation risk policy outcomes international intervention M1 Abrams tanks Senator John McCain government response symbolic action unintended consequences conflict escalation decisive action policy evaluation intervention consequences policy effectiveness military intervention arming rebels Syria conflict regime change foreign policy military aid rebel support arms supply effectiveness evaluation Iran support Russia involvement escalation risks anti-aircraft missiles armored vehicles M1 Abrams tanks government action public opinion policy outcomes strategic considerations John McCain military balance intervention consequences commitment escalation decision-making process policy effectiveness evaluation arming rebels success rate military aid impact Syria foreign military intervention outcomes Syrian conflict opposition support Iran Russia military support Syria arms supply conflict escalation US policy Syria analysis effectiveness of supplying weapons anti-aircraft missile policy debate Senator John McCain Syria opinion M1 Abrams tanks Syria feasibility risks of incremental intervention long-term consequences of arming rebels international arms provision limits unpopular foreign policies decision points military strategy evaluating intervention alternatives Marc Lynch Syria policy analysis limits of Western military aid policy effectiveness arming rebels military intervention Syrian conflict foreign aid Iran Russia support military balance anti-aircraft missiles M1 Abrams tanks escalation risks John McCain policy popularity government decision-making military logistics proxy war intervention consequences Syria policy debate Marc Lynch Foreign Policy arms provision rebel capabilities policy effectiveness arming rebels Syrian conflict military intervention policy outcomes rebel capabilities foreign military aid Iran Russia support Syria M1 Abrams tanks Syria anti-aircraft missiles policy Senator John McCain Syria arming rebels consequences escalation risks Syria government decision making Syria policy popularity Syria international intervention debate cost of intervention Syria supplying arms effectiveness arms imbalance Syria policy implementation challenges policy effectiveness arming rebels military intervention Syria conflict arms supply Iran Russia M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles military aid Senator John McCain government action escalation risk unpopular policy commitment escalation decision-making foreign intervention Syrian armour policy evaluation rebel support international relations Syria conflict arming rebels policy effectiveness military intervention Iran Russia support Syria foreign policy M1 Abrams tanks Syria anti-aircraft missiles Syria John McCain Syria escalating commitments US military aid Syria Syrian civil war rebel support challenges arms supply impact international involvement Syria policy decision-making Middle East conflicts successful intervention criteria Marc Lynch analysis military strategy Syria policy effectiveness arming rebels Syria conflict military intervention arms supply international support Iran Russia M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles Senator John McCain rebel opposition escalation risks government action unpopular policies military balance proxy war foreign policy decisions commitment escalation Syrian army armed conflict outcomes external involvement policy evaluation outcome prediction policy effectiveness Syrian conflict arming rebels military intervention anti-aircraft missiles M1 Abrams tanks foreign aid rebel support Iran Russia involvement US foreign policy escalation risks public opinion Senator John McCain military logistics policy outcomes government decisions military strategy Middle East conflicts arms provision conflict resolution"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro01a	Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. privacy data protection internet neutrality net neutrality user rights digital privacy ISP regulation internet service providers data ownership consumer rights telecommunications policy bandwidth management data discrimination open internet user anonymity network traffic surveillance ISP monitoring packet inspection personal data freedom of information internet governance online privacy end-user control information confidentiality internet ethics privacy net neutrality Dutch ISP KPN data protection data privacy ISP regulations user rights internet equality bandwidth personal data telecommunications law Martijn van Dam Internet principles digital privacy user autonomy content discrimination traffic management ISP policy network neutrality laws Skype mobile communications packet inspection BitTorrent digital rights end user rights European privacy laws ISP obligations data neutrality online privacy privacy rights user data protection net neutrality ISP obligations data confidentiality digital privacy internet freedom bandwidth allocation end-user rights online anonymity network traffic data discrimination content neutrality information security Dutch legislation Martijn van Dam ISP regulation KPN Skype usage mobile internet privacy user autonomy internet principles data usage policy personal information digital ethics privacy and net neutrality ISP data access concerns Dutch net neutrality law impact ISP role in user privacy principles of internet data equality ISP data inspection controversy end-user bandwidth usage rights privacy implications for ISPs user rights and ISP obligations Dutch ISP privacy debates protecting online data from ISPs arguments for strict net neutrality Martijn van Dam privacy stance KPN data privacy example internet traffic discrimination issues privacy in ISP contracts user data confidentiality ISPs and online privacy standards bitTorrent and privacy rights net neutrality legal frameworks privacy Dutch net neutrality ISP regulation Martijn van Dam KPN ISP data handling Internet basic principles equal data treatment user bandwidth rights ISP privacy boundaries user data usage net neutrality principles mobile device Skype usage ISP business scope data discrimination PCWorld net neutrality BitTorrent privacy Internet regulation Netherlands Dutch Internet law telecommunications privacy privacy net neutrality ISP data handling Dutch privacy law Martijn van Dam KPN privacy issues Dutch ISP regulation user bandwidth rights data equality internet traffic discrimination online privacy protection ISP user data net neutrality debate end user rights internet service privacy BitTorrent privacy Skype ISP contention PCWorld net neutrality Matthew Honan article MacWorld privacy concerns privacy net neutrality Dutch ISP KPN Labour MP Martijn van Dam internet principle data equality ISP data access user privacy data neutrality bandwidth Dutch internet law ISPs and user data network neutrality end user rights bandwidth usage user data confidentiality online privacy rights ISP regulation Skype mobile data privacy ISP business practices PCWorld BitTorrent internet freedom Dutch privacy law privacy Dutch net neutrality ISP privacy Martijn van Dam KPN surveillance data neutrality internet principles data privacy laws Netherlands bandwidth usage rights ISP data handling end user privacy ISP role net neutrality legislation Dutch internet laws Skype ISP disputes BitTorrent privacy Matthew Honan article PCWorld net neutrality ISP business limitations internet freedom user data protection Netherlands digital rights telecommunications privacy net neutrality Europe digital privacy debates privacy net neutrality ISP regulation Dutch law user rights data protection data neutrality internet freedom digital privacy bandwidth allocation end-user control legislative examples Martijn van Dam KPN ISP surveillance internet regulation privacy principles data discrimination net neutrality argument user autonomy mobile internet Skype usage BitTorrent data privacy internet policy broadband independence open internet privacy legislation internet providers legislative debate consumer rights privacy net neutrality Dutch ISP KPN data protection Internet principles bandwidth usage user rights ISP responsibilities data privacy surveillance Skype traffic mobile devices online privacy neutrality legislation Martijn van Dam Internet regulation consumer rights ISP policy BitTorrent data discrimination
test-international-gsciidffe-pro03a	It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, domestic legitimacy international legitimacy state legitimacy foreign policy public support government legitimacy domestic support policy legitimacy democracy promotion human rights censorship circumvention national opinion public opinion democratic values international relations legitimacy sources political legitimacy citizen support state policy foreign affairs domestic legitimacy international legitimacy state legitimacy foreign policy government support public opinion democracy promotion human rights advocacy domestic support policy legitimacy government-citizen relations national identity public perception legitimacy and censorship state sovereignty democratic values public trust legitimacy sources foreign relations legitimacy in policymaking domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy public opinion government support censorship circumvention democracy promotion human rights state legitimacy national support political legitimacy domestic support policy legitimacy public backing democratic values international relations state policy legitimacy sources national identity legitimacy perception domestic legitimacy in foreign policy legitimacy and censorship public support for foreign policy domestic support for government legitimacy democracy promotion and public opinion international versus domestic legitimacy human rights and domestic approval legitimacy and government policies role of public opinion in foreign policy foreign policy decision-making legitimacy support for spreading democracy globally importance of domestic approval in foreign affairs legitimacy in democratic states supporting human rights through foreign policy legitimacy sources for government actions domestic legitimacy foreign policy state legitimacy censorship circumvention public support government legitimacy democracy promotion human rights international legitimacy national opinion public opinion democratic values domestic support policy legitimacy state governance domestic vs international legitimacy sources foreign affairs public attitudes policy acceptance domestic legitimacy in foreign policy international legitimacy versus domestic state legitimacy and foreign policy public support and policy legitimacy censorship circumvention strategies democracy promotion public opinion human rights policy public support government legitimacy and citizen support legitimacy sources in policy making democracy promotion legitimacy domestic opinion on foreign policy national support for democracy abroad policy legitimacy determinants foreign policy censorship domestic versus international policy priorities domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship circumvention public support government legitimacy democracy promotion human rights public opinion national opinion poll democratic values state legitimacy domestic support foreign policy legitimacy political legitimacy public perception policy support democracy spread international relations democratic government state policy legitimacy source domestic policy democratic society domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy public support government legitimacy policy legitimacy democracy promotion human rights censorship circumvention public opinion democratic values state legitimacy legitimacy sources international relations domestic support legitimacy theory foreign relations domestic policy democratic governance national opinion citizen support state policy international recognition regime legitimacy legitimacy and foreign policy domestic legitimacy foreign policy censorship circumvention public support government legitimacy democracy promotion human rights advocacy national opinion public opinion state legitimacy international legitimacy democratic values domestic support foreign affairs governance policy legitimacy legitimacy sources democratic support legitimacy in foreign policy domestic legitimacy foreign policy state legitimacy international legitimacy government support public opinion democracy promotion human rights censorship national sovereignty public support democratic values legitimacy sources state sovereignty external legitimacy internal legitimacy democracy civil society policy acceptance national identity regime legitimacy public consensus foreign intervention international relations political legitimacy
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, copyright enforcement monitoring costs copyright infringement public domain deterrent effect internet piracy DVD bootlegging peer-to-peer networks compliance creative commons licensing schemes intellectual property law artist credit copyright effectiveness enforcement challenges piracy statistics legal adaptation consumer benefit copyright deterrence copyright violations ineffective copyright systems state intervention punishment severity copyright alternatives copyright enforcement costs copyright monitoring effectiveness state expenditure on copyright artist legal costs copyright law deterrence internet piracy statistics copyright infringement penalties creative commons licensing public domain unenforceable copyright laws peer-to-peer piracy DVD bootlegging China music industry copyright issues film industry piracy copyright compliance artist public exposure copyright vs creative commons copyright adaptation benefits consumer benefits copyright deterrent effect copyright laws copyright prosecution effectiveness copyright regime alternatives intellectual property policy copyright law reform copyright enforcement monitoring costs legal compliance creative commons intellectual property state regulation copyright infringement internet piracy digital rights management piracy deterrence copyright law effectiveness bootleg media peer-to-peer networks creative commons licensing public domain artist recognition consumer benefits alternative licensing copyright regime adaptation piracy statistics state expenditure copyright punishment law enforcement effectiveness global copyright issues media industry response online file sharing copyright prosecution open access licensing copyright enforcement costs effectiveness of copyright laws state monitoring of copyright artist perspectives on copyright legal costs of copyright protection public domain vs. copyright creative commons licensing benefits deterrent effect of copyright law internet piracy statistics China DVD bootlegs peer-to-peer file sharing low prosecution rates for piracy severe punishment for copyright infringement compliance with copyright laws artist exposure through creative commons mutual benefits of copyright reform comparison of copyright and creative commons challenges in enforcing copyright rising digital piracy trends impact of copyright on consumers alternatives to traditional copyright copyright enforcement monitoring costs state intervention legal costs artists' rights lawyers copyright infringement public domain deterrence internet piracy music piracy book piracy film piracy DVD bootlegs China piracy peer-to-peer networks enforcement challenges creative commons licensing alternative copyright models copyright compliance intellectual property WIPO copyright law adaptation consumer benefits artist exposure piracy penalties copyright effectiveness copyright policy reform copyright enforcement costs state monitoring copyright artist copyright monitoring legal costs of copyright benefits vs costs copyright copyright deterrence effectiveness internet piracy statistics copyright law unenforceability DVD piracy China peer to peer networks copyright creative commons licensing benefits alternative copyright models compliance with copyright public domain vs copyright copyright law reform creative commons vs traditional copyright artist crediting creative commons mutual benefit copyright reform internet piracy trends digital copyright challenges effectiveness copyright penalties copyright policy adaptation copyright enforcement monitoring costs state expenses legal costs public domain intellectual property copyright infringement piracy rates internet piracy book piracy music piracy film piracy deterrent effects unenforceable laws peer-to-peer networks DVD bootlegging China piracy punishment effectiveness creative commons licensing alternative copyright regimes compliance artist benefits consumer benefits vocal credit public exposure law adaptation copyright effectiveness digital rights management copyright policy copyright alternatives cultural impact enforcement difficulties global copyright issues Western consumers copyright law reform open licensing intellectual property reform WIPO internet regulation copyright enforcement costs copyright monitoring inefficiency state copyright expenses artist copyright protection lawyer copyright fees ineffectiveness of copyright laws public domain intellectual property rights internet piracy statistics copyright infringement music piracy film piracy book piracy peer-to-peer networks bootleg DVDs creative commons licensing alternative copyright models compliance with copyright law creative commons benefits artist exposure public crediting mutual benefit artists consumers enforcement difficulties international copyright issues copyright deterrence copyright policy reform intellectual property adaptation digital piracy trends copyright enforcement monitoring costs deterrent effectiveness internet piracy digital piracy peer-to-peer networks copyright infringement creative commons licensing public domain artist crediting copyright reform alternative licensing models intellectual property law compliance rates bootleg DVDs copyright policy creative commons vs copyright state costs piracy trends imprisonment for copyright consumer behavior law effectiveness digital media sharing copyright alternatives public exposure for artists legal adaptation enforcement challenges copyright deterrence market adaptation licensing schemes copyright enforcement monitoring costs state copyright expenditure cost-benefit analysis copyright copyright infringement deterrent effect internet piracy statistics music industry copyright movie industry piracy DVD bootlegging China peer-to-peer networks copyright law enforcement creative commons licensing alternative copyright regimes artist benefits copyright public domain compliance rates intellectual property rights piracy prevention digital piracy trends copyright effectiveness WIPO reports consumer behavior copyright penalties copyright adaptation mutual benefit artists consumers
test-international-emephsate-con02a	Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, European Union accession human rights violations Turkey democracy Kurdish minority rights minority suppression arbitrary arrest police detention Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) State Department reports linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights identity harassment press freedom media censorship state-controlled media Reporters Without Borders index minority discrimination autocratic leadership EU membership criteria Armenian genocide denial freedom of expression European standards international human rights law Turkey-EU relations freedom of the press civil liberties Turkey human rights report minority protections Turkey human rights European Union accession democracy standards minority rights Kurdish rights autocracy press freedom media censorship arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) State Department Human Rights Report linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights minority harassment identity suppression Reporters Without Borders press freedom index Armenian genocide recognition European human rights criteria EU membership requirements freedom of the press in Turkey state-controlled media Turkey democracy deficits Turkish minority discrimination human rights violations Turkey Turkey EU accession obstacles international human rights reports European Council Turkey civil liberties suppression of dissent Turkey political repression Turkey human rights issues European Union membership standards Turkish democracy deficiencies autocracy in Turkey Kurdish minority rights minority suppression Turkey State Department Human Rights Report Turkey arbitrary arrests Turkey pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) linguistic rights minorities Turkey cultural rights suppression Turkey religious rights minorities Turkey press freedom Turkey media censorship Turkey Reporters Without Borders Turkey ranking EU press freedom comparison Armenian genocide denial Turkey France Armenian genocide law EU human rights criteria Turkey EU accession obstacles minority harassment Turkey freedom of expression Turkey political prisoners Turkey international human rights criticism Turkey democracy flaws Turkey Turkey EU membership human rights Turkey democracy standards EU Kurdish minority rights Turkey Turkish autocracy EU concerns human rights violations Turkey EU accession State Department Turkey human rights arbitrary arrests Kurds Turkey media freedom Turkey EU comparison Reporters Without Borders Turkey press freedom Turkey ranking EU Armenian genocide recognition Turkey France Armenian genocide law comparison religious rights minorities Turkey cultural rights suppression Turkey Turkey minorities linguistic rights Turkey discrimination ethnic minorities EU enlargement Turkey requirements Turkey democracy deficiencies EU standards freedom of expression Turkey Turkey compliance human rights EU international reports Turkey human rights Kurdish identity suppression Turkey Turkey accession obstacles EU Turkey human rights European Union membership criteria Turkish democracy Kurdish rights minority rights Turkey State Department Human Rights Report Turkey arbitrary arrests Turkey pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party BDP linguistic rights Turkey religious freedom Turkey cultural rights minorities Turkey minority suppression Turkey media freedom Turkey state-controlled media Turkey press freedom index Turkey Reporters Without Borders Turkey Armenian genocide recognition France Armenian genocide law EU standards human rights autocracy Turkey political prisoners Turkey freedom of expression Turkey ethnic minorities Turkey EU accession requirements democracy deficits Turkey EU-Turkey relations civil liberties Turkey discrimination Turkey human rights issues EU membership criteria Turkish democracy concerns Kurdish minority rights Turkey media freedom Turkey press freedom index Turkey state control media Turkey arbitrary arrests Turkey pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party cultural rights minorities Turkey linguistic rights Turkey religious rights minorities Turkey European Union standards human rights Armenian genocide recognition Turkey France Armenian genocide law US State Department human rights Turkey Reporters Without Borders Turkey ranking Turkey EU accession challenges human rights violations Turkey autocracy leaders Turkey European Union accession Turkey human rights Kurdish minority rights press freedom Turkey state-controlled media autocracy in Turkey European standards democracy EU membership criteria minority suppression arbitrary detention Turkey Peace and Democracy Party arrests linguistic rights Turkey religious rights minorities cultural rights minorities identity harassment Reporters Without Borders press freedom index Armenian genocide denial France genocide law human rights disparity State Department human rights report minority discrimination Turkey EU-Turkey relations democracy deficits Turkey freedom of expression Turkey media censorship political prisoners Turkey human rights violations minority rights legislation international human rights reports membership Turkey human rights Turkey EU membership Turkey democracy standards Kurdish minority rights Turkey Turkish autocracy State Department Human Rights Turkey arbitrary arrest Turkey pro-Kurdish BDP detentions linguistic rights Turkish minorities religious rights Turkish minorities cultural rights Turkish minorities harassment Kurdish identity Turkey press freedom media censorship Turkey Reporters Without Borders Turkey European Union human rights standards Greece press freedom Armenian genocide recognition Turkey France Armenian genocide law EU accession human rights ethnic minorities Turkey political freedoms Turkey freedom of expression Turkey Turkey human rights violations Turkey state-controlled media freedom of religion Turkey discrimination minorities European Union accession human rights violations Turkey democracy minority rights Kurdish rights press freedom autocracy Armenian genocide recognition EU membership standards state-controlled media arbitrary arrest cultural suppression linguistic rights religious rights media censorship Peace and Democracy Party civil liberties discrimination State Department reports Reporters Without Borders press freedom index freedom of expression EU human rights standards minority harassment political detention European integration international condemnation legal reforms European Union accession minority rights Turkey Kurdish rights press freedom Turkey democracy standards human rights violations Turkey EU membership State Department reports Turkey arbitrary arrests media censorship Turkey linguistic rights minorities religious freedom Turkey cultural suppression Reporters Without Borders Turkey Armenian genocide recognition France Armenian genocide law freedom of expression Turkey rule of law Turkey political prisoners Turkey autocracy Turkey civil liberties Turkey EU human rights criteria
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. EU foreign policy Commission Council High Representative foreign affairs external relations policy consolidation member states common foreign policy institutional inefficiency Brussels foreign affairs spokesman rivalry duplication EU integration resource allocation diplomacy EU governance policy leadership decision-making institutional reform intergovernmentalism supranationalism EU foreign policy High Representative Commission foreign affairs Council foreign affairs EU institutional reform foreign policy coordination foreign policy duplication EU external affairs member states agreement EU foreign policy complexity EU bureaucracy EU decision-making EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brussels authority EU integration European Union governance intergovernmentalism supranationalism EU foreign policy efficiency EU foreign affairs spokesman EU foreign policy Commission Council inefficiency single office-holder EU High Representative foreign affairs consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry external affairs coordination member states agreement common foreign policy Brussels agenda institutional roles foreign policy spokesman resource allocation power balance EU governance diplomatic structure intergovernmentalism supranationalism policymaking administrative reform coordination challenges legitimacy decision-making institutional reform EU foreign policy consolidation Commission vs Council foreign policy roles inefficiency of dual foreign policy centers impact of High Representative position EU foreign affairs leadership duplication of EU external relations efforts rivalry in EU foreign policy EU Council foreign affairs spokesman Commission foreign policy spokesman EU High Representative authority complexity and expense of EU foreign policy strengthening EU common foreign policy member state agreement in EU foreign policy limits on Commission's foreign affairs power Brussels role in EU foreign policy decision-making in EU external relations evolution of EU external actions EU inter-institutional relations in foreign policy national sovereignty in EU foreign policy High EU foreign policy High Representative European Commission European Council foreign affairs spokesperson policy consolidation institutional rivalry resource duplication EU external affairs common foreign policy member state agreement Brussels agenda foreign policy leadership Commission-Council relations EU foreign affairs reform policy complexity EU governance external representation supranational vs intergovernmental Treaty of Lisbon diplomatic efficiency EU foreign policy structure EU High Representative Commission vs Council foreign affairs inefficiency EU foreign policy foreign affairs spokesmen EU EU external affairs coordination duplication in EU institutions common EU foreign policy challenges member state sovereignty EU Brussels foreign policy authority foreign policy role Commission Council-Commission rivalry foreign policy decision-making EU EU foreign policy expense institutional complexity EU High Representative limitations EU foreign policy agenda EU integration and foreign affairs intergovernmental foreign policy EU EU foreign affairs consolidation foreign policy leadership EU EU foreign policy European Commission European Council High Representative consolidation inefficiency complexity expense foreign affairs external relations institutional rivalry duplication resource allocation offices spokespersons member states common foreign policy decision-making Brussels agenda power dynamics coordination foreign affairs leadership Treaty of Lisbon sovereignty diplomatic representation EU integration policy-making supranational vs intergovernmental CFSP EU institutions role of Commission Council-Commission relations EU foreign policy European Union High Representative Commission vs Council foreign policy EU external affairs coordination EU foreign affairs complexity EU foreign policy inefficiency EU diplomatic representation foreign policy duplication rivalry in EU institutions EU foreign policy expenses Brussels foreign policy EU member state sovereignty EU common foreign policy EU foreign affairs leadership EU foreign policy consolidation Lisbon Treaty foreign policy changes EU supranational vs intergovernmental EU institutional roles EU foreign affairs reform EU foreign policy agenda EU foreign policy decision-making EU foreign policy High Representative Commission Council foreign affairs institutional rivalry function consolidation policy duplication staff resources common foreign policy member state agreement Brussels agenda governance efficiency expense of consolidation EU external affairs authority limitation foreign policy coordination Commission vs Council EU reform institutional complexity supranational vs intergovernmental decision-making process foreign policy leadership treaty reforms EU governance structure EU diplomatic representation EU foreign policy European Commission European Council High Representative foreign affairs external relations institutional reform policy coordination member state sovereignty Brussels agenda policy-making complexity administrative efficiency political integration intergovernmentalism supranationalism decision-making process diplomatic roles resource allocation bureaucratic duplication treaty changes CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) EU governance power dynamics EU institutions foreign policy leadership institutional rivalry multi-level governance
test-international-atiahblit-pro04a	Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. teacher welfare education policy teacher job satisfaction wage policy teacher salaries financial security teacher benefits salary comparison occupational motivation morale teacher retention national pension schemes insurance public sector pensions GEPF social protection employment benefits professional status workforce stability educational workforce teacher turnover pension reform salary equity income disparity public sector wages teacher incentives career sustainability retirement benefits economic security labour policy workforce aging investment in education teacher quality social policy teacher satisfaction teacher wages teacher compensation stable income wage security teacher insurance occupational motivation teacher morale education policy teacher benefits national pension schemes teacher pensions public sector pensions South Africa teacher salary comparative teacher pay teacher financial security retirement benefits salary disparities teacher welfare GEPF professional motivation teacher workforce education workforce stability job satisfaction education reform teacher retention aging workforce formal employment pensions government policy educator pay teacher compensation education policy teacher satisfaction wage security national wage policy teacher benefits teacher insurance occupational motivation teacher morale salary disparities teacher pensions pension schemes financial security for teachers public sector wages teacher investment aging population and pensions South Africa teacher salaries teacher retention teacher professional development education reform employee benefits in education teacher salary policy national teacher wage policy teacher financial security teacher social policy reform teacher pension schemes improving teacher wages teacher job satisfaction policies teacher insurance programs teacher wage comparison South Africa teacher retirement benefits enhancing teacher morale through policy social policies for education professionals teacher compensation inequality national education welfare policies sustainable teacher income policy policy solutions for teacher retention government initiatives for teacher benefits education sector wage improvement occupational motivation for teachers policy impacts on teacher satisfaction social policy teacher satisfaction teacher wages teacher salary occupational motivation financial security national social policies teacher insurance teacher morale wage comparison formal professions teacher pension schemes South Africa GEPF public pension teacher retention workforce stability teacher benefits education policy pension inequality public sector employment salary disparities teacher wellbeing aging population future security investment in education comparative salaries job satisfaction educational reform teacher incentives teacher compensation policy teacher wage comparison South Africa social policy for teachers teacher pensions South Africa improving teacher job satisfaction teacher insurance policies national teacher pay scale teacher financial security strategies for satisfied teachers occupational motivation teachers teacher morale improvement government teacher benefits GEPF teacher pensions education policy reform investing in teachers' future teacher workforce retention social protection for teachers teacher salary benchmarking teacher welfare policies formal sector pension schemes social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable wages teacher finance inadequate wages teacher insurance low morale occupational motivation teacher pay compensation disparity teaching profession wage comparison South Africa average salary pension schemes teacher pensions retirement benefits public organizations GEPF professional investment future security ageing population national policies employment sector workforce stability financial incentives teacher retention job security social policy teacher satisfaction teacher wages teacher salary wage stability job security South Africa teachers pension schemes teacher benefits occupational motivation remuneration teacher insurance education policy public sector employment teaching profession financial security GEPF national policy teacher morale professional development teacher retention labor market income disparity teacher wellbeing education reform teacher investment workforce stability salary comparison benefits expansion workplace satisfaction teacher satisfaction teacher wages social policy education policy teacher motivation teacher morale teacher insurance wage comparisons teaching profession South Africa teacher pensions pension schemes teacher financial security national social policies occupational motivation teacher benefits GEPF public sector pensions teacher compensation ageing population future security teacher investment education workforce salary disparities teachers’ unions education reform teacher retention comparative salaries formal employment teacher well-being social policy teacher satisfaction teacher wages wage security stable income teacher motivation occupational morale teacher finance teacher insurance comparative salaries salary disparities South Africa teacher pay national social policies teacher pension schemes pension security formal employment public sector benefits GEPF retirement benefits ageing population teacher investment future security economic wellbeing teacher retention workforce stability
test-international-ghbunhf-pro04a	Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. UN corruption UN accountability UN Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch reports Israel bias at UN human rights abuse UN funding controversy US dues to UN UNESCO Palestine vote corruption in international organizations UN reform UN credibility human rights violations political bias in UN international relations US-UN relations anti-Israel resolutions transparency in UN agencies NGO monitoring UN sanctions on UN bodies global governance United Nations scandals misconduct in UN UN peacekeeping abuse United Nations ethics UN corruption United Nations scandals Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch reports anti-Israel bias UN accountability human rights violators in UN US UN funding cuts UNESCO Palestine recognition UN reform UN audit international organization corruption UN ethics UN financial transparency UN credibility UN governance UN human rights record US-UN relations UN dues payment UN Israel focus NGO criticism UN UN leadership corruption UN controversy UN decision-making US UNESCO funding UN corruption United Nations scandals UN Human Rights Council criticism HRC controversies human rights abusers UN Watch criticism Israel bias UN UN funding US US-UN relations UNESCO Palestine vote UN accountability UN transparency UN dues withholding corruption allegations UN UN reform international organizations corruption NGO reports UN anti-Israel resolutions UN integrity global governance scandals UN corruption evidence UN Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch accusations HRC HRC bias against Israel US withholding UN funding UNESCO Palestine vote consequences UN dues payment controversy allegations of corruption UN agencies human rights abusers on HRC US-UN relations funding UN reform proposals UN accountability scandals UN financial transparency issues impact of US funding cuts UN UN Watch reports on HRC UN Israel bias controversy UNESCO funding crisis UN governance criticism UN credibility and corruption case studies UN corruption UN corruption United Nations accountability Human Rights Council criticism human rights abusers UNHRC NGO UN Watch Israel bias HRC UN funding US UNESCO Palestine vote US dues United Nations international organization transparency UN oversight scandals UN reform proposals UN Watch reports UN corruption allegations US-UN relations Human Rights Council controversies UN governance failures selective human rights enforcement Palestine UN recognition UN financial contributions anti-Israel bias UN United Nations ethics global human rights monitoring UN corruption allegations UN Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch Israel bias UN bodies compromised US UN funding cuts UNESCO Palestine funding international organizations corruption UN accountability issues anti-Israel resolutions UN human rights abusers UNHRC UN financial controversy UN reputation scandals US refusal UN dues NGOs critique UN United Nations controversies United Nations UN corruption Human Rights Council UN Watch human rights abuses Israel NGO corruption allegations US funding UNESCO Palestine recognition anti-Israel bias UN reform international organizations membership controversy dues withholding voting rights global governance international law sanctions diplomatic relations accountability transparency UN ethics financial scandals member states power politics Middle East conflict US foreign policy UN oversight international credibility organizational legitimacy peacekeeping diplomatic disputes UN corruption UN compromise UN Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch HRC Israel bias UN human rights abuse US UN dues withholding UNESCO Palestine vote UN funding controversy UN body allegations Anti-Israel resolutions HRC UN credibility issues US UNESCO defunding UN governance problems international organization corruption UN accountability United Nations scandals NGO UN Watch reports Human Rights Council legitimacy Palestine recognition UN United Nations corruption UN Human Rights Council UN Watch criticism Israel human rights NGO criticism of UN US UN dues UNESCO Palestine recognition UN funding controversy UN accountability international organizations corruption UN transparency political bias UN US-UN relations Palestine UN membership human rights abusers UN UN reform proposals selective UN resolutions UN oversight scandals diplomatic funding disputes Middle East UN politics UN corruption United Nations scandals Human Rights Council criticism UN Watch reports US UN funding UNESCO Palestine vote international organization accountability Israel bias UNHRC human rights abusers UN UN dues controversy UN governance problems NGO monitoring UN Palestine recognition UNESCO global governance corruption UN reform proposals
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con04a	The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, feminism feminist movement gender equality media representation radical feminism public perception men-hating stereotype women’s rights mainstream feminism social acceptance movement support feminism and society feminist identity feminism and media feminism and porn feminist backlash feminist stereotypes feminism misconceptions feminism popularity feminism and men feminism radicalization anti-feminism feminism and hate groups feminist advocacy feminist criticism feminist inclusivity Christina Scharff feminism misconceptions feminism stereotypes feminist movement public perception feminism media representation feminism and gender equality radical feminism feminism and men-hating myth feminism and social integration support for feminism feminism identity anti-feminism backlash feminist radicalization feminism and pornography debate feminism and mainstream society feminist movement inclusivity feminist movement challenges feminism and media bias feminism public support feminism hate group stigma societal attitudes towards feminism feminist movement feminism stereotypes gender equality media representation radical feminism public perception feminism and society inclusivity men and feminism societal integration feminism myths Christina Scharff feminism and media feminism support feminism and pornography feminism backlash feminist ideology feminist identity gender relations social acceptance of feminism feminism and masculinity feminist movement media portrayal feminism stereotypes society public perception of feminism feminism and gender equality distinction feminism radical views impact men-hating feminist myth feminism and media coverage feminism support decline reasons why people reject feminist label feminism and societal alienation banning pornography feminist debate feminism and public opinion extreme feminism consequences feminism as a hate group misconception Christina Scharff feminist media analysis improving feminism's societal image feminism strategies for inclusion moderating feminist rhetoric feminism and mainstream acceptance broadening feminist appeal feminist movement feminism misconceptions gender equality media representation radical feminism male perceptions of feminism feminist stereotypes societal integration feminism support feminism branding feminist identity feminism and pornography public perception feminism media bias feminism feminist radicalization Christina Scharff feminism hate group feminism popularity feminist ideology impact of media on feminism feminism alienation feminist discourse mainstream feminism social acceptance feminism feminism challenges feminism misconceptions feminist movement challenges public perception feminism radical feminism media gender equality movement feminism and society support for feminism media portrayal of feminists feminist ideology stigma feminism and pornography debate feminism and inclusivity feminism negative stereotypes men and feminism feminist identity reluctance impact of extreme feminists feminism and mainstream acceptance gender equality advocacy feminism myths Christina Scharff feminism feminism and social change feminist movement feminism gender equality media portrayal stereotypes radical feminism men-hating public perception societal support media coverage feminist identity social stigma gender relations mainstream feminism inclusivity public opinion anti-feminism feminist backlash feminist image representation feminist activism gender politics equality advocacy feminist misconceptions Christina Scharff feminism myths porn ban radicalization feminist strategy feminist movement feminism stereotypes feminism media representation gender equality anti-feminism radical feminism feminist identity men and feminism feminist backlash feminism public support feminism and society media coverage feminism feminism myths feminism vs gender equality feminist discourse feminism and pornography feminism radicalisation feminism and men women in media feminist ideology hate group stigma mainstream feminism feminism and popular opinion Scharff feminism feminism and public perception feminism myths debunked feminism feminist movement gender equality media representation radical feminism public perception men-hating stereotype feminism and society social alienation support for feminism feminist identity feminism and pornography mainstream feminism feminist misconceptions media bias feminist backlash feminism popularity feminist ideology gender stereotypes Christina Scharff gender equality feminism misconceptions media representation radical feminism public perception of feminism feminist identity feminism and society support for feminism feminist movement strategies feminism and pornography feminist backlash feminism and men feminist stereotypes Christina Scharff feminist inclusivity societal integration feminism media coverage feminism public image
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro01a	The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. asylum system immigration policy deportation challenges economic migrants working-age males undocumented immigrants refugee claims national security global terrorism immigration loophole Europe Britain missing asylum seekers border control risk assessment migration trends public expense refugee status asylum law repatriation issues migration enforcement punishment on return international protection refugee crisis migration management asylum system flaws asylum policy reform economic migrants asylum abuse deportation challenges missing asylum seekers asylum loopholes immigration risks national security and asylum undocumented immigrants asylum claim rejection asylum seeker demographics deportation difficulties asylum and terrorism costs of asylum system migration management asylum process effectiveness asylum seeker monitoring failed asylum claims asylum enforcement asylum system immigration loopholes asylum seekers deportation challenges missing asylum seekers economic migration border security refugee policy migration risks undocumented immigrants asylum process effectiveness national security global terrorism failed asylum claims returnee punishment UK asylum statistics asylum system reform immigration control border enforcement Migration Observatory asylum seeker demographics asylum system failures asylum seeker demographics economic motives for asylum asylum system abuse missing asylum seekers UK deportation challenges risks of undocumented immigration terrorism and asylum loopholes in asylum policies cost of asylum system asylum seekers punishment on return border security asylum and national security asylum policy reform illegal immigration consequences asylum loophole exploitation asylum application process UK effectiveness of asylum laws global immigration risks enforcement of deportation orders asylum system system failure immigration loophole deportation challenges undocumented individuals migration policy asylum seekers demographics working-age males economic migration missing asylum seekers deportation difficulty refugee policy national security border control global terrorism risks immigration enforcement cost of asylum state security migration statistics failed asylum claims asylum system reform economic impact of asylum seekers deportation challenges missing asylum seekers UK asylum and national security loopholes in immigration policy working-age male asylum applicants global terrorism and asylum cost of asylum system refugee return risks asylum seeker monitoring government response to asylum misuse asylum law loopholes unrestricted immigration concerns migration policy UK failed asylum claims removal migrant tracking failures impact of undocumented immigrants asylum laws and public safety international asylum regulations asylum system immigration loopholes asylum seekers deportation challenges economic migrants asylum policy undocumented immigrants risk of terrorism national security asylum process flaws missing asylum seekers refugee return risks UK asylum statistics asylum enforcement global migration cost of asylum system asylum abuse government immigration policies border security refugee repatriation asylum system flaws refugee policy critique economic migrants asylum deportation challenges asylum loopholes asylum seekers missing UK asylum statistics migration risks global terrorism immigration undocumented immigrants security asylum system costs asylum return punishment migration policy reform asylum claim evaluation international refugee law border security asylum irregular migration patterns asylum system abuse UK immigration crisis enforcement challenges asylum asylum system flaws deportation challenges missing asylum seekers economic migration asylum loopholes unrestricted immigration national security risks undocumented migrants global terrorism migrant demographics failed asylum claims refugee punishment on return UK asylum statistics migration policy reform border control asylum seeker tracking state expenses asylum refugee system effectiveness migration enforcement Britain asylum missing asylum system migration policy refugee application deportation challenges missing asylum seekers economic migration undocumented immigrants national security global terrorism immigration loopholes asylum seeker demographics refugee return risks UK asylum statistics asylum process effectiveness irregular migration border control asylum seeker integration asylum law reform humanitarian protection asylum system costs
test-economy-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gender roles gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana occupational segregation gender competition women in male-dominated jobs men in female-dominated jobs workplace coping strategies gender integration labour market competition workforce diversification occupational gender shifts equitable work environment gender tensions job returns gender-based workplace challenges state response Overa 2007 reactions to gender shifts gendered employment trends women's experiences masculinity in work labour market adjustment workplace justice employment overcrowding feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gender roles in employment gender relations informal economy Overa 2007 gender occupational segregation women in male-dominated jobs men in female-dominated jobs workplace gender competition gender equality at work women's coping strategies gender integration methods just work environment gender tensions retail trade Ghana occupational overcrowding gendered labor shifts state labor policies gendered workplace reactions male displacement female labor participation economic impacts of feminisation gendered wage competition social consequences of gender mixing in jobs employment demographic shifts gender roles labour market feminisation of work de-masculinisation occupational segregation work environment gender relations informal economy Ghana retail trade job competition income inequality gendered occupations workplace coping strategies employment justice workplace integration women in male jobs men in female jobs gender tensions labour market dynamics Overa 2007 workplace policy workforce diversification gender discrimination occupational change economic impact state response employment trends gender roles in the workforce feminisation of labour trends de-masculinisation of jobs impacts women coping strategies work workplace gender integration methods just work environment policies Overa 2007 informal economy gender gender relations informal economy Ghana men entering female-dominated jobs effects competition in informal retail trade Ghana overcrowding in informal sector Ghana returns in gendered occupations gender tensions in workplace women entering male-dominated jobs reactions male backlash gender integration gender equity informal economy state response to gendered labour changes changing gender patterns in jobs workplace adaptation women occupational segregation gender women’s experiences feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gendered occupational shifts informal economy gender relations Overa 2007 work environment adaptation gender integration workplace justice Ghana retail trade occupational competition gendered labor market women coping strategies male entry female jobs job displacement occupational crowding economic returns workplace tensions state responses gender dynamics women in male-dominated jobs labor market reactions social repercussions job segregation policy interventions workplace equality gender inclusion employment transitions occupational gender shift labor market changes feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gender dynamics in workplace women coping mechanisms at work gender equality in employment Overa 2007 informal economy gender relations in Ghana men entering female-dominated jobs women in male-dominated jobs labour competition gender occupational segregation by gender gender-based workplace tensions just work environment gender informal sector gender relations impacts of gender integration in work state response to gender competition gendered labour force participation reactions to women in male jobs effects of men in female jobs Ghana retail trade gender gender roles feminisation of labour de-masculinisation gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana job competition occupational segregation workplace gender dynamics gender integration women coping strategies gendered job shifts labour market economic restructuring work environment justice Overa 2007 male reactions employment trends workforce diversity gender inequality labour market tensions women’s employment male entry female jobs job returns state response gender workplace conflict female representation gender-based frustrations employment transitions gender workplace adaptation feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gender relations Overa 2007 informal economy Ghana women in the workplace coping mechanisms workplace justice gender integration gendered occupations male entry into female jobs occupational competition economic returns gender tensions workforce diversity gender equality state role in employment female entry into male jobs responses to gender shifts retail trade Ghana occupational segregation workplace adaptation social impact gendered jobs women coping strategies gender competition labor market changes gender-based workplace conflict employment trends socio-economic impact gender men's role employment women gender segregation labor market feminization of work de-masculinization occupational sex typing workforce integration workplace gender dynamics coping strategies gender equity just work environment informal economy gender relations retail trade Ghana labor competition economic returns male entry into female occupations occupational crowding gendered occupational shifts workplace tensions policy interventions gender equality women's experiences men's responses workplace adaptation job satisfaction structural changes labor market transitions overa 2007 social implications state intervention gender role transformation gender segregation occupational gender shift gendered division of labor feminization of occupations masculinization of jobs gender balance in workforce workplace gender dynamics gender relations informal economy female labor force participation gender stereotypes at work coping strategies women workplace equality just work environment gender integration policies job competition gender informal sector Ghana retail trade gender dynamics gendered job transitions Overa 2007 labor force gender trends gender-based tensions state intervention workplace gender men's entry feminine jobs women's entry masculine jobs workplace adaptation gender equity initiatives
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro03a	No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. random drug testing non-drug users student safety drug prevention drug use deterrence privacy concerns secondary exposure false positives addiction intervention supporting students educational impact law-abiding behavior character verification health and safety school policy youth addiction risk reduction privacy rights substance abuse prevention student well-being random drug testing schools student drug use non-drug users drug policy student safety school drug prevention drug-free environment false positives drug addiction student privacy drug intervention secondary exposure cannabis testing adolescent substance abuse benefits of drug testing educational impact supporting drug users law-abiding students student character vindication privacy rights harm reduction evidence-based policy school discipline student wellbeing random drug testing student drug tests non-drug users drug prevention school drug policy student safety drug addiction help privacy rights drug use detection secondary exposure false positives drug rehabilitation educational impact law-abiding students school discipline student well-being drug test effectiveness youth drug intervention illegal drug use drug abuse consequences drug free schools justification for drug testing random drug testing benefits impact on non-drug users drug testing school students protecting non-users student drug policy privacy versus safety effectiveness of random drug tests student well-being deterrence of drug use drug prevention in schools false positives in drug testing student rights and drug testing rehabilitation versus punishment non-intrusive drug testing methods secondary exposure to drugs drug user intervention random checks in education privacy concerns with testing vindication of law-abiding students harm reduction school drug policy supporting students in need random drug testing non-drug users students illegal drugs drug policy drug prevention secondary exposure cannabis testing addiction intervention student privacy education impact law-abiding deterrence youth addiction school safety student welfare substance abuse early intervention student monitoring public health character certification vindication school discipline positive drug test privacy versus safety random drug testing in schools student drug testing effects on non-drug users privacy rights and drug tests secondary exposure drug test accuracy protecting non-drug users benefits of random drug testing student safety drug testing argument for random drug screening negative impact of youth drug addiction school policy on drug testing vindication for law-abiding students support for random checks addressing student drug abuse deterrent effect of drug tests random drug testing drug-free students student privacy drug use prevention secondary exposure cannabis testing law-abiding students student safety drug addiction intervention educational impact student vindication false positives anti-drug policies school drug policies testing accuracy student protection early intervention adolescent drug use deterrence privacy rights individual liberty drug rehabilitation youth addiction school safety health consequences random checks substance abuse positive reinforcement harm prevention drug screening reliability random drug testing student drug testing drug-free students benefits of random drug tests non-drug users safety school drug policy effectiveness of drug testing justification for random testing protecting non-users school safety measures accuracy of drug tests secondary exposure privacy vs safety early intervention student well-being addiction prevention law-abiding students character vindication educational impact student health initiatives random drug tests non-drug users student safety vindication law-abiding students secondary exposure cannabis testing positive reading drug addiction privacy rights addiction impact education student welfare drug prevention early intervention school drug policy deterrence harm reduction student character privacy vs safety random drug testing student drug tests non-drug users secondary exposure cannabis testing drug addiction privacy rights drug prevention drug policy school safety adolescent health educational impact drug use detection drug user support harm reduction law-abiding students vindication student well-being positive drug test illegal drug use
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con04a	The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, metadata privacy surveillance data mining NSA mass surveillance call records phone metadata cell tower data PRISM data analysis personal identification false positives suspicion data collection network analysis privacy invasion algorithmic bias security risks visa issues no-fly list law enforcement big data pattern recognition digital privacy unintentional harm innocent individuals telecommunications data government surveillance privacy concerns data misuse metadata privacy data mining harms NSA surveillance telephone metadata mass data collection unintended consequences privacy risks data identification social network analysis no-fly list airport security PRISM program cell tower location tracking surveillance overreach false positives algorithmic bias individual privacy data profiling surveillance society government monitoring communication records bulk data analysis privacy invasion data misuse metadata surveillance law-abiding citizens contact network analysis metadata privacy data mining risks NSA surveillance PRISM program call records analysis cell tower tracking pattern recognition network analysis false positives algorithmic bias surveillance consequences no fly list airport security visa denial mass data collection privacy invasion innocent flagged contact network human mobility re-identification risk bulk surveillance Verizon phone data suspicion algorithm law-abiding citizens digital footprint metadata misuse consequences NSA metadata collection risks data mining privacy concerns unintentional surveillance harm surveillance false positives data mining affecting innocents metadata and suspicion by association call metadata identification risks cell tower metadata privacy PRISM data privacy implications security flagging due to metadata no-fly list metadata risks airport security surveillance concerns visa denial from surveillance law-abiding citizens surveillance effects unique identification from metadata mass data analysis privacy issues surveillance systems unintended effects metadata and civil liberties predictive policing data risks metadata data mining NSA surveillance call records cell tower data PRISM program privacy concerns unintentional harm false positives surveillance consequences no-fly list visa denial airport security contact network analysis bulk data collection individual identification mass surveillance data privacy communication patterns social network analysis legal implications predictive analytics privacy bounds behavioral profiling surveillance accuracy ethical surveillance personal data government surveillance data retention data misuse metadata surveillance risks NSA data mining implications privacy invasion metadata bulk data collection consequences unintentional harm metadata phone records privacy issues NSA surveillance public impact PRISM program privacy risks metadata identification risks data mining false positives suspicion from metadata analysis cell phone metadata tracking no fly list consequences surveillance airport security data mining social network analysis surveillance privacy harm data mining legal concerns NSA surveillance innocent individuals flagged surveillance human mobility privacy study surveillance and visa issues metadata data mining NSA surveillance phone records privacy telecommunications call metadata signal intelligence PRISM program mass data collection pattern recognition contact networks suspicion algorithm false positives privacy invasion airport security visa denial no-fly list behavioral profiling cell tower tracking location data personal identification network analysis surveillance risks digital footprint innocent identification law enforcement data analysis predictive policing information extraction secondary surveillance human mobility privacy bounds government surveillance data retention social graph communication mapping privacy study metadata surveillance NSA data mining privacy risks unintentional harm surveillance phone metadata analysis PRISM program mass surveillance consequences cell tower tracking data privacy connectivity analysis suspicion by association false positives surveillance personal data misuse airport security flags no-fly list risk visa denial surveillance network mapping bulk data collection surveillance accuracy surveillance error consequences metadata surveillance data mining NSA privacy personal identification phone records communication tracking bulk data collection cell tower data PRISM false positives airport security visa issues no-fly list network analysis contact tracing surveillance consequences digital profiling unintentional harm data accuracy mass surveillance big data analytics individual privacy risks social network analysis metadata data mining surveillance NSA privacy personal data phone records call metadata cell tower tracking PRISM suspicion algorithmic bias false positives no-fly list airport security visa denial mass surveillance unintended consequences data analysis human mobility unique identification network analysis privacy invasion surveillance harms data retention targeted surveillance digital profiling
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con03a	"The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. democracy democratization sustainability legitimacy popular support consent of the governed authoritarianism military dictatorship rule of law free and fair elections civic participation foreign-imposed democracy regime change nation-building democratic consolidation political legitimacy civil society democratic backsliding tax compliance institutional trust state stability democratic failure imposed regime outcomes internal motivation external intervention electoral legitimacy regime longevity democratic resilience post-conflict reconstruction democracy promotion internal motivation for democracy sustainable democratic government legitimacy of laws free and fair elections citizen support for democracy military dictatorship vs democracy foreign-imposed democracy democratization challenges authoritarian relapse law enforcement in democracies public compliance imposed regime failure democracy duration historical trends in democratization legitimacy crisis foreign intervention and democracy obstacles to sustainable democracy post-conflict democratization empirical studies on democracy Enterline and Greig study democratic consolidation legitimacy of governance democratic backsliding future of democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan democracy versus authoritarianism democracy legitimacy tax compliance in democracy promotion internal motivation democratic sustainability legitimacy free and fair elections imposed democracy authoritarian regimes military dictatorship political legitimacy citizen participation law enforcement foreign intervention regime change democratic failure political stability empirical studies fiscal compliance public support democratic transitions self-determination rule of law political culture election legitimacy state-building regime durability political will imposed government authoritarian relapse democratic consolidation origin of sustainable democracy conditions for democratic success citizen support for democracy legitimacy of democratic laws challenges of foreign-imposed democracy failure rates of imposed democracies military dictatorship vs democracy effectiveness of free and fair elections public respect for democratic government transition from authoritarianism to democracy democracy enforcement mechanisms foreign support for democracy Enterline and Greig democracy study consequences of democratic failure rebuilding democracy after collapse sustainable governance pay taxes in democracy maintaining public order in democracy legitimacy versus force in government empirical studies on democracy sustainability promoting democracy abroad democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan Doyle promoting democracy failure of democratic legitimacy internal democratization sustainable democracy foreign-imposed democracy authoritarian regression public support for democracy electoral legitimacy rule of law citizen compliance tax morale political order democracy failure rates imposed democracy outcomes regime change military dictatorship vs democracy free and fair elections legitimacy of law democratic transitions external intervention democracy promotion democratic consolidation Enterline and Greig study imposed regime durability democratic backsliding Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy Doyle democracy promotion democracy sustainability internal desire for democracy grassroots democratic movements legitimacy of laws citizen respect for democracy imposed democracy failure foreign-imposed regime outcomes democratic legitimacy free and fair elections legitimacy of government democracy in Iraq democracy in Afghanistan military dictatorship vs democracy compliance with law in democracies empirical studies on democracy Enterline and Greig study sustainability of democratic governments political regime change democracy promotion challenges of external democratization future of imposed democracies tax compliance in democracies order maintenance in democracy Doyle democracy promotion failure rate of imposed democracy democracy democratization public support sustainable governance legitimacy free elections fair elections rule of law compliance military dictatorship authoritarianism foreign-imposed democracy regime change electoral system civil society legitimacy crisis state stability political culture government legitimacy tax compliance law enforcement public trust international intervention imposed democracies nation-building democratic backsliding democratic consolidation regime longevity Enterline and Greig future of Iraq future of Afghanistan democracy promotion Michael Doyle legitimacy of laws mass consent political will regime failure foreign support political legitimacy democratic democracy sustainability internal motivation for democracy legitimacy of democratic government law obedience legitimacy free and fair elections democratic government versus dictatorship foreign-imposed democracy imposed democracy failures Enterline and Greig democracy study historical trends in imposed democracy Afghanistan democracy Iraq democracy future of democracy democratic backsliding authoritarian regression legitimacy and law compliance military dictatorships vs democracy citizen respect for democracy empirical studies on democracy consequences of imposed democracy promoting democracy debates democracy and tax compliance democratic government order maintenance democracy promotion internal motivation legitimacy democratic sustainability free and fair elections imposed democracy authoritarian resurgence foreign intervention state legitimacy rule of law public consent political culture Enterline and Greig study democratic durability government stability regime change democratization challenges Iraq Afghanistan democratic failure rates political legitimacy transformative interventions democratic backsliding citizen participation military dictatorship contrast taxation compliance historical case studies foreign-imposed regimes democracy sustainability internal motivation democratic legitimacy law obedience electoral legitimacy foreign-imposed democracy regime change authoritarianism democratic backsliding democratic stability civic engagement legitimacy of law democratic transition imposed government democracy promotion regime durability public support political legitimacy social contract political culture self-determination nation-building democratic failure foreign intervention democratization success state capacity"
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro02a	More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. women workforce participation gender quotas gender equality labour productivity talent pool business expansion innovation economic growth tax revenue social security social justice executive positions cultural barriers societal practices economic support institutional support women's education higher education productivity gap women's empowerment economic impact board representation quota laws Norway case study public companies female graduates management boards European economy diversity in leadership policy intervention workplace equality women labor market participation gender quotas gender equality economic growth GDP increase talent pool labor productivity business innovation business expansion tax revenue social security payments social justice executive positions cultural barriers societal barriers institutional support female education board diversity Norway quota law women on boards management quotas gender gap equality policies labor force participation European economy education access productivity parity legislative quotas workplace diversity women leadership European Union gender policy gender equality labour force participation women employment gender quotas female executive representation talent pool labour productivity economic growth GDP increase business innovation workforce diversity tax revenue social security payments social justice economic returns women in leadership institutional support cultural barriers societal practices higher education graduates gender pay gap Norway board quotas policy impact European economy gender diversity human capital utilization workforce inclusion management board quotas Europe labour market women productivity economic empowerment gender quotas impact GDP women's participation economic growth gender equality labour market female representation management boards cultural barriers executive positions women labour productivity gender quotas business innovation gender quotas tax revenue social justice and economic returns women in Norwegian boardrooms educational attainment women Europe women talent pool utilization societal practices prevent women institutional support for women leaders economic benefits gender equality increasing qualified women executives European GDP women productivity board diversity gender quotas impact of quotas on business expansion quota laws Europe female graduates workplace integration gender equality policy outcomes fiscal impact increased female employment women workforce social security contributions international comparisons gender gender quotas women in workforce labour market participation gender equality economic growth GDP increase labour productivity talent pool executive positions societal barriers institutional support education access board diversity Norway quota law women's representation tax revenue social security cultural beliefs European labour market women’s productivity economic returns business innovation employment female graduates leadership positions policy impact social justice workplace diversity business competitiveness female board members European Union management quotas gender discrimination intersectionality inclusive hiring diversity benefits female empowerment affirmative action women’s economic contribution public limited companies gender quotas women in labor market gender equality economic growth labor productivity talent pool business innovation tax revenue social security social justice executive positions cultural barriers societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström study GDP growth Europe female graduates educational attainment Norway quota law board diversity women leadership corporate governance workplace inclusion gender parity productivity gap labor force participation economic returns policy impact women empowerment European Union women labor force participation gender quotas gender equality GDP growth labor productivity talent pool economic growth tax revenue social security payments social justice executive positions cultural barriers societal practices economic support institutional support gender gap Asa Löfström study European economy women’s education higher educational attainment Norway quota law board representation corporate governance workforce diversity women in management economic empowerment barriers to employment employment opportunities for women gender discrimination women in leadership gender diversity economic returns business innovation social inclusion female graduates labor market reforms gender-based policies women women in labour market gender quotas gender equality economic growth GDP increase female labour force participation board diversity executive positions talent pool gender productivity gap tax revenue social security payments innovation business competitiveness social justice Asa Löfström study higher education graduates Norway quota law female board representation barriers to women employment productivity gains societal practices cultural beliefs institutional support women in leadership European economy management boards workplace diversity women empowerment labour market policies women decision-making policy impact Europe corporate governance female employment statistics women labor force participation GDP growth gender quotas gender equality female talent pool labor productivity business innovation tax revenue increase social security contributions economic growth social justice executive positions cultural barriers societal practices economic support institutional support Europe GDP Asa Löfström study women productivity higher education graduates workplace diversity employment quotas Norway board quotas public companies gender diversity decision-making roles management boards female leadership anti-discrimination policies workforce inclusion economic returns gender equality women’s labor force participation gender quotas economic growth gross domestic product labor productivity talent pool business innovation social justice executive positions women in leadership cultural barriers societal norms institutional support women’s education gender gap women in management female graduates board diversity Norway quota law policy impact gender discrimination employment opportunities social security tax revenue European labor market productivity increase breaking glass ceiling women empowerment economic benefits workforce diversity
test-politics-glghssi-con02a	The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, Act of Union British identity Scottish identity Scottish-British relations cultural integration Scottish culture British culture Home Nations mutual benefit cooperation cultural traditions art shared heritage peace national identity Scotland-England relations union stability cross-national families United Kingdom historical union British citizenship Anglo-Scottish relations political union national unity Britishness Scottish-British cooperation Scotland-England union British identity Scottish identity cultural integration Home Nations Anglo-Scottish relations union of 1707 devolution UK history Scottish-British relations distinctive traditions cultural exchange Britishness migration Scotland UK Scotland art culture mutual benefit political union Scottish independence Scotland England cooperation Scottish nationalism history of union public opinion Scotland British heritage Scottish heritage national identity UK Acts of Union Anglo-Scottish relations British identity Scottish identity cultural integration UK history national identity Home Nations cultural exchange political union Scotland-Britain cooperation Britishness Scottish nationalism historical union benefits shared heritage intermarriage distinctive traditions cultural enhancement peace after union mutual advantage Scottish-British relations devolution United Kingdom Scottish secession unionism cultural diversity Observer article Mitchell Scottish British identity benefits of Union Scotland England cultural exchange Scotland Britain Scottish English cooperation history British identity among Scots Scots and Home Nations relations peace after Scottish English wars mutual advantage of Union art and culture Scotland Britain Scottish relatives in Britain distinctive Scottish British traditions historical Union of Scotland and England David Mitchell Scottish identity Observer Scotland English Union modern perspectives on Scots Britishness Scottish secession and identity Scotland and England cooperation benefits Acts of Union Scottish identity British identity Anglo-Scottish relations United Kingdom history cultural integration national identity Scottish-British cooperation Home Nations intermarriage cultural traditions Scottish independence debate Britishness Scottish nationalism UK unionism mutual benefit art exchange peace through union historic conflict modern Scotland Scottish-English relations Observer article David Mitchell devolution public opinion Scotland union pros and cons British culture post-1707 Scotland Scottish union history British-Scottish identity cultural integration Scotland Britain joint national identity Scotland advantages of UK union Scottish culture and Britishness Scotland United Kingdom cooperation mutual benefit Scotland England Scottish nationalism vs unionism intermarriage Scotland and Home Nations peace after the Scottish-English union Scotland British heritage art traditions Scotland UK public opinion Scottish identity secession Scotland historical context Scottish union British identity Scots-British relations cultural integration mutual benefit Scottish-British cooperation joint identity Britishness Home Nations cultural traditions Scotland-England relations national identity United Kingdom history Scottish heritage intermarriage peace after union Scottish secession David Mitchell Observer political union Anglo-Scottish relations cultural exchange social integration UK history British unity Scottish distinctiveness British culture historical cooperation union history Scotland and England cooperation Scottish British identity UK cultural integration Britishness in Scotland Home Nations relationships Scotland England peace mutual benefit union union tradition enhancement Scottish British relatives centuries of union cultural distinctiveness Scotland England art traditions UK Scottish secession debate David Mitchell Scotland Observer Scottish identity benefits of union British-Scots perspectives Scotland UK relations historical union peace national identity UK Act of Union United Kingdom formation Scottish identity British identity cultural integration national cooperation historical union Anglo-Scottish relations Scottish tradition British art Home Nations identity politics mutual benefit Scottish heritage political union unionism Scottish independence British nationalism cross-cultural influence Scotland-England relations Scottish identity British identity cultural integration national identity United Kingdom Anglo-Scottish relations cultural traditions historical union mutual benefit Scottish history Home Nations secession Scottish independence cultural cooperation British history joint identity cultural distinctiveness Union of 1707 social cohesion intercultural exchange national unity
test-science-dssghsdmd-con02a	The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. national missile defense missile shield anti-ballistic missile nuclear deterrence international security arms race US-Russia relations European security military escalation strategic imbalance international conflict nuclear posture nonproliferation United Nations resolutions global stability military advantage arms control ballistic missile technology international opposition security threats defense policy military technology strategic alliances Cold War legacy nuclear proliferation weaponization conflict escalation missile deployment global security dilemma national missile defense anti-ballistic missile technology international security U.S. missile shield Russian military response arms race nuclear deterrence global instability escalation of conflict European security NATO relations nuclear proliferation strategic balance United Nations resolutions missile deployment in Europe military posturing international arms control strategic superiority global power dynamics deterrence breakdown missile arms negotiations security dilemma geopolitics U.S.-Russia relations Poland missile defense nuclear threat military escalation international opposition global safety missile proliferation arms control treaties national missile defense anti-ballistic missile nuclear deterrence international security military escalation arms race Russia-US relations missile shield global instability strategic advantage United Nations resolutions nuclear proliferation military posturing international conflict strategic balance arms control defense technology weaponization global security threats military alliances interceptor missiles Cold War legacy military intimidation non-proliferation international treaties national missile defense impacts global security implications missile defense US missile defense international reaction Russia response missile shield anti-ballistic missile technology controversy arms race consequences ballistic missile defense escalation NATO missile defense strategy nuclear deterrence instability United Nations missile defense stance missile defense diplomatic tensions proliferation of missile defense systems military balance missile shield global arms control missile defense missile defense and international law US-Russia security competition impact missile defense on nuclear treaties strategic advantage missile shield weaponization of space missile defense missile defense and regional security national missile defense anti-ballistic missile U.S. security policy Russia opposition international stability nuclear deterrence arms race international relations military escalation strategic balance global security missile shield United Nations nuclear proliferation U.S.-Russia relations European security military posturing Poland missile defense UN resolutions global power dynamics deterrence breakdown unilateral advantage defense technology international conflict military strategy national missile defense US anti-ballistic missile technology opposition Russia US missile defense tension international security missile defense missile defense arms race nuclear deterrence erosion United Nations missile defense stance Poland missile interceptor deployment Russian military response Europe global strategic stability missile defense missile shield security risks international conflict escalation missile defense geopolitical consequences US-Russia military postures missile defense global reactions national missile defense United States security threat Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile military advantage strategic allies nuclear deterrence international conflict missile shield arms race NATO European security military escalation Poland missile defense troop deployment short-range nuclear missiles UN resolutions global instability nuclear balance proliferation disarmament international response Cold War military posturing security dilemma deterrence theory global power dynamics geopolitics defense technology escalation risks national missile defense anti-ballistic missile international security U.S. missile shield Russian response arms race Cold War tensions NATO relations military escalation nuclear deterrence global stability arms control treaties proliferation risks United Nations resolutions missile technology strategic advantage international conflict security dilemma Poland missile deployment Russian-European border U.S.-Russia relations deterrence breakdown superpower rivalry missile proliferation disarmament international law defense policy military alliances nonproliferation regional security global arms race strategic balance national missile defense United States Russia anti-ballistic missile technology international security arms race nuclear deterrence strategic stability missile shield global security military escalation NATO European border Poland missile deployment short-range nuclear missiles international relations United Nations arms control nonproliferation global instability military advantage deterrence theory arms buildup international conflict war risk defense policy military strategy security dilemma international diplomacy global order geopolitical tension national missile defense anti-ballistic missile technology US-Russia relations international security nuclear deterrence arms race global stability military escalation UN resolutions missile shield controversy European security strategic balance nonproliferation defense policy diplomatic tensions Cold War legacy international law military advantage nuclear proliferation power imbalance security dilemma deterrence theory
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro01a	A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, national security terrorism Kenya Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping Mombasa port credible action Kenyan government international trial terrorist threats maritime security protection measures anti-terrorism policy East Africa security regional stability international cooperation security delay political stability terrorist incidents counterterrorism militant groups government response civilian protection national security Kenya terrorism Al-Shabab attacks Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks Nairobi suicide bombings refugee camps Kenya Somali pirates maritime piracy Mombasa port security international shipping threats terrorist threats East Africa credible action terrorism Kenyan government stability anti-terrorism measures international trials Kenya terrorist incidents Kenya security threats Kenya protecting Kenyan people regional security Africa law enforcement Kenya counter-terrorism actions piracy Indian Ocean humanitarian impact terrorism refugee camp violence Kenya diplomatic response terrorism national security Kenya terrorism Al-Shabab attacks Al Qaeda Kenya Westgate attack grenade attacks Nairobi suicide bombings Kenya refugee camp security Somali pirates Mombasa port security international shipping threats Kenyan government stability terrorism prevention Kenya international response Kenya security delay justification terrorist threat Kenya counterterrorism Kenya credible action terrorism political stability Kenya piracy East Africa Somali piracy trial delay national security national security delay justification Kenya terrorism risk Al-Shabab attacks Kenya Al Qaeda linked threats Westgate massacre significance grenade attacks Nairobi suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates Kenya waters piracy international shipping Mombasa international community terrorism response credible action against terrorism Kenya strong Kenyan government necessity impact of international trials Kenya deterrence of terrorist attacks Kenya protecting Kenyan people from terrorism government stability versus international intervention consequences of leadership change terrorism risk terrorist activity East Africa strategic importance Mombasa port threat assessment Kenya security enhancing counterterrorism measures Kenya terrorism national security Kenya terrorist attacks Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates maritime security Mombasa port international shipping piracy credible action Kenyan government political stability international trials Associated Press Standard Digital News counterterrorism East Africa security radicalization law enforcement regional security security policy government response insurgency extremist groups national security Kenya terrorist attacks Kenya Al-Shabab threat Al Qaeda Kenya attacks Westgate massacre grenade attacks Nairobi suicide bombings refugee camps Kenya Somali pirates Kenya Mombasa shipping security international shipping piracy Kenya terrorism protection Kenya strong Kenyan government delay necessity national security impact international trials Kenya anti-terrorism measures Kenya international community Kenya security credible action terrorism Kenya piracy Indian Ocean Kenya terrorist activity East Africa political stability Kenya national security Kenya terrorist attacks Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate attack grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates piracy international shipping Mombasa port terrorism credible action Kenyan government stability international trials threats to Kenya counterterrorism homeland security East Africa security maritime security extremist groups law enforcement public safety security measures armed conflict international cooperation regional instability prosecution delays political stability terrorism prevention regional threats radicalization extremist violence anti-terror operations threat assessment government credibility civilian protection national security Kenya terrorism Kenya Al-Shabab attacks Al Qaeda Kenya Westgate massacre grenade attacks Nairobi suicide bombings Kenya refugee camp attacks Kenya Somali pirates Kenya Mombasa shipping security international shipping attacks Kenya maritime security terrorism prevention Kenya Kenyan government stability international trials Kenya counter-terrorism Kenya threats to Kenya terrorist risks Kenya credible government Kenya international community Kenya security anti-terrorism measures Kenya piracy Indian Ocean port security Kenya refugee camp security Kenya Nairobi terrorism maritime piracy Kenya terrorism prevention Kenyan security Al-Shabaab attacks Al Qaeda links Westgate mall attack grenade explosions Nairobi suicide bombings Kenya refugee camp security Somali pirates maritime terrorism Mombasa port threats international shipping security Kenyan government stability international intervention anti-terrorism measures Kenya counter-terrorism policies credible security action legal trials impact regional security East Africa terrorist group activity piracy in Indian Ocean port security strategies terrorist threat mitigation Kenya national defense law enforcement Kenya national security Kenya terrorist attacks Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping Mombasa port terrorism prevention Kenyan government international trial counterterrorism maritime security East Africa regional security credible action Associated Press Standard Digital News Nairobi security policy anti-terror measures
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro01a	As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. national missile defense US self-defense rights international law nation-state sovereignty military technology strategic defense systems ballistic missile defense nuclear deterrence US military superiority defense initiatives international treaties national security global security state sovereignty Mearsheimer missile shield collective defense arms race defense policy US allies security dilemma strategic stability technological capability economic capability defense modernization United Nations military alliances defense budget international organizations security doctrine national missile defense missile shield ballistic missile defense self-defense international law sovereignty Mearsheimer nation-state state sovereignty US military technology strategic defense national security defense policy military innovation arms control nuclear deterrence international treaties collective security defense initiatives technological superiority US defense policy defense programs global security military spending military alliances national security self-defense international law missile defense system nuclear deterrence national sovereignty strategic defense US military technology ballistic missile threat homeland security nation-state rights international treaties arms race global security defense policy technological superiority geopolitics global military balance defensive capability military innovation military funding international organizations sovereign defense initiatives strategic defense initiative international legitimacy national missile defense justification nation-state sovereignty defense US strategic defense rights international law missile defense Mearsheimer 1993 self-defense missile defense treaties analysis technological superiority in defense economic capacity and military policy US military technological leadership strategic defense initiatives benefits defensive military doctrine international recognition of self-defense nuclear deterrence and missile shield missile defense for US allies moral principles of national defense global perspectives on missile defense legality of missile defense systems missile defense and international organizations state rights under UN charter ethical implications of missile defense opposition arguments against missile shield national security technological advancements US spending on national missile defense missile shield self-defense rights United States security nation-state sovereignty international law strategic defense systems defense technology military spending ballistic missile defense nuclear deterrence international treaties Mearsheimer international relations military innovation security policy US military superiority defense initiatives sovereignty and defense strategic military alliances national security strategy technological superiority in defense national missile defense justification US right to self-defense missile shield international law Mearsheimer nation-state theory strategic defense initiative US military technological superiority ballistic missile threat response national sovereignty and defense international treaties and missile defense military defense technology advancement self-defense in international relations defensive military programs United States legitimacy of missile defense systems principle of national security national interest and defense policy national missile defense self-defense rights sovereignty nation-state system international law ballistic missile defense strategic defense US military superiority military technology Mearsheimer international relations defense policy nuclear deterrence treaty obligations military innovation homeland security defensive systems security strategy global security international treaties military spending defensive shield security alliances advanced weaponry collective defense defense initiatives strategic stability military doctrine deterrence theory national missile defense US missile defense policy strategic defense initiative international security state sovereignty military technology advancement missile shield ballistic missile defense nuclear deterrence international law self-defense national security strategy US military capabilities arms control treaties Mearsheimer realism defense modernization international relations theory military-industrial complex preemptive defense North American Aerospace Defense Command NATO collective defense missile defense controversy weaponization of space global security architecture US-China strategic competition defense spending technological superiority homeland security defense procurement deterrence theory national missile defense self-defense right international law nation-state sovereignty US military technology ballistic missile defense nuclear deterrence strategic defense systems Mearsheimer 1993 United Nations Charter defensive military initiatives arms race military expenditure international security sovereignty rights collective defense technological superiority missile shield US foreign policy defense treaties national missile defense missile defense systems self-defense rights US military technology nation-state sovereignty ballistic missile protection nuclear deterrence international law strategic defense initiative security policy arms race military alliances deterrence theory international relations Mearsheimer realism collective security defense policy debates military expenditure international treaties global security frameworks
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro01a	"Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. democracy promotion regime change imposed democracy democratic transitions colonial legacy economic development institutional strength nation-building post-conflict reconstruction Germany democratization Japan democratization democratic consolidation success factors democratic endurance external intervention state-building legitimacy democratic longevity political institutions Przeworski Enterline Greig Iraq Afghanistan historical case studies foreign intervention peacebuilding transitional governance democratization outcomes democracy promotion imposed democracy regime transition post-conflict democratization nation-building colonial legacy institution strength economic development democratic endurance democratic survival external intervention democratization success factors Germany post-WWII Japan post-WWII stability of democracy regime change democracy lifespan successful transitions historical case studies Przeworski Enterline and Greig democratic consolidation Iraq democratization Afghanistan democratization political institutions conditional democratization imposed democracy democratization intervention success factors democratic transition colonial legacy economic conditions institutional strength democracy lifespan post-conflict democratization regime change nation-building Germany democratization Japan democratization Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy historical case studies democracy durability external intervention democratic endurance Przeworski democracy Enterline Greig study successful interventions democracy factors increasing democracy success imposed democracy lifespan democracy and colonial relationships economic conditions democracy transitions institutions supporting democracy historical examples imposed democracy Germany Japan post-WWII democracy prerequisites for democracy success imposed democracy in Iraq Afghanistan Enterline Greig imposed democracy Przeworski democratic endurance democratic institution strength conditions for democracy endurance post-conflict democratic transitions democracy imposition debate external democracy promotion sustainability of imposed democracies factors for resilient democracy democracy transitions developing countries imposed democracy democratic transitions colonial relationships democracy lifespan economic conditions institutional strength post-war Germany post-war Japan democratic success factors historical trends democracy democratic endurance democracy stability Andrew Enterline Michael Greig Przeworski Journal of Democracy democracy promotion democracy imposition nation-building democratic institutions democracy case studies democracy imposition success factors colonial relationships democracy longevity conditions for democracy survival economic conditions democratic transitions imposed democracy historical examples post-WWII democracy case studies democracy promotion effectiveness nation-building democracy outcomes institutions supporting democracy democracy endurance factors democratization success variables interventions in democratization Iraq Afghanistan democracy outcomes Germany Japan democracy transition Przeworski democracy endurance Enterline Greig imposed democracy democracy and economic growth nation transformation through democracy democratization after conflict historical patterns in democracy imposition intervention success democracy imposition nation-building democratization colonial legacy post-colonial states institutional strength economic conditions democratic transition democratic stability Germany post WWII Japan post WWII imposed democracy regime change democracy durability strong institutions case studies international relations political development external intervention democracy promotion Przeworski Enterline Greig Iraq Afghanistan historical trends political reform democratization success factors interventions imposed democracy democracy success factors colonial legacy democratic transition economic conditions institutional strength democracy lifespan Germany post-WWII Japan post-WWII regime change democratic endurance Przeworski Enterline Greig Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy democracy promotion international relations post-conflict democracy democracy stability democratization nation-building imposed regime outcomes democracy promotion imposed democracy democratic transitions colonial legacy regime change nation-building institution strength economic conditions Germany post-WWII Japan post-WWII democracy durability foreign intervention regime stability democratization success state-building political institutions external intervention post-conflict reconstruction democratic consolidation Enterline Greig Przeworski democracy imposed regimes historical case studies democratic resilience international relations democratic transition democracy imposition success factors post-colonial democracy institutional strength economic conditions democratic stability imposed democracy case studies Germany democracy postwar Japan democracy postwar democratization outcomes political institutions colonial history democracy lifespan regime change Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy democratization success Enterline and Greig Przeworski study Journal of Democracy conditions for democracy imposed regime durability foreign intervention democracy establishment"
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics social networking danger online safety Facebook risks online predators internet crime sexual assault online grooming Facebook rape social media mental health cyberbullying digital harassment online threats cyber abuse adolescent safety teen cyberbullying privacy concerns social media effects digital identity fraud victim protection online trust risks digital footprint Facebook crime anti-cyberbullying internet victimization sexual exploitation online virtual identities online manipulation mental health impact online stalking Facebook security Facebook dangers online safety internet predators social media risks Facebook crime sexual assault via social media online grooming identity deception trust manipulation real-world dangers from Facebook Facebook rape cases women safety online Facebook-facilitated crime social network threats mental health risks cyberbullying adolescent cyberbullying online harassment Facebook threats digital abuse bullying statistics impact of cyberbullying psychological effects of social media youth online safety prevention of online abuse Facebook trust issues social media privacy online victimization child safety Facebook social media dangers online predators Facebook safety internet privacy online identity deception catfishing sexual assault online digital trust issues physical safety threats cyberbullying adolescent mental health cyber harassment social networking risks Facebook crime online grooming technology-facilitated abuse online victimization privacy violations emotional distress digital footprint online trust social media influence Facebook regulation youth online safety digital communication risks internet crime prevention Facebook dangers Facebook safety risks Facebook privacy concerns online predators Facebook Facebook crime statistics social media rape cases Facebook and mental health cyberbullying on Facebook Facebook harassment cases social networking site dangers protecting teens on Facebook Facebook trust issues Facebook meeting dangers Facebook and personal safety Facebook impact on youth Facebook cyberthreats social media bullying statistics consequences of Facebook integration Facebook consent violations online grooming Facebook Facebook victimization stopping Facebook abuse protecting women Facebook digital harassment prevention Facebook's effect on society negative consequences Facebook Facebook and adolescent safety Facebook risks online safety social media crime online predators digital privacy Facebook rape cases social network dangers cyberbullying adolescent mental health cyber harassment Facebook sexual assault online trust issues catfishing victim grooming digital integrity youth cyber threats social network abuse online rumor spreading i-SAFE cyber bullying statistics internet safety mental health impact technology risks digital violence prevention teens online behavior internet crime prevention Facebook dangers social media risks online predators Facebook-related crime online sexual assault social network safety digital privacy risks cyberbullying on Facebook dangers for women on Facebook Facebook trust issues identity deception on Facebook Facebook and mental health physical safety online protecting children on social media Facebook and cybercrime internet safety tips cyberbullying statistics preventing online harassment Facebook user protection social network crime prevention Facebook dangers online safety social network risks digital privacy identity deception sexual assault online predators rape psychological harm physical safety cyberbullying online harassment adolescent mental health teen safety online grooming trust issues digital communication cybercrime child protection social media abuse dangerous consequences cyberthreats online victimization rumor spreading threatening messages social integration technology misuse i-SAFE statistics bullying virtual relationships emotional trauma internet crimes law enforcement digital footprint online reputation Facebook crime cases media reports women's safety criminal psychology digital interaction Facebook dangers social media risks online predator awareness Facebook sexual assault digital safety for women stranger danger Facebook online grooming cyber rape cases social network mental health impact cyber crime Facebook digital privacy risks Facebook trust deception physical safety social media rape facilitated by technology Facebook security concerns social networking crime cyber bullying Facebook adolescent cyberbullying teen online harassment cyber bullying statistics online rumors impact technology-facilitated abuse Facebook harmful effects social network victimization Facebook stalking online threats Facebook mental health cyberbullying child safety social media Facebook crime prevention internet safety Facebook dangers online predator risks sexual assault social media Facebook rape cases online grooming Facebook Facebook meeting dangers social network crime cyber bullying cyber harassment Facebook adolescent online safety teen cyberbullying online rumor spreading digital threats Facebook psychological impact social media privacy risks Facebook online trust deception fake identities Facebook victimization social media child online protection cyberthreat statistics social media dangers online safety Facebook risks cybercrime online predators identity theft online grooming cyberbullying mental health privacy issues digital harassment adolescent safety rape prevention internet security online trust social network impact psychological effects harmful social media online victimization protective measures digital footprint social network crime trust and deception online internet exploitation harmful consequences of Facebook
test-health-dhpelhbass-con02a	"If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) suicide prevention moral obligation ethical duty suicide intervention mental illness depression rationality assisted suicide terminal illness non-coercive intervention libertarian perspective autonomy right to die counseling suicide risk value of life err on the side of life no regrets approach philosophical ethics involuntary commitment altruism support for suicidal individuals psychiatric evaluation legal implications compassion duty to rescue suicide crisis moral philosophy prevention strategies ethical intervention suicide prevention moral duty ethical intervention suicide intervention mental health depression suicide rationality non-coercive intervention counseling suicide ethics value of life terminal illness and suicide autonomy and suicide libertarianism and suicide suicide decision-making prevention of suicide philosophy of suicide right to die assisted suicide suicide and mental illness regret and suicide err on the side of life philosophical justifications rationality in suicide suicide and morality intervention justification suicide ambivalence suicide irreversibility suicide assistance ethical counseling responsibility to intervene suicide prevention moral duty ethical responsibility intervention non-coercive actions suicide intervention rationality mental illness depression suicide ethics duty to rescue terminal illness assisted suicide libertarian position moral justification value of life suicide philosophy Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy autonomy rational decision-making suicidal intent counseling suicide risk factors err on the side of life no regrets approach Michael Cholbi suicide rationality suicide justification mental health support non-maleficence paternalism preventative ethics philosophical arguments rights versus duties self-harm intervention moral duty suicide prevention ethical obligation stop suicide intervening suicidal intentions non-coercive suicide intervention value of continued life mental illness and suicide depression suicide risk rationality in suicide irreversible consequences suicide err on the side of life suicide no regrets suicide intervention counseling suicidal individuals libertarian perspective suicide philosophical justification suicide prevention suicide and autonomy mental health support suicide duty to prevent self-harm ethics of suicide intervention debate on assisted suicide suicide intervention strategies philosophical arguments suicide rights and suicide prevention non-maleficence suicide paternalism suicide prevention suicide prevention philosophy suicide prevention moral duty ethical intervention mental illness depression rationality assisted suicide terminal illness suicide intervention non-coercive actions counseling impulsivity ambivalence irreversible death autonomy libertarian position philosophy of suicide err on the side of life justifiable intervention suicide ethics Cosculluela Cholbi rational capacities Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy suicide prevention moral duty suicide ethical intervention suicide helping suicidal individuals arguments against assisted suicide non-coercive suicide intervention mental illness suicide rationality suicide decisions err on the side of life no regrets suicide intervention libertarian views on suicide moral justification suicide prevention suicide and terminal illness persuading suicidal person Stanford Encyclopedia suicide reasons for suicide intervention suicide counseling ethics preventing suicide philosophical suicide irreversible consequences depression and suicide justifying suicide prevention suicide prevention moral duty ethical obligation suicide intervention mental illness depression rationality autonomy assisted suicide terminal illness non-coercive actions counseling value of life err on the side of life no regrets approach philosophical ethics intervention justification self-harm suicide ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Cholbi libertarian position individual rights moral responsibility suicidal ideation helping behavior paternalism law and suicide suicide prosecution ambivalence irreversible death suicide prevention moral duty suicide suicide intervention ethical considerations suicide assisting suicide legality non-coercive intervention mental illness suicide depression suicide risk terminal illness suicide libertarian suicide rights value of life counseling suicide suicide rationality short-lived suicide impulses suicide and regret err on the side of life Stanford Encyclopedia suicide suicide philosophy preventing self-harm reasons to prevent suicide intervention ethics supporting suicidal individuals suicide decision-making duty to prevent suicide rationality and suicide ambivalence in suicidality suicide prevention moral duty suicide intervention mental illness depression non-coercive intervention rationality ethics of suicide assisted suicide terminal illness value of life philosophical perspectives counseling libertarianism autonomy irreversible consequences intervention ethics suicide risk factors ambivalence short-lived impulse moral responsibility duty to rescue psychological support suicide rationality err on the side of life no regrets approach suicide and mental health legal consequences suicide prosecution philosophical ethics suicide rational interests suicide prevention moral duty ethical intervention mental health support non-coercive intervention depression suicide risk factors rationality in suicide terminal illness counseling libertarianism and suicide no regrets approach err on the side of life assisted suicide ethics suicide intervention philosophy suicide and autonomy mental illness and suicide suicide moral responsibility suicide and rational capacity philosophical perspectives on suicide suicide irreversibility"
test-health-dhpelhbass-con03a	"Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) sanctity of life euthanasia biblical perspective on suicide Christian ethics divine sovereignty morality of assisted suicide life and death in Christianity scriptural authority prohibition of murder God's timing authority over life capital punishment in the Bible Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Christian doctrine on death suicide in Scripture medical ethics in Christianity moral theology theological anthropology end of life decisions religious opposition to euthanasia God's will and human life sanctity of life biblical view on euthanasia suicide in the Bible assisted suicide scripture divine authority over life and death God appointed time to die Christian perspective on suicide biblical passages against euthanasia Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 physician-assisted suicide religion Christian ethics suicide morality of euthanasia Christianity religion and assisted dying death and judgement Bible thou shalt not kill meaning biblical ethics of life and death religious arguments against euthanasia sanctity of life euthanasia suicide assisted suicide biblical teaching Christian ethics divine authority right to die moral theology physician-assisted death end of life taking life scripture on death religious views on suicide God's will capital punishment commandment ""Thou shalt not kill"" ""Thou shalt do no murder"" Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 life and death in the Bible Christian perspectives on euthanasia Bible passages on life spiritual sanctity of life biblical perspective Christian view on suicide and assisted suicide biblical passages about life and death God’s authority over life and death suicide ethics in Christianity scripture against euthanasia Bible verses on killing and murder physician-assisted suicide Bible view government role in capital punishment Bible Exodus 20:13 interpretation Matthew 19:18 commandment Hebrews 9:27 explanation Ecclesiastes on life and death moral arguments against euthanasia religious arguments for life’s sacredness Christian ethics life and death decisions end-of-life issues Bible assisted suicide religious debate euthanasia Christian opposition sanctity of life euthanasia suicide assisted suicide biblical perspective on life and death scripture on killing Christian ethics death appointed by God Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 physician-assisted death capital punishment in Christianity life and death authority moral theology Christian bioethics religious arguments against suicide commandment ""Thou shalt not kill"" biblical morality Protestant views on euthanasia Pastor Art Kohl ethical implications of euthanasia Christianity and end-of Christian views on euthanasia biblical perspective on suicide sanctity of life in Christianity Bible verses about life and death scriptural arguments against assisted suicide religious ethics on taking life divine authority over life and death Christian teachings on murder Hebrews 9:27 meaning Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 interpretation Exodus 20:13 context Matthew 19:18 biblical commandment physician-assisted suicide in Christianity God's timing for death moral implications of euthanasia in the Bible sanctity of life divine sovereignty euthanasia suicide assisted suicide biblical teachings Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 capital punishment commandment ""Thou shalt not kill"" Matthew 19:18 Christian ethics pro-life suicide prohibition God's authority over life Bible on life and death religious opposition to euthanasia scripture on death Christian moral teachings dignity of life physician's role in end of life religious arguments against suicide biblical perspective on euthanasia sanctity of life biblical view on euthanasia Christianity and suicide God’s sovereignty over life and death assisted suicide in the Bible scriptural arguments against euthanasia Hebrews 9:27 interpretation Ecclesiastes on life and death Christian ethics on killing thou shalt not kill meaning physician-assisted suicide Christian perspective Bible passages on life and death Christian teachings on suicide morality of euthanasia in Christianity capital punishment biblical basis murder commandments in the Bible religious opposition to assisted suicide Christian beliefs on life’s value euthanasia ethical debate sanctity of life religious argument sanctity of life biblical perspective on suicide Christian view euthanasia God’s authority over life and death Scripture euthanasia suicide Bible verses commandment Thou shalt not kill Hebrews 9:27 explanation Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 meaning Ecclesiastes 7:17 suicide assisted suicide Christianity physician assisted suicide Bible Christian ethics suicide religious opposition euthanasia capital punishment Bible moral arguments suicide life and death Bible passages Christian theology life sacredness euthanasia biblical perspective sanctity of life suicide assisted suicide Christian ethics scriptural teachings God's authority over life and death Bible verses on life and death moral theology physician-assisted suicide religious views on euthanasia commandment ""Thou shalt not kill"" Christian moral arguments capital punishment in the Bible Ecclesiastes and mortality Hebrews 9:27 meaning Exodus 20:13 explained Matthew 19:18 interpretation Christianity and end-of-life decisions"
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro04a	The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. House of Lords reform British democracy unelected chamber parliamentary reform legislative reform democratic deficit peerage system hereditary peers appointed lords Church of England in politics political patronage House of Commons constitutional reform UK governance UK political system upper house British constitution democratic legitimacy representative government political accountability legislative scrutiny electoral reform abolish House of Lords second chamber reform political elitism UK parliament Westminster system British aristocracy democratic institutions UK reforms House of Lords reform undemocratic institutions parliamentary democracy hereditary peers appointed members church representation political appointments UK democracy legislative reform democratic deficit upper chamber reform British constitution peerage system democratic accountability legislative legitimacy electoral reform parliamentary structure England political system constitutional grievance House of Lords criticism democratic principles unelected chamber government transparency political modernization democracy promotion House of Lords reform democracy in UK hereditary peers appointed peers church influence Parliament democratic legitimacy unelected chambers parliamentary reforms British constitution political patronage legislative reform accountability UK Parliament merit-based appointments peer review modernization House of Lords constitutional monarchy separation of powers UK democratic deficit political representation UK second chamber reform House of Lords reform House of Lords democracy undemocratic House of Lords abolish House of Lords House of Lords composition hereditary peers in House of Lords appointed peers House of Lords Church of England House of Lords political appointees House of Lords democracy in UK Parliament arguments for House of Lords reform reasons to reform House of Lords is House of Lords democratic UK democracy problems British parliamentary reform criticisms of House of Lords House of Lords legitimacy reforming UK upper house non-elected House of Lords members UK government democracy contradictions democratic deficit House of Lords House of Lords reform undemocratic institutions UK hereditary peers criticism appointed peers House of Lords democratic deficit UK House of Lords abolition House of Lords legitimacy democracy in British Parliament Church of England in government UK constitutional reform second chamber reform UK House of Lords power abuse UK governance criticism parliamentary reform UK UK upper chamber representation in House of Lords modernizing UK democracy UK democracy hypocrisy British peerage system separation of church and state UK House of Lords reform undemocratic upper chamber UK parliamentary reform abolish hereditary peers democratic legitimacy House of Lords appointing life peers House of Lords voting rights church influence in parliament modernizing UK legislature second chamber democracy unelected peers UK House of Lords criticism British political reform reforming UK democracy house of lords representation House of Lords undemocratic democratic reform hereditary peers life peers appointed members UK Parliament second chamber political appointments Church of England representatives legitimacy abolition constitutional reform Lords reform democratic deficit unelected chamber UK democracy government accountability parliamentary reform British politics governance representation power abuse political legitimacy democratic principles House of Lords reform undemocratic House of Lords abolish hereditary peers House of Lords democracy UK parliamentary reform House of Lords membership appointed peers Church of England in Parliament democratic deficit UK British constitution reform second chamber reform UK political appointments House of Lords upper house reform Lords legitimacy UK democracy critique unelected legislators UK reforming British Parliament House of Lords representation Westminster undemocratic modernise House of Lords House of Lords reform UK democracy unelected peers hereditary peers appointed members democratic accountability legislative reform parliamentary reform political representation second chamber UK parliament Lords abolition constitutional reform peer selection process Church of England influence democratic legitimacy government transparency UK constitutional monarchy electoral reform political appointments House of Lords reform undemocratic institutions UK parliamentary structure hereditary peers appointed peers democratic legitimacy political representation UK democracy criticisms constitutional reform second chamber parliamentary accountability House of Lords abolition UK government transparency church and state legislative reforms electoral reform peerage system democratic deficit UK constitution government reform proposals
test-society-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. women empowerment gender equality alternative empowerment strategies labor market participation reproductive health rights sexual rights gender lens women’s life course Africa equal opportunities workplace discrimination ending gender-based violence women’s autonomy education for girls women’s participation access to resources women’s choice employment alternatives social inclusion gender justice human rights sustainable development intersectionality women’s economic independence gender mainstreaming inclusive policies resource allocation reproductive justice women's empowerment gender equity alternatives to employment empowerment strategies gender lens women's life course sexual and reproductive health rights gender inequality women's rights Africa bodily autonomy girls' education employment choice gender-based violence equal resources women's opportunities labor market participation reproductive justice women's agency social inclusion Africa gender policy SRHR ending violence against women resource access women's participation gender mainstreaming women's empowerment gender equality alternative empowerment non-employment empowerment gender lens women's life course sexual health rights reproductive rights Africa women empowerment gender discrimination access to education bodily autonomy employment choice women's rights Africa sexual and reproductive health ending violence against women equal access to resources women's participation gender justice workforce participation gender inclusive policies social empowerment alternatives reproductive justice women's agency women's autonomy sustainable empowerment intersectional feminism women empowerment alternatives empowering women beyond employment gender lens women’s life course addressing discriminatory gender causes access to sexual and reproductive health rights Africa women bodily autonomy women education opportunity Africa women employment choice importance sexual reproductive health agenda Africa ending violence against women Africa promoting equal resource access women women participation opportunities Africa women labour market participation Africa enabling women’s rights Africa gender equality solutions Africa policy recommendations women empowerment Africa integrating gender perspective policy improving women’s SRHR Africa alternatives to employment women empowerment women’s agency over life choices women empowerment alternatives to employment gender lens gender inequality women's life course sexual and reproductive health rights women's rights Africa bodily autonomy girls' education women's employment choice ending violence against women equal access to resources resource equality opportunity equality women's participation gender discrimination women's labour market women's job preferences SRHR Africa gender equity feminist policy Africa women's agenda women empowerment strategies alternatives to employment for women gender lens in policy gender inequality solutions sexual and reproductive health rights women's bodily autonomy women's education access African women's rights ending violence against women equal resource access women's participation opportunities women in labor market gender equality Africa women's health empowerment intersectional gender approaches women's choice in employment reproductive rights Africa gender-responsive policies women’s economic empowerment inclusive gender policies women's empowerment alternative empowerment strategies gender lens life course analysis gender inequality discriminatory practices sexual and reproductive health rights women's rights Africa bodily autonomy girls education employment choice reproductive justice SDG 5 workforce participation violence against women resource access opportunity equality inclusive participation labor market inclusion gender-based discrimination policy advocacy women's health African women's rights economic empowerment gender mainstreaming rights-based approach women's agency reproductive freedom access to education gender transformative approaches women empowerment alternatives non-employment empowerment gender lens intervention women’s life course addressing gender inequality sexual and reproductive health rights African women empowerment body autonomy women girls education Africa women career choice empowerment beyond employment ending violence against women equal access to resources women's participation opportunities reproductive rights agenda Africa promoting women’s rights Africa gender-based discrimination solutions alternatives to workforce participation sexual health access women resources for women Africa inclusive gender policies women's autonomy Africa women empowerment alternative empowerment strategies gender equality life course approach gender lens sexual and reproductive health rights women’s rights Africa bodily autonomy women’s education employment choices access to resources ending gender-based violence opportunities for women workforce participation economic independence gender discrimination women’s participation reproductive justice Africa gender issues sustainable empowerment gender equality women's empowerment alternative empowerment strategies sexual and reproductive health rights African women women's rights gender lens discrimination violence against women access to education workforce participation economic opportunities gender-based violence reproductive justice women's autonomy social inclusion policy interventions resource access societal transformation women’s life course equitable participation human rights gender mainstreaming feminist approaches
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con01a	Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, natural resources Africa mineral wealth oil reserves gold reserves chromium platinum arable land timber economic growth commodity prices resource management global supply chain mineral exports tantalum rhodium resource exploitation industrialization economic transformation job creation sustainable development resource endowment raw materials economic potential international trade underutilized resources exploration wealth distribution resource governance equitable management environmental impact natural resources Africa African mineral wealth unexploited African resources oil reserves Africa gold reserves Africa platinum Africa chromium Africa underutilized arable land Africa timber resources Africa economic growth Africa international commodity prices Africa Africa resource endowment Africa global commodities supply African minerals for technology tantalum export Africa Mozambique tantalum Rwanda tantalum raw material exploration Africa new mineral discoveries Africa resource management Africa equitable resource distribution Africa job creation Africa socioeconomic development Africa Africa industrialization resource-driven growth Africa Africa natural resources resource management economic growth mineral wealth oil reserves gold production platinum reserves chromium arable land commodity prices industrialization job creation global commodity supply mining industry underutilized land tantalum rhodium sustainable development economic transformation resource exploitation African minerals exploration raw materials wealth distribution beneficiation value addition equitable growth infrastructure development technology transfer export international trade foreign investment Africa natural resources potential Africa resource exploitation untapped African minerals African continent oil reserves Africa gold reserves Africa platinum chromium Africa underutilized arable land Africa timber resources Africa economic opportunity resources Africa international commodity prices Africa resource-driven growth African minerals in global industries catalytic converters Africa minerals tantalum Mozambique Rwanda Africa mineral exploration Africa raw material potential new resource discoveries Africa Africa resource management economic development Africa resources equitable resource distribution Africa Africa job creation resources Africa industrial revolution resources African commodity-driven transformation sustainable resource use Africa Africa global supply chain minerals African reserves technological manufacturing Africa natural resources mineral wealth Africa Africa oil reserves Africa gold production Africa chromium reserves Africa platinum reserves underutilized arable land Africa Africa timber resources economic growth Africa international commodity prices resource endowments Africa Africa mineral exports tantalum Mozambique tantalum Rwanda catalytic converters platinum rhodium mining Africa raw material exploration Africa industrialization Africa economic transformation Africa sustainable resource management Africa jobs natural resources technological commodities Africa global resource supply Africa Africa natural resources African mineral wealth Africa oil reserves Africa gold reserves Africa chromium deposits Africa platinum resources underutilized arable land Africa Africa timber resources Africa commodity exports African economic growth Africa resource management global commodity supply Africa Africa mining industry Africa tantalum production Africa rhodium reserves Africa platinum production Africa resource exploitation sustainable development Africa economic impact Africa resources industrial revolution Africa Africa natural resources resource exploitation African oil reserves gold reserves Africa chromium Africa platinum Africa underutilized arable land timber resources economic growth Africa international commodity prices resource endowment global commodities mineral exports Africa catalytic converters platinum production rhodium mining tantalum Africa Mozambique minerals Rwanda tantalum raw material exploration potential mineral reserves wealth management Africa industrialization Africa economic transformation job creation Africa sustainable resource management equitable wealth distribution global supply chain Africa mineral dependency African development resource-driven growth commodity markets precious metals Africa agriculture potential Africa Africa natural resources African mineral wealth untapped African resources Africa oil reserves Africa gold reserves Africa platinum resources Africa chromium reserves African arable land Africa timber resources Africa economic growth Africa commodities Africa industrialization Africa mining industry Africa resource management global commodity markets Africa Africa mineral exports Africa natural resources exploitation Africa resource-driven development Africa raw materials Africa international commodity prices Africa tantalum production Africa rhodium exports Africa platinum exports African resource potential Africa economic transformation Africa resource wealth management Africa job creation Africa sustainable development Africa industrial revolution Africa global supply chain Africa natural resources mineral wealth oil reserves Africa gold reserves Africa chromium Africa platinum Africa arable land Africa timber resources Africa commodity prices Africa resource management Africa economic growth Africa industrialization Africa commodities Africa mining Africa tantalum Africa rhodium Africa platinum exports Africa catalytic converters Africa raw materials Africa resource exploration Africa economic transformation Africa sustainable development Africa resource exploitation Africa African prosperity mining potential Africa job creation Africa industrial revolution Africa technology materials Africa global supply chains Africa wealth distribution Africa resource governance Africa economic opportunities Africa mineral wealth resource exploitation African development sustainable resource management commodity markets economic transformation industrialization international trade mining sector natural capital arable land utilization oil reserves Africa gold mining Africa platinum production Africa chromium deposits tantalum exports Mozambique minerals Rwanda minerals raw material exploration untapped resources equitable wealth distribution job creation Africa technological minerals global supply chains industrial revolution Africa energy resources resource governance environmental impact value addition infrastructure development resource-driven growth
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con03a	China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea oil and gas reserves assertive nationalism China-Japan relations Japanese detention Chinese fisherman incident Taiwan dispute pro-Western democracy Chinese military buildup Taiwan assault military exercises intimidation Anti-Secession Law repressive state democratic state EU interests China-Taiwan war major trading partners US involvement Japan involvement Taiwan Strait crisis Banyan 2010 Chinese foreign policy security dilemma Indo-Pacific security arms embargo national security Asia-Pacific tensions strategic competition Chinese China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea oil reserves gas reserves assertive nationalism China-Japan relations Chinese fisherman incident Taiwan ownership claim pro-Western democracy Chinese military buildup Taiwan assault intimidation exercises Anti-Secession Law Chinese parliament Taiwan independence EU interests war risk major trading partners USA involvement Japan involvement 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Asia-Pacific security cross-strait conflict regional security dynamics military escalation EU foreign policy Asian geopolitics arms embargo diplomatic relations East Asia regional security Chinese military buildup European arms embargo South China Sea disputes oil and gas reserves maritime tensions Chinese nationalism Japan-China relations territorial sovereignty Taiwan Strait crisis Chinese Anti-Secession Law cross-strait relations democratic Taiwan EU-China relations US-China competition Indo-Pacific security AUKUS QUAD Asia-Pacific alliances arms proliferation Chinese assertiveness international law freedom of navigation regional arms race power projection China containment policy defense cooperation regional deterrence security dilemma escalation risk global trade stability China regional stability threat China international peace threat European arms sales to China China territorial disputes South China Sea oil gas disputes China assertive nationalism China-Japan relations tension Japanese detention Chinese fisherman China Taiwan ownership claims Taiwan pro-Western democracy China military buildup Taiwan Taiwan assault military readiness China intimidates Taiwan Chinese Anti-Secession Law 2005 use of force against Taiwan EU interests China Taiwan conflict EU arms sales risk US involvement Taiwan Strait Japan potential involvement Taiwan conflict 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait crisis China aggressive foreign policy destabilizing Asia Pacific China China threat regional stability European arms sales China military buildup South China Sea disputes territorial conflicts oil and gas reserves assertive nationalism China-Japan relations Taiwan conflict pro-Western democracy cross-strait tensions Anti-Secession Law EU interests US involvement Japan security Indo-Pacific security military exercises international peace regional security dilemma Chinese foreign policy trade implications democratic versus repressive states arms embargo Taiwan independence military deterrence geostrategic competition East Asia security maritime disputes international law China expansionism China regional stability China international peace threat European arms sales China China territorial disputes South China Sea conflict China Japan relations Chinese nationalism Taiwan Strait tension China military buildup Taiwan independence Anti-Secession Law China EU interests China Taiwan US involvement Taiwan conflict Japan China tensions Asia-Pacific security Chinese maritime claims cross-strait relations Chinese foreign policy arms embargo China regional power dynamics Asia oil gas reserves South China Sea democratic Taiwan Chinese fisherman incident Japan potential China Taiwan war EU China policy Indo-Pacific security escalation Taiwan Strait China coercive diplomacy military exercises Taiwan China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea oil and gas reserves assertive nationalism Japan relations Taiwan ownership Taiwan democracy Chinese military buildup Taiwan invasion military exercises Anti-Secession Law repressive regime democratic state EU interests war likelihood major trading partners USA involvement Japan involvement Taiwan Strait Crisis cross-strait tensions Asia-Pacific security maritime disputes national sovereignty security dilemma arms embargo balance of power power projection Chinese foreign policy strategic competition Indo-Pacific alliance commitments US-China rivalry China regional stability China international peace threat European arms sales China South China Sea disputes China oil gas reserves China territorial disputes assertive Chinese nationalism China Japan relations Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands conflict Chinese fisherman Japan Taiwan independence China Taiwan relations China military buildup Taiwan security Anti-Secession Law China EU China arms embargo US-China Taiwan conflict Japan involvement Taiwan Western democracy Taiwan Indo-Pacific security Asia Pacific geopolitics military exercises intimidation cross-strait relations Chinese parliament Taiwan law EU interests Asia great power rivalry Asia global arms trade China regional regional security Chinese military buildup EU arms embargo South China Sea disputes Chinese nationalism Japan-China relations Taiwan conflict cross-strait tensions US involvement Asia-Pacific security territorial claims energy resources democracy vs authoritarianism Chinese foreign policy EU-China relations international law maritime disputes security alliances Taiwan independence anti-secession law military exercises strategic stability defense cooperation economic interests geopolitical rivalries Asian security architecture China military buildup South China Sea disputes Taiwan independence European arms embargo regional security international peace assertive nationalism Japan-China relations oil and gas reserves Chinese nationalism cross-strait tensions Anti-Secession Law US-China relations EU foreign policy democratic versus authoritarian states arms sales impact Asia-Pacific security major power conflict Japanese coastline incidents Chinese foreign policy Indo-Pacific instability
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con01a	The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, Jewish expulsion Arab lands 1967 settlement construction West Bank Jewish history Middle East conflict context Jewish Diaspora 1948 war ethnic cleansing pre-1948 Jewish communities Jordanian rule Jews pogroms Jews Arab countries Jewish refugees 1967 compensation Jewish refugees Arab population Israel property rights conflict Israel West Bank settlements refugee compensation forced migration Jews Arab countries Ada Aharoni Jewish migration historical Jewish presence West Bank Israeli-Palestinian property claims settlements justification peace Middle East Arab Jewish relations post-1948 Jewish exile historical society Jews Egypt West Bank settlements Jewish refugees Arab lands 1948 Jewish expulsion Middle East conflict Jewish historical presence pre-1948 Jewish communities post-1967 migration Jordanian rule Arab-Israeli conflict Jewish diaspora property rights Israel ethnic cleansing compensation for refugees Jewish resettlement Arab exodus Arab rights property historical Land of Israel Israel settlement policy pogroms Arab countries forced migration Jews Jewish-Arab population exchange population displacement Middle East Jewish heritage West Bank Aharoni Ada migration study Jewish-Arab relations history Jewish refugees from Arab lands 1967 Arab-Israeli War settlement justification West Bank settlements Jewish historical presence ethnic cleansing 1948 Jordanian rule West Bank pre-1948 Jewish communities pogroms against Jews forced migration Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian property rights refugee compensation Jewish diaspora Middle East Israel settlement policy property disputes demographic changes historical context Middle East peace process Jewish-Arab migration Jewish expulsion Arab countries Jewish expulsion from Arab lands 1967 War settlements historical Jewish presence in West Bank ethnic cleansing 1948 pre-1948 Jewish communities Arab exodus Israel demographic changes Middle East Jordanian rule West Bank compensation for Jewish refugees post-1967 migration Israel Jewish refugees Arab countries Palestinian property claims land ownership disputes Israel West Bank comparison Arab and Jewish displacement settlements as compensation empty land West Bank settlement Middle East refugee crisis historical context of Israel settlements Arab-Jewish population exchange Ada Aharoni forced migration Jewish Diaspora Arab countries Israeli-Pal Jewish expulsion Arab lands 1967 settlement construction West Bank Jewish history Middle East conflict context Jewish communities pre-1948 ethnic cleansing 1948 war Arab Jewish diaspora comparison Jordanian rule West Bank pre-1948 Jewish ruins 1967 war consequences Jewish refugees Arab countries Jewish exile Israel pogroms Arab countries property rights Palestine compensation Jewish refugees land settlement West Bank Aharoni Ada historical reference forced migration Jews Arab countries peace negotiations Middle East historical Jewish presence West Bank refugee compensation Israel Arab population Israel ethnic cleansing Middle East property ownership Jewish refugees from Arab countries post-1967 settlement justification West Bank historical Jewish presence 1948 Jewish expulsion comparison of Arab and Jewish displacement ethnic cleansing West Bank historical Jewish communities ruins compensation for Jewish refugees Palestinian property rights debate Middle East refugee crisis context Arab-Israeli conflict settlement Jordanian rule West Bank Jews settlement morality discussion Israeli and Palestinian refugee claims 1967 war consequences pre-1948 Jewish settlements Jewish exile from Arab lands property restitution debate Israel settlement construction history forced migration Jewish communities Aharoni Ada migration study Jewish refugees Arab Jews expulsion 1967 War aftermath West Bank settlements Middle East conflict pre-1948 Jewish communities ethnic cleansing Jordanian rule Jewish diaspora Palestinian property rights Jewish historical presence Arab-Israeli conflict compensation for refugees Jewish exile from Arab countries Jewish resettlement settlement legitimacy post-1948 migrations pogroms against Jews forced migration Jewish property claims historical land ownership Israeli conquest Arab-Israeli negotiations Middle East peace process displaced populations Ada Aharoni Jews from Egypt Historical Society of Jews rights and Israeli settlements Jewish expulsion Arab lands 1967 Arab-Israeli War West Bank history ethnic cleansing Jews Jordanian rule West Bank pre-1948 Jewish communities settlement justification Middle East conflict Jewish refugee compensation Arab-Israeli property rights Jewish diaspora pogroms against Jews Jewish migration to Israel Jewish settlements historical context Israel refugee policy 1948 war Jewish exodus settlement debate historical claims West Bank Arab population Israel forced migration Jews Jewish-Arab population exchange empty land settlement property rights conflict compensation for Jewish refugees Ada Aharoni Jewish refugees from Arab countries Jewish expulsion after 1967 Jewish history in West Bank pre-1948 Jewish communities demographic changes West Bank Israel settlement justification population transfers Middle East ethno-religious cleansing comparison Arab and Jewish displacement 1948 Arab-Israeli War refugees Jordanian rule of West Bank property compensation claims Israeli-Palestinian property rights post-1967 settlement policy Middle East conflict context Arab population in Israel forced migration Jews Arab lands pogroms against Jews Arab states abandoned Jewish property West Bank historical Jewish settlements refugee resett Jewish refugees Arab countries 1967 War aftermath Jewish settlements West Bank ethnic cleansing Jews 1948 pre-1948 Jewish communities Jordanian rule West Bank Jewish diaspora Middle East compensating Jewish refugees Palestinian property rights Jewish resettlement policies Arab-Israeli conflict historical context forced migration Jews Arab lands depopulation Jewish communities comparative refugee experiences pogroms against Jews Arab countries population exchanges Middle East land ownership West Bank historical justification settlements Arab population Israel demographic changes Israeli-Palestinian conflict
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 social media addiction online envy self-esteem decline teenage mental health social comparison digital isolation anxiety depression psychological effects negative social networking impact cyberbullying youth wellbeing emotional health Facebook usage social behavior change peer pressure internet use consequences online depression adolescent wellbeing digital self-image mental health statistics online social interaction negative life satisfaction technology and mental health screen time effects Facebook negative effects social media life satisfaction Facebook impact teenagers Facebook envy social media comparison self-esteem Facebook online socialization harm Facebook and depression social network anxiety psychological effects social media Facebook and isolation impact on friendships negative behavior change social media Facebook emotional impact social media mental health daily Facebook use problems social network psychological disorders Facebook and loneliness social networking youth health Facebook usage depression mental well-being Facebook adolescent social media Facebook dissatisfaction digital socialization risks Facebook self-worth social media addiction cyberbullying mental health self-esteem adolescent depression envy peer comparison social isolation anxiety psychological impact youth well-being online behavior digital detox social networking emotional effects negative influence screen time internet addiction social comparison teenage mental health FOMO online validation social pressures technology and happiness emotional resilience effects of Facebook on mental health Facebook and adolescent self-esteem social media envy and psychological impact Facebook use and depression in teenagers impact of online socialization on youth Facebook and life satisfaction studies negative consequences of daily social media use Facebook social comparison effects Facebook impact on anxiety and depression psychological effects of Facebook on teenagers Facebook-induced loneliness and isolation social media behavior changes statistics emotional well-being and Facebook use Facebook and self-worth in adolescents Facebook vs. in-person socialization effects Facebook and teen social skills impact of curated social media profiles on self-esteem negative effects of social networking on children Facebook Facebook life satisfaction mental health social media teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem social comparison peer pressure social isolation friendship behavioral change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders emotional well-being social networking sites youth behavior digital communication adolescent psychology digital addiction cyberbullying self-image social influence social media addiction emotional health internet effects teen social skills social withdrawal Facebook negative effects Facebook and life satisfaction social media envy Facebook self-esteem teenagers mental health Facebook online socialization drawbacks Facebook and depression Facebook and anxiety social networking sites negative impact psychological effects of Facebook Facebook isolation Facebook user behavior social media and self-worth Facebook and peer comparison Facebook usage statistics social media addiction Facebook and emotional health Facebook influence on teenagers Facebook and friendship difficulties Facebook impact studies Facebook life satisfaction social media mental health teenagers envy self-esteem social isolation online socialization peer comparison doctored photographs anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites negative impact behavioral change friendship emotional well-being adolescent health cyberpsychology emotional distress youth online behavior digital communication Facebook effects social media addiction self-worth social anxiety adolescence emotional comparison social comparison theory teen mental health online interactions loneliness digital peer pressure Facebook negative effects Facebook life satisfaction social media mental health Facebook envy social comparison Facebook self-esteem Facebook teenage social media impact Facebook anxiety Facebook depression social networking site behavior change adolescent psychological health Facebook isolation online socialization drawbacks social media psychological disorders Facebook use consequences social media self-image youth digital wellbeing Facebook and friendship Facebook peer comparison Facebook emotional impact Facebook negative impact life satisfaction decline online socialization effects teenage mental health envy social media self-esteem loss social isolation friendship difficulties behavior change social networks social networking sites harm anxiety teenagers social media depression Facebook use psychological disorders youth social comparison mental health social media negative emotions Facebook peer comparison doctored photographs effects emotional wellbeing Facebook adolescent social media effects social media mental health teen self-esteem online envy social comparison psychological effects depression anxiety isolation adolescent behavior digital well-being emotional health cyberbullying social networking impact youth mental health screen time peer pressure self-image online communication negative social media effects
test-international-gsciidffe-pro02a	It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 human rights promotion intervention legitimacy state sovereignty autocratic regimes international law universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights foreign intervention illegitimate governments regime change political repression freedom of expression censorship international agreements moral responsibility responsibility to protect democracy promotion Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War broadcasting soft power international legitimacy non-representative governments civil liberties Western intervention humanitarian intervention global governance transnational advocacy human rights autocratic governments legitimacy international law democracy repression censorship freedom of expression international intervention universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights foreign intervention state sovereignty regime change Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War propaganda human rights advocacy international relations state legitimacy political oppression humanitarian intervention government accountability civil liberties authoritarian regimes human rights autocratic governments legitimacy international law freedom of expression censorship universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights regime legitimacy external intervention humanitarian intervention support for dissidents civil society broadcasting propaganda Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War soft power legitimacy of intervention human rights obligations repressive regimes democracy promotion state sovereignty international responsibility non-democratic governments moral intervention foreign policy authoritarianism government accountability undermining illegitimate governments justification promoting human rights intervention legitimacy of autocratic regimes international obligations human rights state sovereignty versus human rights universal declaration of human rights enforcement international covenant on civil and political rights compliance foreign intervention in autocracies freedom of expression government censorship Voice of America Cold War impact Radio Free Europe influence legitimacy international community response to repression ethical intervention in sovereign states legitimacy of foreign broadcasts in authoritarian regimes historical precedent undermining the USSR role of Western media in Eastern Europe human rights third-party advocacy for oppressed populations moral responsibility to challenge human rights abuse effectiveness of international agreements legitimacy illegitimate governments human rights autocracy authoritarianism international law Universal Declaration of Human Rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights state sovereignty foreign intervention humanitarian intervention freedom of expression censorship Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War broadcasting international agreements regime change propaganda global governance civil liberties democratic norms oppression state repression moral justification state obligation international relations political legitimacy transnational activism soft power undermine illegitimate governments promote human rights legitimacy of governments autocratic regimes human rights international law human rights universal declaration of human rights international covenant civil political rights states obligations human rights freedom of expression censorship external intervention legitimacy voice of america radio free europe cold war international broadcasting information warfare USSR broadcasting as political tool supporting oppressed populations undermining authoritarian regimes rights to intervene international agreements enforcement human rights foreign policy case studies USSR Eastern Europe legitimacy illegitimate governments human rights autocratic regimes government repression freedom of expression international law universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights state obligations international agreements government censorship foreign intervention promoting democracy Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War propaganda government accountability sovereignty regime change civil liberties international community Western intervention Eastern Europe USSR state legitimacy human rights violations treaty obligations external pressure moral responsibility supporting dissidents non-democratic regimes legitimate intervention regime legitimacy international law human rights promotion autocratic governments illegitimate regimes state sovereignty humanitarian intervention freedom of expression government censorship democracy promotion international agreements universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights state obligations Voice of America Radio Free Europe cold war broadcasting eastern Europe democratization western intervention civil liberties transnational activism state repression propaganda and information warfare radio propaganda foreign policy ethics regime change global governance international responsibility just war theory universal human rights enforcement human rights autocratic governments legitimacy international law universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights state sovereignty repression foreign intervention pro-democracy regime change freedom of expression political dissent censorship legitimacy of intervention Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War moral responsibility international agreements political legitimacy state obligations human rights violation promoting democracy authoritarian regimes foreign policy ethics collective action international community civil liberties non-representative governments human rights intervention democratic legitimacy international law regime change external intervention state sovereignty humanitarian intervention freedom of expression censorship resistance radio propaganda Cold War broadcasting soft power Voice of America Radio Free Europe universal declaration international covenant autocratic regimes legitimacy crisis pro-democracy movements international obligations collective responsibility East European uprisings civil and political rights international norms repressive governments responsibility to protect
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro03a	The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. creative commons open licensing copyright alternatives digital distribution viral marketing audience engagement artist promotion market expansion online sharing flexible licensing attribution requirement non-commercial use artist recognition content remixing user-generated content free culture participatory media internet exposure independent artists music industry innovation creative collaboration democratized art monetization strategies digital marketplaces legal sharing fair use DRM-free public domain participatory art cultural impact creative commons open licensing alternative copyright artist exposure viral distribution internet art sharing digital rights management copyright flexibility mass media reach music industry case studies revenue generation market expansion artist recognition non-traditional licensing Nine Inch Nails commercial use control content attribution digital distribution public domain collaborative art state-facilitated sharing transformative use copyright reform creative freedom art monetization network effects online artist communities open access digital distribution viral marketing remix culture online platforms user-generated content internet sharing collaborative creation artist promotion licensing flexibility global audience fair use non-commercial licensing peer-to-peer sharing fan engagement free culture self-publishing audience reach digital rights alternative licensing crowd-sourcing publicity brand recognition open licensing online exposure share-alike network effects digital media independent artists fanbase growth creative commons vs traditional copyright benefits of creative commons for artists expanding market reach with creative commons viral potential of creative commons art internet impact on copyright licensing case study nine inch nails creative commons maximizing earnings with creative commons flexibility of creative commons licenses commercial rights under creative commons artist credit and recognition creative commons mass media influence on copyright government support for creative commons facilitating art sharing through policy mandatory creative commons distribution comparison of copyright models for artists creative commons and viral marketing artist empowerment through creative commons obstacles of traditional copyright profit generation with open licensing mass adoption of creative commons in the arts creative commons copyright licensing artists internet mass media viral marketing digital distribution music industry Nine Inch Nails album release strategies open licensing intellectual property artist recognition commercial rights user-generated content market expansion earnings potential content sharing government policy digital art fair use remix culture online platforms content virality licensing flexibility revenue streams attribution non-commercial use public domain collaborative culture creative commons benefits artist market expansion viral art distribution traditional copyright vs creative commons internet impact on art licensing creative commons case studies Nine Inch Nails creative commons artist revenue creative commons licensing flexibility artist recognition online alternative copyright models open art distribution creative commons vs copyright control digital art sharing mass media and creative commons legal protections creative commons monetization creative commons mandated creative commons licensing government and creative commons open culture licensing creative commons economic impact creative commons success stories artistic collaboration online remixes and derivative works non-commercial art licenses creative commons promotion Creative Commons copyright licensing artist reach market expansion internet mass media viral distribution artistic impact recognition commercialization content sharing open access digital distribution user-generated content artist earnings music industry alternative licensing audience growth Nine Inch Nails viral marketing flexible licensing intellectual property artist control content attribution mandatory sharing state facilitation open culture public domain remix culture collaborative creativity creative commons benefits creative commons vs copyright artists market expansion creative commons licenses viral art online internet mass media impact artist recognition strategies alternative licensing models nine inch nails creative commons music distribution innovation copyright limitations digital art sharing artist earnings models commercial rights creative commons creative commons for musicians government mandate creative commons digital economy copyright art sharing policies media reach for artists creative commons case studies creative commons copyright licensing artists market expansion internet mass media viral marketing artist recognition profit models distribution sharing digital media open licensing alternative copyright commercial use attribution digital platforms music industry case studies Nine Inch Nails revenue streams audience reach state policy art dissemination public domain intellectual property creative freedom collaborative creation remix culture legal framework digital rights open access user engagement open content open licensing digital distribution viral marketing artist promotion online platforms network effects music industry independent artists creative freedom user-generated content digital rights copyright reform collaborative creation revenue models fan engagement remix culture public domain digital media sharing alternative licensing artist revenue platform economy music streaming fair use intellectual property audience growth networked creativity participatory culture content monetization netlabel bandcamp crowd funding global reach peer-to-peer sharing
test-international-gmehwasr-con02a	Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Syrian conflict US foreign policy UK foreign policy public opinion military intervention Middle East Iraq war legacy arms supply anti-intervention sentiment voter attitudes international relations government policy defense policy public opposition Western intervention policy rationale humanitarian intervention foreign affairs popular support war fatigue public sentiment Syrian civil war military assistance regime change international support domestic politics arming rebels public opinion military intervention Middle East interventions Syria conflict Iraq war aftermath US foreign policy UK foreign policy voter opposition supplying arms Syrian civil war domestic policy reasons international intervention popular support Western involvement humanitarian intervention public perception policy legitimacy military support anti-intervention sentiment Syrian conflict public opinion military intervention Iraq war aftermath Middle East policy US foreign policy UK foreign policy Syrian rebels weapons supply popular support voter opposition international intervention domestic policy public sentiment Western intervention government approval arms embargo intervention consequences foreign aid public disapproval anti-intervention sentiment polling data Iraq war legacy military support policy justification public opinion on arming Syrian rebels US public opinion Middle East interventions UK public attitudes supplying arms Syria popularity military intervention Syria Iraq war comparison domestic support foreign intervention Syria opposition supplying arms Syrian rebels Western public sentiment Syrian conflict effectiveness unpopular intervention policies historical polling data Syria interventions Iraq war legacy public trust impact public opinion foreign policy Syria comparison US UK attitudes Middle East interventions political consequences unpopular military action voter opposition arming rebels Middle East trends in intervention support US UK 2003-2013 Syrian conflict public opinion military intervention US foreign policy UK foreign policy anti-intervention Iraq war legacy Middle East policy voter attitudes arms supply rebel support government approval domestic policy international relations Western intervention foreign aid popular support opposition statistics military aid public sentiment media coverage ethics of intervention humanitarian policy political consequences public polling historical comparison public opinion on arming rebels US Syria intervention polling UK Syria intervention opinion Iraq war aftermath public sentiment military support Syrian rebels survey Syria conflict public reaction Western intervention Middle East popularity opposition to arming Syrian rebels American voters Syrian policy British public Syrian rebels arms domestic support Middle East interventions US UK differences Syrian conflict public attitude foreign military aid reasons against arming Syrian rebels political risks Syria intervention arming rebels unpopular intervention Iraq war Middle East interventions public opinion Syria conflict US voters UK voters supplying arms Syrian rebels military support domestic policy opposition to intervention public sentiment foreign policy 2013 Guardian article Tom Clark Western involvement anti-intervention political consequences international relations public approval armed conflict Middle Eastern politics Syrian conflict public opinion Syria arms supply opposition US intervention Middle East UK intervention Syria Iraq war public sentiment military intervention unpopular Syrian rebels support polls Western intervention Syria Middle East policy public backlash arming opposition groups foreign policy public approval US UK Syria survey results 2013 Syrian civil war public resistance military aid Middle East military involvement voters reject arming rebels government policy Syrian rebels anti-intervention sentiment Western military aid opposition Syrian rebels arming opposition public opinion US foreign policy UK foreign policy Middle East interventions Iraq war legacy military intervention Syria conflict voter sentiment Western involvement arms supply debates domestic policy international relations public opposition government decision-making humanitarian intervention popular support anti-interventionism media coverage public polls political risk foreign aid conflict escalation public opinion military intervention Syria conflict US foreign policy UK foreign policy Iraqi war aftermath Middle East interventions arms supply debate voter attitudes opposition to arming rebels public support statistics Syrian civil war international relations policy justification Western involvement popular support government decision-making anti-intervention sentiment political consequences humanitarian intervention
test-international-gmehwasr-pro01a	Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syrian civil war humanitarian intervention Assad regime legitimacy crisis regional instability refugee crisis chemical weapons biological weapons violence escalation civilian casualties United Nations humanitarian crisis military intervention Middle East conflict foreign involvement regional security rebel forces international response human rights violations neighboring countries Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel arms embargo peacekeeping war crimes ceasefire UN human rights diplomatic solutions regime change state sovereignty humanitarian intervention Responsibility to Protect international response Syrian civil war regime change Bashar al-Assad legitimacy crisis escalating violence civilian casualties regional instability refugee crisis chemical weapons biological weapons weapons of mass destruction intervention debate United Nations humanitarian crisis neighboring countries Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israeli military action international law foreign policy Middle East conflict cross-border impacts R2P mass atrocities U.N. Security Council military intervention peacekeeping conflict resolution crisis diplomacy Syrian civil war Assad regime humanitarian intervention loss of legitimacy escalating violence death toll refugees regional instability chemical weapons biological weapons neighboring countries Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel international response regime change armed conflict UN human rights foreign intervention humanitarian crisis civilian casualties Middle East conflict destabilization military intervention weapons of mass destruction international law responsibility to protect war crimes ceasefire peacekeeping Syria intervention justification legitimacy of Assad regime humanitarian crisis in Syria escalating violence Syria Syria death toll statistics regional destabilization Middle East Syria refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israeli attacks Syria chemical weapons Syria biological weapons Syria risk of non-intervention Syria impact on neighboring countries Syria international response Syria conflict U.N. stance on Syria intervention arming Syrian rebels consequences of intervention Syria arguments for military intervention Syria Syrian civil war effects humanitarian intervention standards regime change Syria security threats Syria regional security Middle East foreign policy on Syria Syria conflict humanitarian crisis Assad regime legitimacy intervention standards death toll violence escalation refugees regional destabilization chemical weapons biological weapons neighboring countries Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel intervention United Nations human rights arming Syrian rebels regional security foreign policy international response civilian casualties Middle East instability cross-border impact military intervention war crimes legitimacy loss humanitarian intervention crisis escalation Syrian civil war humanitarian intervention Assad regime legitimacy escalating violence Syria Syrian humanitarian crisis regional destabilization Middle East refugees Syria Jordan Lebanon Turkey chemical weapons Syria biological weapons Syria Israeli strike Syria international response Syria UN death toll Syria arming Syrian rebels NATO intervention Syria regime change Syria humanitarian responsibility Syria conflict spillover Syria protection of civilians Syria R2P Syria foreign policy Syria intervention Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation death toll refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey regional instability Israeli strike chemical weapons biological weapons WMD human rights UN civil war Middle East conflict regime change humanitarian intervention international response regional security civilian casualties cross-border conflict responsibility to protect war crimes foreign policy Syrian rebels destabilization refugee crisis Syria intervention humanitarian crisis Assad regime legitimacy escalating violence Syrian death toll refugee crisis Jordan Lebanon Turkey refugees regional destabilization chemical weapons Syria biological weapons Syria Israeli strikes Syria international response Syria UN human rights Syria Syrian conflict escalation arming Syrian rebels foreign intervention Syria Assad overthrown Middle East instability neighboring countries impact Syria war consequences global security Syria military intervention debate humanitarian intervention Syria weapons of mass destruction Syria international law Syria foreign policy Syria Syrian civil war humanitarian intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis escalating violence regional instability refugee crisis chemical weapons biological weapons Israel military intervention Middle East conflict UN casualty estimates foreign policy neighboring countries Jordan Lebanon Turkey destabilization regime change international response military intervention arming Syrian rebels United Nations civilian casualties international law human rights violations crisis escalation border security proxy conflict humanitarian aid peacekeeping ceasefire negotiations humanitarian intervention Assad regime legitimacy crisis Syria conflict escalating violence regional destabilization Syrian refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey chemical weapons biological weapons Israeli airstrike international response United Nations civilian casualties rebel support foreign policy Middle East stability humanitarian crisis international law military intervention regime change war crimes Geneva Conventions responsibility to protect peacekeeping arms embargo non-state actors sectarian conflict border security
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro03a	A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. handgun ban gun control firearm legislation crime reduction homicide rates assault rates robbery rates Washington DC U.S. Conference of Mayors New England Journal of Medicine University of Maryland study gun-related deaths police tactics stop and search law enforcement effectiveness criminal deterrence public safety gun violence prevention weapon restrictions illegal firearms police arrest powers tactical police advantage crime prevention strategies urban crime rates firearm-related crime legal restrictions on handguns impact of gun bans community safety gun crime statistics handgun ban crime reduction firearm legislation DC handgun law gun deaths gun control effectiveness violent crime homicide rates gun-related robberies gun violence police tactics stop and search law enforcement strategies public safety firearm restrictions crime statistics gun policy outcomes University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine weapons regulation gun crime prevention handgun confiscation criminal deterrence gun law impact public health and firearms handgun control firearm legislation gun violence reduction crime prevention DC handgun ban violent crime rates gun-related homicides public safety gun control policy law enforcement tactics stop and search effectiveness gun mortality rates urban crime statistics gun deaths prevention policing strategies gun ban outcomes weapon-related assaults legal interventions gun possession laws University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine homicide reduction firearms regulation criminal deterrence gun confiscation law enforcement success public health impact evidence-based gun policy handgun ban impact on crime DC handgun ban statistics handgun ban and public safety effectiveness of handgun bans handguns and violent crime reduction gun control and homicide rates gun ban policy outcomes University of Maryland handgun study New England Journal of Medicine gun study police tactics and handgun bans stop and search effectiveness handguns handgun bans and law enforcement efficiency handgun ban lives saved U.S. Conference of Mayors handgun data identifying criminals handgun ban handgun ban and arrest rates handgun ban theory crime rate reduction through handgun bans handgun ban deterrent effects police burden of proof handgun ban handgun ban and handgun ban crime reduction firearm legislation DC crime statistics handgun-related homicide U.S. Conference of Mayors report gun control effectiveness robbery rates assault rates University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine gun deaths prevention police tactics stop and search criminal identification law enforcement effectiveness arrest rates public safety violent crime trends handgun prohibition firearm policy criminology urban crime prevention police burden of proof criminal deterrence handgun ban impact on crime handgun ban effectiveness handgun ban and homicide rates reduction in gun violence gun control success stories Washington DC handgun ban results police tactics and gun bans gun ban public safety handgun fatality statistics New England Journal of Medicine gun study University of Maryland gun ban study stop and search effectiveness gun control criminal behavior after gun ban handgun regulation crime reduction U.S. Conference of Mayors gun report handgun ban policy outcomes violent crime decrease gun legislation law enforcement and gun control handgun ban life-saving statistics firearm restrictions and crime rates handgun ban firearm regulation gun control crime reduction homicide rates Washington DC handgun-related deaths gun violence public safety robbery decline assault statistics University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine police effectiveness stop and search criminal deterrence gun crime prevention law enforcement tactics weapons legislation urban crime rates crime statistics firearm policy criminal justice gun ban effectiveness public health firearm-related crime policing strategies handgun ban gun control firearm restrictions DC handgun legislation handgun crime reduction violent crime statistics gun-related deaths law enforcement tactics stop and search effectiveness U.S. Conference of Mayors crime data University of Maryland gun study NEJM firearm research public safety policy effective policing gun crime prevention illegal firearm possession firearm-related homicide rates legislative impact on crime police arrest powers handgun regulation benefits handgun ban crime reduction gun control DC gun laws firearm legislation violent crime statistics homicide rates robbery rates assault rates gun-related deaths public safety police tactics stop and search effectiveness University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine U.S. Conference of Mayors law enforcement criminal deterrence illegal firearms handgun identification crime prevention policy impact urban crime weapon-related arrests legislative outcomes handgun ban gun control crime reduction firearm legislation Washington DC violent crime rates gun-related deaths police effectiveness stop and search U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine public safety law enforcement tactics gun violence prevention homicide rates robbery statistics assault reduction legislative impact criminal deterrence weapon restriction police arrest rates urban crime firearm restriction outcomes
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con03a	Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks journalism news organisation classified information media ethics press freedom anonymous sources source protection transparency accountability editorial standards right of reply corrections policy harm vs public interest whistleblowing investigative journalism media responsibility source verification reporting standards freedom of speech media criticism reputational risk leaks media trust privacy censorship news values journalistic integrity First Amendment fourth estate public interest journalism press freedom journalism ethics whistleblowing platforms classified information disclosure media accountability right to reply media transparency anonymous sources editorial policies news organisation functions investigative journalism harm reduction transparency vs secrecy freedom of speech media corrections public interest journalism watchdog journalism journalistic integrity reputational harm digital privacy reader engagement Wikileaks journalism news organizations classified information media ethics press freedom transparency accountability anonymous sources whistleblowers investigative journalism editorial standards misinformation freedom of speech right of reply media responsibility corrective mechanisms journalistic integrity information disclosure harm minimization media complaints process public interest media transparency media criticism source protection ethical journalism news reporting media trust sensationalism news media standards privacy concerns Wikileaks versus traditional news organizations criticism of Wikileaks journalistic ethics comparison of media roles and responsibilities anonymous sources and transparency in journalism reader rights and corrections policies impact of classified information disclosure freedom of speech and right to reply harm caused by indiscriminate leaking public accountability in media transparency in editorial practices effects on individuals’ safety and livelihoods media organization complaints procedures difference between investigative journalism and leaking ethics of publishing classified information media organization mission statements public interest versus sensationalism security concerns for whistleblowers and readers anonymity vs accountability in media press freedom and responsible reporting Wikileaks journalism ethics media transparency freedom of speech whistleblowing media accountability anonymous sources classified information press responsibilities investigative journalism source protection right of reply media bias free press information disclosure media standards public interest journalism harm minimization media complaints fact-checking editorial policies reader engagement information leaks media criticism responsible journalism journalistic integrity government surveillance information security news organisations anonymity in journalism Wikileaks criticism journalism ethics classified information leaks news organisation definition press freedom anonymous sources media right to reply media media accountability freedom of speech complaint process media transparency journalistic responsibility Wikileaks anonymity policy media corrections procedure investigative journalism comparison harm of information disclosure whistleblower protections media agenda critique media trustworthiness impact on sources safety ethical journalism standards public interest vs harm Wikileaks journalism media ethics classified information news organizations press freedom whistleblowing anonymous sources investigative journalism source protection prurience egocentricity editorial standards correction policies right to reply free speech transparency public interest information disclosure harm minimization accountability media responsibility complaints procedure misinformation journalistic integrity media criticism reader rights security concerns anonymous leaks reputational risk privacy protection open government censorship news reporting press accountability freedom of expression Wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism ethics press freedom anonymous sources freedom of speech right of reply media accountability media transparency investigative journalism media responsibility whistleblowing harm vs. public interest media complaints process corrections policy source protection media objectivity fake news alternative media transparency in media Wikileaks controversy media standards public interest journalism media criticism responsible journalism freedom of the press digital whistleblowing government leaks online anonymity Wikileaks news organisation classified information investigative journalism media ethics whistleblowers press freedom anonymity transparency media accountability journalistic standards reader rights right to reply media corrections freedom of speech harm of disclosure responsible journalism media critique ethical reporting source protection anonymity vs accountability news function comparison impact on individuals media complaints process reputation management transparency policies Wikileaks journalism ethics media organizations classified information investigative journalism freedom of speech right to reply press accountability anonymous sources editorial policy source protection harm vs public interest media transparency corrections policy press standards whistleblowing media criticism journalistic standards news reporting press freedom reader engagement media responsibility
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con01a	Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. developed nations immigration policy migrant responsibility colonial legacy historical accountability global inequality migration drivers imperialism industrialization impact refugee intake capacity to absorb migrants economic resources job creation state investment legal frameworks anti-discrimination laws multiculturalism migrant integration diversity tolerance diaspora communities humanitarian obligation social justice developed world obligations ethical migration policies developed countries migrant responsibility migration policy historical responsibility colonial legacy imperialism industrialisation global inequalities migration drivers accepting migrants refugee acceptance migration capacity labor market state investment legal frameworks equality laws multiculturalism migrant integration diversity immigrant communities tolerance social inclusion humanitarian obligations global north global south developed world developing world immigration policy refugee resettlement economic migration refugee policy immigration policy global justice colonial legacy economic inequality migrant integration absorption capacity labor markets host countries multiculturalism social responsibility human rights international law demographic trends asylum seeker support economic migrants legal frameworks anti-discrimination laws diversity historical accountability burden sharing migration ethics developed world obligations north-south divide population movement global migration resettlement programs refugee quotas international cooperation reconstruction aid inclusive societies developed countries responsibility migrants developed countries historical responsibility migration colonialism impact migration imperialism migration responsibility industrialisation and global inequalities developed world legacy migration absorption capacity migrants developed nations capacity developed countries migrants migrant job opportunities developed countries state investment migrant integration legal frameworks migrant rights laws equality migrants developed countries multiculturalism developed countries existing migrant communities developed nations cultural diversity benefits migration migrant tolerance developed world Japan migration exception developed countries fair treatment migrants developed countries versus developing countries migrant responsibility global inequality migration causes developed countries migrant responsibility historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialization global inequalities migration drivers absorbing migrants economic capacity job creation state investment legal framework migrant rights equality laws fair treatment social integration multiculturalism diaspora communities tolerance diversity global justice ethical obligations international migration refugee intake immigration policy equitable burden-sharing global north-south relations postcolonialism demographic change historical responsibility for migration legacy of colonialism and migration economic impact of migration developed countries developed countries migrant absorption capacity legal frameworks for migrants migrant integration developed world impact of imperialism on migration diversity and tolerance in developed countries migrant communities in developed nations reasons for accepting more migrants migration and global inequality moral obligation developed countries migrants state investment and immigrant jobs developed vs developing countries migration multiculturalism in developed nations developed countries migration responsibility migrant acceptance historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation global inequalities migration drivers migrant capacity economic capacity job opportunities investment potential legal framework equality laws diversity migrant communities multiculturalism tolerance social integration immigration policy refugee intake humanitarian obligation global justice ethical responsibility resource distribution population absorption social services international relations human rights global north global south developed countries migration responsibility historical migration responsibility colonialism and migration imperialism impact on migration industrialisation migration effects global inequality migration accepting migrants developed countries immigrant absorption capacity developed vs developing countries migration job opportunities for migrants state investment for integration legal framework migrants equality laws migrants fair treatment migrants multiculturalism and tolerance migrant communities developed countries migration diversity benefits developed nations immigration policy obligations to migrants developed countries migration and social justice developed countries migrant responsibility historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation global inequalities migration causes capacity to absorb migrants economic capacity job opportunities state investment migration laws equality fair treatment multiculturalism diversity tolerance migrant communities assimilation integration social cohesion developed vs developing countries refugee policy humanitarian obligation migration policy economic impact of migration legal framework for migrants demographic trends international relations Japan migration policy immigration policy refugee resettlement global inequality historical responsibility colonial legacy economic capacity labor markets multiculturalism integration policies social cohesion legal frameworks migration drivers demographic trends humanitarian obligation international law asylum seekers diversity benefits economic development population decline welfare state ethical responsibility global justice brain drain remittances international cooperation migrant rights
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro01a	It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 refugee resettlement migrant distribution asylum policy burden-sharing relocation mechanism migration equity fair share host countries international responsibility first country of asylum migration crisis humanitarian assistance displaced persons conflict zones safe countries geographic distribution developed nations refugee quotas solidarity mechanism responsibility-sharing global migration population displacement migrant flows asylum seekers refugee camps international cooperation migration policy migrant burden migration justice refugee hosting migrant redistribution refugee burden sharing asylum policy safe country principle migration fairness developed countries responsibility refugee relocation international solidarity migrant quotas EU migration policy migrant crisis asylum seeker distribution international refugee law humanitarian responsibility hosting refugees migrant resettlement programs conflict-driven migration natural disaster migrants equitable burden sharing global migration solutions migrant redistribution asylum policy refugee burden sharing migration justice first safe country rule refugee quotas migrant resettlement international solidarity migration burden host country responsibilities refugee hosting EU migration policy global migration agreements refugee crisis migration fairness conflict-driven migration natural disaster displacement equitable migration policy burden sharing mechanism international refugee law redistribution of migrants migrant burden sharing fair asylum policy refugee relocation schemes equitable refugee distribution international refugee quota migration justice asylum seeker allocation geographic lottery in migration developed countries migration responsibility refugee crisis solutions first safe country rule migrant inflow management host country support mechanisms Lebanon Syrian refugees impact refugee resettlement programs migrant policy reform global migration cooperation asylum system overhaul conflict zone migration refugee integration policy wealthy nations refugee assistance responsible migration governance cross-border displacement solutions humanitarian migration burden refugee burden redistribution migrant redistribution refugee burden sharing asylum policy safe country rule first country of asylum geographic luck migration flows refugee resettlement humanitarian migration conflict zones natural disaster displacement Syrian refugees Lebanon migration UNHCR refugee data migration responsibility migration policy equitable migrant distribution developed countries migration forced migration international refugee law migrant redistribution refugee burden sharing asylum policy reform equitable migration policy migrant quotas international refugee resettlement fair share of migrants EU relocation mechanism global migration cooperation rich countries migrant responsibility asylum seeker distribution host country burden migration justice migrant crisis solutions safe country asylum rule conflict-driven migration forced displacement policy resettlement funding geography and migration migration responsibility sharing migrant redistribution asylum policy geographic disparities refugee burden-sharing migrant influx safe country principle conflict zones bordering countries refugee host nations natural disaster migration developed countries responsibility refugee resettlement mechanisms equitable migrant distribution international migration policy humanitarian response asylum seeker distribution migration fairness rich countries obligations refugee crisis UNHCR data Syrian refugees Lebanon refugee statistics global migration governance refugee redistribution migrant burden-sharing asylum policy first safe country rule immigration justice geographic inequality migrants host country responsibility refugee quotas developed countries refugee support conflict zone migration disaster migration impact Syrian refugees Lebanon refugee resettlement fair migration policies international refugee mechanism UNHCR refugee statistics migration burden Europe equitable migrant allocation asylum seeker distribution global migration responsibility migrant redistribution refugee burden sharing asylum policy migrant quotas international cooperation immigration fairness developed countries responsibility safe country rule conflict zones migration natural disaster migration refugee resettlement humanitarian response Syria refugees Lebanon migration UNHCR data global migration policy equitable migrant distribution migration justice EU asylum system refugee crisis management migrant redistribution refugee burden sharing equitable asylum policies refugee resettlement geographic refugee distribution asylum seeker allocation host country support first safe country rule conflict zone migration natural disaster migration Syrian refugees Lebanon refugee crisis UNHCR data migration policy international burden sharing refugee host countries developed country responsibility asylum system reform migrant influx management global migration equity
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con01a	A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, NSA surveillance government surveillance privacy invasion whistleblower protection government accountability intelligence community data privacy state retaliation dissent suppression civil liberties government transparency surveillance state political repression democracy erosion information weaponization national security Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame affair government leaks press freedom chilling effect Obama administration leak prosecution intelligence abuse personal data access spying scandals NSA surveillance government surveillance privacy rights civil liberties intelligence agencies whistleblower protection government transparency dissent suppression state retaliation mass data collection surveillance state democratic accountability abuse of power government overreach privacy invasion Edward Snowden Joseph C. Wilson Plame affair Obama administration leaks press freedom chilling effect Fourth Amendment whistleblower prosecution warrantless surveillance intelligence leaks public oversight democratic erosion national security vs. privacy surveillance threats government secrecy retaliation against dissidents democratic erosion government surveillance civil liberties whistleblower protection intelligence agencies privacy rights NSA scandals government accountability transparency political dissent surveillance state freedom of speech chilling effect information misuse state power abuse press freedom Snowden leak prosecution governmental overreach Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame affair national security vs. democracy Obama administration uranium intelligence invasion of Iraq intelligence manipulation retaliation against whistleblowers Foreign Policy The New York Times democracy under surveillance NSA surveillance and whistleblowers government retaliation against dissent intelligence apparatus and privacy risks whistleblower suppression effects chilling effect on investigative journalism intelligence leaks and democratic damage privacy erosion in democratic societies intelligence agencies accountability impact of surveillance on free speech precedent of government retribution case studies of intelligence abuse surveillance programs and press freedom protecting dissent in surveillance states surveillance and government transparency historical examples of surveillance overreach privacy rights and national security surveillance state consequences for democracy surveillance programs and civil liberties government intimidation and democratic function democracy NSA surveillance personal privacy intelligence apparatus dissent government investigation whistleblower protection state power abuse compliance enforcement career retaliation Joseph C. Wilson intelligence manipulation Iraq invasion Department of Defense Obama administration government leaks prosecution of leakers democratic damage Foreign Policy The New York Times national security civil liberties whistleblower chilling effect data privacy political dissent surveillance chilling effect press freedom intelligence oversight government accountability privacy rights NSA surveillance democracy threat whistleblowers government transparency intelligence overreach civil liberties privacy invasion chilling effect government accountability state dissent information misuse surveillance and democracy leaking repercussions Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame affair Obama administration leaks whistleblower protection state retaliation surveillance state intelligence abuse national security personal data access government investigation freedom of speech privacy rights political dissent democratic erosion Fourth Amendment mass surveillance intelligence community oversight NSA surveillance civil liberties government transparency whistleblowers state secrecy privacy rights intelligence oversight press freedom dissent suppression chilling effect government accountability Snowden surveillance abuse mass data collection Fourth Amendment executive power warrantless surveillance retaliation diplomatic exposure media investigations leak prosecution Obama administration intelligence manipulation Iraq war Uranium from Niger Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame Department of Defense Foreign Policy New York Times national security vs democracy ethical government whistleblower protection threats to democracy NSA surveillance intelligence overreach whistleblower protection government transparency dissent suppression privacy invasion mass surveillance civil liberties state power abuse whistleblower retaliation intelligence agency accountability metadata collection government leaks information weaponization Joseph C. Wilson Plame affair Obama administration leaks media censorship press freedom democratic erosion surveillance state citizen privacy rights government whistleblowers espionage cases personal data misuse state intimidation investigative journalism risks whistleblower prosecution authoritarian tendencies democracy surveillance NSA privacy government transparency whistleblower protection investigative journalism intelligence abuse dissent suppression state surveillance civil liberties government accountability Edward Snowden Obama administration leaks Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame affair uranium Niger controversy Department of Defense leaks Foreign Policy article New York Times investigation national security vs privacy intelligence oversight chilling effect on dissent prosecuting whistleblowers press freedom political retaliation mass data collection surveillance state risks NSA surveillance privacy rights civil liberties whistleblowers government transparency intelligence oversight surveillance state dissent suppression journalist protection government accountability Edward Snowden mass data collection Fourth Amendment surveillance abuse government leaks whistleblower retaliation intelligence community national security democratic erosion constitutional rights privacy invasion press freedom government secrecy surveillance reform chilling effect political dissent state retaliation whistleblower legislation metadata collection information weaponization
test-education-egtuscpih-con01a	Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. MOOC funding sustainability revenue sharing non-profit platforms for-profit platforms university budgets higher education finance online course economics university-MOOC partnership alternative business models state funding withdrawal credit courses pricing tuition reduction financial viability course monetization education disruption institutional support funding depletion academic compensation traditional vs online learning MOOC sustainability online education funding e-learning business models MOOC revenue streams financial challenges MOOCs university funding crisis non-profit MOOC platforms for-profit MOOC platforms online course monetization university-MOOC partnerships higher education economics digital learning disruption impact MOOCs university finances MOOC chargeable courses state funding universities online course pricing challenges online university models MOOCs university dependency credit-bearing MOOCs traditional vs online education economics MOOC revenue models online education funding university-MOOC partnerships sustainability of MOOCs higher education disruption nonprofit MOOC platforms for-profit MOOC economics state funding and MOOCs traditional university finances chargeable online courses MOOC credit courses tuition displacement digital learning economics university budget impact academic resource allocation affordable online degrees financial sustainability online learning cost of MOOCs universities vs MOOCs future of higher education financing MOOC financial sustainability online course revenue models impact of MOOCs on university funding MOOCs versus traditional universities university-MOOC partnerships for-profit versus non-profit MOOCs viability of paid MOOCs sustainability of online education platforms MOOCs and state funding for universities competitive pricing of online courses MOOCs replacing traditional university learning threats to university financial models from MOOCs MOOC credit courses and university enrollment university funding depletion due to MOOCs future of online course monetization university reliance on traditional funding financial threats posed by MOOCs MOOC platform monetization strategies shifting student preference to online courses mitigation of MOOC impact on higher MOOC sustainability online course funding models university financial support MOOC revenue streams for-profit MOOC platforms nonprofit MOOC platforms university-MOOC partnerships state funding withdrawal impacts Mitchell Duneier Coursera MOOC course pricing chargeable online courses university financial challenges traditional vs online education MOOC credit courses impact on university enrollment higher education funding depletion MOOC and university competition online learning monetization revenue sharing in MOOCs future of university funding MOOC financial sustainability online course revenue models university funding and MOOCs traditional university vs MOOC challenges in MOOC monetization non-profit MOOC platforms for-profit MOOCs MOOC-university partnerships revenue sharing MOOCs impact of MOOCs on higher education funding economic impact of MOOCs online education business models credit-bearing MOOCs MOOC pricing strategies competition between MOOCs and universities disruption of traditional education funding financial dependency of MOOCs on universities state funding withdrawal and MOOCs sustainability challenges in online education monetization of massive open online courses future of university funding with MOOCs MOOC financial sustainability online course funding non-profit MOOC platforms for-profit MOOC models university-MOOC revenue sharing MOOC university collaboration traditional university funding academic material provision tuition models cost recovery online education low-cost course pricing impact on university budgets state funding withdrawal chargeable MOOCs for credit competition online vs traditional universities revenue depletion higher education educational funding crisis sustainability online learning platforms MOOC impact on higher education digital vs campus education economics Mitchell Duneier Coursera case MOOC revenue models online course sustainability MOOC university funding non-profit MOOC platforms for-profit MOOC platforms revenue sharing in MOOCs impact of MOOCs on university funding online course tuition models traditional university financial models academic compensation in MOOCs chargeable online courses MOOCs for university credit disruption of higher education funding state funding withdrawal academic content for MOOCs MOOC pricing strategies university-MOOC relationships MOOC financial challenges future of online education funding MOOC sustainability online education revenue MOOC funding challenges university financial impact non-profit MOOC platforms for-profit MOOC models MOOC-university partnerships MOOC revenue sharing state funding withdrawal impact on traditional universities chargeable MOOCs affordable online courses online credit courses university resource depletion higher education disruption alternative education models MOOC business strategies educational funding crisis university-MOOC relationships digital learning economics income sources for MOOCs academic resource provision MOOC tuition pricing sustainable online education financial viability of MOOCs MOOC business models MOOC sustainability online courses funding university revenue higher education finance MOOC monetization edtech economics tuition alternatives cost structure academic partnerships online education challenges non-profit MOOC for-profit MOOC MOOC platform-university relations credential pricing course credit fees university state funding traditional vs online education financial impact MOOCs education technology funding revenue sharing models academic resource allocation digital learning economy online credential competition university financial challenges alternate education funding
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro04a	It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. international broadcasting veto power sectional interests media governance BBC content policy program diversity audience responsibility offence prevention viewer choice content moderation broadcast standards freedom of expression content regulation viewership preferences media ethics program selection content controversy broadcaster accountability audience engagement self-regulation broadcasting standards editorial independence viewer responsibility content diversity censorship BBC programming minority veto offence avoidance public broadcasting content regulation audience choice media ethics program selection free expression controversial content public interest self-censorship audience engagement trust in media programming policy BBC international broadcaster content regulation veto power sectional interests viewer responsibility offence media censorship programme diversity audience choice programming policy content standards media ethics broadcast governance public broadcasting controversial content viewer discretion free expression complaint handling editorial independence BBC editorial independence media censorship implications broadcaster responsibility viewer responsibility program diversity veto power consequences offensive content handling public broadcaster challenges minority interest influence freedom of expression in broadcasting audience self-selection content regulation debates balancing diverse interests avoiding offense in media impact of minority groups on media public service broadcasting ethics BBC international broadcaster veto powers sectional interests content diversity censorship viewer responsibility offensive content broadcast ethics public broadcasting programming choices audience interests media regulation editorial freedom program complaints content standards freedom of expression audience participation diversity in media media accountability broadcasting editorial independence BBC content regulation audience responsibility program censorship freedom of expression in media public broadcaster viewer choice offense in media content media pluralism balancing diverse interests in programming veto power in broadcasting broadcaster vs viewer responsibility avoiding offense in programming editorial policy BBC content diversity public media managing viewer complaints BBC veto power international broadcaster programming diversity viewer responsibility content censorship audience interest offensive content self-censorship public broadcasting media regulation programming policy minority interests viewership content moderation freedom of expression editorial decisions broadcasting ethics content selection subjective offense broadcasting ethics BBC content regulation audience responsibility content censorship media self-censorship editorial independence public broadcasting policies viewer discretion freedom of expression offence in broadcasting program diversity minority veto power media accountability broadcasting standards audience choice content complaints program suitability controversial content television complaints public interest broadcasting BBC international broadcaster content regulation veto power audience interests program censorship viewer responsibility offensive content media diversity broadcasting standards program selection content appeal media ethics viewer choice audience engagement public broadcasting content moderation responsibility sharing broadcast policy program diversity BBC broadcaster responsibility audience responsibility content censorship veto power media regulation offensive content viewer discretion programming diversity freedom of expression media ethics content standards public broadcasting audience preferences self-censorship minority interests broadcasting policy programme selection viewer complaints cultural sensitivity
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek default Eurozone stability euro exit Grexit euro resilience single currency euro survival euro strength German competitiveness Deutsche Mark Eurozone policy population eurozone investment eurozone economic recovery market confidence financial stability policy response eurozone integrity euro area eurozone investment crisis resolution European Union currency union monetary policy financial markets economic uncertainty risk perception international investment euro transaction economic stimulus Greek default Grexit Eurozone stability euro currency single currency euro crisis German competitiveness deutschmark currency strength eurozone investment eurozone transactions eurozone uncertainty eurozone fear eurozone economy eurozone integration eurozone monetary policy European Central Bank eurozone leadership sovereign debt crisis financial markets currency union Greece debt crisis eurozone policy eurozone recovery eurozone resilience eurozone government response Greek debt crisis Grexit Eurozone breakup euro stability financial contagion single currency sovereign default European Central Bank euro area resilience policy response currency devaluation German competitiveness market confidence investment flows fiscal union economic recovery banking sector European integration euro membership investor sentiment Greek default impact eurozone stability Greek exit effects eurozone post-Grexit euro scenario advantages eurozone after Greek departure eurozone currency integrity after Greek exit Greece eurozone departure investment effects eurozone member competitiveness after Grexit euro value after Greek default German currency policy eurozone policy responses post-Greek exit investment trends eurozone after default eurozone economic resilience Greek exit uncertainty reduction eurozone Greek default future of single currency without Greece attract investment eurozone post-Grexit eurozone transaction levels Greek exit protecting eurozone after Greek departure eurozone leadership crisis response eurozone Greek default Eurozone stability Euro exit euro continuity German currency strength deutschmark impact euro value competitiveness single currency euro population policy response investment attraction transaction volumes uncertainty reduction financial fear Eurozone leaders monetary policy economic impact Eurozone crisis Greek departure consequences Guardian article Nick Parsons European monetary union financial markets investor confidence euro resilience currency union economic integration financial stability Greek default effects Eurozone stability Grexit implications euro resilience German currency policy deutschmark risks Eurozone population impact post-Grexit investment Eurozone uncertainty reduction single currency future Eurozone economic integration foreign investment Eurozone Eurozone transaction increase Eurozone policy response Eurozone crisis management Greek default Eurozone stability euro continuation Grexit currency strength German deutschmark euro value Eurozone population single currency policy protection Eurozone members economic uncertainty investment levels transaction volume financial crisis European Union monetary union fiscal policy economic competitiveness European financial markets investor confidence currency fluctuation economic recovery Eurozone leadership financial security market stabilization economic integration Greek default Eurozone stability Grexit euro currency Eurozone crisis single currency Germany currency strength deutschmark Eurozone investment Eurozone competitiveness Greece exit benefits Eurozone population policy response Eurozone financial markets Eurozone investor confidence Eurozone integration sovereign debt crisis Eurozone economic outlook Eurozone member states post-Grexit scenario euro resilience contagion effect financial uncertainty Greece economic impact euro sustainability Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit single currency euro future Germany deutschmark currency strength euro competitiveness Eurozone investment Eurozone policy uncertainty reduction financial markets Eurozone leadership economic growth monetary policy European Union financial crisis investor confidence currency union euro survival sovereign debt Greece departure eurozone integration eurozone fear transactional growth euro zone members euro impact EU economy European investment eurozone recovery Greek default Grexit Eurozone stability euro future currency strength deutschmark Germany competitiveness single currency resilience Eurozone investment Eurozone transactions Eurozone policy Greece exit effects financial markets investor confidence economic uncertainty Eurozone integration fiscal policy monetary stability EU economic growth post-Grexit era
test-international-ghbunhf-pro01a	: Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. UN effectiveness peacekeeping conflict resolution international security global governance war prevention United Nations failures Iraq invasion UN resolutions post-1945 armed conflicts Cold War United Nations criticism diplomatic forums intergovernmental organizations war justification peace enforcement international law global peace Security Council humanitarian intervention military intervention UN effectiveness United Nations failures peacekeeping challenges causes of wars post-1945 critique of UN Security Council history of global conflicts Iraq war and UN impact of UN resolutions criticism of international organizations armed conflict statistics post-Cold War conflict trends UN reform limitations of UN authority diplomacy versus enforcement historical critique of UN aims evaluation of UN success global governance United Nations role in war prevention international relations failure to prevent war United Nations effectiveness peacekeeping conflict resolution UN Security Council failures successes global conflicts war prevention post-1945 wars criticism of UN Iraq invasion UN role international relations military intervention diplomatic efforts humanitarian intervention dispute mediation international law critique of UN world peace UN charter multilateralism international cooperation global governance effectiveness of UN in preventing wars UN failures in conflict prevention criticisms of UN peacekeeping history of armed conflicts since 1945 UN role in Iraq war 2003 misuse of UN resolutions UN Security Council limitations global conflict trends post-1945 UN as a platform for diplomatic conflict UN impact on international peace academic research on war frequency post-Cold War conflict statistics UN legitimacy in international law UN challenges in enforcing peace criticisms of multilateral institutions factors affecting UN conflict resolution statistical analysis of wars after WWII UN influence on global security performance of UN interventions international relations and United Nations effectiveness UN failure to prevent war UN peacekeeping UN Security Council critique of United Nations post-1945 armed conflicts UN as diplomatic forum UN role Iraq invasion global conflict trends history of wars since 1945 criticism of UN resolutions Mark Harrison Nikolaus Wolf war frequency UN dispute resolution international relations post-Cold War conflict decline limitations of UN authority United Nations history global peacekeeping organizations military conflicts post-WWII effectiveness of international institutions UN effectiveness UN peacekeeping failures global conflicts after 1945 critique of UN Security Council UN and Iraq war limitations of UN resolutions history of armed conflicts UN dispute resolution UN’s role in world peace shortcomings of international organizations UN’s achievements and failures effectiveness of international law evaluating UN's main purpose Security Council veto power UN as a diplomatic forum UN failure case studies post-WWII conflicts statistics impact of Cold War on conflicts UN intervention in wars international conflict trends United Nations UN effectiveness war prevention global conflicts UN Security Council peacekeeping UN criticisms Iraq invasion UN resolutions post-1945 conflicts Cold War armed conflicts statistics international disputes peace enforcement diplomatic failures conflict resolution UN purpose global security international relations Security Council veto peace and security UN failure UN effectiveness UN purpose prevent war global conflicts UN criticism peacekeeping shortcomings Iraq invasion UN UN resolutions wars post-1945 conflicts armed conflicts data Cold War impact UN dispute resolution UN peace mission UN as debate forum UN historical analysis UN wars statistics international relations UN accountability UN reform UN effectiveness United Nations criticism history of UN interventions post-1945 armed conflicts Security Council failures Iraq War UN involvement global conflict trends peacekeeping operations international dispute resolution UN resolutions and war history of peace efforts Security Council veto UN reform proposals correlation UN presence and conflict academic studies on war frequency global governance effectiveness criticism of multilateral institutions UN effectiveness United Nations criticism failure to prevent wars history of UN interventions UN Security Council Iraq war UN role global conflict trends post-1945 armed conflicts peacekeeping limitations UN resolutions misuse diplomatic disputes UN Cold War conflicts UN reforms statistical analysis wars international relations conflict prevention organizations
test-international-siacphbnt-con04a	Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. technology monopoly private sector benefits technology distribution business model technology technology profits technology hype global tech giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youth sustainable technology technology monopolisation multinational companies small businesses technology profit leakage technology investment Africa community partnerships local economic development youth job creation recirculation of profits African entrepreneurship technology sustainability tech giants Africa partnerships technology impact private sector multinational corporations technology monopolies business models profit distribution technology giants IBM Google youth entrepreneurship sustainable technology local economic development small business barriers technology investment Africa technology partnerships community engagement profit repatriation technology markets entrepreneurial ecosystems multinational investment technology and jobs digital divide technology access technology-driven inequality inclusive innovation local empowerment technology in Africa technology monopoly multinational corporations business models profit distribution local entrepreneurship youth employment sustainable technology technology investment Africa community partnerships small business development technology giants economic impact digital inclusion innovation ecosystems local economies corporate social responsibility market barriers technology access wealth redistribution technology impact on private companies technology economic distribution technology business models technology profits and inequality technology multinationals in Africa IBM Google technology influence entrepreneurialism and youth technology technology sustainability in Africa technology monopolisation effects small business barriers technology technology profits and local communities technology investment localization tech giants partnership Africa technology and youth employment Africa sustainable technology entrepreneurship technology market dominance effects recirculation of technology profits technology investment Africa benefits enabling African tech startups multinational technology partnership models overcoming technology market monopolies community partnership with tech giants African technological innovation challenges for youth in tech entrepreneurship tech technology monopolies private sector benefits multinational corporations technology business models profit distribution local economic impact technological sustainability youth entrepreneurship African technology sector global tech giants small business barriers community partnerships technology investment in Africa technology recirculation economic inequality tech market concentration sustainable development technology and jobs local empowerment corporate social responsibility technology for development technology impact on small businesses technology benefits for local communities technology monopolies in Africa multinational tech companies in Africa youth entrepreneurship and technology sustainable technology use technology profits in Africa local technology partnerships technology investment and job creation barriers for small tech businesses corporate social responsibility technology Africa inclusive technology growth community-based technology initiatives recirculation of tech profits Africa technology and economic development fostering tech innovation among youth technology benefits private companies business model profit-driven technology provision technology distribution global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youth entrepreneurship sustainable technology technology monopolies multinational corporations small businesses market barriers local economies profit repatriation Africa investment community partnership youth employment technology investment local business support economic impact technology sustainability technological inclusion corporate social responsibility innovation developing economies digital divide technology benefits private companies business model technology provision technology distribution technology function profit motive technology losers technology hype global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youth entrepreneurship technology sustainability technology monopolisation multinational technology companies small business constraints technology market entry profit repatriation local economic impact Africa technology investment community partnerships small business partnerships Africa youth employment sustainable technology technology ecosystem Africa multinational-local partnerships recirculation of profits technology localization tech company responsibilities youth empowerment technology African start-ups technology-driven employment technology and inequality technology access equitable distribution community partnership local innovation technology and entrepreneurship youth empowerment sustainable technology multinational corporations small business support technology monopolies profit recirculation African development local economies corporate social responsibility technology investment Africa inclusive innovation youth job creation technology policy barriers to entry tech ecosystem Africa technology impact private sector business model profit distribution technology monopolies multinational corporations entrepreneurship youth employment sustainable technology local economies Africa community partnerships small businesses technology investment economic development tech giants IBM Google technology sustainability market competition digital divide corporate social responsibility
test-science-dssghsdmd-con03a	The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. strategic defense initiative missile defense effectiveness ballistic missile interception R&D military technology US defense spending Reagan administration defense policy missile defense costs scientific assessment missile defense technical challenges missile interception missile defense criticism test results missile defense national missile defense program defense budget analysis military technology feasibility government investment defense systems missile defense strategic defense initiative SDI Reagan administration missile defense costs missile defense effectiveness missile interception R&D military spending US defense budget ballistic missile defense missile shield government military projects defense technology failure scientist critique missile defense anti-ballistic missile system military technology investment US missile defense program flaws in missile defense defense system cancellation historical missile defense efforts test results missile defense taxpayer funding missile defense military spending analysis cost-benefit defense systems national missile defense missile defense skepticism missile defense strategic defense initiative SDI Reagan administration ballistic missile defense BMD government spending military technology R&D defense budget technological effectiveness scientific criticism defense contractors failure rate national security cost-benefit analysis threat detection interceptor missiles program evaluation engineering challenges defense policy military procurement technological feasibility arms race alternative defense strategies cost-benefit analysis of missile defense effectiveness of strategic defense systems history of US missile defense spending Reagan administration missile defense initiatives scientific critique of missile defense systems problems with missile interception technology analysis of failed missile defense tests future prospects of missile defense technology Congressional oversight on missile defense budget alternatives to missile defense spending impact of missile defense on national security expert opinions on missile defense evaluation of missile defense program outcomes strategic implications of missile defense efficacy technological challenges in missile interception policy recommendations for missile defense investments public opinion on missile defense funding international comparisons of missile defense systems unintended consequences of missile defense programs missile defense strategic defense initiative Reagan administration research and development military expenditure missile interception weapon system effectiveness ballistic missile defense defense technology government spending project cost-benefit analysis scientific criticism technological feasibility defense policy US military budget national security weapons testing system reliability defense project cancellation missile shield ICBM interception defense system limitations Pentagon defense programs missile defense effectiveness missile defense criticism US missile defense spending Reagan Strategic Defense Initiative missile defense technological challenges missile interceptor tests scientists view missile defense cost-benefit analysis missile defense US government missile defense investment strategic defense program failures intercontinental ballistic missile interception military R&D spending effectiveness scrapping missile defense programs missile defense program costs future of missile defense missile defense strategic defense initiative Reagan administration research and development military spending technology effectiveness national security ballistic missile defense scientific criticism defense budget project cost test results system reliability government investment military technology defense policy intercontinental ballistic missiles efficiency evaluation feasibility studies arms race technological challenges program cancellation cost-benefit analysis defense contractors military innovation defense failures missile defense system strategic defense initiative SDI Reagan Star Wars program cost-effectiveness missile defense missile defense funding missile defense failure missile interception challenges US government defense spending missile defense technology development effectiveness of missile defense missile defense criticism scientists opinion missile defense missile defense research intercontinental ballistic missile interception missile defense test results ballistic missile defense system military technology investment US defense budget defense technology skepticism missile defense cost-benefit analysis Strategic Defense Initiative Reagan administration military spending technology effectiveness research and development interception challenges ballistic missile defense scientific evaluation program failures government funding defense policy national security military technology testing technological feasibility arms race defense budget weapon system reliability policy recommendations missile defense criticism strategic defense initiative Reagan administration cost-benefit analysis ballistic missile defense system effectiveness scientific opposition technology limitations weapon interception challenges R&D spending government military funding project cancellation arguments national security debate missile shield feasibility defense program evaluations
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro02a	"Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy democracy promotion regime change foreign intervention humanitarian intervention democratization nation-building self-determination oppressive regimes international support NATO intervention Libya Arab Spring civil resistance external assistance liberation movements moral obligation political oppression sovereignty responsibility to protect democratic uprising autocratic suppression democratic transition support for rebels global justice intervention ethics democracy promotion regime change humanitarian intervention foreign intervention democratization NATO Libya intervention Arab Spring oppressive regimes civil resistance military intervention supporting rebels moral obligation democratic movements external support right to self-determination political oppression state sovereignty intervention ethics responsibility to protect nation-building international relations democratic transition regime suppression political rights foreign assistance democracy promotion foreign intervention regime change humanitarian intervention nation-building international support democratic transition oppressive regimes civil resistance external assistance moral obligation NATO interventions Arab Spring Libya conflict democratization movements sovereignty vs intervention supporting rebels human rights military intervention international law responsible intervention democratization aid conflict resolution political oppression legitimacy of intervention global governance imposing democracy pros and cons foreign intervention for democracy moral justification for democratic intervention supporting democracy abroad NATO intervention Libya analysis Arab Spring external support democratization by force ethical arguments for regime change military intervention for human rights democracy promotion strategies effectiveness of external aid in revolutions NATO role in Arab Spring legitimacy of democracy imposition internal vs external democratization humanitarian intervention and democracy supporting oppressed populations intervention in authoritarian regimes international responsibility to protect democracy advantages of supporting democracy movements case studies of forced democratization imposing democracy democratic intervention external intervention NATO Libya intervention Arab Spring democratization oppressive regimes supporting rebels moral obligation regime change internal resistance human rights protection international intervention lack of resources regime suppression foreign policy nation-building humanitarian intervention pro-democracy movements international responsibility military intervention James Traub legitimacy of intervention supporting self-determination ethical intervention just war theory democracy promotion democratic intervention regime change humanitarian intervention foreign policy ethics NATO Libya intervention Arab Spring democratization supporting internal movements external support for democracy moral justification for intervention imposing democracy debate assisting oppressed populations international responsibility to protect intervention against authoritarian regimes resources for democratic movements democracy promotion regime change humanitarian intervention nation-building foreign intervention moral obligation international support democratization Arab Spring NATO intervention Libya conflict oppressive regime self-determination civil resistance internal movements political oppression sovereignty ethical intervention foreign policy right to self-govern military intervention democratization support rebel support external assistance legitimacy international relations democratic rights human rights authoritarianism global justice imposing democracy promoting democracy abroad forced democratization external intervention humanitarian intervention regime change NATO intervention Libya Libya Arab Spring supporting internal movements democracy promotion ethics moral obligation democracy defending human rights oppressive regimes military intervention democracy supporting rebels democratization support international responsibility foreign policy democracy intervention justification authoritarianism opposition national sovereignty democracy humanitarian responsibility ethical intervention regime suppression international alliances democracy democracy promotion regime change humanitarian intervention NATO intervention Libya Arab Spring democratization external support oppressed populations moral obligation internal resistance authoritarian regimes popular sovereignty international intervention foreign policy civil rights nation-building self-determination military intervention assistance to rebels oppressed citizens ethical responsibility global governance political transition governance reform anti-authoritarian movements democracy promotion regime change humanitarian intervention moral responsibility external intervention nation-building democratic transition Libya intervention NATO actions Arab Spring internal resistance oppressive regimes democratic movements foreign aid ethical justification national sovereignty international relations democratization legitimacy of intervention rebel support"
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro02a	A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. strategic missile defense ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles nuclear deterrence US missile defense shield Aegis combat system sea-based missile defense land-based missile defense space-based missile defense nuclear attack prevention rogue states nuclear terrorism missile threat reduction national security technological advancements in missile defense military alliances US-Europe defense cooperation missile defense diplomacy naval missile defense missile shield effectiveness counter-nuclear threats US homeland security global missile proliferation international security strategy ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles Aegis combat system strategic defense initiative nuclear deterrence sea-based missile defense ground-based interceptor space-based missile defense missile shield effectiveness US missile defense allied missile defense nuclear threats rogue states terrorist missile attack NATO missile defense defense technology advancements missile interception missile shield reliability military diplomacy arms control proliferation prevention defense policy missile defense deployment naval missile defense homeland security nuclear war prevention ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles nuclear deterrence Aegis combat system sea-based missile defense ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense US missile shield NATO missile defense rogue states nuclear proliferation terrorism strategic defense initiative technological advancement military diplomacy naval missile defense international security arms control nonproliferation missile interception threat assessment homeland security allied cooperation defense policy The Economist missile technology development missile shield effectiveness strategic missile defense shield expansion ballistic missile defense effectiveness anti-ballistic missile technology advancements U.S. and allied missile defense cooperation naval-based missile defense systems Aegis combat system deployment missile defense shield and nuclear deterrence missile defense against rogue states missile defense and terrorism threats comparison of ground versus sea-based missile defense political implications of missile defense deployments technological breakthroughs in missile interception missile defense and international security future of missile defense technology United States missile defense policy European missile defense integration diplomatic challenges in missile deployment The Economist ballistic missile defense analysis historical development of missile shields U.S. strategic missile defense ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles U.S. missile defense shield Aegis combat system sea-based missile defense land-based missile defense space-based missile defense U.S. allies missile defense nuclear deterrence rogue states missile threat terrorist missile threat missile defense technology advances naval missile defense political implications missile defense U.S. national security nuclear war prevention missile defense Europe anti-nuclear attack measures international security missile shield missile defense diplomacy missile defense shield ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles nuclear deterrence Aegis combat system US missile defense system sea-based missile defense ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense United States national security rogue state missile threats missile defense technology advancements NATO missile defense proliferation of missile technology strategic defense initiatives nuclear war prevention missile shield effectiveness defense against terrorists military defense diplomacy The Economist missile defense analysis strategic missile defense ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles missile defense shield United States US allies nuclear deterrence nuclear attack prevention full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists nuclear proliferation The Economist Aegis combat system US Naval vessels sea-based missile defense ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense response time orbital deployment international diplomacy military technology national security defense policy NATO European missile defense military alliances arms race weapons technology military innovation political implications technological advancements defense systems homeland security strategic missile defense ballistic missile shield anti-ballistic missiles US missile defense Aegis combat system naval missile defense sea-based missile defense missile defense technology nuclear deterrence nuclear war prevention US-Europe missile defense alliance missile shield rogue states missile threat terrorist nuclear threat space-based missile defense ground-based missile defense national missile defense missile defense diplomacy missile threat mitigation The Economist missile defense missile defense effectiveness missile defense advancements US security policy missile defense systems comparison global missile defense missile interceptors missile attack prevention missile defense alliances missile defense political issues missile defense shield ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles strategic defense United States missile defense Aegis combat system sea-based missile defense naval missile defense nuclear deterrence rogue state missile threat terrorist missile threat nuclear war prevention ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense international missile defense cooperation missile defense technology missile defense diplomacy allied missile defense national security missile defense policy missile interception systems strategic missile defense ballistic missile shield anti-ballistic missiles United States defense allied missile defense nuclear deterrence nuclear war prevention rogue state threats terrorist missile attacks Aegis combat system naval missile defense sea-based missile defense land-based missile defense space-based missile defense missile defense technology missile defense diplomacy missile shield effectiveness national missile defense nuclear security missile defense politics
test-international-siacphbnt-pro01a	Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). technology employment youth job creation Sub-Saharan Africa digital skills youth unemployment underemployment informal sector economic inclusion job market transformation ICT adoption digital economy skills development vocational training entrepreneurship gender unemployment gap labor force participation job quality vulnerable employment employment opportunities technological innovation workforce digitalization market access youth empowerment sustainable job growth labor market dynamics startup ecosystem digital entrepreneurship education reform employment policy economic diversification labor market integration youth employment technology adoption digital skills Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment rate vulnerable employment economic inclusion job creation ICT sector informal sector youth underemployment gender disparity labor market access digital economy employment opportunities education and training entrepreneurship workforce development innovation remote work start-ups tech-enabled jobs socioeconomic development youth empowerment labor policy skills gap future of work inclusive growth tech-driven employment youth entrepreneurship digital literacy youth employment Sub-Saharan Africa youth unemployment underemployment informal sector vulnerable employment job creation technology adoption digital skills ICT training inclusive growth innovation labor market economic development entrepreneurship gig economy gender disparities job quality workforce development skills development technological change digital economy employment policy youth empowerment future of work tech startups digital inclusion education technology income generation job access technological advancement labor force participation technology employment Sub-Saharan Africa youth job growth technology digital skills for African youth employment technology-based youth entrepreneurship Africa bridging digital divide youth unemployment Africa inclusive growth technology Africa gender gaps technology employment Africa informal to formal employment technology solutions tech startups Africa youth upskilling African youth technology ICT training unemployment Africa youth technology improving labor market outcomes Africa future of work youth Africa technology-driven job creation Africa technology and vulnerable employment Africa case studies tech jobs sub-Saharan Africa policy technology-driven youth employment Africa barriers to technology adoption youth Africa role of mobile technology youth jobs Africa remote work opportunities Africa youth unemployment technology and job creation Sub-Saharan Africa labor market youth underemployment informal employment digital skills inclusive economic growth employment inequality gender disparities technology access youth entrepreneurship vulnerable employment technology-driven jobs ICT in Africa job market transformation employment quality future of work Africa digital economy youth empowerment skills development youth labor force innovation and employment youth job opportunities labor market trends youth economic inclusion tech industry Africa work4youth report ILO employment statistics regional unemployment rates female youth unemployment youth employment in Sub-Saharan Africa technology and job creation youth unemployment rates Africa impact of technology on youth jobs economic growth inclusivity Africa informal employment youth Africa digital skills African youth gender unemployment gap Africa technology-driven job opportunities Africa addressing vulnerable employment Africa youth labor market trends Sub-Saharan Africa tech industry job growth Africa skills development technology Africa access to quality jobs youths female youth unemployment Africa digital economy employment Africa tech-enabled entrepreneurship youth Africa future of work Sub-Saharan Africa underemployment youth Africa ICT jobs African youths youth employment Sub-Saharan Africa technology adoption digital jobs unemployment rate youth unemployment underemployment vulnerable employment informal labor inclusive economic growth labor market job creation high-quality jobs labor force participation gender disparities female unemployment male unemployment regional unemployment rates digital skills workforce development technology-driven employment job market transformation entrepreneurship innovation access to technology youth empowerment employment opportunities labor market underutilization secure employment informal sector future of work skills development economic inclusion youth labor force tech-enabled jobs youth employment technology and job creation Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment youth underemployment informal employment digital skills for youth economic inclusion gender disparities in employment tech-driven economic growth youth entrepreneurship access to technology digital jobs future of work Africa youth empowerment labour market trends vocational education technology remote work opportunities women in technology African tech startups unemployment statistics Africa Work4Youth data skills mismatch STEM education Africa workforce development socio-economic impact technology Africa innovation and employment ICT for development inclusive economic growth youth-led innovation employment policy Africa youth employment Sub-Saharan Africa technology adoption job creation digital skills employment trends unemployment rate underemployment informal sector inclusive economic growth gender disparity youth labor market vocational training entrepreneurship ICT access workforce development digital economy employment policies skills gap youth empowerment economic opportunities tech startups labor force participation social innovation remote work education technology sustainable jobs job market transformation female unemployment vulnerable employment youth employment Sub-Saharan Africa unemployment rate technology adoption digital skills job creation vulnerable employment inclusive economic growth youth underemployment informal sector labor market dynamics gender disparity regional unemployment variation ICT for development high quality jobs digital economy youth entrepreneurship vocational training access to technology labor force participation employment opportunities job market trends youth empowerment tech-driven jobs workforce development
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro04a	Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. language segregation social isolation peer interaction English acquisition immigrant integration minority language groups social capital student polarization classroom diversity cultural assimilation stereotype formation academic achievement group dynamics language barriers intergroup relations educational outcomes school integration mainstream classrooms ethnic clustering English proficiency bilingual education critique bilingual education disadvantages student segregation limited peer interaction integration challenges English language acquisition social isolation cultural polarization stereotyping minority language groups social capital reduction educational outcomes immigrant integration language barriers peer socialization cross-cultural communication educational policy academic achievement classroom diversity language group separation social cohesion linguistic assimilation community integration bilingual education policy debates segregation social isolation language barriers peer interaction English proficiency academic achievement immigrant integration cultural assimilation stereotype formation linguistic divide social capital minority groups group polarization educational inequality Spanish-speaking students demographic impact social cohesion bilingual school drawbacks policy influence cultural division bilingual education disadvantages bilingual education social segregation bilingual education impact on integration bilingual education peer interaction bilingual education and English fluency bilingual education and stereotypes bilingual education influence on policy bilingual school linguistic diversity bilingual education social grouping bilingual education and minority languages bilingual education and social capital bilingual education Spanish-speaking students impact bilingual versus English immersion bilingual education educational outcomes bilingual education societal impact bilingual education immigrant adaptation bilingual education and cultural assimilation bilingual education and social polarization bilingual education disadvantages bilingual education segregation student interaction limitations English language acquisition peer socialization immigrant integration negative stereotypes policy influence ballot politics in-group out-group dynamics minority language groups social polarization social capital reduction Spanish-speaking students demographic impact educational inequality language barriers in schools multicultural education challenges school segregation effects bilingual education disadvantages bilingual education segregation impact of bilingual education on social integration bilingual education limits peer interaction bilingual education and English proficiency bilingual education stereotypes bilingual education impact on immigrant integration bilingual education and policy bilingual education school environment bilingual education and minority groups bilingual education and social polarization bilingual education Spanish-speaking students bilingual education social capital bilingual education country of origin bilingual education peer effect bilingual education in the US effects of bilingual education on student relationships bilingual education and demographic impacts bilingual education student segregation limited interaction English language acquisition peer integration cultural isolation social polarization immigrant students majority-minority relations language barriers social capital negative stereotypes educational equity language groups social integration demographic impact minority disadvantage cultural assimilation policy influence educational outcomes bilingual education disadvantages bilingual education segregation peer interaction limitations English fluency impact social integration bilingual schools minority language group dynamics student social isolation negative stereotypes bilingual education immigrant student integration social polarization schools bilingual education social capital educational policy language programs English-speaking student exposure cultural division in schools demographic impact bilingual education language group socialization bilingual school social structure language-based student grouping policy influence bilingual education bilingual education and government policy bilingual education disadvantages bilingual education segregation student peer interaction English language acquisition immigrant student integration school social divisions minority language groups social capital impact English-speaking student exposure stereotype development government policy influence educational demographic effects Spanish-speaking student advantages language-based social grouping school community polarization bilingual education disadvantages language segregation peer interaction limitations English language acquisition social isolation immigrant integration negative stereotypes educational policy impact social polarization minority language groups social capital reduction group dynamics in schools Spanish-speaking students demographic impact bilingual school challenges linguistic diversity educational outcomes multicultural education language barriers student socialization
test-politics-glghssi-con03a	Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Barnett formula UK regional funding English subsidy Scottish public finance devolved government spending fiscal transfers North-South divide fiscal redistribution intergovernmental finance UK economic relations Scottish independence finance English taxpayer burden UK fiscal policy regional inequality public expenditure Scotland CPPR report fiscal deficit Scotland funding allocation UK cross-border subsidy Scottish government benefits regional public spending economic dependency Scotland financial support Scotland UK budget distribution Barnett formula UK regional funding Scotland subsidy English taxpayer fiscal transfer UK public spending Scottish devolution intergovernmental finance fiscal arrangements Scotland Scotland England financial relations public finances UK Scottish government budget UK subsidy calculation regional economic disparity UK Centre for Public Policy for Regions CPPR Scotland fiscal policy UK Scottish benefits funding southeast England economy Scotland fiscal deficit Barnett formula UK regional funding English taxpayer subsidy Scotland fiscal deficit devolved government finances Scottish government spending UK intergovernmental transfer public spending per capita UK Scotland economic dependence UK Treasury allocation fiscal transfers UK CPPR report Scotland Scottish independence economics public finance UK regional redistribution UK Scotland vs Southeast England economy UK subsidy calculations Scottish public benefits UK internal funding model McLaren CPPR 2011 Barnett formula explained Barnett formula impact on Scotland English taxpayers subsidizing Scotland UK regional funding formulas Scotland fiscal deficit Scottish independence economic implications Scotland government spending per capita Scotland vs England economic contributions Barnett formula reforms Scottish devolved government benefits intergovernmental fiscal transfers UK Barnett formula controversies Scottish public spending financial relations UK nations Scotland reliance on UK funding Scottish economy post-Barnett formula reforming UK fiscal arrangements Scotland budget sources regional inequalities UK funding CPPR Scotland fiscal studies Scottish government welfare spending Scotland net fiscal balance English taxpayer contribution UK UK funding Barnett formula UK subsidy Scotland public funding English taxpayers regional finance fiscal arrangements devolved government Scotland economic dependency UK intergovernmental transfers public spending by region Scottish budget North-South divide UK Scottish independence economics fiscal decentralization UK CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions Scotland-England financial relations regional subsidies UK English-Scottish economic ties UK regional economic disparity Barnett formula Scottish independence finances UK regional subsidies English taxpayer Scotland subsidy Scotland public spending devolved government funding UK fiscal arrangements Scottish budget deficit Scotland England financial relationship CPPR fiscal report Scottish Government benefits UK funding Scotland English economic support Scotland Scotland net flow funding public policy Barnett effect Scottish dependency on England Scotland fiscal analysis Barnett formula UK regional funding English subsidy to Scotland fiscal transfers Scotland economic dependence public spending in Scotland Scottish government benefits English taxpayer burden net fiscal balance Scotland devolved government funding CPPR report UK budget allocation economic union regional disparities UK intergovernmental finances southeast England subsidies Scottish public services fiscal arrangements financial support Scotland regional economic policy Barnett formula UK regional subsidies Scotland economic dependence English taxpayer Scotland public spending Scotland fiscal deficit UK government funding allocations Scottish devolution finance Scotland net fiscal balance UK intergovernmental relations Scottish independence economics regional inequality UK North-South divide UK public expenditure Scotland CPPR report financial implications Scotland UK fiscal transfers Scottish government budget Scottish benefits funding economic impact Barnett formula Barnett formula UK regional funding English subsidy to Scotland Scottish fiscal deficit UK public spending Scotland economic dependency UK devolved governments Centre for Public Policy for Regions financial implications Scotland Scottish government benefits net fiscal transfer intergovernmental fiscal relations UK English taxpayer Scotland subsidy Scottish public finances fiscal arrangements Scotland regional economic disparities UK Barnett formula fiscal transfer UK regional funding Scottish fiscal deficit English taxpayer subsidy fiscal devolution public spending Scotland intergovernmental finance UK Scottish independence economy devolution settlement Scottish budget net fiscal balance fiscal equalization CPPR report public policy Scotland
test-health-dhpelhbass-con01a	"It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) medical ethics Hippocratic Oath do no harm physician responsibilities patient trust assisted suicide euthanasia involuntary euthanasia doctor-patient relationship moral responsibility legalisation of assisted suicide opposition from medical professionals preserving life medical profession ethical principles end-of-life decisions patient safety professional integrity killing patients medical law health care ethics trust in medicine medical codes physician obligations clinical ethics medical ethics physician responsibility ""do no harm"" Hippocratic Oath trust in medicine assisted suicide euthanasia involuntary euthanasia patient harm medical profession moral burden end-of-life decisions doctor-patient relationship physician opposition legalisation of euthanasia patient safety medical professional opinion ethical dilemma lethal drugs preservation of life medical trust end-of-life care healthcare ethics clinical ethics patient welfare moral responsibility medical ethics do no harm physician responsibility euthanasia assisted suicide Hippocratic Oath patient trust involuntary euthanasia legalisation of assisted suicide medical profession moral responsibility end-of-life decisions palliative care doctor-patient relationship terminal illness medical law professional opposition life preservation healthcare ethics patient safety doctor’s duty medical morality doctor's role in medical ethics dangers of assisted suicide legalization physician moral responsibilities trust in medical profession opposition to euthanasia by doctors Hippocratic Oath and euthanasia physician involvement in patient death ethical dilemmas in end-of-life care effects of legalizing assisted suicide medical professional perspectives on assisted dying prevention of involuntary euthanasia do no harm principle in medicine medical opinion on assisted suicide responsibility in life-ending decisions burden of euthanasia on doctors medical ethics Hippocratic Oath do no harm physician responsibility assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia medical trust patient safety legalisation of euthanasia doctor-patient relationship moral responsibility physician opposition medical profession preservation of life end-of-life care medical opinion ethical dilemmas professional guidelines religious perspectives bioethics medical legal issues patient autonomy healthcare ethics trust in medicine medical ethics do no harm physician responsibility Hippocratic Oath assisted suicide euthanasia debate doctor-patient trust legalisation of assisted dying involuntary euthanasia risks moral burden on doctors medical profession trust opposition to assisted suicide end-of-life care physician’s ethical dilemmas patient safety medical professional opinion preserving life ethical medical practice religious views on euthanasia patient autonomy deadly drugs doctor’s oath medical law physician obligations trust in medicine medical ethics do no harm Hippocratic Oath assisted suicide euthanasia physician responsibilities trust in medicine patient safety medical profession involuntary euthanasia legalisation of assisted suicide moral burden medical decision-making patient autonomy end-of-life care medical opposition medical ethics principles preserving life doctor-patient relationship palliative care dying with dignity medical trust ethical dilemmas killing patients professional integrity medical opinion doctor's role medical ethics do no harm physician responsibility patient harm trust in medicine involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide legalisation of euthanasia moral burden medical decision-making life preservation Hippocratic Oath medical professionals' opposition end-of-life care physician-assisted suicide ethical medical practice right to die medical trust doctor-patient relationship physician moral responsibility religiouseducaton.co.uk medical opinion euthanasia debate assisted dying medical professionalism medical ethics physician responsibility do no harm involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide Hippocratic Oath medical trust patient safety end-of-life decisions moral burden medical profession legalisation of euthanasia medical opposition trust in doctors ethical dilemmas patient autonomy health care ethics lethal drugs professional standards end-of-life care medical-legal issues medical ethics Hippocratic Oath physician responsibilities do no harm euthanasia assisted suicide involuntary euthanasia patient trust moral responsibility legalisation of assisted suicide medical profession opposition end-of-life care patient autonomy medical opinion ethical dilemmas preserving life patient-doctor relationship medical professional burden healthcare ethics medical law patient welfare"
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro03a	Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. House of Lords reform legitimacy second chamber elected chamber Proportional Representation legislative functions dynamic government draft bills electoral technique chamber composition long-term membership staggered elections parliamentary balance opposition government accountability fair debate legislative scrutiny government monitoring political representation chamber legitimacy electoral reform legislative improvement House of Lords reform legitimacy second chamber elected upper house proportional representation parliamentary reform legislative functions government accountability chamber composition electoral systems democratic legitimacy legislative scrutiny opposition bicameralism dynamic government long-term appointments electoral technique oversight separation of powers fair debate legislative balance House of Lords reform legitimacy second chamber elected chamber proportional representation electoral system dynamic government parliamentary reform legislative process checks and balances government accountability opposition political composition legislative legitimacy legislative oversight parliamentary democracy electoral technique legislative effectiveness long-term members chamber independence government monitoring House of Lords reform legitimacy of House of Lords functions of second chamber benefits of proportional representation electing House of Lords members long-term membership House of Commons comparison dynamic government structure bill rejection authority drafting new bills government opposition fairer legislative debate parliamentary balance preventing landslide effects improving government monitoring second chamber election methods strengthening parliamentary democracy mixed-member composition electoral system alternatives chamber legitimacy enhancement House of Lords reform legitimacy second chamber elected chamber proportional representation legislative functions dynamic government bill rejection bill drafting electoral technique member composition long-term stability political diversity landslide protection staggered elections opposition Commons oversight fair debate government accountability House of Lords reform second chamber legitimacy electing House of Lords proportional representation longer member terms legislative effectiveness chamber composition opposition to House of Commons dynamic government government accountability parliamentary reform improved debate legislative checks and balances staggered elections independent legislature political stability parliamentary legitimacy fair policy decisions electoral reform bicameral legislature reform House of Lords reform legitimacy second chamber electoral reform proportional representation elected upper house legislative functions dynamic government bill rejection bill drafting electoral techniques legislative oversight government accountability chamber composition political balance opposition Commons scrutiny legislative debate government monitoring democratic legitimacy parliamentary reform chamber election methods legislative legitimacy bicameral system political stability term length staggered elections checks and balances long-term government fair decision-making legislative independence House of Lords reform second chamber legitimacy legislative functions proportional representation electoral systems legitimacy of parliament dynamic government bill rejection powers drafting bills government accountability chamber composition long-term membership electoral cycles political balance opposition to Commons legislative scrutiny fair debate government oversight parliamentary democracy checks and balances legislative effectiveness house independence institutional reform legislative monitoring upper chamber election bicameral system UK Parliament reform Lords electoral reform policy debate legislative process improvement House of Lords reform legitimacy second chamber electing members proportional representation electoral systems chamber composition legislative process government dynamics bill rejection bill drafting long-term membership opposition Commons oversight political accountability democratic legitimacy upper house legislative balance government monitoring fair debate legislative efficiency House of Lords reform legitimacy second chamber electoral reform proportional representation chamber composition legislative function bill rejection bill drafting dynamic government government accountability chamber balance electoral systems opposition House of Commons long-term membership staggered elections checks and balances parliamentary oversight legislative debate
test-society-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. women gender gender diversity intersectionality feminisation of labour labour market female workforce empowerment inequalities socioeconomic status race age education human capital labour opportunities workforce participation educational attainment gender equality labour market participation Atieno 2006 women's empowerment social background structural barriers access to education employment opportunities women’s agency diversity among women intersectionality gender diversity labour market participation women empowerment gender inequality socioeconomic status education level human capital female labor force race and ethnicity age differences empowerment disparities diversity in workforce inclusive employment Atieno 2006 unequal empowerment barriers to employment workforce access education impact women's work opportunities gender identity female empowerment intersectionality labour market workforce diversity gender inequality socioeconomic status educational attainment race and gender occupational segregation human capital labour force participation women’s rights social empowerment economic disparity marginalized women employment opportunities gender roles feminist theory structural barriers Atieno 2006 empowerment disparities inclusive workforce women’s education access to work gender stratification intersectionality in women's empowerment feminisation of labour impacts women in the workforce by race socioeconomic status and labour participation education and women's labour empowerment inequalities among women in labour market factors influencing female labour force participation Atieno 2006 study on women's employment human capital and women's work opportunities diversity among women in labour gender and empowerment disparities structural barriers for women at work unequal empowerment of women labour force participation vs education for women determinants of women's empowerment impact of education on women's employment gendered access to labour market women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality gender inequality empowerment socioeconomic background education level race age labour market participation Atieno human capital labour opportunities work transition equality women's empowerment female labour participation social determinants access to work educational attainment workforce diversity social inclusion marginalization gender studies labour market inequality barriers to empowerment socioeconomic status women and work workforce access women empowerment intersectionality feminisation of labour women in the workforce female labour market participation education and empowerment socioeconomic disparities among women racial diversity among women age diversity among women gender and labour inequalities Atieno 2006 human capital and employment labour force access barriers to women’s employment empowerment through education disparities in women’s empowerment structural inequalities labour market segmentation diverse backgrounds in workforce determinants of women’s empowerment women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality gender inequality empowerment socioeconomic background education level age race female labour participation human capital labour market access Atieno 2006 inequality among women degrees of empowerment capability labour force participation influence of education labour opportunities workforce equal empowerment feminisation of labour intersectionality women's empowerment female labour force participation educational attainment and employment socioeconomic diversity among women race and gender in the workplace inequalities among women human capital and women's work Atieno 2006 women labour study access to labour opportunities gendered labour market women's education and empowerment structural inequalities diversity in female workforce women's socioeconomic status women and human capital theory barriers to women's employment labour market inequalities empowerment through education women’s capacity building women empowerment intersectionality diversity feminisation of labour socioeconomic status education level female labour market participation inequalities among women human capital access to opportunities race and gender empowerment disparities labour force Atieno 2006 factors influencing empowerment women's access to education labour market inequalities workforce empowerment gender diversity social backgrounds age differences empowerment through education intersectionality gender inequality female labor force participation women empowerment education and employment socioeconomic status race and gender diversity among women feminization of labor human capital barriers to employment access to opportunities labor market disparities empowerment gaps educational attainment workforce inclusion Atieno (2006) structural inequalities marginalized women inequality in empowerment
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con05a	A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. UN peacekeeping Security Council peacekeeping mandates peacekeeping department Guatemala mission Srebrenica massacre force deployment peacekeeper effectiveness UN reform mandate adequacy peace process UN mission success civil war resolution peacekeeper authority resource allocation international intervention peace operation improvement UN structure mandate limitations UN restructuring UN peacekeeping effectiveness alternatives to standing army Security Council deliberations peacekeeping mandates peacekeeping department reform Guatemala UN mission Srebrenica UN failure UN mission success factors peacekeeper deployment challenges UN mandate adequacy peacekeeping force mobilization UN institutional reform peacekeeping mission case studies international conflict resolution peacekeeping operational efficiency UN military interventions UN mission critiques Bosnia peacekeeping peacekeeping organizational structure peacekeeping policy alternatives UN peacekeeping Security Council peacekeeping mandate Guatemala mission civil war resolution Srebrenica massacre force mobilization peacekeeping effectiveness mandate reform peacekeeping department organizational streamlining UN reform mission success peacekeeping challenges international intervention rapid deployment peacekeeping resources mandate inadequacy UN military force peace operations UN peacekeeping effectiveness examples of successful UN missions Guatemala UN intervention Security Council mandate challenges Srebrenica inadequate mandate peacekeeping mission delays arguments against a UN standing army Security Council decision-making problems improving peacekeeping departments UN institutional reform alternatives to a standing UN army cases of mission mandate failures UN force assembly timelines focus on peacekeeping capacity peacekeeping versus standing army lessons from Srebrenica massacre benefits of flexible peacekeeping forces resource allocation in UN peace missions historical peacekeeping successes restructuring UN for efficiency UN peacekeeping Security Council Guatemala civil war Srebrenica peacekeeping mandate force deployment peace enforcement UN reform peacekeeping success peacekeeping failures mandate adequacy international intervention Security Council deliberations peacekeeping department UN structure troop mobilization humanitarian intervention post-conflict resolution UN operational efficiency global governance UN peacekeeping effectiveness Security Council issues mandate adequacy successful UN missions Guatemala civil war resolution peacekeeper deployment speed Srebrenica massacre lessons peacekeeping mandate problems peacekeeping department reform UN organizational efficiency alternatives to standing army peace enforcement challenges mandate versus manpower UN mission funding comparative peacekeeping models UN peacekeeping Security Council mandate adequacy military intervention peacekeeping missions Guatemala civil war Srebrenica massacre mandate vs force peacekeeping department UN reform rapid deployment mission effectiveness multinational forces global security peace enforcement standing army debate legitimacy military mobilization conflict resolution troop contributors operational challenges UN standing army UN peacekeeping Security Council deliberations Guatemala peace process Srebrenica massacre UN mandates peacekeeping success stories peacekeeper deployment mandate adequacy UN reform peacekeeping department UN military structure humanitarian intervention UN failures efficient peacekeeping civil conflict resolution streamlined UN operations peace enforcement international security peacekeeping challenges multilateral interventions United Nations missions UN peacekeeping Security Council deliberations peacekeeping mandates Guatemala peace process Srebrenica massacre UN peacekeeping department peacekeeping effectiveness UN reform military intervention international conflict resolution standing army debate UN operations mandate adequacy humanitarian missions military logistics peace and security UN mission success force readiness global governance multilateral cooperation UN peacekeeping Security Council peacekeeping mandates Guatemala civil war Srebrenica massacre force deployment peacekeeping department UN reform peacekeeper effectiveness rapid response military intervention international security mandate adequacy peace operations standing army alternatives mission success factors conflict resolution operational challenges peace process support UN structure decision-making bottlenecks military readiness humanitarian interventions military logistics international cooperation peace enforcement
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con04a	"There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. arms embargo EU-China relations military technology transfer advanced weaponry communications systems control systems guidance systems night-vision technology reverse engineering military R&D US-China strategic competition military modernization defense industry international arms trade Israel Russia security concerns export controls high-tech equipment defense policy technology proliferation innovation in weaponry diplomatic leverage military capability European arms exports arms trade restrictions China arms embargo military technology transfer advanced weaponry EU arms ban US concerns China military advanced communications systems control systems high-technology guidance night-vision equipment reverse engineering China China military R&D Israel arms sales China Russia arms sales China modernization Chinese military arms export policy EU-China relations technology proliferation Western military technology China Chinese leverage arms negotiations global arms trade Chinese defense industry arms embargo EU arms sales military technology transfer advanced weaponry defense exports high-tech military equipment communications systems control systems guidance technology night vision reverse engineering military research development programs Israel arms sales Russia arms sales military modernization technology proliferation US security concerns negotiation leverage Chinese military strength China military modernization EU arms embargo China advanced military technology China US concerns China military EU-China arms trade reverse engineering Chinese military China military R&D Chinese leverage Israel Russia arms high-tech weaponry China arms ban implications China EU defense exports China technology transfer China enhancing Chinese military effectiveness guidance systems China military night-vision equipment China military control systems China global arms trade China Russian arms sales China Israeli arms sales China military technology innovation China China arms embargo EU weapon sales advanced military technology high-tech guidance systems communications systems night-vision equipment reverse engineering China military R&D China US concerns China arms EU-China military relations Israel arms sales China Russia arms sales China Chinese military modernization strategic technology transfer leverage in arms negotiations export control China European Union arms policy dual-use technology China international arms market arms trade policy military technology proliferation arms embargo China EU arms export China US concerns China military advanced military technology transfer China communications systems China military night-vision equipment China high-tech weaponry China China reverse engineering China military R&D Israel Russia arms sales China EU-China arms negotiations military technology proliferation lifting arms ban implications China military modernization strategic leverage arms sales arms embargo military modernization advanced technology EU-China relations weapons proliferation high-tech guidance systems night-vision devices communications systems control systems reverse engineering military R&D US-China rivalry Israel-China arms trade Russia-China defense cooperation European weapon sales export controls military leverage defense industry international arms trade strategic competition dual-use technology China military modernization EU arms embargo advanced military technology US concerns China military high-tech weapon sales guidance systems China night-vision equipment China China reverse engineering China military R&D Israel arms sales to China Russia arms sales China EU-China arms negotiations lifting China arms ban China military leverage Chinese defense technology Western military tech transfers China indigenous weapons China-Europe defense relations arms embargo impact China Chinese military advancements arms embargo military technology transfer EU-China relations US security concerns advanced communications systems high-technology export controls night-vision equipment reverse engineering military R&D defense procurement China-Israel military ties China-Russia arms sales strategic balance technology leakage risks European Union policy arms trade regulations global military competitiveness military modernization weapon system proliferation dual-use technology transatlantic security nonproliferation concerns defense industry lobbying military effectiveness international negotiations technology safeguards arms embargo EU-China relations military technology transfer advanced weaponry defense systems high-tech equipment reverse engineering military R&D China-Israel arms trade China-Russia arms deals technology proliferation night-vision technology missile guidance systems communication systems arms control security concerns international arms trade military modernization export controls strategic leverage"
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro01a	Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. shock value sensationalism controversial art artistic merit attention-seeking public funding exhibition selection artistic integrity subtle messaging nuanced art layered meaning art criticism censorship funding allocation media coverage headline-grabbing depth in art superficiality artistic technique responsible art meaningful expression visual storytelling conceptual depth thought-provoking emotional impact art discourse shock value in art controversial art sensationalism in art public art funding attention-grabbing artworks artistic merit vs publicity art exhibition selection avant-garde art criticism art and media coverage nuance in artistic expression ethics in art funding thoughtful art appreciation meaningful art deep artistic technique layered meaning in art art controversy funding limitations in art art quality vs shock media sensationalism responsible art curation evaluative criteria for art shock value sensationalism controversial art artistic merit artistic integrity meaningful expression subtlety in art funding allocation public art funding headline grabbing artistic depth layered meaning thought-provoking art shock art attention seeking art censorship exhibition selection creative quality message delivery art appreciation cultural value aesthetic value art criticism provocative art superficiality in art shock art criticism impact of shock tactics in art art funding priorities public support for controversial art evaluation criteria for art exhibitions artistic merit versus sensationalism layered meaning in art depth in artistic expression attention-grabbing in contemporary art selection process for art funding ethics in public art displays supporting meaningful art alternatives to sensational art art that rewards close study controversy in modern art balancing shock and substance in art cost of promoting shock artists valuing technique and meaning in art public art resource allocation responsible art curation shock value sensationalism contemporary art public funding artistic merit artistic expression art criticism subtlety in art art exhibitions headline grabbing conceptual art art funding allocation meaningful art provocative art art controversy arts budget art appreciation nuanced messaging artistic technique responsible curation artistic ethics public art policy artistic innovation culture funding art world debate shock tactics in contemporary art art funding priorities sensationalism vs artistic merit controversial art public funding attention-grabbing art criticism meaningful art vs shock value art exhibitions selection criteria art merit vs publicity stunts public support for thoughtful art layers of meaning in art ethical considerations in art funding depth vs shock in modern art responsible art curation evaluating artistic technique vs impact headline-seeking artists shock value controversy in art artistic merit meaningful expression public art funding censorship artistic technique headline-grabbing sensationalism thoughtful art layered meaning aesthetic value art criticism art versus provocation arts funding allocation exhibition selection meaningful messaging shock art artistic depth funding priorities artistic integrity art appreciation superficial art public support for art cultural value shock tactics in art sensationalism in contemporary art controversial art funding public support for art art exhibition selection criteria meaningful art vs shock value artistic merit in modern art art funding priorities art criticism shock value layered meaning in art technique vs attention grabbing in art art curation ethics responsible art funding art controversy debate depth vs sensationalism in art art with subtle messaging value of thoughtful art art and public resources art selection processes impact of shock art headlines vs substance art careful study in visual art support for meaningful artists art and public interest evaluating artistic merit art funding public art exhibition shock tactics in art controversy in art art evaluation criteria artistic merit art censorship art and public values meaningful art art messaging art techniques headline-grabbing art art criticism societal impact of art funding priorities in art ethics in art subtlety in art art appreciation layered meaning in art public support for art shock art controversial art art funding public art support artistic merit art exhibitions art censorship art ethics sensationalism in art art criticism message in art meaningful art art techniques audience engagement art appreciation art controversy responsible art artistic value funding priorities art evaluation criteria
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con03a	The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 child performers child labor laws government intervention children's rights talent development stage performance camera performance sports prodigies child actors performing arts children's freedoms banning child performance business savvy children celebrity childhood entertainment industry Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins Disney stars government regulation legal restrictions personal choice child entrepreneurship artistic expression youth employment minors in entertainment BBC News child actors child performers child acting government regulation children's rights child labor laws performing arts talented children child stars child athletes freedom to perform creative expression legal restrictions Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins business acumen entertainment industry youth talent banning child performers child employment stage performance academic alternatives child rights advocacy performing arts industry child stardom government intervention personal development child performers child actors government regulation child labor laws children's rights performing arts entertainment industry child protection talent development legal rights stage performance film industry television sports academic alternatives child employment celebrity childhood labor policy youth autonomy famous child stars Mary-Kate Olsen Ashley Olsen Roddy McDowall creative freedom business-savvy children career opportunities for minors artistic expression child stardom occupational choice legal restrictions on minors youth empowerment government regulation child performers rights of child actors child labor laws entertainment industry child performer protection ethical implications banning child performers freedom of choice children celebrity childhood experiences successful child stars impact of banning child performance child talent development economics of child performers child performers legal restrictions government interference creative arts personal testimonies child actors effects of bans on young entertainers child entrepreneurship entertainment industry reasons against banning child performers child prodigies in media parental consent child performance historical examples child star experiences child performers government intervention children's rights child labor laws entertainment industry child actors freedom of choice performing arts youth talent child stardom Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins Disney child stars legal restrictions child entrepreneurship creative freedom minors in entertainment work-life balance child protection business success career opportunities government regulation stage performance film industry children's welfare academic alternatives child performer rights government regulation of child performers child labor laws in entertainment benefits of child acting arguments against banning child performers success stories of child performers famous child actors opinions child performer legal protections balancing education and performance children’s rights in entertainment industry child actors economic impact government intervention in entertainment personal testimonials from child actors notable child stars child talent opportunities ethics of child performance bans child performers child actors government regulation children's rights performing arts child labor laws minors in entertainment talent development artistic freedom stage talent film industry minors career opportunities child prodigies creative expression performer autonomy youth employment entertainment industry parental consent legal rights of minors Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins celebrity children business acumen young performers child performers rights government regulation child labor child actors legal protection famous child performers quotes child performer success stories Roddy McDowall childhood Olsen Twins business child labor laws entertainment children pursuing talent government ban child performers child performer opportunities children in arts legislation freedom for child entertainers child talent law child entertainment industry impact government regulation child performers children career opportunities parents role child performers ethical considerations child actors child performers well-being child performers child actors government regulation children's rights child labor laws performing arts talent development entertainment industry career opportunities child labor debate youth performers legal restrictions performer wellbeing creative expression celebrity childhood successful child stars working children child employment child entrepreneurship case studies Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins child stardom youth advocacy banning child performance ethical considerations academic versus artistic talent child protection entertainment law Disney child stars child labor laws child performers rights government regulation child acting legislation child athletes child artists minors in entertainment child star success stories legal protections for child performers psychological effects on child performers performing arts opportunities for children working children child exploitation prevention child performer advocacy celebrity childhood experiences Olsen Twins business child actors' perspectives history of child performers ethical issues child entertainment creative children careers famous child stars child talent development right to work minors child labor in media children and the law
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con02a	Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, gender gap gender inequality women's labor force participation female employment women's economic empowerment workplace discrimination pay gap glass ceiling female CEOs women's rights women in leadership cultural barriers North Africa workforce Egypt women's employment Muslim women women's education women's political rights legal barriers for women professions for women teaching nursing women's economic potential African economies labor force statistics International Labour Organization World Bank data gender inequality women's economic participation Africa labor force gender pay gap women leadership workplace diversity cultural barriers women's rights economic development gender roles Africa female empowerment North Africa employment Muslim women workforce women in education legal rights women social norms Africa women in nursing women in teaching underrepresentation women female labor statistics International Labour Organisation World Bank data African economies female workforce challenges women CEO Africa gender discrimination women's potential Africa women employment gaps female labor participation women's access to work gender inequality female labor force participation economic development women's empowerment workplace gender gap Africa economic growth gender roles women in leadership cultural barriers women's rights Africa labor market disparities education access women North Africa gender norms women employment statistics women entrepreneurship Africa gender wage gap inclusive economic policies gender parity workforce diversity political representation women societal attitudes barriers to equality women's economic opportunities gender-based discrimination traditional roles Africa women in African economy gender gap Africa labor market female labor participation Africa barriers to women’s economic advancement Africa women’s rights workplace Africa cultural factors women employment Africa women CEO statistics Africa gender inequality Africa economy North Africa female workforce statistics Muslim women employment Africa women’s political rights Africa women legal rights Africa education women economic impact Africa profession gender segregation Africa gender wage gap Africa International Labour Organisation women data Africa World Bank female labour data Africa potential of women Africa economy future of gender equality Africa cultural barriers to women leadership Africa women entrepreneurship Africa African economy gender roles policy solutions gender inequality women's economic participation Africa labour force cultural barriers workplace gender gap women's rights Africa women's employment economic development Africa North Africa women gender pay gap women's leadership political rights women legal rights women economic potential Africa International Labour Organisation women in workforce gender roles Africa women education Africa women's empowerment social norms Africa gender gap Africa economy women workforce Africa female labor participation Africa women economic empowerment Africa gender inequality Africa female employment barriers Africa women in leadership Africa African cultural attitudes women women rights Africa female education Africa North Africa gender roles women paid less Africa women and economic development Africa women's legal rights Africa women workforce statistics Africa female entrepreneurship Africa women in business Africa International Labour Organisation gender statistics women future economic growth Africa obstacles women employment Africa gender gap workplace inequality women’s economic participation Africa economy labor force participation women employment gender roles cultural barriers North Africa workforce Egypt women employment Muslim countries gender roles workplace discrimination female labor force statistics women’s rights Africa gender pay gap women CEO Africa women’s political rights legal barriers for women economic empowerment women women’s education Africa International Labour Organisation data gender disparity economy women professions Africa traditional gender roles workforce diversity Africa gender gap Africa women workforce Africa female labor participation Africa women economic impact Africa gender equality Africa workplace gender disparity women leadership Africa cultural barriers women Africa Muslim women employment North Africa gender gap African women education women rights Africa women in business Africa female employment statistics Africa ILO gender data Africa women empowerment Africa barriers to women employment Africa gender pay gap Africa women political rights Africa women legal status Africa economic potential women Africa African economy gender issues Africa women economic empowerment gender workplace gap Africa female labor force Africa women cultural barriers Africa women education employment Africa gender rights Africa economy women leadership Africa African gender equality challenges women pay gap Africa Muslim women workforce Africa women political rights Africa legal barriers female employment Africa gender economic participation Africa female entrepreneurship Africa women workforce statistics Africa labor force participation Africa African economic development gender women social mobility Africa traditional gender roles Africa strategies women empowerment Africa gender inequality women's economic participation Africa labor force gender wage gap women leadership Africa cultural barriers women Africa women's rights Africa gender discrimination workplace women's employment statistics Africa economic empowerment women female labor force participation women entrepreneurship Africa gender roles Africa women's education Africa women's political representation Africa women's legal rights Africa social norms gender Africa women workforce North Africa Muslim women employment women professional advancement Africa
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con02a	Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, migrant influx migration ethnic conflict religious conflict social integration anti-immigrant sentiment multiculturalism host country preparedness social cohesion minority communities job competition public services strain migrant blame social tension community acceptance population diversity immigrant integration national identity tolerance levels immigration policy demographic change societal conflict migrant assimilation ethnic diversity historical conflict intergroup relations migrant influx migration conflict social integration ethnic tension religious differences anti-immigrant sentiment migrant communities immigrant acceptance labor market impact public services strain social cohesion cultural diversity assimilation challenges native-migrant relations humanitarian migration policy on migrants host country preparedness xenophobia minority representation conflict prevention demographic change social blame community adaptation migration policy tolerance levels immigration migrant crisis social integration ethnic diversity religious difference cultural assimilation social cohesion xenophobia anti-immigrant sentiment economic impact job competition public services social conflict policy response host communities minority rights demographic change multiculturalism community relations migration policy reasons for migrant conflict integration challenges for migrants social cohesion and migration migration pressure on public services impact of large scale migration ethnic diversity and conflict religious difference and societal tensions native attitudes towards migrants labeling newcomers as outsiders scapegoating migrants for economic issues historical sources of conflict community acceptance of migrants migration policy effects support for new migrant communities anti-immigrant sentiment factors cities with high migrant populations and conflict rates mitigating migrant-native tensions influence of migration on employment migrant advocacy and representation lessons from countries with successful integration migrant influx conflict unprepared countries religion differences ethnicity differences human history migrant acceptance migration policy aid for migrants migrant integration community labeling job competition service pressure scapegoating minority voices anti-immigrant hostility existing migrant communities India migration statistics US Hispanic population ethnic diversity social cohesion migrant tolerance conflict causes social integration intergroup relations migrant influx conflict migration impact on host countries ethnic diversity tensions religion and conflict anti-immigrant sentiment integration challenges social cohesion migrants migrant communities adaptation migration policy consequences pressure on public services migration job competition immigrants labeling newcomers refugees acceptance of migrants by country historical conflict migration immigrant population statistics host community reactions causes of migration conflict ethnic diversity in cities social blame immigrants migration tolerance levels migrant influx migration conflict unprepared countries religious differences ethnic differences conflict history migration policy migrant acceptance social integration community labeling xenophobia job competition public services strain blame newcomers anti-immigrant hostility minority voice large migrant communities anti-immigrant sentiment social cohesion tolerance acculturation demographic change India migration US migration New Mexico Florida Delhi Mumbai immigration statistics policy impact aid for migrants social conflict cultural differences integration challenges ethnic relations human migration migration attitudes migration effects migrant influx conflict drivers human history ethnic conflict religious conflict migration policy host country preparedness social integration migrant communities anti-immigrant sentiment economic impact migrants pressure on services job competition migrants community labeling social cohesion migrant acceptance migration and tolerance host nation response demographic changes migration statistics migration and public opinion ethnic diversity conflict migration impact studies historical migration conflicts conflict prevention migration intergroup relations societal adaptation migration migrant influx immigration conflict ethnic diversity religious differences cultural integration migrant acceptance societal tolerance anti-immigrant sentiment community cohesion minority representation job competition public service strain host country preparedness migrant community size assimilation challenges social blame migrant voices native attitudes demographic impacts case studies global migration conflict resolution policy implications integration strategies historical migration patterns immigration migrant integration social conflict cultural diversity ethnic tension religious differences host community attitudes anti-immigrant sentiment assimilation multiculturalism xenophobia labor market impact public services strain community cohesion prejudice migration policy societal adaptation immigrant labeling demographic impact urban sociology migration history attitudes toward outsiders migration and conflict policy response
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. copyright reform creative commons open access public domain knowledge sharing orphan works information dissemination restrictive licensing intellectual property copyright barriers knowledge democratization licensing alternatives copyright exceptions fair use information commons cultural stagnation access to information copyright limitations user rights digital commons content reuse public funding author rights knowledge globalization copyright duration creative freedom copyright reform creative commons open access copyright default orphan works knowledge dissemination copyright restrictions public domain information sharing knowledge commons access to knowledge public funding copyright barriers intellectual property reform digital commons copyright licensing mandatory creative commons copyright flexibility copyright limitations democratization of knowledge knowledge globalization free culture copyright policy reuse of content copyright alternatives works availability collaborative creation attribution requirement non-commercial use copyright monopoly copyright stagnation copyright reform information sharing knowledge dissemination open access Creative Commons licensing alternatives orphan works public domain intellectual property restrictive copyright access to knowledge attribution fair use digital commons remix culture digital rights content reuse contractual agreements knowledge democratization cultural stagnation non-commercial use copyright barriers creative limitations copyright infringement global knowledge public funding copyright exceptions accessibility knowledge commons publishing innovation Creative Commons licenses benefits public domain expansion alternative copyright models orphan works solutions copyright law reform democratization of knowledge barriers to information sharing economic implications of open licensing cultural enrichment and access impact of restrictive copyright history of copyright evolution educational resource availability copyright stagnation effects global access to creative works incentives for creators under open licenses comparison of Creative Commons vs traditional copyright case studies of Creative Commons success policy proposals for publicly funded works moral rights and attribution technological facilitation of Creative Commons adoption copyright law copyright default information sharing creative commons open access public domain knowledge dissemination orphan works copyright reform knowledge stagnation reuse permissions creator rights licensing schemes democratization of knowledge copyright barriers access to information intellectual property copyright restrictions art licensing public funding commercial viability market of ideas copyright normalization cultural enrichment copyright infringement global knowledge sharing restrictive protection automatic copyright user rights fair use knowledge globalization default copyright drawbacks creative commons benefits copyright reform knowledge democratization orphan works copyright public domain expansion copyright barriers to reuse automatic copyright assignment cultural stagnation copyright copyright and innovation public funding open licenses copyright law alternatives remix culture access to information creative commons standard restrictive copyright issues copyright and education copyright access disparity copyright term reduction copyright for public good copyright and global knowledge copyright and digital age noncommercial copyright models attribution license open access movement copyright law copyright default restrictive copyright reuse restrictions information spread knowledge sharing Creative Commons public domain orphan works copyright barriers access to knowledge attribution open licensing public funding democratization of knowledge copyright reform knowledge stagnation cultural enrichment creative output global access printing press analogy copyright orphan books licensing alternatives copyright exceptions fair use intellectual property reform copyright monopolies copyright confusion non-commercial use knowledge commons permissions barriers copyright reform creative commons licensing open access orphan works knowledge sharing public domain copyright limitations intellectual property law information democratization cultural enrichment free culture movement restrictive copyright copyright alternatives open knowledge access to information license standardization academic publishing digital rights copyright exceptions reuse of works public-funded works scholarly communication copyright duration non-commercial use fair use derivative works copyright stagnation knowledge commons global access creative output digital commons legal barriers creativity limited copyright permission barriers transformative use policy advocacy copyright policy educational resources open content copyright reform Creative Commons standard public domain expansion knowledge accessibility orphan works solutions open licensing copyright duration reduction open access policies information commons copyright barriers digital commons fair use expansion knowledge democratization intellectual property alternatives copyright exceptions scholarly communication copyright policy educational resources access knowledge dissemination licensing liberalization open access information sharing knowledge dissemination copyright reform intellectual property public domain orphan works Creative Commons open licensing knowledge commons attribution rights information accessibility democratization of knowledge copyright barriers licensing flexibility knowledge reuse fair use digital rights creative freedom cultural enrichment copyright limitations contract law public funding educational access global knowledge exchange publishing restrictions digital commons copyright exceptions collaborative creativity
test-international-gmehwasr-con03a	Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 unintended consequences blowback proxy wars arming rebels historical parallels Afghanistan 1980s US intervention mujahideen Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 civil conflict weapon proliferation jihadi elements anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds transnational terrorism arms trafficking Libya conflict Mali crisis regional instability Iran retaliation Hezbollah sectarian violence Sunni-Shia conflict Western assets foreign policy escalation risks Syrian civil war military aid security dilemma intervention outcomes unintended consequences proxy wars arming rebels Afghanistan 1980s US mujahideen support Cold War Soviet Union Vietnam War parallels post-war instability Taliban rise Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi factions anti-aircraft missiles arms proliferation militant Kurds Turkey security concerns regional spillover Libyan civil war Mali conflict Sunni arming risks Iran retaliation Hezbollah response western assets Middle East escalation historical precedents blowback foreign intervention arms diversion security dilemmas destabilization regional conflict blowback unintended consequences arms proliferation civil conflict militant groups proxy wars jihadi factions anti-aircraft missiles regional instability Afghanistan 1980s mujahideen US foreign policy Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 Syrian rebels Turkey concerns Kurdish militants Libya conflict Mali blowback Sunni-Shia tensions Iran retaliation Hezbollah western assets Middle East security lessons from history arming non-state actors geopolitical risks unintended consequences of arming rebels historical parallels US arming mujahideen Afghanistan blowback from arming rebel groups risks of supplying advanced weaponry to rebels proliferation of weapons to jihadi elements regional instability from foreign intervention linkage to September 11 attacks comparison Libya Mali conflict escalation Turkey concerns about anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds cross-border weapon transfer Iran and Hezbollah retaliation risks escalation of sectarian conflict in Middle East failure to win the peace post-intervention Western assets targeted in response lessons from Cold War proxy wars policy debates on arming Syrian rebels arms ending up with proxy wars unintended consequences arming rebels US foreign policy Afghanistan mujahideen Cold War Soviet Union Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 weapon proliferation anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Turkey security concerns Libya conflict Mali blowback Sunni-Shia tensions Iran retaliation Hezbollah actions Middle East instability arms diversion rebel factions civil conflict long-term impact foreign intervention international arms trade arming rebels consequences unintended consequences of military aid blowback from arming insurgents historical parallels Afghanistan 1980s US mujahideen support effects civil conflict aftermath proliferation of advanced weapons anti-aircraft missiles risks weapons ending with jihadi groups impact on militant Kurds Libya Mali conflict connection Sunni arming retaliation risks Iran Hezbollah response attacks on western assets regional instability from arms supply proxy warfare consequences lessons from Soviet Afghanistan foreign intervention dangers arms distribution in civil wars US arms legacy in Middle East security risks of rebel support unintended consequences proxy wars arming rebels Afghanistan 1980s US mujahideen support Soviet Union war of attrition Vietnam analogy civil conflict Taliban rise Osama bin Laden September 11 blowback jihadi groups weapon diversion anti-aircraft missiles Turkey concerns militant Kurds cross-border arms flow Libya conflict Mali blowback regional instability Sunni-Shia dynamics Iran retaliation Hezbollah Western assets Middle East escalation foreign intervention arms proliferation non-state actors regional spillover historical precedent US foreign policy security risks escalation arming rebels unintended consequences US foreign policy Cold War proxy wars Afghanistan mujahideen Taliban rise Osama bin Laden September 11 origins anti-aircraft missiles proliferation weapons diversion militant Kurds Turkish security concerns Libya conflict spillover Mali instability jihadist elements Iran retaliation Hezbollah threats Sunni-Shia tensions regional destabilization western asset attacks historical parallels arms trade risks blowback civil war escalation Middle East conflicts arms in insurgencies unintended consequences arms proliferation rebel arming risks Cold War parallels Afghanistan 1980s mujahideen US foreign policy blowback Middle East conflict jihadist groups anti-aircraft missile proliferation Turkish security concerns Kurdish militants Libyan conflict aftermath Mali instability Taliban rise Osama bin Laden September 11 connections Sunni-Shia tensions Iran retaliation Hezbollah threats regional destabilization proxy warfare Western assets vulnerability unintended consequences proxy wars Afghanistan 1980s US arming mujahideen war of attrition Cold War interventions aftermath of civil wars Taliban rise Osama bin Laden September 11 attacks arms proliferation jihadi groups anti-aircraft missiles regional instability Turkey concerns militant Kurds Libyan conflict blowback Mali conflict Sunni-Shia tensions Iran retaliation Hezbollah western assets foreign intervention risks parallels with Vietnam security dilemma weapons diversion post-conflict instability rebel arming debates
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con02a	"It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, journalism ethics source verification independent sources Wikileaks information accuracy anonymous sources editorial responsibility media transparency Julian Assange document leaks government condemnation national security risk source anonymity whistleblowing press freedom diplomatic leaks misinformation credibility editorial oversight fact-checking responsible journalism media accountability intelligence leaks high-tech terrorism journalistic standards trusted sources anonymous disclosures source ratification media organisation source identity media controversy journalism ethics source verification independent sources anonymity Wikileaks criticism government response national security document authenticity editorial responsibility whistleblowing risks information reliability media accountability Julian Assange diplomatic leaks journalism transparency media trust fact-checking confidential sources investigative journalism editorial standards British Foreign Secretary William Hague Peter King Joe Biden high-tech terrorism UK security US government response media credibility source reliability anonymous leaks diplomatic cable leaks journalistic verification source credibility independent corroboration Wikileaks information accuracy anonymous sources editorial responsibility national security risks media transparency document leaks whistleblowing Julian Assange British government response US government response classified information high-tech terrorism diplomatic security media ethics source anonymity trust in journalism government criticism verification standards accountability in media source authentication transparency in journalism journalistic source verification independent source confirmation impact of Wikileaks leaks government officials on Wikileaks dangers of anonymous sources Julian Assange media coverage press responsibility and ethics verifying leaked documents journalistic transparency standards anonymous whistleblowers risks media accountability identity of Wikileaks sources editorial oversight at Wikileaks fact-checking procedures in journalism diplomatic leaks consequences public trust in media reporting protecting sources in journalism anonymity versus transparency in reporting media ethics in publishing leaks role of editors-in-chief in media organizations journalistic ethics source verification independent confirmation anonymous sources Wikileaks Julian Assange information accuracy document authenticity editorial responsibility whistleblowing media transparency national security diplomatic leaks government operations information warfare disinformation source anonymity media accountability media credibility fact-checking publisher identity editorial standards media trust government criticism classified information source reliability media organization Editorial integrity press freedom leaked documents radical transparency journalism ethics source verification independent sources media accountability Wikileaks controversy British Foreign Secretary William Hague Peter King Wikileaks Joe Biden Assange high-tech terrorist anonymity in journalism editorial responsibility media transparency source anonymity verifying leaked documents risks of unverified sources disinformation danger media reliability Assange public image news credibility transparency vs. secrecy journalist-source relationship editorial standards whistleblowing risks fact-checking journalistic integrity government reaction to leaks journalism source verification independent verification British Foreign Secretary William Hague Wikileaks source anonymity information reliability mass document leaking Congressman Peter King national security high-tech terrorism Joe Biden editorial responsibility source motives false information partial disclosure editorial staff publisher identity media organization transparency anonymity source ratification journalistic ethics source confidence unfriendly power whistleblowing disinformation source credibility security risks media accountability fact-checking press responsibility information accuracy investigative journalism editorial standards news sourcing anonymous sources media trust news transparency journalism ethics source verification independent verification anonymous sources Wikileaks criticism information accuracy media responsibility editorial transparency Assange anonymity journalistic credibility source reliability document leaks government response Wikileaks whistleblower protection fact-checking standards British Foreign Secretary Wikileaks Peter King Wikileaks Joe Biden Wikileaks high-tech terrorist media organization structure editorial accountability source motive verification credibility of leaks ratification of sources journalist-sourced information named editorial staff information authentication anonymous publication risks media watchdog transparency journalism radical transparency anonymity vs. accountability journalistic ethics source verification independent sources Wikileaks information accuracy anonymous sources media accountability document leaks national security British Foreign Secretary William Hague Peter King high-tech terrorism Joe Biden government condemnation diplomatic risks editorial responsibility fact-checking transparency media organizations anonymity source credibility news verification media trust whistleblowing fake information information ratification publisher identity editorial staff media reputation news reliability journalism ethics source verification independent confirmation journalistic standards media accountability editorial transparency source anonymity credible sources fact-checking confidentiality whistleblowers information integrity disinformation leaking risks media organization practices journalistic responsibility information accuracy radical transparency editorial oversight government reactions Wikileaks criticism Assange public perception national security diplomatic leaks information verification anonymous sources intelligence risks credibility assessment transparency debate media trustworthiness journalistic credibility"
test-international-gsciidffe-pro01a	Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 national interest foreign policy military alliances economic security trade agreements friendly governments democracy promotion democratic peace theory censorship circumvention regime change autocracy global stability international trade realism liberalism constructivism economic self-interest values promotion international relations diplomatic strategy soft power hard power international cooperation democracy vs autocracy state security peacebuilding democratic alliances national interest foreign policy realism liberalism constructivism military alliances trade agreements economic self-interest spreading values censorship circumvention democracy promotion autocracy democratic peace friendly governments international relations global stability political systems compatibility trade volume regime type and trade interstate conflict democracy and peace national security international cooperation Stephen M. Walt democratic values foreign relations economic diplomacy regime change democratic transitions international trade foreign alliances national interest foreign policy state interests national security military alliances economic interests trade agreements democracy promotion democratic peace censorship circumvention regime change autocracies international relations theory realism liberalism constructivism global stability democratic values political systems free trade international cooperation statecraft power politics international diplomacy soft power hard power peacebuilding democratic transitions international trade strategic partnerships national interest foreign policy advancing national interests realism foreign policy liberalism international relations constructivism spreading values economic self-interest trade deals democratic peace theory democracy promotion foreign policy alliances military power foreign policy autocracy versus democracy trade democracy and economic benefits circumvention of censorship foreign policy creation of friendly governments international relations trade agreements military bases national security trade volume democracy autocracy peace among democracies promoting democracy global stability international relations theoretical perspectives foreign policy objectives spread of democratic values foreign policy economic security promoting free trade democracies democracy encouragement autocracies compatible governments international national interest foreign policy statecraft military alliances economic diplomacy trade agreements international trade friendly governments democracy promotion autocracies democratization censorship circumvention regime type democratic peace theory liberalism realism constructivism security cooperation interstate stability economic self-interest global governance political systems compatibility international relations theory comparative politics regime change democratic values trade volume peace through democracy foreign influence non-democratic regimes international cooperation alliance formation spreading democracy national interest foreign policy international relations realism liberalism constructivism military alliances economic self-interest trade agreements democracy promotion democratic peace theory autocracy censorship circumvention global governance international trade state security political stability friendly governments spreading democracy democratic alliances trade volume democratic peace economic diplomacy international cooperation comparative politics democracy vs autocracy foreign policy objectives regime type and trade political systems compatibility diplomacy strategy national security international norms spread of values global alliances national interest foreign policy state sovereignty power politics military alliances economic self-interest trade agreements democracy promotion democratic peace theory autocracy regime change international relations censorship circumvention liberal internationalism realism constructivism friendly governments intergovernmental cooperation economic benefits international stability regime compatibility international trade democratic alliances democratic stability political systems diplomacy international cooperation free trade security policy comparative politics national interest foreign policy statecraft international relations military alliances economic diplomacy trade agreements democratic peace theory democracy promotion autocracy regime change diplomatic strategy soft power hard power international trade economic self-interest censorship circumvention democratic transitions global governance political stability constructivism realism liberalism friendly governments trade volume democracies security alliances comparative politics international cooperation peaceful relations transnational values political systems global democracy interstate conflict economic benefits democratic norms international partnerships foreign intervention democracy assistance diplomacy effectiveness regime compatibility national interest foreign policy state security military alliances economic interests trade agreements democracy promotion censorship circumvention regime change democratic peace theory international relations theories realism liberalism constructivism global governance autocracy vs democracy political stability economic diplomacy international cooperation democratic values comparative politics soft power hard power global trade patterns economic interdependence peace studies democratic transitions international security national interest foreign policy international relations realism liberalism constructivism military alliances economic interests trade agreements democracy promotion democratic peace theory censorship circumvention autocracy regime change global stability political systems alliance formation economic diplomacy comparative politics democratization trade liberalization international security democratic values soft power international cooperation peace studies statecraft democracy vs autocracy diplomatic strategy international trade statistics political theory
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con02a	Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. privacy personal data information control data sharing data protection information disclosure trustworthiness data transparency surveillance consent data security digital privacy user autonomy data ownership online privacy institutional trust privacy rights data governance information exchange reciprocal disclosure privacy policy data misuse privacy concerns information asymmetry trust in organizations privacy management privacy concerns trust issues personal data information control data sharing digital privacy information transparency data protection consent surveillance data ownership privacy rights institutional trust company trust government surveillance data access data reciprocity information exchange privacy policy trustworthiness autonomy informed consent relationship dynamics data misuse privacy expectations control over information privacy personal data information sharing data control data transparency data security digital trust online privacy data rights consent data ownership surveillance information disclosure user autonomy trust in organizations information governance trustworthiness company transparency data policies user control accountability trust management privacy protection personal information safeguarding data ethics information asymmetry social trust government trust privacy concerns digital identity privacy concerns trust in digital relationships data privacy and trust information sharing risks personal data control trusting organizations with data online privacy and trust privacy rights and trust issues managing digital trust lack of transparency in data collection trust and information disclosure privacy trust deficit data transparency and trust trust in companies and governments privacy versus physical security information control and trust digital trust boundaries privacy control mechanisms earning consumer trust user consent and trust privacy concerns trust issues personal information control data privacy information sharing digital trust online security data transparency informed consent surveillance data collection trust in institutions corporate privacy policies government surveillance privacy rights user autonomy data ownership privacy regulation trustworthiness privacy expectations privacy concerns trust in data sharing personal information control online privacy data transparency data security information sharing risks digital trust trust in companies trust in government privacy rights managing personal data informed consent data collection policies privacy and trust relationship user empowerment data privacy ethics lack of transparency data misuse fears privacy in digital age information asymmetry autonomy over personal data privacy trade-offs organizational trustworthiness trust and privacy management data usage control privacy concerns personal data control information disclosure data transparency data sharing digital trust online privacy information security data protection user consent data governance privacy rights information asymmetry surveillance data misuse trusted entities corporate privacy governmental trust data access confidentiality informed consent privacy policy user autonomy information exchange privacy management trust evaluation privacy concerns trust issues data control personal information information sharing privacy rights digital privacy data transparency company trust government trust information security online privacy privacy management informed consent privacy policies data usage data protection user autonomy surveillance concerns privacy expectations earned trust data reciprocity trustworthiness privacy relationship privacy awareness data ownership data access privacy regulation information asymmetry privacy trade-offs privacy trust issues personal data control information disclosure data privacy security concerns user consent data transparency information sharing digital trust corporate trust government trust privacy rights data protection information asymmetry mutual trust privacy risks consent management trustworthiness data governance user autonomy information access privacy regulation trust relationships transparency measures privacy concerns personal data information sharing data control digital trust data privacy surveillance data security user consent trust in organizations transparency information transparency privacy policies data collection data misuse government surveillance corporate surveillance privacy rights information asymmetry data protection trustworthiness online privacy data ownership user autonomy informed consent
test-education-egtuscpih-con02a	Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. academic integrity online learning remote proctoring exam security cheating prevention plagiarism detection identity verification online assessment digital cheating online exam monitoring student authentication integrity in online education secure online testing academic dishonesty e-learning security online test supervision degree credibility university reputation contract cheating anti-cheating technology academic integrity online education digital proctoring remote assessments authentication plagiarism detection identity verification cheating prevention secure online exams student verification test security online test monitoring academic misconduct online learning challenges proctored exams AI plagiarism tools online assessment reliability exam integrity virtual invigilation diploma credibility academic integrity online proctoring remote assessments cheating prevention identity verification plagiarism detection online exam security digital invigilation e-learning authentication academic dishonesty student verification online education credibility remote testing credential validity authentication technology test supervision virtual classrooms anti-cheating measures degree legitimacy secure online exams academic honesty in online learning cheating prevention in virtual exams online course integrity remote proctoring effectiveness identity verification in online education challenges with online assessments ensuring authenticity in distance education online test supervision methods integrity of online university degrees plagiarism in online assignments security measures for e-learning credibility of online certifications combating dishonesty in digital classrooms effectiveness of online proctoring software technological solutions for academic fraud trust in online academic qualifications measures to uphold academic standards online comparison of online vs in-person exams online student authentication ensuring fair assessment in remote learning academic integrity online learning e-learning proctoring remote test security online exam cheating digital plagiarism student authentication identity verification online course credibility exam monitoring cheating prevention online assessment integrity virtual classroom challenges diploma validity proctoring software educational accreditation remote education trust anti-cheating technology academic dishonesty detection secure online exams online course cheating academic integrity online preventing cheating in online exams online proctoring tools ensuring honesty in online education verifying student identity online online exam security plagiarism detection in online classes challenges of online assessments remote test supervision digital academic dishonesty authentication in e-learning integrity of online degrees secure online testing methods proctoring software effectiveness online course credibility online exam monitoring solutions online education quality assurance student verification online deterring cheating in remote learning academic integrity online learning cheating prevention remote proctoring exam security plagiarism detection student authentication e-learning degree credibility online assessment identity verification test supervision educational fraud virtual classroom honor code academic misconduct proctoring software credential validity exam monitoring academic dishonesty academic dishonesty online online exam cheating online test proctoring virtual classroom integrity remote assessment security digital plagiarism e-learning authenticity online degree credibility online course cheating prevention remote exam authentication student identity verification online online academic integrity cheating detection tools online proctoring software online assessments challenges academic misconduct digital education technology cheating virtual proctoring methods maintaining honesty in online courses online education fraud cheating in MOOCs contract cheating online digital exam supervision online certification trustworthiness online learning ethics academic integrity online learning cheating prevention remote proctoring plagiarism detection identity verification exam security digital assessment e-learning ethics certification authenticity secure online exams academic misconduct student authentication virtual classroom oversight educational standards degree validity online test monitoring anti-cheating technology university accreditation assessment reliability academic integrity online proctoring e-learning security remote assessment student authentication cheating prevention digital exams plagiarism detection identity verification online exam monitoring credential validity remote learning challenges integrity in online education secure testing environments academic dishonesty solutions online education credibility assessment security tools degree authenticity remote invigilation technologies trust in online degrees
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con05a	"Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, democracy promotion foreign intervention regime change conflict escalation civil war backlash societal destabilization infrastructure destruction humanitarian impact rival factions resource competition rights protection Iraq War sanctions debaathification military occupation postwar reconstruction political transition state-building external influence Libya intervention Odierno societal devastation unintended consequences failed state peacebuilding insurgency legitimacy ethnic conflict governance collapse nation-building democracy promotion democratic intervention conflict escalation foreign intervention regime change backlash effects political destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption civil war internal conflict resource competition rights protection Iraq war debaathification societal devastation post-war reconstruction international sanctions military intervention government imposition Iraq case study Libya intervention negative consequences political violence regime transition nation-building failure unintended consequences military occupation security vacuum rival factions failed states democracy promotion regime change foreign intervention nation-building state failure civil war infrastructure destruction backlash destabilization sanctions political instability forced democratization ethno-sectarian conflict resource competition Iraq War debaathification power vacuum conflict escalation humanitarian crisis Odierno societal devastation Libya intervention negative consequences military occupation reconstruction challenges peacebuilding governance disruption violent conflict post-war chaos war outcomes US foreign policy imposing democracy conflict escalation military intervention government change foreign intervention backlash post-intervention instability infrastructure destruction intervention disrupting essential services democracy civil war foreign intervention Iraq foreign intervention consequences Iraq war societal devastation disbanding army intervention effects debaathification consequences Iraq democracy imposition violent conflict intervention resource competition rights protection intervention Gulf War Iraq civil war sanctions impact Iraq conflict Odierno societal devastation Iraq intervention Libya Iraq comparison lessons learned Iraq intervention democracy imposition failures destabilization post-intervention foreign policy intervention outcomes democracy promotion regime change foreign intervention civil war Iraq case study infrastructure destruction sanctions impact debaathification backlash societal destabilization resource competition rights protection post-war reconstruction rival factions imposition of government humanitarian consequences nation-building military intervention Odierno Kane US foreign policy failed states political instability service disruption Libya comparison historical examples policy lessons reconstruction challenges intervention outcomes societal devastation security vacuum war consequences democracy promotion consequences foreign intervention outcomes regime change backlash infrastructure destruction conflict post-intervention instability Iraq war civil conflict sanctions effect on society military intervention humanitarian impact rival factions resource competition debaathification effects Odierno societal devastation Libya intervention lessons forced government change risks political reconstruction challenges failed democratization examples U.S. support Iraq stability civil war triggers intervention imported democracy limitations transitional governance violence foreign imposed governance instability imposed democracy foreign intervention regime change political instability civil conflict societal backlash infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict resource competition rights protection Iraq war Gulf war aftermath economic sanctions military occupation debaathification government collapse sectarian violence civil war nation-building postwar reconstruction humanitarian impact insurgency rival factions state failure example Iraq Odierno Kane U.S. support Libya intervention comparative analysis lessons learned democracy promotion regime change foreign intervention nation building civil conflict backlash political destabilization infrastructure destruction public services disruption Iraq war Gulf War consequences military intervention societal devastation debaathification post-war reconstruction sanctions impact resource competition rival factions rights protection U.S. foreign policy state failure Libya intervention counterinsurgency military occupation failed state regime change consequences Middle East conflict humanitarian impact international relations peacekeeping challenges conflict escalation military strategy democratization outcomes occupation aftermath democracy promotion foreign intervention regime change destabilization backlash civil war infrastructure destruction public services disruption resource competition rights protection Iraq war de-Baathification military disbandment societal devastation sanctions post-conflict reconstruction intervention outcomes failed state rival factions international relations Libya intervention U.S. foreign policy nation building violent conflict emergence lessons from Iraq humanitarian consequences democratization foreign intervention civil war regime change nation-building political instability post-conflict reconstruction state failure government imposition backlash effects infrastructure destruction sanctions military intervention debaathification social unrest power vacuum resource competition humanitarian crises Iraq conflict Libya intervention Odierno U.S. foreign policy state-building challenges General Odierno Sean Kane regime transition failed states external actors humanitarian intervention sovereignty ethnic conflict rivalry peacebuilding democratization consequences"
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro03a	There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. broadcasting ethics public service broadcasting artistic freedom media responsibility controversial art creative expression censorship licence fee BBC funding public trust audience diversity content regulation platform for new art media independence pressure groups creative development broadcasting policy free speech cultural promotion media pluralism broadcasting responsibility broadcaster independence controversial art BBC funding structure licence fee public service broadcasting creative freedom censorship artistic innovation media trust audience diversity freedom of expression diversity of opinion public broadcaster obligations promotion of new art creative risks media pressure global audience protest impact media ethics balanced programming cultural development institutional trust funding models non-commercial broadcasters public broadcasting media responsibility arts censorship free expression artistic freedom controversial art media impartiality creative development licence fee audience trust media ethics BBC policy non-commercial media cultural diversity public service broadcasting global media arts promotion protest impact media independence broadcasting standards broadcaster duty to art broadcaster independence from funding BBC unique funding structure BBC support for controversial art license fee and creative freedom BBC global audience size audience trust in BBC BBC and challenging works of art commercial influence on broadcasters political influence on broadcasters protest against controversial broadcasts public service broadcasting mission BBC reputation and trust impact of funding on content choices promoting new art on television BBC responsibility to diverse opinions freedom from commercial pressures BBC and artistic experimentation broadcasting controversial works creative development in public broadcasting public broadcasting artistic freedom BBC funding licence fee controversial art creative development media responsibility audience trust censorship broadcasting policy protest creative expression global media arts promotion editorial independence cultural diversity audience engagement public service broadcaster arts programming freedom of expression media influence protest impact editorial standards challenging art independent media broadcaster duty independent broadcaster responsibilities controversial art platform BBC funding structure public broadcasting ethics creative development promotion licence fee advantages commercial influence on art political influence on art BBC audience statistics protest against broadcasts broadcasting trust censorship in broadcasting artistic freedom new works of art promotion creative expression in media BBC output diversity media platform responsibility arts programming handling controversial content public broadcaster licence fee BBC funding structure platform for art controversial art creative development promoting new works artistic freedom audience trust broadcasting obligations censorship global audience creative expression challenging works media independence protest editorial independence public trust non-commercial funding opinion diversity programme diversity artistic experimentation cultural responsibility freedom of expression state funding media ethics broadcasting policy media accountability audience engagement art controversy BBC broadcaster duty arts programming licence fee independent media new works of art controversial art creative development global audience public broadcasting media censorship artistic freedom trust in media media funding structure non-commercial broadcasters state funding media independence broadcasting policy audience trust cultural promotion opinion diversity creative expression arts controversy media protests BBC programming media ethics creative innovation public service broadcasting public broadcasting artistic freedom controversial art media ethics censorship licence fee creative expression creative development BBC audience broadcast regulation public trust arts promotion funding independence cultural diversity media responsibility state funding commercial influence creative innovation broadcasting policy freedom of expression broadcaster obligations artistic freedom controversial art unbiased media BBC funding structure licence fee media independence creative development public broadcasting audience trust freedom of expression arts promotion censorship media diversity global audience protest impact programming autonomy public service broadcasting challenging art media ethics
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro04a	"Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 gender quotas executive boards gender equality women in leadership board diversity organizational performance corporate governance female executives business ethics financial performance women representation workplace collaboration decision-making human capital Norway board quotas work-life balance inclusive leadership leadership style female managers company profitability women empowerment corporate culture gender-sensitive environment business competitiveness European Union McKinsey Organizational Health Index educational attainment strategic leadership conflict reduction business innovation gender quotas executive boards women in leadership corporate governance board diversity business performance organizational health Norway board quotas gender-sensitive business gender parity female executives collaborative leadership work-life balance business ethics gender and profitability women's education strategic decision-making workplace diversity corporate social responsibility competitive advantage EU business inclusion human capital women managers McKinsey report Sheryl Sandberg leadership diversity gender quotas executive boards women leadership board diversity corporate governance female executives organizational performance business ethics gender-sensitive workplace financial performance Norway board quotas workplace collaboration communal leadership human capital strategic decision-making conflict reduction work-life balance business model innovation competitive advantage EU business education level McKinsey Organizational Health Index leadership style corporate profitability decision-making business culture diversity and inclusion female directors boardroom composition gender equality company performance gender quotas in executive boards impact of women leadership on company performance benefits of gender diversity in corporate governance female representation on company boards Norway gender quota business effects McKinsey Organizational Health Index women leaders female executives and financial performance communal leadership styles in business work-life balance policies by women leaders decision-making improvements from women directors collaborative leadership in companies successful women business models gender-sensitive business environments human capital advancement with quotas business ethics and female leadership Sheryl Sandberg women in business EU economy gender diversity benefits strategic decision-making with women on boards reduced conflict through gender diversity company culture women gender quotas executive boards board diversity gender-sensitive business environment women leadership corporate performance organizational health McKinsey reports Norway gender quotas human capital women's education female managers collaborative leadership work-life balance strategic decision-making board communication business ethics competitive advantage EU economies Sheryl Sandberg workplace inclusion diversity benefits boardroom representation women in top management financial performance leadership styles Norwegian board quotas workplace culture conflict reduction business model innovation gender quota executive boards gender diversity corporate performance women leadership business success female board members company profitability McKinsey OHI women executives Norway gender quotas business impact women education executive boards collaborative leadership styles gender work-life balance female leaders boardroom diversity decision making business ethics women leaders competitive advantage gender equality human capital gender quotas Scandinavian gender policies corporate female representation board performance gender-sensitive business environment women in top corporate positions benefits of women executives equality quotas profitability women managers leadership style gender quotas executive boards gender diversity business performance women leadership board composition female executives organizational health McKinsey OHI boardroom quotas Norway model human capital women's education leadership styles collaborative leadership work-life balance strategic decision-making communication conflict reduction business ethics workplace equality Sheryl Sandberg competitive advantage EU economy corporate governance diversity impact women in management corporate financial performance women board members business culture Scandinavian quotas gender quota women executive boards gender diversity business performance female leadership board diversity Norway board quota women corporate governance organizational health index McKinsey women leadership gender equality workplace women human capital female board member impact women work-life balance business ethics gender strategic decision making gender female collaborative leadership gender sensitive policies business model gender impact EU gender competitiveness leadership styles women workplace diversity benefits economic impact women leadership corporate performance gender diversity gender diversity executive boards board quotas women in leadership business performance company profitability organizational health female executives corporate governance educational attainment human capital leadership styles collaborative management work-life balance strategic decision-making workplace communication conflict reduction business ethics gender stereotypes EU business environment corporate competitiveness Norway quota law McKinsey Organizational Health Index Sheryl Sandberg diversity benefits leadership effectiveness workplace culture inclusive management women managers corporate social responsibility gender quotas executive boards gender diversity corporate performance women leadership organizational effectiveness board composition financial outcomes business ethics female executives Norway board quotas human capital collaborative leadership workplace culture work-life balance decision-making communication in boards conflict reduction European Union competitive advantage Sheryl Sandberg McKinsey report boardroom diversity corporate governance business innovation"
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek default economic recovery recession Eurozone exit monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness Greek exports foreign investment economic growth tourism Argentina default fiscal uncertainty financial risk austerity measures bank stability corporate tax regulatory changes investor confidence local business structural reform fresh start sovereign debt economic stimulus international markets financial crisis single currency economic rebound market stability fiscal independence economic strategy Greek debt crisis economic recovery sovereign default Eurozone exit Greek recession monetary policy autonomy currency devaluation export growth foreign investment investor confidence austerity measures financial uncertainty Argentina default crisis management economic growth currency competitiveness tourism boost government debt economic stability risk reduction economic restructuring reform measures economic renewal financial restructuring policy alternatives Greek economy European Union fiscal policy macroeconomic stability investment climate Greek debt crisis sovereign default eurozone exit monetary policy currency devaluation economic recovery Argentina default export growth foreign investment tourism austerity measures economic uncertainty investor confidence risk reduction local business growth financial stability economic restructuring currency competitiveness fiscal policy reform single currency withdrawal economic recovery after default Greece economic crisis solutions effects of defaulting on debt Greek exit from Eurozone consequences benefits of currency devaluation Greece post-default economic growth case studies impact of uncertainty on investment Greece foreign investment after sovereign default Argentina default comparison Greece rebuilding economy after sovereign default default versus austerity Greece Greek monetary policy independence economic advantages of leaving Eurozone attracting tourism post-currency devaluation stability after removing austerity measures corporate tax changes Greece recession Greece financial crisis recovery strategies ending economic uncertainty Greece Eurozone crisis responses fresh start for Greek economy Greek debt crisis economic recovery strategies sovereign default Eurozone exit currency devaluation Greek exports foreign investment Greece Argentine default comparison monetary policy independence uncertainty in Greek economy austerity measures investment climate Greece banking stability Greece corporate tax Greece foreign investor risk local business climate Greece economic uncertainty post-default recovery financial risk mitigation economic competitiveness Greece international tourism Greece Greek default economic recovery Greece exit Eurozone impact Greek currency devaluation effects post-default economic growth Greece Argentina default economic comparison foreign investment after Greek default uncertainty in Greek economy austerity measures Greece Greek exports after default Greek tourism currency devaluation monetary policy Greece benefits economic competitiveness Greece default rebuilding Greek economy risk reduction post-default Greek local business start up post-default economic confidence Greece default currency depreciation and exports Greece Greece debt default recovery Eurozone crisis Greek solutions economic policy after Greek default Greek debt crisis economic recovery default recession Eurozone exit monetary policy currency devaluation international competitiveness Greek exports foreign investment tourism economic uncertainty investor confidence austerity measures corporate tax regulatory changes financial risk local business growth Argentina default sovereign debt crisis economic restructuring fresh start bank safety government bonds single currency economic stabilization economic growth Pettifor Ann Lapavitsas Costas BBC News The Guardian Greek debt crisis Greece economic recovery Greek default benefits economic effects of sovereign default Eurozone exit consequences Greece currency devaluation Argentina debt default comparison uncertainty in Greek economy foreign investment Greece Greek export competitiveness post-default economic growth Greek austerity measures impact of default on tourism banking stability Greece monetary policy independence foreign direct investment Greece Greek recession causes lessons from Argentina default rebuilding Greek economy Greek government debt restructuring impact of Eurozone exit Greece financial crisis policy responses to Greek debt risk in Greek markets Greek economic uncertainty solutions to Greek recession Greek debt crisis economic default Greece economic recovery Eurozone exit monetary policy Greece drachma devaluation competitive exports foreign investment Greece Argentina default comparison post-default rebound tourism Greece economy austerity measures Greece corporate tax Greece economic uncertainty financial risk Greece local business growth Greece foreign investor confidence economic restructuring economic stabilization Greece currency devaluation impact economic growth factors post-default investment sovereign default outcomes Greek financial crisis Eurozone breakup government debt restructuring Greek debt crisis economic recovery default Eurozone exit monetary policy currency devaluation exports foreign investment tourism economic uncertainty austerity measures corporate tax regulation changes investor confidence Argentina default economic growth financial stability risk mitigation local business development government default consequences single currency abandonment
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro05a	You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. intellectual property idea ownership patent rights public domain drug patents vital medicines monopoly power drug formula trade secrets innovation tangible assets intangible property public health patent law equitable access information dissemination production methods property rights knowledge sharing pharmaceutical patents open access knowledge commons innovation policy exclusive rights access to medicine intellectual property idea ownership public domain patent law drug patents pharmaceutical patents monopoly power property rights patent reform knowledge commons drug accessibility patent criticism vital drugs public health innovation policy trade secrets open access technology sharing patent abolition proprietary rights commons-based ownership access to medicine generic drugs intellectual commons patent monopoly information dissemination intellectual property patent law public domain drug patents idea ownership monopoly power pharmaceutical patents information dissemination trade secrets property rights public good health access innovation patent monopoly knowledge sharing access to medicines vital medications open access patent abolition IP reform exclusive rights patent protection inventive process economic efficiency ethical considerations arguments against patenting ideas patent law criticism public domain drug formulas intellectual property limitations vital drug patents debate drug patent monopoly pharmaceutical innovation public benefit trade secrets vs. patents tangible vs. intangible property ethical issues in drug patents open access to medical discoveries drug formula ownership rights balancing innovation and public good patents and healthcare equity abolishing pharmaceutical patents public health and intellectual property alternatives to drug patents property rights in ideas protecting production methods dissemination of innovative ideas intellectual property patent ownership public domain drug patents idea ownership monopoly power drug formula protection trade secrets open access medicine equitable drug access pharma patents innovation and patents public health goods patent law information dissemination tangible vs intangible assets legal safeguards patent monopoly medical innovation knowledge commons pharmaceutical intellectual property patent abolition access to medicines property rights in ideas drug affordability IP law reform intellectual property public domain drug patent debate patent law reform open access medicine pharmaceutical innovation monopoly and drug pricing anti-patent arguments patent abolition knowledge commons trade secrets vs patents patent ethics pharmaceutical accessibility vital drug ownership compulsory licensing property rights and ideas public health patents free access to drug formulas drug research and development incentives ownership of ideas innovation without patents intellectual property public domain patent law drug patents idea ownership monopoly power trade secrets property rights pharmaceutical patents innovation drug accessibility patent protection knowledge dissemination public good patent monopoly tangible assets knowledge sharing patent restrictions patent system vital medicines patent exclusivity patent debate ethics in patents healthcare access open access creative commons patent enforcement patentability legal philosophy information ownership intellectual property public domain patent law drug patents pharmaceutical monopoly idea ownership patent reform open access medicine innovation policy trade secrets patent abolition vital drugs accessibility knowledge sharing anti-patent movement public health copyright vs patent pharmaceutical ethics compulsory licensing essential medicines property rights debate innovation incentives patent restrictions generic drugs social justice patents knowledge commons intellectual property idea ownership patent law public domain vital drugs drug patents monopoly power drug formula property rights trade secrets production methods tangible assets public good health innovation patent protection proprietary knowledge knowledge dissemination open access pharmaceutical patents equitable access information commons innovation policy antitrust patent reform knowledge sharing intellectual commons intellectual property public domain patent law drug patents pharmaceutical patents idea ownership trade secrets patent monopoly property rights innovation knowledge dissemination patent restrictions access to medicine pharmaceutical innovation open access public interest equitable use patent system patent reform idea sharing intellectual monopoly patent protection creative commons vital medicine drug accessibility legal philosophy intangible assets patent criticism patent ethics health equity knowledge commons
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro03a	Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. jury impartiality jury bias media influence pretrial publicity juror misconduct external information internet research by jurors news coverage effect sensationalism in media court evidence prior convictions judicial instructions information control fair trial jury verdict reliability juror education courtroom transparency public perception media impact on justice fact-based verdicts prejudicial information jury impartiality juror bias media influence on jurors pretrial publicity juror misconduct internet research by jurors fair trial safeguards prior convictions in court juror information access extraneous influence courtroom evidence versus media juror education judicial instructions juror decision-making impact of publicity on trials jury bias media influence jury impartiality pretrial publicity jury decision-making external information internet research by jurors prior convictions court evidence juror misconduct sensationalist media verdict reliability courtroom information control impartial juror high-profile cases juror education legal disclosure judicial instructions prejudice in trials fair trial juror impartiality media influence media impact on jury decisions juror internet research legal cases effects of pretrial publicity on jurors court measures against biased verdicts disclosure of previous convictions to juries jury instructions regarding outside information preventing juror misconduct online jurors accessing inadmissible information court response to media-sensitized jurors judicial strategies to mitigate juror bias evidence disclosure and fair trials transparency of criminal histories in court balancing juror information rights effects of sensationalist reporting on juries juror bias media influence on juries impartial jury pretrial publicity juror impartiality internet research by jurors jury misconduct court-provided information previous convictions disclosure sensationalist media effects fair trial jury verdict reliability criminal justice transparency attorney general juror cases information control in trials jury impartiality media influence on jurors juror bias internet research by jurors fair trial concerns juror access to information previous convictions in court juror misconduct legal reforms for juries effects of media coverage on trials jury verdict reliability court information disclosure media sensationalism and justice attorney general juror cases preventing juror bias evidence admissibility juror education judicial instructions to juries case background research by jurors ensuring fair verdicts jury bias juror impartiality media influence pretrial publicity external information court instructions internet research by jurors juror misconduct prior convictions disclosure verdict reliability sensationalist media case background research information overload fair trial impartial verdict judicial transparency court procedure legal information evidence presentation criminal justice system prejudicial information jury bias media influence on jurors impartiality of juries juror internet research prior convictions in court juror information sources effects of media coverage on trials court transparency juror misconduct fair trial challenges information leakage in courts legal reforms jury system verdict reliability juror knowledge pretrial public opinion court cases attorney general juror cases juror behavior safeguarding impartial juries courtroom evidence rules defendant rights media juror bias media influence jury impartiality court information prior convictions internet research verdict reliability sensationalist media jury instructions courtroom evidence juror misconduct pretrial publicity legal safeguards judicial transparency case background information disclosure jury decision-making external information legal procedure fair trial jury bias juror impartiality media influence on juries pretrial publicity juror misconduct internet research by jurors information leakage trial fairness previous convictions in court disclosure of evidence sensationalist media impact juror decision-making courtroom information control court transparency attorney general juror cases
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro02a	Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, election costs election uncertainty electoral violence financial burden election financing sham elections government change policy uncertainty political violence campaign violence stolen elections election protests election legitimacy voter suppression authoritarian regimes democratic elections post-election unrest governance stability political instability election outcomes public trust government legitimacy election monitoring vote rigging international aid election expenses election interference political repression crisis during elections election costs election uncertainty electoral violence financial burden of elections sham elections election funding political stability election-related violence government expenditure cost-benefit analysis of elections democratic process election legitimacy post-election protests election-induced instability resource allocation impact of elections on developing countries election financing challenges public safety in elections political risk impact of elections on governance election costs electoral uncertainty financial burden democratic process political violence election-related violence election financing sham elections election legitimacy policy uncertainty government transition protest movements election violence election outcomes election benefits election expenses election integrity democratic stability post-election unrest voting process international election funding electoral fraud election risks political instability non-democratic elections election security election reform public trust in elections financial aid for elections election suppression costs of holding elections financial burden of elections election-related violence election uncertainty alternatives to elections election legitimacy issues benefits of non-electoral governance expensive election processes political instability from elections democratic election challenges risks of sham elections international financial aid for elections violence during election campaigns impact of stolen elections drawbacks of democratic transitions cost-benefit analysis of elections election funding problems presidential election expenses Zimbabwe election costs Iran election protests election costs electoral uncertainty financial burden of elections violence in elections sham elections election-related violence stolen elections election legitimacy political instability democratic processes Zimbabwe elections Iran Green Movement campaign violence government change election financing voter security election fraud political protests election outcomes international election assistance election cost analysis financial impact of elections election uncertainty democratic process debate sham elections consequences election violence Zimbabwe election costs United States election spending election policy transitions government change risks political violence in elections Iran Green Movement protests cost-benefit of elections alternatives to elections election legitimacy concerns electoral stability stolen election aftermath international election funding election-related human rights issues election campaign risks election costs financial burden election uncertainty election violence democratic process expenses political instability campaign violence post-election unrest government spending on elections election security electoral fraud sham elections election-related deaths voter suppression stolen elections protest crackdowns political reform election integrity legitimacy of elections international election funding electoral accountability election outcome unpredictability election legitimacy challenges government transition costs election costs election uncertainty financial burden elections sham elections electoral violence Zimbabwe elections Iran Green Movement election funding political instability protest violence democratic process government change election fraud electoral integrity election-related deaths election campaign violence election legitimacy election crisis management cost-benefit elections election aid election financing political protests election risk international election assistance election resource allocation election costs electoral uncertainty democratic elections financial burden political stability electoral violence sham elections election financing election-related violence election legitimacy political protests authoritarian regimes government change election outcomes public trust post-election unrest voter suppression cost-benefit analysis of elections political risk international election support election integrity democratic legitimacy regime stability election boycotts election funding challenges electoral fraud election costs electoral uncertainty financial burden election violence political stability democratic legitimacy sham elections government policy changes voter suppression electoral fraud political unrest campaign violence election legitimacy protest movements post-election violence government financing election interventions international election support election outcomes democratic processes
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro04a	Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). foreign aid allocation donor conditionality aid prerequisites development assistance colonial legacy former colonies aid recipient selection aid flows UK foreign aid US foreign aid EU development aid democratization requirements business standards labor standards aid effectiveness aid criteria international development economic aid donor preferences aid justification aid impact governance conditions development policy recipient country selection historical aid patterns aid distribution donor-recipient relationships foreign aid allocation donor conditionality aid pre-requisites colonial ties and aid recipient country selection historical aid patterns British aid history democracy and foreign aid governance and aid aid effectiveness labor standards business standards development aid aid criteria international aid policy UK foreign aid US foreign aid EU aid requirements donor-recipient relationships democratization and aid aid flows aid distribution aid prioritization aid implementation development assistance aid decision factors economic growth and aid foreign aid donor nations aid allocation pre-requisites development aid colonial history former colonies aid flows UK foreign aid US foreign aid EU foreign aid democracy promotion democratization business standards labor standards aid conditionality development policy bilateral aid multilateral aid recipient countries aid effectiveness political criteria economic growth international relations historical trends aid distribution aid determinants governance policy reform donor-recipient relationship foreign aid donor prerequisites foreign aid allocation criteria colonial history foreign aid UK foreign aid history Britain former colonies aid aid recipient selection democracy foreign aid precondition democratization aid requirement economic development aid standards business standards foreign aid labor standards aid prerequisites US foreign aid policy EU foreign aid policy donor recipient relationships international aid distribution historical patterns in foreign aid motivations for foreign aid aid implementation conditions geopolitical factors foreign aid foreign aid effectiveness political influence foreign aid economic growth foreign aid aid conditionality foreign aid case studies donor nation preferences UK aid trends since 1960 foreign aid allocation donor nation prerequisites aid conditionality colonial history and aid aid recipient selection UK foreign aid history democracy prerequisites foreign aid democratization and aid aid distribution patterns former colonies aid business standards aid labor standards foreign aid aid effectiveness international development aid humanitarian aid criteria donor interests aid geopolitical aid allocation political conditionality US foreign aid policy EU foreign aid policy economic growth and aid aid implementation aid recipient eligibility development assistance postcolonial aid relationships foreign aid allocation donor nation prerequisites colonial ties and aid aid recipient selection historical aid distribution UK foreign aid history US aid democracy conditions EU aid requirements business standards for aid labor standards in aid Malta Cyprus aid 1960 India UK aid history developmental aid effectiveness aid policy decision factors democratization and foreign aid conditional aid grants economic growth aid determinants donor-recipient relationships aid flow determinants historical foreign aid trends foreign aid donor country aid allocation pre-requisites development aid colonial history former colonies British aid Malta Cyprus India recipient countries aid conditionality democracy promotion democratisation business standards labour standards implementation developmental goals United States United Kingdom European Union aid flows international relations economic growth aid justification aid preferences historical trends aid policy aid criteria foreign aid allocation donor nation prerequisites colonial history and aid UK foreign aid history US aid requirements EU foreign aid policy democracy prerequisites for aid developmental aid standards business standards in aid labour standards in aid aid implementation effectiveness aid selection criteria former colonies and aid political conditions for aid historical aid flows Malta foreign aid Cyprus foreign aid India foreign aid UK colonial aid patterns US foreign aid strategy EU aid conditionality donor-recipient relationships economic growth and aid aid policy analysis international development aid governance and foreign aid foreign aid allocation donor nation prerequisites development aid criteria colonial history aid patterns Britain aid recipients Malta Cyprus aid history India foreign aid democracy prerequisites aid democratization process US UK EU aid conditions business standards foreign aid labor standards aid prerequisite developmental aid effectiveness aid conditionality international development policy recipient country selection historical aid trends aid distribution factors political economy of aid foreign aid policy analysis foreign aid allocation donor conditionality colonial legacy recipient countries aid distribution development aid democratization business standards labour standards UK foreign aid historical aid flows prerequisites for aid aid effectiveness donor preferences US foreign aid EU foreign aid aid objectives post-colonial countries international development aid policy aid recipients conditional aid political prerequisites economic growth aid history
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro01a	Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, separation of powers legislative oversight divided government executive branch legislative branch bipartisanship party opposition government accountability policy compromise federalism government transparency presidential power checks on executive single-party rule political polarization authoritarianism legislative-executive relations abuse of power American government Benjamin Franklin democratic principles government scrutiny balance of power policy justification gridlock consensus building constitutional checks checks and balances separation of powers divided government legislative oversight executive oversight opposition party political accountability government transparency policy scrutiny two-party system single-party rule legislative-executive relations government abuse of power compromise in government bipartisan cooperation power sharing authoritarian regimes government control legislative independence Benjamin Franklin policy justification legislative checks executive restraint balanced government congressional oversight separation of powers divided government executive oversight legislative oversight party opposition policy scrutiny legislative checks executive power single-party rule compromise in government authoritarian dangers democratic safeguards presidential accountability government abuse prevention bipartisan cooperation Franklin on government legislative division political gridlock power balance government transparency checks and balances in government divided government benefits divided government vs single party rule executive oversight by legislature party opposition in policy scrutiny legislative checks on executive power risks of single party governments authoritarianism and legislative oversight historical examples of checks and balances Benjamin Franklin quotes on government bipartisan compromise in policy making preventing abuse of power in government advantages of divided government policy justification to opposition parties legislative-executive relations divided legislature effectiveness necessity of government division executive branch accountability compromise in American government ensuring best policy through division checks and balances divided government political opposition policy scrutiny executive oversight legislative branch single-party rule government abuse of power authoritarian government compromise bipartisan policy U.S. government structure role of opposition political accountability separation of powers Benjamin Franklin legislative division political gridlock democratic safeguards party control legislative-executive relations American democracy policy justification governmental power limits multi-party system checks and balances divided government legislative oversight executive power political compromise single-party rule vs divided government policy scrutiny opposition party separation of powers government accountability legislative-executive relations abuse of power prevention bipartisan legislation Benjamin Franklin legislative quote government power limits U.S. political system policy justification authoritarian regimes comparison democratic safeguards checks on executive authority role of opposition impact of party control American government structure checks and balances separation of powers divided government party opposition policy scrutiny legislative oversight executive accountability bipartisan compromise single-party rule authoritarianism government abuse of power legislative-executive relations political gridlock policy justification democratic governance Franklin legislative division American government structure minority party influence policy debate power distribution political compromise system of accountability legislative checks executive power constraints policy oversight bipartisan policy-making checks and balances divided government single-party rule legislative oversight executive power policy scrutiny party opposition policy compromise legislative-executive relations governmental abuse of power political accountability Benjamin Franklin legislative division separation of powers bipartisan cooperation American government structure legislative checks political gridlock authoritarian government comparison historical perspectives on governance federal government dynamics constitutional democracy U.S. political parties effective policymaking checks and balances divided government party control government oversight legislative branch executive branch opposition party policy scrutiny political compromise single-party rule authoritarianism power abuse presidential authority legislative-executive relations bipartisanship Benjamin Franklin government accountability policy justification democratic safeguards policy gridlock effective governance separation of powers divided government executive oversight legislative branch political parties policy compromise authoritarianism government accountability opposition party democratic checks Franklin quotes legislative division single-party rule policy justification power abuse prevention governance scrutiny American government structure political safeguards presidential powers institutional balance
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro03a	Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. body image unrealistic beauty standards sexual expectations gender roles media influence self-esteem mental health sexual objectification patriarchy female stereotypes male dominance societal impact sexual behavior gender inequality relationship satisfaction sexual satisfaction cultural norms media representation gender stereotypes porn industry power dynamics media portrayal women's rights sexualization exploitation media effects pornography unrealistic body image sexual stereotypes distorted sexuality gender roles sexual expectations media influence self-esteem body image issues sexualization of women patriarchal structures objectification sexual dominance female submissiveness effects on relationships societal impact male dominance sexual behavior norms pornography criticism sexual identity mental health eating disorders media representation women’s rights gender inequality sexual exploitation porn industry femininity standards masculinity standards sexual consent empowerment media literacy pornography media effects sexual stereotypes body image self-esteem gender roles patriarchy sexual objectification unrealistic expectations relationship perception media influence women's mental health sexual norms male dominance female subordination eating disorders promiscuity sexual socialization media ownership societal impact gender inequality sexual behavior cultural ideals media representation pornography body image issues pornography unrealistic standards pornography impact on relationships pornography and self-esteem pornography and gender stereotypes pornography effects on women pornography effects on men pornography and patriarchy pornography sexual expectations pornography and female objectification pornography and male dominance societal impacts of pornography pornography and mental health pornography and anorexia pornography and promiscuity pornography and sexual norms pornography and gender roles pornography distorts sexuality pornography and women's rights pornography stereotypes pornography and consent misconceptions pornography unreachable ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal effects gender stereotypes female objectification male dominance anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchal structures porn industry ownership women affected media influence sexual expectations gender roles sexualization body image unrealistic standards psychological impact pornography critique social norms women’s rights sexism consent empowerment masculinity femininity effects of pornography on self-esteem impact of pornography on body image pornography and gender stereotypes influence of porn on relationships unrealistic sexual expectations from porn pornography and female empowerment patriarchy in the porn industry pornography and mental health sexual objectification in media media influence on sexual behavior impact of pornography on women male dominance and pornography societal effects of pornography consumption stereotypes promoted by pornography pornography and women's rights pornography unrealistic standards distorted body image sexual expectations gender stereotypes media influence societal impact relationship perceptions gender roles dominance submission objectification female self-esteem male attitudes eating disorders patriarchy sexualization of women male ownership of porn industry sexual scripts women’s rights consent misconceptions sexual behavior cultural norms female portrayal masculinity femininity sexual identity media representation feminist critique sexual objectification psychological effects socialization body dissatisfaction mental health power dynamics commodification of sex gender inequality pornography effects unrealistic beauty standards impact on relationships sexual stereotypes gender roles in media body image issues self-esteem and pornography male dominance female objectification patriarchy and media sexual identity distortion media influence on sexuality mental health pornography societal impact of pornography women and pornography men and pornography expectations sexual health education consent misconceptions sexual aggression cultural perceptions of sex representation of women in media sexual stereotypes media influence body image gender roles unrealistic expectations self-esteem relationship dynamics masculinity femininity patriarchy objectification sexualization mental health eating disorders female empowerment media literacy societal norms sexual attitudes dominance sexual consent gender inequality sexual scripts representation in media women's issues masculinity crisis sexual behavior cultural impact gender stereotypes empowerment power dynamics body image unrealistic standards sexual stereotypes gender roles patriarchy female objectification male dominance media influence self-esteem mental health relationship expectations societal norms sexual consent power dynamics misogyny gender inequality pornography industry media effects behavioral influence sexualization cultural impact
test-international-siacphbnt-pro02a	Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. youth entrepreneurship mobile technology Sub-Saharan Africa mobile phones digital innovation e-commerce mobile banking social networking healthcare solutions technology access market expansion mobile commerce business opportunities skill advertisement money transfer African startups youth empowerment information technology digital literacy mobile subscriptions digital markets mobile health tech-enabled business Africa economic growth digital solutions Helvetic Solar Contractors SlimTrader local entrepreneurship unemployment solutions connectivity West Africa East Africa tech adoption digital inclusion youth education mobile technology youth entrepreneurship Sub-Saharan Africa digital innovation e-commerce platforms mobile health solutions digital marketplaces mobile financial services business opportunities social networking technology adoption access to technology mobile subscriptions healthcare innovation skills advertising consumer demands goods exchange youth empowerment African startups economic development mobile business models SlimTrader Helvetic Solar Contractors tech-driven markets mobile device usage tech-enabled solutions mobile payments digital economy West Africa East Africa youth entrepreneurship mobile technology Sub-Saharan Africa digital innovation e-commerce mobile banking health tech high-technology adoption social networking mobile services African startups business opportunities technology access digital markets technology-driven development telecommunication mobile health digital payments Sub-Saharan youth tech entrepreneurs SlimTrader digital economy mobile apps mobile subscriptions African innovation digital business mobile commerce social impact emerging markets technology solutions ICT for development mobile-driven growth mobile adoption technology inclusion technology-driven youth entrepreneurship mobile phone adoption Africa mobile devices driving business mobile technology social solutions Sub-Saharan Africa mobile subscriptions youth access to high technology mobile phones business opportunities Africa mobile money flows Africa mobile healthcare innovation Africa SlimTrader case study e-commerce Africa mobile phones mobile advertising Africa identifying new African markets exchanging goods via mobile devices mobile technology economic impact Africa innovative youth-led African enterprises health solutions via mobile technology mobile market access barriers African youth technology challenges Helvetic Solar Contractors success Patrick Ngowi entrepreneurship Africa digital transformation mobile solutions for social good youth market creation mobile technology youth entrepreneurship Sub-Saharan Africa mobile phones digital innovation new markets e-commerce SlimTrader tech startups mobile health mHealth solutions digital economy business opportunities access to technology digital networking African youth mobile subscriptions Helvetic Solar Contractors Patrick Ngowi digital skills social problem solving Sub-Saharan digital divide technology-driven economy emerging markets mobile payments ICT development Africa African tech ecosystem digital transformation mobile-enabled services digital entrepreneurship information and communication technology Africa mobile technology Africa youth entrepreneurship mobile phones digital solutions Sub-Saharan Africa e-commerce platforms West Africa mobile health innovation Africa mobile-driven business opportunities SlimTrader case study youth access to high-tech Africa mobile devices new markets mobile payments Africa technology adoption youth mobile phone economic impact innovative mobile services Africa social networking mobile Africa mobile tech healthcare Africa Sub-Saharan Africa digital economy African tech entrepreneurs mobile advertising opportunities Africa digital skills employment youth Helvetic Solar Contractors Africa Patrick Ngowi success story mobile subscriptions Africa statistics future of mobile technology Africa technology-enabled networking Africa mobile youth entrepreneurship mobile technology digital innovation Sub-Saharan Africa mobile phone penetration business opportunities e-commerce SlimTrader technology access digital connectivity social networking health tech mobile commerce skill marketplace economic empowerment mobile subscriptions healthcare solutions new markets digital marketplace African startups mobile payments digital advertising economic development technology adoption Helvetic Solar Contractors Patrick Ngowi mobile technology Africa youth entrepreneurship Africa mobile phones market access e-commerce Africa digital innovation West Africa digital innovation East Africa mobile healthcare solutions Africa Sub-Saharan Africa technology adoption SlimTrader case study mobile business opportunities Africa technology-driven social solutions youth access to technology Africa digital networking Africa new business models Africa mobile financial flows Africa high-technology generation Africa Helvetic Solar Contractors Patrick Ngowi success technology skills advertising digital consumer demand Africa mobile commerce Africa mobile devices Africa digital health Africa African digital economy mobile-enabled social impact entrepreneurship through mobile technology mobile subscription youth entrepreneurship mobile technology adoption Sub-Saharan Africa digital innovation mobile commerce e-health solutions mobile banking market expansion youth empowerment e-commerce platforms social networking skill advertisement access to technology technology-driven economic growth health care innovation business opportunities ICT in Africa African startups mobile payments entrepreneurial challenges tech-enabled services social problem-solving online marketplaces digital inclusion technology access disparities African mobile ecosystem financial inclusion mobile-based education mobile-driven entrepreneurship emerging markets youth-led social innovation mobile technology youth entrepreneurship Sub-Saharan Africa mobile commerce e-health digital markets mobile phones adoption innovation in Africa ICT for development e-commerce platforms social networking tech startups Africa digital skills access to technology digital inclusion financial flows business opportunities mobile apps African market expansion healthcare technology digital advertising m-payment mobile services technology empowerment information dissemination African entrepreneurs
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro03a	Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. self-segregation linguistic diversity racial integration assimilation social cohesion cultural integration language barriers minority communities Spanish-speaking population immigrant assimilation multiculturalism social balkanization language unity ethnic enclaves bilingualism cultural diversity language policy integration challenges social fragmentation language accommodation social integration community cohesion self-segregation linguistic diversity language barriers assimilation integration cultural division social cohesion racial segregation multiculturalism Spanish-speaking communities language policy immigrant assimilation bilingualism social balkanization ethnic enclaves diversity challenges minority languages cultural unity ethnic integration communication barriers English proficiency acculturation social integration community cohesion linguistic assimilation minority integration language assimilation immigrant communities language-induced segregation self-segregation linguistic diversity social integration cultural assimilation racial segregation minority language communities multiculturalism bilingualism ethnic enclaves language barriers social cohesion immigrant integration Hispanic population Spanish language media balkanization cultural unity language policy social fragmentation intergroup relations English proficiency acculturation community integration diversity challenges assimilation policies language retention bilingual education and assimilation impact of linguistic diversity on social integration consequences of Spanish-speaking enclaves in US preventing cultural self-segregation role of language in community cohesion language policy and social unity assimilation versus multiculturalism language barriers and social fragmentation promoting English proficiency for immigrants reducing social balkanization in multilingual communities integration versus isolation of immigrant groups effects of ethnic enclaves on assimilation encouraging intergroup communication overcoming linguistic segregation challenges societal impacts of language-based communities self-segregation linguistic diversity assimilation social integration language barriers Spanish-speaking communities cultural assimilation balkanization minority languages multiculturalism immigrant integration ethnic enclaves social cohesion language policy bilingual education English proficiency immigrant adaptation demographic shifts ethnic identity multicultural societies cultural divides community cohesion linguistic assimilation acculturation United States demographics intergroup relations urban diversity self-segregation causes linguistic diversity and assimilation US racial integration challenges of multilingualism Hispanic population language trends social balkanization risks language barriers in US cities impact of language on social unity Spanish-speaking communities in the US minority language assimilation social consequences of linguistic unity effects of language on cultural integration language-based communities US reducing self-segregation strategies promoting linguistic assimilation self-segregation social integration racial segregation linguistic diversity assimilation cultural assimilation language barriers immigration minority groups social cohesion multiculturalism ethnic enclaves language unity social balkanization Spanish-speaking communities Hispanic population bilingualism language policy legal discrimination diversity and inclusion communication barriers social fragmentation ethnic diversity immigrant assimilation language retention majority-minority relations American society integration challenges language learning ethnic identity inclusive society self-segregation linguistic diversity social integration cultural assimilation racial segregation language barriers Hispanic population Spanish language in US minority communities social balkanization multiculturalism immigrant assimilation ethnic enclaves language unity communication challenges legal discrimination immigrant experiences ethnic diversity Spanish-speaking communities cultural unity language acquisition language policy urban demographics identity politics bilingualism in America social cohesion group isolation self-segregation linguistic diversity social integration racial segregation assimilation bilingual communities cultural isolation Hispanic population Spanish language language barriers social balkanization multiculturalism immigrant assimilation minority majority relations language policy community cohesion ethnic enclaves intergroup communication social cohesion English proficiency socio-linguistic divisions cultural unity immigrant experiences language acquisition integration challenges societal unity self-segregation linguistic diversity assimilation social integration cultural assimilation Spanish-speaking communities minority language maintenance language barriers social balkanization immigrant integration cultural cohesion multiculturalism ethnic enclaves language policy linguistic integration bilingualism language assimilation social cohesion Hispanic population ethnic diversity
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con03a	Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 court case broadcasting televised trials privacy rights victim privacy defendant family impact public exposure court proceedings stress media coverage court cases Milly Dowler case sensitive evidence irrelevant evidence media intrusion family privacy public vs private life defendant vilification victim intimidation testifying reluctance underreported crimes witness fear emotional trauma televised testimony criminal justice privacy court case publicity victim protection defendant protection media ethics secondary victimization open justice risks privacy laws courts live court broadcasting legal confidentiality courtroom broadcasting televised trials privacy rights victim privacy defendant’s family privacy media coverage court case publicity emotional stress psychological impact witness reluctance barriers to testimony trial by media negative media exposure family trauma criminal justice confidentiality evidence disclosure public perception stigma high-profile cases witness protection crime reporting deterrence reputational harm personal information exposure legal ethics sensitive information victim intimidation witness support justice system media sensationalism legal proceedings privacy courtroom broadcasting court TV right to privacy victim privacy defendant family rights media public trials psychological impact Milly Dowler case sensationalism in court evidence publicity vulnerable witnesses secondary trauma witness intimidation reluctance to testify underreporting of crime family distress public shaming privacy invasion judicial transparency media ethics televised trials case confidentiality negative publicity trial by media emotional harm televising court cases privacy concerns media impact on court proceedings effects on victims' families defendant’s family privacy court publicizing sensitive court evidence psychological impact of televised trials media influence legal process Milly Dowler case media coverage emotional stress family court trials public broadcast private court details victim testimony televised trials deterrents to reporting crime media court case exposure and victim reporting public perception and trial media defense tactics victim privacy secondary victimization through media obstacles to witnessing televised cases support for vulnerable witnesses privacy rights in criminal trials challenges testifying media coverage media ethics legal proceedings televised court cases right to privacy victim privacy defendant family privacy media coverage court stress publicising legal proceedings Milly Dowler case evidence in court personal information exposure impact on families irrelevant evidence media sensationalism public scrutiny emotional distress criminal justice system defendant protection victim vilification witness participation underreporting of crimes victim intimidation testimony reluctance legal privacy concerns televised trials consequences court transparency public vs private interests psychological impact witness protection social stigma court broadcasting privacy rights in court legal ethics criminal trial publicity victim support groups courtroom broadcasting privacy concerns televising trials victim protection publicizing court proceedings emotional stress media impact on defendants' families televised trials Milly Dowler case court evidence personal details exposure family privacy court cases televised court psychological effects impact of media on legal privacy defendants' families and media scrutiny risk to victims testifying televised trials reluctance to report crimes due to publicity privacy rights in criminal proceedings media influence on witness participation emotional impact publicized court cases legal privacy vs. public interest defending against vilifying tactics protection of victim identity in trials televised trials and witness intimidation legal reforms courtroom broadcasting trial television privacy concerns victim privacy defendant family public scrutiny media coverage emotional distress Milly Dowler case evidentiary exposure irrelevant evidence media sensationalism intimidation of witnesses reluctance to testify secondary trauma stigmatization victim support criminal trials open justice witness protection trauma-informed justice judicial transparency public interest reporting crime testimonial anxiety fair trial personal privacy trial publicity legal ethics evidence disclosure family impact victimization legal confidentiality court televising privacy rights victim privacy defendant family privacy public court proceedings court media coverage stress on families Milly Dowler case evidence public exposure personal information in court media intrusion critical evidence broadcast family impact vilification in court defence tactics victim intimidation witness reluctance underreporting of crime fear of testimony emotional distress victims public perception rape victim testimony support groups judicial privacy concerns legal system media courtroom transparency media sensationalism defendant rights victim protection family trauma court court broadcasting victim privacy defendant family rights court proceedings stress media exposure high-profile cases Milly Dowler evidence relevance public shaming family impact televised trials courtroom publicity legal privacy trauma of testimony witness intimidation underreporting of crime victim protection defense tactics trial by media discouraging testimony emotional distress safeguarding identities psychological impact judicial transparency vs privacy criminal justice television and law vulnerable witnesses court media coverage press ethics crime reporting reluctance support for victims privacy rights media sensationalism courtroom broadcasting media coverage privacy victim anonymity defendant family privacy psychological impact court proceedings public exposure legal cases televised trials ethics secondary victimization judicial transparency vs privacy witness intimidation impact on testimony reporting media sensationalism court privacy rights legal system Milly Dowler case study effects on legal participation trauma court appearances consent in media coverage trial publicity consequences protection for witnesses legal reform media access
test-international-segiahbarr-pro01a	Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa economic growth African GDP fast-growing economies African development African middle class Gambia economy Libya economy Mozambique economy Sierra Leone economy South Sudan economy Ethiopia economy Ghana economy Africa China trade natural resource exports Chinese investment Africa African financial growth emerging markets Africa Africa GDP trends Sub-Saharan Africa development African economic forecast Africa rising African wealth increase African urbanization African consumer market Africa foreign direct investment Africa infrastructure development Africa trade relations Africa economic transformation Africa international trade Africa growth statistics Africa economic growth African GDP growth fastest growing African economies African middle class African export markets Chinese investment in Africa Africa China trade natural resources Africa African development African economic trends sub-Saharan Africa growth emerging African markets African countries economic statistics Africa rising Africa future economy Ethiopia economy growth Ghana economy growth Gambia economy growth Libya economy growth Mozambique economy growth Sierra Leone economy growth South Sudan economy growth African investment opportunities African economic forecast African trade partnerships Africa business climate Africa infrastructure development African economic growth GDP increase emerging markets fastest growing economies investment in Africa natural resources exports China-Africa trade middle class expansion development in Africa foreign direct investment sub-Saharan Africa economic diversification infrastructure development poverty reduction economic outlook business opportunities Africa resource-driven growth South Sudan growth Gambia economy Libya economic recovery Ethiopia economic progress Ghana economic development Africa-China relations macroeconomic stability economic reforms African trade partnerships Africa economic growth trends fastest growing African economies Africa GDP growth statistics impact of China investment in Africa Africa-China trade relations African middle class expansion natural resources Africa exports sectoral drivers of Africa’s economy role of foreign direct investment in Africa top performing African countries GDP Africa economic projections 2015 income distribution Africa Africa emerging markets infrastructure development Africa economic growth challenges facing African economies Africa demographic changes and economy sustainable development in Africa urbanization trends Africa economy African countries with highest GDP growth future of Africa’s economies Africa economic growth fastest growing African economies GDP growth Africa African middle class expansion Chinese investment Africa Africa-China trade natural resources Africa emerging African markets Africa development trends sub-Saharan Africa economies foreign direct investment Africa Africa export markets infrastructure development Africa economic diversification Africa African consumer market prosperity Africa economic forecast Africa Africa income distribution economic transformation Africa resource-driven growth Africa Africa economic growth fastest growing African economies African GDP statistics African middle class expansion China investment in Africa Africa-China trade African natural resource exports Sub-Saharan Africa economic trends Africa development indicators economic growth drivers Africa Ethiopia economic growth Ghana economic progress South Sudan GDP Africa future economic prospects African investment opportunities African economic growth fastest growing African economies Gambia economy Libya economy Mozambique economic development Sierra Leone GDP South Sudan economic growth African GDP statistics Ethiopia economic performance Ghana economic expansion African natural resources exports China Africa trade Chinese investment in Africa African middle class Sub-Saharan Africa growth emerging African markets Africa GDP trends African countries development economic outlook Africa Africa rising Africa investment opportunities Africa-China economic relations Africa export data African macroeconomics African economic forecast African economic growth Africa GDP growth rates fastest growing African economies African middle class expansion China Africa trade African natural resources exports investment in African economies economic development in Africa African countries GDP statistics Africa China economic relations population income rise Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic trends top African economies foreign direct investment Africa emerging markets Africa Africa trade statistics economic transformation Africa infrastructure development Africa Africa growth projections African markets analysis Africa economic growth African emerging markets GDP growth Africa fastest growing African economies top African countries by GDP natural resources Africa China Africa trade African middle class expansion investment in Africa economic development Africa African export commodities Ethiopia economic growth Ghana economic growth South Sudan GDP Africa trade partners Sub-Saharan Africa growth foreign direct investment Africa Africa-China relations African economic future Africa business opportunities economic growth African economies China investment GDP increase natural resources trade relations African middle class fastest growing countries foreign direct investment economic development commodity exports Ethiopia growth Ghana economy Gambia economy Libya economy Mozambique development Sierra Leone progress South Sudan GDP economic trends Africa sub-Saharan Africa infrastructure development poverty reduction urbanization emerging markets Africa-China relations
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro03a	Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] alternative medicine complementary therapies conventional medicine established remedies integrative medicine efficacy anecdotal evidence placebo effect patient outcomes medical statistics treatment effectiveness clinical trials evidence-based medicine herbal supplements food supplements safety concerns adverse effects medical accountability health risks regulation consumer behavior public perception therapeutic claims medical publishing treatment choice healthcare trends chronic illness patient testimonials holistic health diagnosis delays supplement industry patient reliance alternative medicine complementary therapies integrative medicine established remedies conventional medicine efficacy anecdotal evidence fatal outcomes patient reliance exclusive use combination treatment clinical trials medical reporting publication bias therapy effectiveness adverse effects food supplements supplement industry regulation evidence-based medicine misattribution diagnosis delay medical errors treatment outcomes public perception consumer behavior miracle cure scientific validation safety concerns herbal remedies alternative medicine complementary therapies integrative medicine conventional medicine evidence-based treatment anecdotal evidence clinical trials treatment efficacy patient outcomes therapy effectiveness medical statistics placebo effect medical harm therapy risks supplement industry dietary supplements medical regulation treatment comparisons misattribution of cures medical accountability healthcare choices diagnosis delay patient safety CAM (complementary and alternative medicine) published medical errors natural remedies medical oversight therapy utilization patient reliance medical efficacy prescription drugs scientific evaluation holistic health alternative therapies effectiveness alternative medicine and conventional medicine comparison usage statistics of alternative treatments anecdotal evidence in alternative medicine reporting standards in alternative medicine harm caused by alternative therapies fatalities from alternative medicine delays in diagnosis due to alternative therapies food supplements industry impact regulation of alternative medicine credit for cures in alternative versus conventional medicine patient reliance on alternative therapies publication bias in medical treatments safety of dietary supplements transparency in medical error reporting complementary medicine efficacy consumer perceptions of alternative therapies statistical analysis in alternative medicine trials alternative therapies and animal health risks of self-medicating with supplements alternative medicine complementary therapies conventional medicine therapy effectiveness therapy statistics anecdotal evidence treatment outcomes patient reliance medical credit success rates conventional vs alternative therapy usage fatality reports diagnosis delay supplement industry supplement safety publishing mistakes clinical trials patient perception medicine criticism Astin study evidence-based medicine comparative effectiveness consumer choices healthcare skepticism alternative therapies effectiveness complementary medicine statistics alternative vs conventional medicine anecdotal evidence in alternative medicine impact of established remedies alternative medicine success rates fatality rates alternative therapies alternative medicine regulation alternative medicine delayed diagnosis supplement industry impact alternative medicine accountability conventional medicine error reporting use of alternative therapies in America alternative medicine harm cases medical outcomes alternative vs conventional patient reliance on alternative therapies evidence-based medicine critique alternative medicine safety alternative therapies and miracle cures food supplements health risks alternative medicine complementary therapies integrative medicine conventional medicine evidence-based medicine efficacy miracle cure anecdotal evidence patient outcomes clinical trials placebo effect treatment effectiveness safety concerns adverse effects harm fatality reports delayed diagnosis reporting bias supplement industry dietary supplements regulation consumer protection patient satisfaction medical statistics scientific publication healthcare choices patient reliance medical impact mainstream remedies accreditation healthcare practices alternative therapies complementary medicine conventional medicine integrative medicine anecdotal evidence placebo effect alternative medicine statistics efficacy of alternative treatments alternative vs conventional patient outcomes treatment success rates medical harm adverse effects alternative therapy fatalities dietary supplements supplement regulation supplement industry self-medication risks medical misinformation evidence-based practice healthcare decision-making alternative therapy usage patient reliance concurrent treatments bias in treatment reporting publication bias risk of delayed diagnosis alternative medicine trials fatal outcomes reporting standards regulation of alternative therapies alternative medicine complementary therapies conventional medicine evidence-based treatments efficacy comparison anecdotal accounts patient reliance medical statistics treatment outcomes placebo effect safety profile harm from alternative therapies reporting of medical errors fatality rates food supplements regulatory oversight patient decision-making healthcare spending clinical trials publication bias diagnosis delays medicine effectiveness medical accountability public perception supplement industry patient disclosure alternative medicine complementary therapies conventional treatments integrative medicine anecdotal evidence efficacy success rates patient outcomes harm from alternative therapies delayed diagnosis medical safety clinical trials evidence-based medicine reporting of medical errors fatalities dietary supplements supplement industry regulation United States patient reliance healthcare statistics placebo effect journal articles JAMA survey data medical skepticism critical analysis public perception healthcare choices adverse effects
test-international-gmehwasr-pro03a	The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Syrian civil war Free Syrian Army Syrian government forces military imbalance rebel armament anti-tank weapons Russian tanks air power helicopters man-portable air defense systems NATO intervention Hezbollah tactics Israeli-Hezbollah War military equipment Western support rebel-held areas airstrikes armored vehicles Syrian air force conflict escalation foreign military aid light weapons power dynamics Syrian conflict battlefield technology international intervention Syrian civil war Free Syrian Army Syrian Armed Forces military imbalance Russian military equipment anti-tank weapons MANPADS air defense armored vehicles Syrian air force rebel armament Hezbollah tactics Israeli-Hezbollah war 2006 Western military support Libyan revolution 2011 arms supplies battlefield outcomes military intervention insurgency Syrian government forces foreign policy Anthony Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Foreign Policy magazine Syrian conflict Free Syrian Army Syrian government forces Russian arms military balance anti-tank weapons MANPADS air defense rebel armament Hezbollah tactics Israeli-Hezbollah war 2006 Libyan revolution 2011 armored vehicles military intervention Western support Syrian air force asymmetric warfare urban combat rebel strategy military hardware arms supply weapons effectiveness battlefield dynamics contemporary Middle Eastern conflicts Free Syrian Army firepower comparison Syrian Army military strength effectiveness of anti-tank weapons in Syria portable air defense systems impact Syria lessons from Israeli-Hezbollah War 2006 Western intervention in Syrian conflict comparison Syrian and Libyan armies Russian military equipment in Syria arming Syrian rebels outcomes impact of aircraft and helicopters in Syrian war Hezbollah tactics against armored vehicles vulnerability of Syrian armored vehicles air superiority in Syrian civil war foreign policy recommendations Syria escalating conflict potential Syria cordesman lessons Israeli-Hezbollah War Doran Shaikh Syrian rebels argument Free Syrian Army Syrian military strength Syrian Air Force Russian tanks Libyan army comparison western intervention anti-tank weapons man-portable air defense systems Hezbollah tactics Israeli armored vehicles arming Syrian rebels military equipment supplies Syrian civil war foreign support to rebels Center for Strategic and International Studies Israeli-Hezbollah War 2006 air superiority rebel military capabilities Foreign Policy articles military imbalance Syria Syrian civil war Free Syrian Army capabilities Syrian army strength Syrian military equipment arms supply to rebels anti-tank weapons Syria man portable air defense systems Syrian airforce tactics Russian tanks Syria Hezbollah anti-tank tactics Israeli-Hezbollah war lessons air superiority Syria rebel-held territories protection Western intervention in Syria comparison Syrian and Libyan armies effectiveness of arming rebels Free Syrian Army Syrian military strength Russian military equipment anti-tank weapons man-portable air-defense systems Syrian civil war military balance armored vehicles air superiority Libyan army comparison Hezbollah tactics Israeli-Hezbollah war 2006 Western-backed rebels arms supply Syrian airforce conflict escalation rebel strategies foreign intervention military technology battlefield outcomes CSIS report Foreign Policy article light weapons armored resistance airstrike threats rebel-held areas military effectiveness Free Syrian Army armament Syrian military strength Syrian conflict airpower anti-tank weapons Syria man-portable air defense systems Syria Syrian civil war military comparison Russian tanks Syria aerial bombardment Syria Hezbollah anti-tank tactics Israeli-Hezbollah war lessons Western support Syrian rebels Syrian Air Force capabilities Syrian rebel equipment arming Syrian opposition Syrian civil war foreign intervention military balance Syria Syrian rebels vs government forces Assad regime firepower effectiveness of light anti-tank weapons MANPADS Syrian conflict Free Syrian Army Syrian military strength Syrian civil war Russian military equipment anti-tank weapons man-portable air-defense systems Hezbollah tactics Israeli-Hezbollah War 2006 military intervention arms supply rebel strategies air superiority Syrian air force armored vehicles Western intervention Libyan uprising military technology asymmetric warfare Middle East conflicts international military support defense systems Syrian Civil War Free Syrian Army Syrian government forces military capabilities Russian weapons Libyan conflict 2011 air superiority anti-tank weapons MANPADS Hezbollah tactics Israeli-Hezbollah War 2006 Western intervention rebel armament military balance armored vehicles urban warfare foreign support strategic studies Anthony Cordesman CSIS Foreign Policy Michael Doran Salman Shaikh air defense asymmetrical warfare conflict escalation international arms supply
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con04a	A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 U.N. standing army United Nations sovereignty world government international military force global governance U.N. neutrality U.N. moral authority democratic legitimacy Security Council veto China veto power totalitarian influence peacekeeping international peace agreements U.N. broker role statehood without territory U.N. decision-making legitimacy crisis U.N. impartiality U.N. reform U.N. self-determination. U.N. standing army United Nations sovereignty de facto state world government U.N. territory U.N. population military force international law democracy and accountability Security Council veto China veto power totalitarianism moral authority U.N. neutrality peacekeeping peace agreements honest broker U.N. legitimacy military intervention international relations U.N. decision-making global governance non-democratic institutions supranational military U.N. independence U.N. constitution collective security state sovereignty military control UN standing army United Nations sovereignty world government UN neutrality military force international law moral authority peacekeeping Security Council veto China veto power democratic governance statehood de facto state global governance legitimacy international relations totalitarian influence honest broker peace agreements perceptions of the UN United Nations authority international affairs intergovernmental organization armed forces global security supranational organization military intervention non-state actors UN standing army pros and cons United Nations as de facto state UN lack of territory population world government UN implications government standing armies comparison UN democratic governance concerns China veto power UN impact totalitarian states UN influence UN neutrality standing army effects moral authority of UN challenges UN peace agreements standing army risks loss of UN honest broker role international affairs UN standing army undermining UN legitimacy global governance and military power UN's perceived selflessness world government fears UN undemocratic world government concerns impact on international diplomacy UN historical context UN standing army U.N. standing army United Nations sovereignty world government UN neutrality moral authority peacebroker role veto power Security Council China influence totalitarianism international law democratic legitimacy supranational armed forces global governance statehood criteria legitimacy crisis peacekeeping operations state sovereignty UN authority global military force international relations Miller 1992-3 UN standing army implications United Nations world government concerns UN neutrality and moral authority UN as honest broker debate UN military force risks world government democratic deficit China UN veto power UN peacekeeping effectiveness sovereignty and international governance UN institutional authority standing army impact on peace agreements legitimacy of international organizations totalitarian influence in UN global governance challenges role of UN in international affairs U.N. standing army United Nations de facto state no territory no population world government standing armies democratic deficit China veto power Security Council totalitarian state UN neutrality moral authority peace agreements UN role honest broker international affairs sovereignty global governance military force international relations state sovereignty legitimacy impartiality world peace Miller 1992 U.N. standing army United Nations as a state world government UN neutrality UN moral authority China veto power totalitarian influence in UN democratic deficit United Nations peacekeeping consequences UN broker role sovereignty vs. supranationalism UN legitimacy military intervention UN global governance fears permanent Security Council members UN reforms international law standing army criticisms of UN military force global politics United Nations statehood criteria United Nations U.N. standing army United Nations sovereignty world government supranational military democratic accountability moral authority international peacekeeping UN neutrality veto power Security Council China influence totalitarian states global governance peace agreements legitimacy of UN independent military force UN reforms statehood criteria collective security Miller 1992-3 institutional trust international law non-democratic institutions peace brokering ethical implications global politics U.N. standing army United Nations world government UN neutrality moral authority veto power China democratic legitimacy international peacekeeping sovereignty totalitarian state global governance peace agreements honest broker military intervention Security Council international law Miller 1992-3 decision-making statehood legitimacy supranational organizations ethical implications state monopoly on force non-democratic institutions UN credibility
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con01a	The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ arms embargo European Union policy human rights violations Tiananmen Square massacre 1989 democracy protests China sanctions EU-China relations political prisoners democracy movement International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International reports Human Rights Watch China arms exports EU foreign policy repression of dissent student protests military crackdown international condemnation political activism in China religious persecution China arms embargo European Union China Tiananmen Square human rights violations democracy movement 1989 massacre student protests EU policy international sanctions prisoner rights political prisoners civil and political rights Chinese government Amnesty International Human Rights Watch international covenant ratification arms sales ethical foreign policy military exports repression political activism EU-China relations arms embargo EU arms ban Tiananmen Square massacre China human rights democracy movement political prisoners China student protests 1989 EU foreign policy International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International China Human Rights Watch China China democracy China political repression Chinese activists imprisonment European weapons export China accountability EU-China relations human rights violations China EU sanctions Chinese government crackdown arms ban EU China lifting EU arms embargo China Tiananmen Square massacre EU policy EU human rights China EU arms sales ethical debate China democracy record China human rights violations EU EU foreign policy principles EU relations with China arms Amnesty International China reports Human Rights Watch China criticism International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights China EU response Tiananmen legacy European weapons sale risks China political prisoners China current status EU sanctions human rights violations international reaction China Tiananmen arguments against lifting China arms ban EU-China diplomatic tensions arms embargo EU pressure on China human rights arms embargo European Union human rights Tiananmen Square massacre democracy political prisoners China International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International reports Human Rights Watch China EU-China relations arms sales ban civil liberties political repression authoritarianism EU foreign policy freedom of expression prisoner of conscience international sanctions mass protests democratic movements student protests diplomatic consequences ethical foreign policy punitive measures EU arms embargo China Tiananmen Square massacre EU human rights policy China human rights violations arms sales ban International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights China EU-China relations Amnesty International China reports Human Rights Watch China criticism political prisoners in China democracy movement China EU foreign policy China lifting arms embargo consequences European Union principles enforcement of arms embargo ethical arms trade human rights conditionality Chinese political repression June Fourth prisoners Europe China diplomatic relations arms embargo European Union human rights Tiananmen Square massacre democracy protests 1989 China political prisoners ban on arms sales EU policy Amnesty International Human Rights Watch International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights China human rights record repression political activism religious freedom authoritarianism international sanctions ethical foreign policy civil rights violations democracy movement protest suppression EU-China relations international law human rights violations weapons trade ban arms embargo European Union human rights Tiananmen Square massacre democracy protests China EU principles China sanctions student demonstrations 1989 political prisoners China Amnesty International China report Human Rights Watch China International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights EU-China relations lifting arms ban debate Chinese government repression EU foreign policy weapons sales China China human rights violations EU sanctions policy democracy movements China EU ethical policy China political activists civil rights China EU-China diplomatic relations arms trade ethics political repression China arms embargo European Union Tiananmen Square 1989 massacre human rights China democracy protests political prisoners EU foreign policy International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch arms trade EU-China relations civil liberties international sanctions diplomatic pressure democracy authoritarianism student protests human rights violations religious activists political activists rule of law international condemnation ethical foreign policy Tiananmen Square massacre 1989 student protests EU arms embargo human rights violations China political prisoners China International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights China EU-China relations Amnesty International China report Human Rights Watch China democracy movement China suppression of dissent weapon sales EU China protestor imprisonment China authoritarianism China EU foreign policy ethical arms trade China accountability human rights advocacy EU sanctions China
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con03a	"The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian participation Palestinian leadership Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejection of UN partition plan Jewish population expulsion massacres Jewish settlers land loss popular sentiment Israeli law Palestinian compensation right of return Israeli settlements Palestinian legal claims UN General Assembly Resolution 181 Arab state responses refugee crisis Nakba territory disputes Arab League Zionism Palestinian nationalism Arab rejectionism Alan Dershowitz ""The Case for Israel"" Arab-Israeli conflict historical grievances statehood land ownership peace negotiations 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian leadership UN partition plan 1947 Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Arab rejection of partition Palestinian participation in 1948 war Jewish refugees 1948 Palestinian refugees 1948 Israeli compensation law right of return Israeli settlements Arab-Israeli conflict massacre of Jewish settlers Palestinian land claims Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel Middle Eastern history post-1948 Israeli policy self-determination Palestinian legal claims historical narratives mutual victimization Palestinian actions 1948 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian participation Palestinian leadership Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejection of UN partition plan Palestinian nationalism Arab states Arab League Palestinian armed groups Jewish population Jewish settlers massacres Palestinian exodus Nakba Israeli law right of return Palestinian land claims Israeli compensation return policy Israeli settlements legal claims international law United Nations Middle East conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel victimization narrative historical responsibility Arab-Israeli conflict narrative bias mutual responsibility legitimacy of claims 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian participation Palestinian leadership rejection of UN Partition Plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem stance Palestinian actions 1948 war Jewish settlers massacres 1948 Palestinian enthusiasm for war 1948 Israeli law on exiled Palestinians 1948 right of return Israeli perspective Israeli settlements and right of return Palestinian legal claim after partition plan rejection UN partition plan 1947 Palestinian reaction Dershowitz The Case for Israel Palestinian responsibility Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian agency post-1948 land policies Israel Arab rejectionism 1948 Palestinian popular support for war 194 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian participation Palestinian leadership Grand Mufti of Jerusalem partition plan rejection Jewish settlers massacres Palestinian enthusiasm Israeli law compensation exiled Palestinians oath to the state right of return Israeli settlements legal claim to land UN partition plan self-victimization Alan Dershowitz Arab-Israeli conflict land ownership Palestine historical narrative Palestinian agency Jewish presence elimination international law Palestine Palestinian-Israeli relations Arab League intervention British Mandate Palestine forced migration 1948 Nakba property rights Middle East 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian participation 1948 war Grand Mufti Jerusalem 1948 Palestinian rejection UN partition Jewish settlers massacres 1948 Palestinian leadership 1948 Israeli law Palestinian return Palestinian right of return Israeli settlements history Palestinian land claims UN partition plan legitimacy Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel Arab-Israeli conflict historical causes Palestinian agency in 1948 Palestinian-Israeli land disputes legal basis Palestinian claims 1948 aftermath 1948 war Palestinian exiles compensation Palestinian narrative 1948 war Palestinian responsibility 1948 war 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestine partition plan UN Resolution 181 Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Palestinian leadership Jewish settlements exodus refugee crisis Jewish population removal right of return Israeli law 1948 land compensation Israeli settlements legal claims to land Arab rejection Nakba Israeli-Palestinian conflict Alan Dershowitz victimization narrative Arab states invasion Palestinian militias massacres 1948 transfer of populations post-war demographics sovereignty disputes historical grievances Oslo Accords peace process partition legitimacy 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian leadership 1948 Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejection of UN partition plan Palestinian participation 1948 war violence against Jewish settlers Palestinian nationalism 1948 Nakba right of return legal claims Israeli compensation to Palestinians Israeli law for exiled Palestinians Jewish population expulsion Arab-Israeli conflict causes UN partition plan controversy role of Palestinian leadership Israeli settlements Alan Dershowitz Israel Israeli-Palestinian legal claims historical land claims post-1948 Israeli policy Palestinian culpability Arab opposition to Israel Palestine 1948 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian leadership UN Partition Plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish population removal massacres 1948 Israeli law compensation Palestinian right of return Israeli settlements legal claims to land Alan Dershowitz Arab-Israeli conflict refugee status exiled Palestinians Palestinian agency partition rejection Jewish presence elimination historical narratives property restitution territorial claims international law 1948 Arab-Israeli War Palestinian leadership Grand Mufti of Jerusalem 1948 partition plan rejection of partition Jewish population expulsion massacres 1948 Jewish settlers Israeli compensation law right of return Palestinian refugees Israeli settlements UN partition plan Palestinian legal claim Arab-Israeli conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel historical narratives Palestinian agency Israeli-Palestinian relations Israeli law post-1948"
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con01a	The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 government surveillance civil liberties security state state power terrorism threat inflation media manipulation public fear counterterrorism policy government control overreaction anti-terrorism legislation power consolidation privacy rights mass surveillance political motives propaganda risk assessment crisis exploitation legislative overreach individual freedoms historical precedent national security fearmongering democracy erosion state overreach authoritarianism exaggeration of terrorism threat terrorism risk perception government manipulation security measures civil liberties state power expansion anti-terrorism laws media sensationalism overblown terrorism fears public opinion manipulation government control draconian laws erosion of rights reaction to terrorism historical terrorist attacks scale of terrorism security vs. freedom response to terrorism political motives terrorism policy government narrative threat inflation surveillance state anti-terrorism propaganda civil rights infringement security state terrorism discourse security policy criticism justificiation for state power public fear management media manipulation government propaganda civil liberties state surveillance anti-terrorism laws public fear risk perception government overreach emergency powers personal freedoms political motives mass hysteria security legislation draconian measures securitization democratic erosion security theater social control constitutional rights exaggeration of threats government exaggeration of terrorism manipulation of public fear security measures vs civil liberties historical terrorism vs modern response state control and power effectiveness of anti-terrorism policies civil rights infringement terrorism threat comparison motivations for increased surveillance draconian security laws political use of terrorism history of terrorist attacks responses to terrorism over decades propaganda and terrorism balancing security and freedom terrorism as justification for state power effectiveness of intelligence agencies impact of terrorism on policy measuring real terrorism risk public perception of terrorist threats terrorism exaggeration security risk perception government power expansion civil liberties anti-terrorism policies state control public fear manipulation counterterrorism sophistication historical terrorist attacks government motives Pan Am 103 bombing Beirut embassy bombing civil rights infringement terrorism threat assessment public opinion security measures justification draconian policies electoral influence regime strengthening media coverage of terrorism terrorism threat overstated security risk exaggeration government power and terrorism civil liberties and terrorism state control and terrorism anti-terrorism laws government motives terrorism terrorism and civil rights history of terrorism attacks Pan Am 103 bombing Beirut embassy bombing terrorism response comparison Western government policies counter-terrorism effectiveness draconian security measures anti-terrorist legislation citizen rights and security media and terrorism threat public perception of terrorism impact on civil liberties government propaganda terrorism state surveillance and terrorism evolution of terrorism threats measured response terrorism terrorism statistics Western countries terrorism threat inflation government control security measures civil liberties state power exaggerated terrorism risk anti-terrorism policies public fear regime strengthening historical comparisons Pan Am 103 US embassy Beirut bombing 9/11 response surveillance citizen rights draconian laws media influence risk perception counterterrorism strategy policy justification political motives legislative overreach national security state evidence-based policy public opinion manipulation human rights authoritarianism emergency powers security vs. freedom law enforcement powers terrorism threat exaggeration overblown terrorism risks government control terrorism security state expansion civil liberties terrorism anti-terrorism measures critique state power increase terrorism response history terrorism and citizen rights government overreach terrorism public perception terrorism security versus freedom terrorism policy analysis media and terrorism fear comparative terrorism analysis government motives terrorism measured response to terrorism draconian security laws counter-terrorism efficacy anti-terrorism laws and democracy manipulation of terrorism fear civil liberties government surveillance state power anti-terrorism laws public perception media influence risk assessment historical comparison security policies emergency powers political manipulation overreaction intelligence agencies social control individual rights policy effectiveness fear tactics public trust governmental accountability terrorism statistics legislative response privacy concerns terrorism exaggeration government control state power civil liberties anti-terrorism measures overblown security risks political motives public perception historical terrorist attacks Pan Am 103 US embassy bombing Beirut media influence policy response citizen rights draconian laws surveillance state security vs freedom propaganda government manipulation counterterrorism effectiveness security policy critique
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro01a	The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, marriage sexual ethics Catholic teachings contraception debate pre-marital sex Filipino culture family values religious values safe sex Church doctrine moral teachings population control sexual revolution unwanted pregnancies reproductive health bill youth Filipino traditions Catholic Church opposition historical Catholicism social change religious influence cultural values sexual behavior contraception availability traditional family Church teachings on sex Catholic Church teachings contraception debate premarital sex marriage and sexuality Filipino culture family values safe sex population and religion Philippines Church opposition contraception RH Bill controversy sexual morality Catholic social teaching reproductive health social change Philippines sexual revolution unwanted pregnancies Church influence society Filipino family historical Catholicism sexual ethics youth and sexuality contraception impact society religious beliefs Philippines reproductive policy cultural attitudes sex Church doctrine morality legislation faith and modernity Filipino sexual norms secular vs religious laws sexual behavior statistics Catholic Church teachings marriage and sexuality contraception debate premarital sex statistics Filipino cultural values religious influence on sexuality family life in the Philippines safe sex doctrine effects of contraception access sexual revolution history Roman Catholicism Philippines reproductive health bill controversy church opposition contraception Filipino youth sexuality unwanted pregnancies morality and sexual behavior tradition vs modernity impact of religion on public policy sexual ethics population control debates contraception and societal change religious doctrine influence sex education views church and state separation historical perspectives on sexuality sexual relations and marriage contraception and pre-marital sex Catholic teachings on contraception Filipino attitudes toward safe sex Church influence on Filipino culture contraception availability and premarital sex statistics consequences of contraception on youth Catholic Church values on sexuality family life and marriage historical Catholicism in the Philippines religious opposition to contraception bill premarital sex trends in the US contraception and unintended pregnancies tradition vs modern sexual values Philippines role of Catholicism in Filipino family Church teaching on safe sex cultural implications of contraception laws sexual revolution and social change RH bill controversies Philippines youth and sexual health policies Church vs marriage sexual relations contraception pre-marital sex Catholic Church Filipino culture safe sex Church teachings moral values population control family planning unwanted pregnancies sexual revolution Philippines history Roman Catholicism sexual ethics religious influence RH bill youth sexuality social change cultural norms sexual behavior trends contraception availability Catholic doctrine historical sexual norms contraception in the Philippines Catholic Church teachings on contraception pre-marital sex statistics safe sex within marriage Filipino cultural values on sexuality population control and religion Church opposition to reproductive health bill history of Catholicism in the Philippines effects of contraception on society unintended pregnancies and contraception Filipino family values Catholic influence on sexual morality sexual revolution and contraception contraception legislation in the Philippines traditional vs modern sexual values Church arguments against contraception impact of Western values on Filipino culture reproductive health debates moral implications of contraception premarital sex rates historical data marriage sexual relations contraception pre-marital sex Catholic Church Church teaching Filipino culture Filipino values safe sex husband and wife family life children contraception availability unwanted pregnancies sexual revolution Catholicism in the Philippines religious beliefs traditional values moral values youth negative consequences sexual behavior population studies social norms religious opposition RH bill religious doctrine sexual ethics historical Catholic influence Philippine society family planning religious objections CBCP News Bishop Filomeno Bactol Jeremy Greenwood Nezih Guner Catholic majority Philippines Catholic teaching sexual ethics contraception debate premarital sex statistics Filipino culture safe sex in marriage Church influence in Philippines religious values family life unwanted pregnancies sexual revolution population control reproductive health bill youth sexuality traditional values religious opposition to contraception sociocultural impact Philippine history Catholicism huband and wife relations Church authority moral values societal consequences impact on young people Church doctrine marriage sanctity cultural norms contraceptive availability demographic change sexual behavior trends reproductive rights debate historical context Catholicism Philippines Catholic teachings premarital sex contraception debate family values Filipino culture Catholic Church influence marriage and sexuality safe sex religious beliefs moral implications reproductive health bill sexual revolution historical Catholicism population control Church opposition sexual ethics traditional values Philippines demographics youth consequences social change unwanted pregnancies RH law controversy cultural norms Christianity and sexuality Church doctrine sexual morality bishop statements contraception availability historical trends societal impact church-state relations Catholic teaching contraception debate premarital sex statistics Filipino culture safe sex within marriage church influence in Philippines reproductive health bill sexual morality family values historical Catholicism social change in sexual norms consequences of contraception youth and sexuality Catholic opposition to contraception population and religion in Philippines Church’s stance on sexual relations moral implications traditional family structure effects of contraceptive availability religious values and law sexual revolution references
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con02a	If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” child performer ban illegal child performers legal protection for child performers government monitoring child labor laws Inland Revenue Health and Safety regulations underground performances age fraud in sports youth athletes professional sports age controversy Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League Baseball Miguel Tejada age scandal age falsification drug abuse in young athletes underage performers risks child performer exploitation failure of prohibition child protection measures regulation vs. ban child performers legal framework child welfare in entertainment unintended consequences of bans enforcement challenges comparison with sports age fraud harmful effects of bans on children child performers child labor laws illegal child performance legal protection for child actors child labor regulations government monitoring health and safety standards Inland Revenue oversight child exploitation enforcement of child performance laws underground child performers risks of banning child performers age fraud in sports underage athletes Latin American baseball age fraud Major League Baseball child players unregulated child labor child performer safety government supervision child performers harmful effects of banning performance child drug abuse in sports consequences of child performer ban professional sports age manipulation child protection laws negative outcomes child bans international cases child performers child performer ban illegal child performance child labor laws legal protection for child performers government monitoring of child work Inland Revenue child regulations Health and Safety child performer underage performers age fraud in sports professional sports child eligibility fake age documents Latin American baseball players age controversy Miguel Tejada age scandal athlete age misrepresentation child performance risks child performer exploitation drug abuse young athletes overdose child athlete black market child performance consequences of banning child performers regulation of child talent working conditions child performers impact of ban on children professional sports age cheating child performer welfare enforcement of child protection child performer ban consequences illegal child performance risks legal protection for child performers government monitoring of child performance child performers health and safety impact of banning child performers parallels with age fraud in sports age falsification baseball examples underage athletes legal issues child performer exploitation risks child labor laws performing arts drug abuse among underage athletes risks of banning child performers real-world examples of performer bans child athletes professional sports risks Latin American baseball age fraud Miguel Tejada age scandal unmonitored child performance dangers law enforcement child performance comparison child sports performing arts child performers child labor laws illegal child performance legal protections for child workers government monitoring occupational health and safety Inland Revenue child exploitation underground performance industry professional sports age fraud athlete age falsification youth sports regulation Major League Baseball age controversies Latin American baseball players child sports scandals drug abuse in young athletes consequences of child performer ban risk exposure for child workers child protection policies enforcement of child labor laws legal frameworks for child entertainers unregulated child labor case studies child athletes legislative approaches child performance unintended consequences performance bans child welfare sports industry child performers legal protection consequences of banning child performers illegal child performance risks government monitoring of child labor child athletes age fraud Latin American baseball player age scandal Miguel Tejada age controversy child performers health and safety professional sports child protection effects of banning child labor in entertainment underage performers legal consequences drug problems young athletes child labor law enforcement child performers United States international child performance laws alternatives to banning child performers enforcement of age restrictions in sports child labor in professional sports risks of unregulated child performance child welfare in entertainment industry child performers child labor illegal performances legal protection government regulation child exploitation labor laws age verification youth performers professional sports fake age age fraud Latin American baseball US Major League Baseball athlete age controversy Miguel Tejada athlete drug abuse underage athletes child worker safety black market performances enforcement challenges child actor protection Health and Safety monitoring Inland Revenue sports ethics child rights professional athlete risks child performance ban youth athlete vulnerability underage employment child welfare case studies high-profile scandals child entertainment industry international sports law DNA testing in sports child performer ban child labor laws illegal child performances legal protection for child performers government monitoring of child performers Inland Revenue child performers Health and Safety child performers child performers rights age fraud in sports underage athletes Latin American baseball players Miguel Tejada age controversy consequences of banning child performers child athletes drug problems risks of child performer ban professional sports age cheating child safety entertainment industry enforcing child performer regulations child performer exploitation history of child performer bans legal vs illegal child performance child performer ban illegal child performance legal protection for child performers child labor laws government monitoring child work Inland Revenue child performers Health and Safety child performers unregulated child performance child athlete age fraud sports age falsification underage performers Miguel Tejada age scandal Latin American baseball age controversy child performer welfare child drug abuse in sports child performer exploitation youth labor exploitation professional sports minors child performer risks banned child workers consequences child safety regulation illegal child labor outcomes protection for young athletes policy impact on child performers entertainment industry child safety child performers child labor laws legal protection illegal performance government regulation child actors Inland Revenue Health and Safety labor monitoring banning child performers professional sports age fraud underage athletes Latin American baseball Major League Baseball false age documentation case studies Miguel Tejada sports scandals youth exploitation drug abuse in athletes athlete pressure overdose risks US immigration athletes performer rights comparison sports entertainment performer safety international athlete regulation child exploitation prevention sports ethics
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek debt crisis sovereign default economic recovery Eurozone exit monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports foreign investment tourism economic uncertainty austerity measures corporate taxation regulatory changes investor confidence financial stability recession Argentina default economic growth risk reduction fresh start fiscal policy economic stimulus financial reform local business foreign capital market confidence single currency structural reform macroeconomic policy bailout alternatives Greek debt crisis default economic recovery Eurozone exit monetary policy Greece currency devaluation Greek exports foreign investment Greece Argentina default comparison competitive Greek market tourism Greece economic impact Greek austerity measures economic uncertainty Greece foreign investor confidence domestic business growth Greece post-default economic growth rebuilding Greek economy financial stability Greece economic policy Greece sovereign debt default economic reforms Greece Greek debt crisis sovereign default economic recovery recession Eurozone exit monetary policy currency devaluation exports increase foreign investment tourism austerity measures economic uncertainty financial risk investor confidence Argentina default economic growth fiscal policy structural reforms capital inflows local business recovery inflation control international competitiveness government bonds Euro crisis bailout package credit rating Greek banking system market stability public debt restructuring Greek government default economic recovery Greek debt default historical comparisons economic effects of currency devaluation Greece impact of Eurozone exit on Greek economy foreign investment post-default Greece tourism after Greek currency devaluation uncertainty and investment climate Greece lessons from Argentina economic default scenarios for Greek austerity measures benefits and risks of Greek default impact of monetary policy flexibility Greece business confidence after economic default rebuilding Greek economy after default arguments against sustained austerity Greece Greek debt crisis Greek default Eurozone exit monetary policy autonomy currency devaluation economic recovery Argentine default example export competitiveness foreign direct investment tourism boost austerity measures corporate tax changes regulatory uncertainty investor confidence local business startups financial stability economic uncertainty sovereign debt restructuring investment climate post-default recovery Greek debt default recovery Greece economic crisis solutions benefits of sovereign default Greece exit Eurozone impact Argentina default recovery comparison currency devaluation Greek exports impact of default on foreign investment post-default investment climate Greece Greece austerity policy effects uncertainty and risk Greek economy monetary policy independence Greece Greek recession recovery measures Eurozone crisis lessons economic consequences of Greek default rebuilding Greek economy after default Greek debt crisis sovereign default economic recovery recession Eurozone exit monetary policy autonomy currency devaluation export growth foreign investment tourism boost capital inflow economic uncertainty financial instability austerity measures corporate taxation regulatory changes risk aversion investor confidence market competitiveness Argentina default case economic restructuring local entrepreneurship financial contagion banking sector stability currency redenomination fiscal policy flexibility Greek economic outlook post-default growth economic liberalization structural reforms European Union international bailout Greek default economic recovery Eurozone crisis Greece recession monetary policy Greece currency devaluation Greek exports foreign investment Greece tourism Greece economic uncertainty Greek austerity measures investor confidence Greece Argentina default comparison sovereign debt crisis leaving Eurozone Greek banking sector Greek economic growth exchange rate policy Greek government debt economic competitiveness Greece Greek debt crisis economic recovery sovereign default Eurozone exit currency devaluation monetary policy independence investment inflow export growth tourism increase economic uncertainty investor confidence austerity measures foreign investment local entrepreneurship risk reduction banking stability recession recovery Argentina default comparison currency competitiveness economic restructuring international market competitiveness Greek debt crisis economic recovery sovereign default Eurozone exit currency devaluation monetary policy independence Argentina default comparison export growth foreign investment tourism boost economic uncertainty austerity measures corporate tax regulatory changes risk aversion foreign investors local business environment economic growth factors investment incentives bank stability economic reform
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain ownership of ideas intangible assets monopoly power property rights tangible assets physical property creative commons non-commercial use commercial rights artists' rights creative process art as social good creative sharing copyright doctrine investment incentive profit motive labor of creation creative commons licenses equitable use invention Melbourne Lawbook Fitzgerald non-commercial protection monopoly critique art value experiential value social benefit financial gain artistic freedom intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property property rights creative commons non-commercial use commercial rights artists' rights creators' rights profit motive labour of creation art as social good artistic experience sharing art equitable use efficient use incentives for invention investment in creativity creative process licensing Creative Commons licenses limitations of copyright public access to art legal doctrines non-commercial licensing balancing rights Fitzgerald Walsh law Melbourne Lawbook commercial protections non-commercial protections outmoded copyright social public domain copyright reform Creative Commons non-commercial use intellectual property debate intangible assets idea ownership monopoly power artistic freedom information sharing innovation incentives copyright alternatives commercialization rights social good creative process property rights critique knowledge dissemination open access non-exclusive rights legal protection copyright policy equitable use author profits labor value creative commons licenses art value public benefit intellectual property legal fiction arguments against copyright protection ideas and public domain ownership of ideas debate intangible assets property rights monopoly power and innovation efficiency of copyright system tangible vs intangible property profit motives in creativity creative commons licenses non-commercial art usage social goods in art artist's rights and societal benefit compromise in copyright law commercial rights reserved artist profit non-commercial use copyright alternatives art sharing public domain reason for IP protections intellectual property law reform property rights over ideas creative process ownership legal safeguards for art moral rights vs economic rights intellectual property and social welfare intellectual property legal fiction copyright doctrine public domain idea ownership intangible assets property rights monopoly power tangible safeguards physical property investment incentive invention encouragement profit motive creative process Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial rights non-commercial use art as social good artistic experience copyright reform access to art equitable use creators’ rights societal benefit financial gain creative sharing open access legal philosophy economic efficiency monopolies in IP artistic value alternative licensing rights management copyright limitations art dissemination intellectual property critique legal fiction of copyright public domain argument ownership of ideas intangible asset ownership monopoly power copyright physical property vs intellectual property creative commons non-commercial societal benefit of copyright artist profit rights efficient copyright alternatives art as a social good copyright reform proposals commercial vs non-commercial rights creator incentive models copyright equity issues fair copyright compromise creative process recognition limitations on copyright protection benefits of open access arts intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain ownership ideas intangible assets monopoly power property rights tangible property creative commons non-commercial use commercial rights art as social good artistic experience creative process profit motives investment invention equitable use labor value restrictive copyright fair use public access creative sharing non-commercial licenses societal benefit open access copyright reform incentive for creators access to art tangible vs intangible property artistic commons commercial exploitation creative labor nonexclusive rights commons-based licensing intellectual monopoly creator’s rights public interest intellectual property legal fiction copyright criticism public domain ownership of ideas intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards investment incentive invention encouragement profit motive creative commons non-commercial licenses commercial rights art as social good artistic sharing copyright reform creator compensation intangible rights information ownership equitable use monopoly drawbacks creative process protection creative commons licensing open access art art for society profit and public good copyright alternatives commercial vs non-commercial use artistic value experience of art societal benefit moral rights lawbook company legal scholarship on IP intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards creative process profit motive Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial rights artists' rights art as social good artistic experience equitable use incentive for innovation labor of creation property rights debate open access knowledge sharing moral rights benefit to society cultural exchange anti-copyright argument creative commons expansion copyright reform access to art user rights public interest proprietary rights authorship intellectual commons legal frameworks non-commercial sharing licensing models fair copyright abolition public domain idea ownership intangible assets property rights monopoly power Creative Commons non-commercial licenses open access artistic value social good artist compensation creative process intellectual property critique equitable use incentive for innovation commercial exploitation legal fiction creator’s rights art sharing profit motive alternative licensing commons-based approach copyright reform information commons cultural dissemination
test-international-atiahblit-pro01a	Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. teacher shortage teacher recruitment teacher retention teacher incentives teacher training education workforce teacher-student ratio teacher supply teacher demand teaching profession education grants teaching scholarships teacher motivation teacher education teacher policy UNESCO education Africa education primary education teacher salaries education funding professional development teacher support teacher career pathways education reform teacher quality student-teacher ratio education accessibility Central African Republic Tanzania education Ministry of Education teacher replacement education employment teacher workforce planning teacher recruitment teacher incentives education careers teacher shortage Africa education UNESCO teacher report teacher-student ratio teaching grants teacher training education policy teacher workforce teacher retention sub-Saharan Africa education access primary education World Bank education teacher supply and demand teacher bursaries teacher professional development education sector jobs Tanzania teaching grants education workforce policy education incentives teacher motivation teacher recruitment teacher incentives education workforce teacher shortages teacher training teacher grants Africa education teacher-student ratios teacher retention education funding UNESCO teaching report primary education goals teacher salaries professional development teacher motivation career pathways scholarship programs education policy teaching profession teacher supply and demand student-teacher ratio teacher education workforce planning teacher support programs education infrastructure capacity building UNESCO teacher shortage solutions teacher workforce expansion strategies incentives for teaching careers improving teacher-student ratios Africa UNESCO 2013 teacher recruitment education policy to encourage teaching financial incentives for teacher training grants to study teaching teacher retention in sub-Saharan Africa teacher replacement and addition needs career pathways for teachers government support for education careers addressing teacher deficit in Africa policies for primary education rights student grants for future teachers teaching profession attractiveness African education workforce challenges positive recruitment schemes for teachers teacher student ratios improvement strategies for meeting teacher demand teacher recruitment teacher incentives education policy teaching profession UNESCO teacher shortages primary education workforce teacher-student ratio teacher retention educational grants Africa education challenges teacher training education reform teaching scholarships education sector investments teacher motivation career pathways teaching Central African Republic education Tanzania Ministry of Education teacher supply and demand teacher workforce development teacher recruitment strategies UNESCO teacher shortage teacher incentives Africa improving teacher-student ratios teacher workforce expansion teacher training grants education policy teacher supply teacher career pathways retaining teachers Africa teacher motivation programs teaching profession incentives addressing teacher shortages teacher supply and demand Africa education grants Tanzania policy solutions teacher recruitment primary education workforce teacher salary incentives World Bank teacher data teacher professional development education policy implementation social policy teacher recruitment teacher shortage teacher incentives UNESCO teacher workforce primary education educational access teacher training education grants Africa teacher-student ratio Central African Republic teacher retention education policy recruitment schemes teaching profession financial incentives higher education Tanzania Ministry of Education teacher preparation teaching career pathways teacher supply World Bank education workforce planning education reform teacher motivation education development teacher education teacher recruitment teacher incentives teacher shortage UNESCO teacher demand primary education teachers education workforce Africa teacher-student ratio incentives for teaching teacher training grants teacher career pathways teaching profession promotion education policy Africa teacher replacement educational incentives staffing schools Africa student-teacher ratio education workforce planning teacher retention strategies scholarship teaching careers educational access global teacher needs teaching as a career Ministry of Education policies teacher development teacher education programs teacher shortages primary education teacher recruitment UNESCO teacher demand teacher incentives teacher training teaching profession educational grants teacher workforce teacher-student ratio Africa education education policy teacher supply teacher replacement teacher retention teacher motivation scholarships for teachers education workforce planning teacher preparation programs educational equity teacher salaries teaching career pathways World Bank education reports Central African Republic education Tanzania teaching grants teacher shortages teacher recruitment education incentives teacher training education workforce teacher retention sub-Saharan Africa education UNESCO teacher report teacher supply and demand education policy teacher grants teacher motivation teacher student ratio Africa education challenges teacher scholarships educational investment teaching profession education workforce planning teacher education programs teacher support schemes
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro02a	Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, bilingual education cost bilingual education effectiveness balkanization in education English language acquisition bilingual teacher expenses curriculum costs student workforce preparation English immersion language barriers educational efficiency government education spending bilingual vs. English-only programs educational integration student language proficiency parental language influence tutoring for English learners parallel education systems education policy resource allocation education bilingualism disadvantages educational segregation bilingual education cost educational efficiency bilingual teacher salaries bilingual curriculum materials English language acquisition language immersion English proficiency outcomes educational resource allocation bilingual education criticism language segregation educational funding priorities workplace language skills parental language influence English language tutoring parallel education systems educational policy language minority students mainstream classroom integration educational equity student academic achievement bilingual education cost effectiveness of bilingual education bilingual education drawbacks bilingual education budget bilingual teacher hiring bilingual curriculum materials English proficiency language acquisition educational outcomes workforce preparation English language learners government education spending alternative English tutoring bilingualism and integration bilingual education policy bilingual education criticism bilingualism and workforce bilingual education vs. English immersion parental language influence education system efficiency bilingual education research cost of bilingual education bilingual education and government spending efficiency impact of bilingual education on English acquisition bilingual education versus English immersion bilingual education and workforce readiness disadvantages of bilingual education bilingual education and social integration balkanization in education effectiveness of bilingual education programs alternatives to bilingual education tutoring for English learners cost-benefit analysis of bilingual education bilingual teachers shortage parallel education systems bilingual curriculum expenditures policy critiques of bilingual education bilingual education costs bilingual education disadvantages government education spending efficiency in education funding English language acquisition impact on workforce readiness bilingual teacher hiring bilingual curriculum materials parental language influence English-only education English language immersion education policy debate bilingual education effectiveness student language development workforce language requirements alternative English support subsidized English tutoring Texas bilingual education case study Christine Rossell Texas Public Policy Foundation bilingual education vs. English immersion bilingual education cost bilingual education drawbacks bilingual teacher hiring costs bilingual curriculum expenses bilingual education effectiveness English language acquisition bilingual education and workforce readiness alternatives to bilingual education English tutoring subsidies bilingual education government spending bilingual education vs English immersion bilingual education and cultural division bilingual education policy debate educational budget efficiency bilingual education research Texas Christine Rossell bilingual education bilingual education education costs government spending bilingual teachers bilingual curriculum language acquisition English proficiency workforce readiness education efficiency education funding English language learners educational outcomes language barriers school policy educational disadvantages language immersion English tutoring education reform parallel education systems Texas education policy Christine Rossell Texas Public Policy Foundation bilingualism educational costs language segregation workplace success public education language instruction educational investment bilingual education cost bilingual education disadvantages bilingual education balkanization government spending in education bilingual education vs English immersion cost-effectiveness of bilingual education bilingual teacher shortage bilingual curriculum expense workforce language requirements bilingualism in the workplace disadvantages of bilingual instruction parental language influence education policy bilingualism academic outcomes bilingual education language acquisition in schools English proficiency education methods English language learners programs alternatives to bilingual education English-only instruction benefits educational funding prioritization subsidized tutoring for English learners education system efficiency bilingual education research Texas Rossell bilingual education study public policy bilingual education bilingual education costs government education funding bilingual teachers hiring bilingual classroom resources effectiveness of bilingual education bilingual vs. English immersion English language acquisition workforce preparation educational policy debates language use in schools impact on student language development academic achievement bilingual programs education efficiency tutoring for English learners cultural integration in education segregation risks bilingual education public opinion bilingual programs education return on investment policy alternatives bilingual education bilingual education Texas studies bilingual education costs effectiveness of bilingual education English language acquisition government education spending bilingual teacher shortage bilingual curriculum materials student English proficiency workforce integration language policy in education alternatives to bilingual education English as a Second Language (ESL) tutoring for English learners dual language programs criticism educational resource allocation language barriers in the workplace socio-economic impact of bilingual education bilingual education controversy parental language influence assimilation vs. multiculturalism educational outcomes for immigrants bilingual education policy debates
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con01a	Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Julian Assange self-promotion journalistic ethics serious journalism journalist qualifications media training privileged information espionage responsible journalism data dissemination Wikileaks founder computer programmer hacker technological process information release ethics journalistic standards news writing quality sources and contacts journalism profession cryptography whistleblowing press freedom media responsibility information security ethical journalism hacker culture investigative journalism journalistic integrity digital journalism journalism education media law journalistic background data journalism media accountability transparency in journalism Julian Assange self-promotion serious journalism journalist qualifications journalism ethics journalist training legitimate use of information espionage privileged information Wikileaks hacking background computer programmer technology in journalism data dissemination responsible journalism media responsibility cryptography leaking information press freedom journalistic integrity whistleblowing professional journalism standards media ethics information security publishing leaks Assange and journalism non-traditional journalists Julian Assange self-promotion journalistic ethics journalistic standards media qualifications journalism training legitimate information use privileged information espionage responsible journalism source protection ethical journalism computer programming hacking background cryptography Wikileaks founder leak journalism media professionalism press credentials whistleblowing national security information dissemination investigative journalism digital journalism media responsibility transparency vs privacy accountability in journalism Julian Assange journalism debate Julian Assange self-promotion Wikileaks motivation qualifications of journalists journalist ethics vs hacking privileged information vs espionage journalism training responsible journalism information release comparison of Assange to professional journalists computer programming background of Assange hacker culture vs journalism cryptography and media impact of Wikileaks on journalism media responsibility vs technological disclosure printers vs online publishers legal defense motives behind Wikileaks journalism standards and training ethical release of sensitive information Assange commitment to journalism authenticity crossover between hacking and journalism role of formal education in journalism Julian Assange self-promotion journalism ethics journalistic standards formal training privilege information espionage information dissemination Wikileaks hacker background computer programmer data technology journalist credibility source protection responsible journalism cryptography media integrity writing quality trial defense whistleblowing media accountability Julian Assange journalism ethics self-promotion Wikileaks founder hacker background journalist qualifications responsible journalism media ethics privilege information vs. espionage data disclosure risks journalism training cryptography computer programming Assange's education journalism vs. hacking whistleblowing controversy information release responsibility Assange credibility media professionalism Assange trial journalistic standards Julian Assange self-promotion journalism ethics journalist qualifications information dissemination legitimate privileged information espionage media training formal education Physics background computer programmer hacking Wikileaks founder technological focus responsible journalism information security whistleblowing freedom of the press irresponsible disclosure journalistic integrity cryptography data leaks media law investigative reporting journalistic standards source protection hacktivism Julian Assange journalism credentials self-promotion hacker background Wikileaks founder cryptographer responsible journalism privileged information espionage vs journalism data leaks whistleblowing journalistic ethics press freedom digital journalism information security journalistic standards formal journalist training investigative reporting media credibility journalist qualifications computer programming media responsibility leaks impact national security legal implications journalism Julian Assange journalism ethics self-promotion serious journalist media credibility responsible reporting information dissemination journalistic standards hacking background Wikileaks founder formal journalism training media professionalism privileged information espionage technology and journalism press freedom whistleblowers source protection investigative journalism journalistic integrity public interest media accountability cryptography computer programming journalist qualifications media law responsible information release trial defense ethical dilemmas in journalism journalistic motivation data journalism Julian Assange journalism ethics professional training hacker background Wikileaks founder data journalism responsible reporting cryptography information dissemination media credibility investigative journalism privileged information whistleblowing media law press freedom journalistic integrity Espionage Act journalist qualifications self-promotion in media journalistic standards impact on journalism computer programming responsible data handling media bias news professionalism
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro05a	Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost child labor childhood development psychological impact premature maturity child stars performing arts mental health child exploitation early fame stage parents substance abuse child protection coping skills emotional well-being celebrity burnout family dynamics child actors youth exposure adult environments fame consequences role models media influence legal regulations support systems education disruption child performers childhood loss early maturity child labor entertainment industry risks child star burnout psychological effects premature responsibility substance abuse sexualization of children coping mechanisms child exploitation fame impact on children mental health celebrity childhood child acting consequences Michael Jackson childhood Drew Barrymore rehab safeguarding minors stage parents child modeling risks legal protection for children child performer welfare child development performing arts children child labor child exploitation child celebrities psychological impact mental health early fame work-life balance adolescent development premature maturity show business entertainment industry child actors coping mechanisms substance abuse fame burnout celebrity childhoods legal protection child welfare guardianship risk factors child modeling talent industry child star problems early responsibility family influence youth mental health rehabilitation famous child performers adult supervision child performers psychological impact dangers of child stardom child actors maturity issues risks of early fame celebrity children burnout effects of child modeling growing up too fast fame sex drugs alcohol child stars coping mechanisms child celebrities Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson lost childhood children in adult industries child performance ethical concerns protecting child entertainers negative effects of showbiz on kids child performers early maturity childhood loss adult responsibility psychological effects substance abuse coping mechanisms burnout Drew Barrymore Michael Jackson child acting child modeling child dancers mental health entertainment industry child development early exposure fame impact youth exploitation child labor laws celebrity childhood rehabilitation performing arts children emotional well-being parental pressure child performers risks psychological effects of child fame child performers burnout impact of early fame on children child actors and mental health negatives of child celebrity culture child stars adult responsibility early exposure to adult themes dangers of child performance industry child performers coping skills famous child performers struggles child star rehab cases consequences of child stardom childhood lost to performance Michael Jackson childhood Drew Barrymore rehab protecting children in entertainment child modeling risks children in show business age-appropriate responsibility for children child performers early maturity childhood development burnout responsibilities adult environments sex exposure drugs exposure alcohol exposure coping mechanisms mental health acting industry modeling industry dance industry child stars Drew Barrymore child celebrities psychological impact loss of childhood entertainment industry risks Michael Jackson fame and childhood adolescence challenges emotional development substance abuse early stardom child exploitation negative outcomes support systems childhood trauma child performers child actors child labor laws early fame risks childhood development child celebrity burnout mental health child stars child exploitation entertainment protecting child performers child exposure adult themes underage performers child stars substance abuse Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson childhood negative effects child stardom child modeling dangers fame and childhood child performers responsibility showbiz child psychology coping mechanisms child celebrities supporting child performers early onset fame entertainment industry children famous child stars mental health children in entertainment ethical concerns child protection showbusiness child labor laws psychological impact early fame child actor burnout mental health risks development issues substance abuse celebrity childhoods coping mechanisms long-term effects stage parents safeguarding children entertainment industry risks child exploitation legal protections loss of childhood resilience in child performers celebrity case studies emotional maturity prevention strategies child performers childhood loss early responsibility psychological impact mental health burnout substance abuse coping mechanisms fame and children early maturity child labor laws negative effects celebrity childhoods Drew Barrymore Michael Jackson entertainment industry child actors modeling risks performing arts premature adulthood child development parental guidance media exposure emotional stress public scrutiny performing children wellbeing child exploitation
test-society-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? gender roles labour market workplace diversity feminisation of labour occupational segregation informal economy Ghana Overa 2007 gender relations gender equality women in male-dominated jobs masculinisation de-masculinisation job competition workplace adaptation coping mechanisms gender-based tensions gender integration workplace equity employment patterns men in female jobs gendered occupations return reduction retail trade gendered competition state response social tensions job satisfaction workplace justice employment policy gender roles labor market shifts masculinization feminization of work occupational segregation workplace gender dynamics male displacement female labor participation coping strategies workplace equity gender integration informal economy Ghana labor job competition gendered occupations labor force transition occupational crowding gender relations economic frustration state response job gender reversal women's adaptation male entry female jobs gendered labor market just work environment policy interventions workplace equality employment trends Overa 2007 gendered competition gender roles labour market occupational segregation feminisation of labour de-masculinisation workplace gender dynamics coping mechanisms work environment gender equity informal economy Ghana retail trade gender competition occupational crowding gender tensions gender relations male entry into female jobs female entry into male jobs workplace justice employment trends gendered job distribution Overa 2007 gender-based discrimination workplace adaptation state reactions economic impact gender integration policies feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gender relations in the workplace women coping strategies work environment just work environment methods gender roles informal economy men in traditionally female jobs occupational gender shifts Overa 2007 gender study informal retail trade Ghana male entry female occupations workplace competition gender economic impact gendered jobs state response gender tensions women entering male-dominated fields male reactions to gender role changes impact of competition on gender occupational segregation gender integration employment coping mechanisms women work policy approaches gender equality effects gender shifts informal sector gender tensions labour market gender segregation occupational feminisation masculinisation of labor gender norms workplace gender dynamics coping strategies workplace integration methods gender equity informal economy gender relations Ghana retail trade labor job competition labor market shifts gendered labor market socioeconomic impacts job displacement workforce diversity gendered occupational mobility labor force participation women's adaptation strategies gendered job transitions state intervention labor gender justice gendered economic tensions equitable workplace practices inter-gender workplace relations gender roles in labor market feminisation of work de-masculinisation of employment women's coping strategies in workplace gender integration in jobs just work environment strategies Overa 2007 gender study informal economy gender dynamics retail trade Ghana gender shifts male entry into female jobs gender-based competition at work impact of gender mixing in occupations workplace gender tensions women's entry into male-dominated fields men's response to female workforce integration state response to gendered labor changes gender equity in informal economy occupational segregation by gender economic effects of gender role shifts gender-based labor policy gender segregation labour market workplace diversity occupational shifts masculinisation feminisation gender roles informal economy gender integration employment trends job competition workplace equity gender dynamics women’s adaptation coping strategies gendered occupations workforce transformation labor force participation gender bias occupational feminisation gender balance job displacement workplace justice gender conflicts male entry female jobs female entry male jobs retail trade Ghana gender policy employment fairness gendered labor market structural change economic gender relations feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gender relations gender dynamics informal economy retail trade Ghana women in male jobs men in female jobs occupational gender segregation workplace gender integration gender competition job market overcrowding gender-based job tensions economic competition gender equality workplace justice gender coping strategies Overa 2007 state response gender women adaptation work male reactions to feminisation labor market gender shifts female workforce participation gendered opportunities informal sector gender roles Ghana labor market job displacement gender intersectionality workplace occupational gender shift gender policy gender roles labour market feminisation workforce masculinisation workplace gender dynamics coping mechanisms for women gender integration methods equitable work environment Overa 2007 informal economy gender relations Ghana retail sector gender men in female jobs competition in labour market economic overcrowding male reaction to occupational shift women's experiences male-dominated jobs workplace gender tension state response gendered labour occupational gender segregation economic frustration gender labour market adaptation gender relations labour market feminisation of labour de-masculinisation occupational segregation gender roles women in the workforce men in female jobs informal economy gender tensions workplace adaptation just work environment gender integration gender equality coping strategies Overa 2007 Ghana retail trade job competition occupational shifts workplace conflict state response gendered employment role reversal economic frustrations employment patterns workplace policies
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro01a	Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 internet censorship government regulation online safety cyberbullying prevention social media regulation online harm digital ethics online hate speech digital self-harm duty of care content moderation protecting minors online psychological harm physical harm digital racism online prejudice suicide prevention harmful online content digital rights moral responsibility freedom of speech vs safety incitement online online disorder digital well-being vulnerable populations online censorship of hate sites government intervention cultural protection online religious online content digital community standards government censorship online harm duty of care public safety social media regulation cyberbullying online harassment hate speech internet regulation website blocking psychological harm physical harm suicide prevention digital ethics racist content incitement freedom of speech hate groups child protection internet safety laws harmful content digital rights community standards cultural values religious values majority rights censorship justification content moderation online abuse prevention public health national security internet censorship online safety social media regulation government intervention cyberbullying prevention harmful online content digital harm online suicide hate speech racism online psychological harm physical harm online harassment cultural protection religious values online duty of care online misinformation societal protection online incitement online moderation internet policy youth protection digital wellbeing content filtering responsible governance media ethics technology regulation user protection privacy concerns community standards government censorship protecting citizens online moral duty government cyber bullying prevention harmful websites regulation social networking site dangers online psychological harm online physical harm internet safety laws online hate speech censorship racist content online religious values online cultural values protection freedom vs safety internet duty of care internet social media regulation suicide prevention online incitement on social media harmful online content protecting vulnerable internet users online content filtering digital platform regulation balancing internet freedom government responsibility internet cybercrime prevention privacy vs security online government censorship moral duty duty of care protect citizens harmful websites cyberbullying suicide prevention psychological harm physical harm social networking sites online safety racism online online prejudice hate speech religious values online cultural values censorship national security internet regulation Facebook cybercrime social media abuse online harassment child protection digital ethics state intervention online incitement censorship justification internet policy victim protection youth suicide cyber safety hate groups online government censorship online safety cyberbullying prevention social networking dangers digital harm protection moral responsibility duty of care internet regulation harmful website censorship online hate speech digital racism psychological harm online physical danger online religious censorship cultural protection online suicide prevention protecting vulnerable citizens online prejudice social media regulation government internet policy government censorship online safety cyberbullying social networking sites victim protection psychological harm physical harm suicide prevention online harassment hate speech racism prejudice online incitement religious values cultural values duty of care harmful websites internet regulation content moderation online abuse digital ethics website blocking public safety youth protection online victimization digital policy internet governance web filtering social media dangers freedom of expression online discrimination digital citizenship government censorship internet regulation online safety moral duty protection of citizens harmful websites social networking dangers cyberbullying suicide prevention psychological harm physical harm online racism online prejudice extremist content religious values online cultural values online freedom of speech vs. safety duty of care online hate speech digital well-being social media regulation youth internet safety legal responsibility content moderation internet ethics parental controls online harassment prevention internet governance tech policy safeguarding vulnerable populations online crime prevention government censorship online safety cyberbullying social media regulation moral responsibility digital harm psychological impact physical harm hate speech online prejudice racism online internet regulation content moderation freedom of speech public safety duty of care digital ethics harmful content teen suicide cultural protection religious values online incitement social responsibility victim protection internet governance online harassment safe internet policy minority protection online community standards mental health and internet internet censorship online safety government responsibility cyberbullying suicide prevention social media regulation online hate speech digital harm online racism psychological harm physical harm social networking dangers duty of care content moderation digital rights freedom of expression harmful online content online discrimination cultural censorship religious censorship public safety media accountability youth protection online harassment digital ethics
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con04a	Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. gun control policy firearm legislation civilian gun rights gun ownership traditions democratic governance crime prevention illicit firearms prohibition parallels law enforcement effectiveness gun violence black market firearms UK gun laws deterrence theory public safety legal vs illegal gun use enforcement difficulties societal attitudes towards guns historical gun control criminal access to firearms Second Amendment cultural resistance arms regulation gun trafficking firearm prevalence policy failure comparative international gun laws gun legislation effectiveness democracy civilian firearms historical gun prohibition alcohol prohibition lessons gun ownership tradition criminal gun access illegal firearms market gun control policy challenges public attitude toward gun control law enforcement gun control black market firearms gun crime deterrence social impact gun ownership comparative gun control firearm regulation enforcement UK gun laws gun restriction failure firearm-related crime rates democratic society gun policy prohibition era parallels gun control policies democratic nations civilian gun ownership firearms regulation prohibition analogy illegal gun acquisition black market firearms crime prevention gun legislation effectiveness historical precedents law enforcement challenges public safety UK gun laws gun control failure societal gun prevalence Second Amendment gun rights gun reform firearm smuggling gun violence statistics gun control effectiveness in democracies civilian gun ownership traditions historical comparison prohibition era gun policy gun control failure case studies prevalence of illegal firearms democracies enforcement challenges gun laws criminal access guns regulations gun legislation impact civil liberties historical resistance firearms restrictions effectiveness of gun bans UK illegal gun trade democratic countries prohibition era lessons gun policy societal attitudes gun ownership democracies comparative gun crime statistics black market firearms prevalence law enforcement struggle gun control effectiveness confiscation existing guns deterrents versus prohibition firearms international comparisons gun regulation policy alternatives gun bans gun control effectiveness democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition comparison alcohol prohibition gun prevalence societal gun culture firearm regulation illicit gun use illegal gun acquisition United Kingdom gun laws historical gun control failure Don B. Kates Civil Libertarian gun rights UK firearm statistics black market firearms public safety law enforcement challenges gun crime rates firearm policy analysis gun control effectiveness democratic states gun laws civilian gun ownership tradition historical gun policy failure prohibition era comparison gun restriction challenges widespread gun ownership illegal gun acquisition UK gun control gun crime in UK police gun control efforts Don B. Kates gun rights failure of gun bans civil liberties gun debate black market firearms gun control resistance international gun ownership policy analysis gun control gun violence prevention firearm regulation history gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption gun restrictions gun prevalence illegal firearms UK gun laws crime rates firearm legislation black market guns enforcement challenges public safety self-defense civil liberties gun regulation criminal behavior firearms trafficking historical precedent law enforcement effectiveness gun policy weapons ban gun violence arms control Second Amendment public opinion cultural tradition firearm accessibility gun crime gun confiscation regulatory failure gun control effectiveness civilian gun ownership tradition democratic states gun policy prohibition era parallels gun restriction challenges illegal gun acquisition UK gun laws firearm prevalence civil liberties gun control gun crime enforcement gun access in democracies failed prohibition comparison underground gun market gun legislation resistance anti-gun control arguments public safety and firearms gun policy failures gun law enforcement difficulties gun rights in democracies unsuccessful gun bans gun control effectiveness democratic states civilian gun ownership firearm regulation prohibition era comparison illegal gun acquisition crime and gun laws UK gun laws gun prevalence law enforcement challenges black market firearms public safety civil liberties historical gun control policy failure international comparisons gun violence statistics social attitudes firearm legislation criminal access to guns gun control effectiveness democratic states firearm laws civilian gun ownership tradition prohibition analogy gun control illegal firearms acquisition gun crime prevention gun legislation challenges UK gun laws gun prevalence in society black market firearms impact of gun bans civil liberties gun control historical gun control failures gun policy enforcement gun-related crime international gun control comparison firearm availability law enforcement gun challenges
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro04a	"When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", generic drugs patent law pharmaceutical industry resource allocation patent inefficiency patent races drug innovation corporate espionage patent infringement winner-takes-all duplicate drug development patent protection drug pricing pharmaceutical patents generic antiretrovirals AIDS drug prices monopoly market efficiency patent piracy drug reform patent regime drawbacks parallel drug development state intervention patent enforcement costs drug monopolization pharmaceutical competition patent circumvention generic drug legalization patent system inefficiency pharmaceutical industry innovation generic drugs legalization resource allocation in drug development patent races corporate espionage pharmaceuticals patent circumvention drug market efficiency patent infringement costs drug price reduction generics antiretroviral drugs generics pharmaceutical patent protection drug development duplication non-innovative drug production monopoly in pharmaceuticals patent-driven drug costs intellectual property inefficiency pharmaceutical research incentives generic drug impact drug patent enforcement pharmaceutical product similarity winner-takes-all patents market competition pharmaceuticals patent monopoly consequences incentives for innovation drugs generic drugs patent law pharmaceutical innovation patent inefficiency resource allocation patent races drug development corporate espionage patent infringement R&D duplication drug monopolies intellectual property patent protection market efficiency brand-name drugs drug pricing generic antiretrovirals AIDS treatment patent reform pharmaceutical competition drug price reduction patent circumvention similar drug production patent enforcement costs patent piracy healthcare costs pharmaceutical regulation patent system impact drug market behavior drug accessibility pharmaceutical industry reform generic drugs legalization economic impact patent regime inefficiency resource misallocation in pharmaceutical industry effects of patent races on innovation duplication of drug research costs of corporate espionage in pharma spinning off similar pharmaceutical products monitoring patent infringement costs enforcement of pharmaceutical patents inefficiency in pharmaceutical patent system generic drugs and drug pricing competition from generics and branded drug prices benefits of patent-free drug markets real-world examples of generic vs branded drug pricing economic efficiency without pharmaceutical patents incentives under generic drug regimes case studies on generic drugs and market efficiency impact of intellectual property on pharma innovation market outcomes of abolishing pharmaceutical generic drugs patent law pharmaceutical industry patent inefficiency resource misallocation patent races drug development corporate espionage patent monitoring patent infringement winner-takes-all product duplication patent circumvention similar drug products market efficiency generic antiretrovirals drug pricing patent protection innovation incentives research and development costs legal costs intellectual property pharmaceutical monopolies patent regime consequences AIDS drug pricing branded vs. generic drugs pharmaceutical reform patent enforcement patent piracy market competition healthcare costs patent inefficiency in pharmaceuticals generic drug legalization economic impacts resource misallocation patent system pharmaceutical patent races corporate espionage pharmaceuticals patent regime inefficiencies duplication of drug development patent protection effects drug prices generic antiretroviral drug case study patent circumvention strategies cost-benefit of pharmaceutical patents impact of generic drugs on branded price pharmaceutical R&D incentives patent monitoring costs market efficiency without drug patents pharmaceutical industry resource allocation patent infringement enforcement cost non-duplicable product development innovation in absence of patents case studies of generic drug introduction pharmaceutical market structure and regulation generic drugs patent law pharmaceutical innovation resource allocation patent races corporate espionage patent monitoring patent infringement drug development innovation inefficiency patent system drug monopolies patent regimes pharmaceutical patents product duplication patent circumvention antiretroviral drugs drug pricing market efficiency patent protection market behavior AIDS drug prices intellectual property generic drug legalization drug patent reform pharmaceutical competition winner-take-all R&D expenditure patent enforcement research incentives generic competition brand-name drugs drug affordability barriers to entry drug market access generic drug legalization pharmaceutical patent inefficiency resource misallocation patent races drug development duplication corporate espionage in pharma patent regime impact generic drugs pricing antiretroviral generics pharma market efficiency patent regime reform pharmaceutical industry competition intellectual property in pharma patent system alternatives branded vs generic drugs drug patent monitoring costs patent infringement prosecution deterring patent piracy pharmaceutical innovation incentives generic drug market effects patent system inefficiency generic drug legalization pharmaceutical innovation patent races resource misallocation duplication of research corporate espionage patent infringement monitoring patent litigation costs me-too drugs drug price reduction antiretroviral generics market efficiency pharmaceuticals patent protection effects incentive structures drug development branded vs generic drugs intellectual property reform pharmaceutical monopoly drug pricing competition pharmaceutical industry inefficiency AIDS drug generic introduction patent circumvention pharmaceutical research incentives pharmaceutical patent policy state intervention drug market generic drug legalization patent system inefficiency pharmaceutical patent races corporate espionage pharmaceuticals drug patent duplication innovation incentives pharmaceutical resource allocation patent reform generic antiretrovirals drug price reduction patent monitoring costs pharmaceutical market efficiency intellectual property pharmaceuticals patent infringement enforcement patent barriers drug development non-duplicable products pharmaceuticals patent protection removal pharmaceutical industry reform branded vs generic drugs market competition drug prices pharmaceutical innovation suppression patent circumvention R&D resource misallocation economic impact drug patents pharmaceutical corporate strategy"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro02a	Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. jury decision-making full disclosure admissibility of evidence withheld evidence previous convictions recidivism fair trial accurate verdict juror trust relevant evidence criminal justice process judicial transparency evidence evaluation jury reliability court procedures UK government white paper criminal trials evidence relevance jury deliberation legal fairness bias in trials conviction rates acquittal likelihood jury evidence disclosure admissibility of prior convictions fair trial withholding evidence relevant evidence in court juror decision-making criminal justice transparency previous convictions and verdicts recidivism and verdicts trust in juries judicial discretion criminal trial fairness UK evidence admissibility role of jury justice system transparency impact of evidence on convictions magistrates and evidence evaluating evidence relevance legal reforms evidence rules truth-seeking in trials jury information disclosure evidence admissibility previous convictions relevance jury decision-making fair trial criminal justice transparency evidence withholding recidivism violent offender statistics juror trust judicial discretion trial fairness UK legal reforms jury competence judicial bias court evidence rules truth-seeking in trials criminal justice system legitimacy magistrates' discretion jury evaluation skills jury evidence expansion phrases jury access to evidence relevance of previous convictions should juries see all evidence impact of withholding evidence fair trials and evidence disclosure juror decision-making and information role of prior convictions in verdicts transparency in criminal trials bias from evidence exclusion trust in jury judgment UK government policy on admissible evidence criminal justice evidence rules jury verdict accuracy and information magistrate and judge evidence evaluation criminal recidivism relevance comparing accusations and past convictions admissibility of character evidence effects of evidence suppression justifications for evidence withholding jury evidence admissibility withholding evidence fair trial previous convictions jury decision-making criminal justice system juror trust relevant evidence judicial discretion violent offender recidivism recidivism rates criminal record disclosure trial bias UK White Paper evidence fair verdict court transparency jury competence prejudice in trials judicial evidence evaluation legal ethics court evidence policy jury evidence admissibility previous convictions in court jurors and fair verdicts withholding evidence impact criminal justice system transparency violent offenders re-offending statistics jury decision-making bias relevance of prior convictions UK White Paper evidence policy trust in jury system comparison of evidence practices jury evaluation of relevance impact of withheld evidence court evidence admission reforms magistrates evidence assessment justice system and jury trust fair trial information access criminal trial evidence rules effect of withheld evidence on verdicts jury system legitimacy jury decision-making admissible evidence withholding evidence fair verdict jury impartiality prior convictions judicial transparency criminal justice system relevance of evidence juror competence re-offending rates truth in trial UK government White Paper evidentiary fairness trial bias judicial trust judicial discretion credibility of juries justice for all evidence evaluation legal safeguards jury evidence disclosure admissibility of evidence fair trial keywords previous convictions in court jury decision-making relevance of evidence withheld evidence legal debate criminal justice system fairness transparency in trials impact of prior offenses on verdicts reoffending statistics jury trustworthiness UK court evidence rules magistrates and evidence evaluation judicial evidence admissibility criminal trial procedure evidence-based verdicts jury bias concerns reform in jury system legislative white papers on evidence ex-offender recidivism rates justice system reforms truth vs. confusion in trials role of juries in justice system government policy on jury transparency admissible evidence criminal justice reform bias in trials previous convictions recidivism fair trial evidence withholding jury decision-making juror competence judicial discretion relevant evidence trial outcomes criminal behavior patterns legal fairness public trust in juries court procedure evidence relevance re-offending rates White Paper legal policy jury decision-making admissibility of evidence previous convictions in court fair trial withheld evidence juror bias criminal justice system relevant evidence jury trustworthiness violent recidivism jury transparency evidence evaluation justice system reforms UK court procedures jury verdict accuracy criminal trial procedures judicial discretion evidentiary standards transparency in trials recidivism rates judicial guidance jury competence legal reforms evidence disclosure legal fairness
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, austerity policies ECB IMF European Commission Greece economic crisis debt-to-GDP ratio Greek unemployment recession competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts investment decline depression budget deficit government spending cuts healthcare access suicide rates credit shortage business financing economic recovery eurozone crisis Greek default euro exit public wellbeing social impact macroeconomic policy structural reforms fiscal policy sovereign debt financial bailout economic hardship Greece economic crisis austerity policies failure ECB IMF European Commission bailout Greek debt GDP ratio Greek unemployment crisis Greek recession impact business credit shortage Greece Greek depression economic negative investment climate Greece budget deficit Greece Greek suicide rates Greek healthcare crisis Greek government failure alternative economic strategies Greek default euro exit effects of austerity on welfare Eurozone crisis policy alternatives social impact Greek austerity investment depression Greece public spending cuts effectiveness Greek economy competitiveness IMF bailout criticism Greek fiscal policy sovereign default consequences impact of taxation recession minimum wage cuts Greece eurozone crisis Greek debt crisis sovereign debt fiscal policy structural reforms Troika bailout conditions Greek unemployment recession in Greece ECB policy IMF interventions European Commission policies credit crunch Greece economic depression Greece GDP decline Greece minimum wage cuts taxation Greece government spending cuts budget deficit Greece healthcare access Greece social impact austerity Greek default Grexit euro exit investment climate Greece suicide rates Greece economic alternatives Keynesian economics monetary union crisis PIIGS countries Eurogroup negotiations Greek economic recovery public opinion Greece social welfare Greece economic hardship austerity measures impact Greece ECB IMF European Commission policies Greek economy recession causes unemployment crisis Greece austerity fiscal policy effectiveness alternatives to austerity Greece Greek debt crisis solutions impact of raising taxes Greece minimum wage cuts recession credit shortage Greek businesses Greece depression media coverage investment climate Greece recession cycle perpetuation Greece GDP decline Greece austerity government spending budget deficit Greece Greek suicide rates austerity access to healthcare Greece crisis government duty citizen wellbeing Greece default as alternative Greece Greece exit eurozone effects why Greece should default lessons from Greek austerity austerity measures Eurozone crisis Greece economic crisis ECB policies IMF interventions European Commission austerity Greek debt crisis debt-to-GDP ratio economic competitiveness Greece tax increases Greece minimum wage cuts Greece Greek recession Greek unemployment Greek credit shortage company financing Greece Greek depression media impact Greek economy investment decline Greece recession cycle budget deficit Greece government spending cuts Greece Greek suicide rates healthcare access Greece government responsibility economic crisis default vs austerity Greece Greek eurozone exit Greece economic recovery alternatives to austerity social impact austerity Greece austerity measures Greece ECB IMF European Commission impact Greek debt crisis debt to GDP ratio Greece Greek economy competitiveness recession in Greece unemployment rate Greece credit shortage Greece investment climate Greece depression in Greece media coverage Greek crisis recession cycles Greece government spending cuts effect Greek budget deficit healthcare access Greece suicide rates Greece government responsibilities economic crisis alternatives to austerity Greece Greek default benefits Greece eurozone exit Louise Armitstead Greece default article austerity economic crisis Greece ECB IMF European Commission debt-to-GDP ratio Greek economy minimum wage recession unemployment credit shortage investment climate government spending cuts budget deficit depression media coverage economic hardship suicide rates healthcare access default eurozone financial rescue sovereign debt macroeconomic policy fiscal policy economic reform structural adjustment bailout monetary policy social impact Greek debt crisis Greek austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission policies economic recession Greece unemployment Greece credit shortage Greece Greek economy competitiveness minimum wage cuts Greece government spending cuts Greece GDP decline Greece budget deficit Greece investment climate Greece media impact Greek economy suicide rates Greece healthcare crisis Greece Greek government duties alternatives to austerity Greek euro exit Greece default consequences Armitstead Louise Greece euro Eurozone crisis economic depression Greece social impact austerity fiscal policy Greece Greece bailout structural reforms Greece Greek debt crisis austerity failure economic recession Greece ECB IMF European Commission austerity Greece unemployment rates credit shortage Greece Greek investment climate depression in Greece government spending cuts Greece suicide rates Greece healthcare decline Greece Greece default eurozone alternatives to austerity Greece Greece budget deficit social impact austerity Greece sovereign debt crisis Europe Greece economic competitiveness Greek economic policy humanitarian impact austerity eurozone exit Greece financial crisis Europe Greece debt crisis Greek recession eurozone crisis ECB policies IMF interventions European Commission austerity Greek unemployment credit shortage Greece EU financial crisis government spending cuts Greek healthcare access Greece suicide rates Greek economic depression GDP decline Greece Greek budget deficit austerity impact ILO Greek labor market alternative economic policies Greece euro exit debate Greek default benefits social costs austerity Greek public opinion Troika austerity critique Greek economic recovery investment climate Greece European sovereign debt
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro03a	Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 authoritarianism benevolent dictatorship technocracy long-term policy unpopular reforms economic planning electoral manipulation state intervention policy stability political insulation government autonomy electoral incentives non-democratic regimes policy continuity oil market stabilization state-led development governance without elections electoral cycles political risk unpopular policy implementation authoritarianism technocracy benevolent dictatorship centralized decision-making long-term policy planning unpopular policy implementation non-democratic governance political stability insulated leadership absence of electoral pressure state-led economic planning policy continuity economic management without elections government autonomy executive authority leadership discretion non-populist governance effective governance without elections decision-making independence examples of non-democratic governments oil production policy Saudi Arabian governance electoral incentives Margaret Thatcher economic policy political economy governance structures authoritarianism autocracy governance unpopular policies electoral influence long-term planning economic stability non-democratic regimes policy trade-offs political consequences election manipulation technocratic decision-making state-led economic management dictatorship market intervention oil production policy Saudi Arabia politics government autonomy popular vs effective policies democracy limitations benefits of non-democratic decision making long-term planning without elections government decision-making and popularity consequences of unpopular policy decisions effectiveness of unelected rulers elections and economic policy manipulation role of elections in policy choices stability versus popularity in governance economic planning in authoritarian regimes Saudi Arabia oil market strategy democracy and short-termism examples of unpopular but necessary decisions impact of electoral cycles on government policy technocracy versus democracy government autonomy from public opinion policy continuity in non-democracies avoiding short-term electoral incentives authoritarian governance long-term policy unpopular decision-making absence of electoral pressures economic planning electoral manipulation government intervention oil market stability policy independence Saudi Arabia oil policy Lawson boom Thatcher government stable governance non-democratic regimes electoral cycle economic policy unpopular decisions benefits democracy versus autocracy decision making electoral incentives government long term planning autocratic regimes economic policy election cycles government intervention and elections electoral manipulation examples stability planning non-democratic governments Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom Saudi Arabia oil market strategy election timing government policy popularity versus effectiveness government democracy challenges decision making examples of unpopular but necessary decisions non-democratic government advantages political cycles economic policy electoral consequences government actions authoritarianism technocracy benevolent dictatorship long-term policy unpopular policies government planning electoral incentives economic stability central planning oil market management non-democratic regimes political consequences political popularity election cycles economic manipulation policy independence government autonomy state power macroeconomic policy resource management authoritarian governance technocracy benevolent dictatorship long-term policy planning unpopular policy decisions electoral incentives economic policy timing government intervention political stability non-democratic regimes oil production strategy Saudi Arabia oil market Lawson boom election year economics market stabilization political cycles democratic limitations policy trade-offs government levers electoral outcomes authoritarianism governance without elections long-term planning unpopular reforms decision-making authority electoral incentives policy continuity economic stability political accountability Saudi Arabia oil policy Lawson boom Margaret Thatcher government intervention electoral manipulation democracy limitations Keynesian economics monetarism policy trade-offs majority rule problems leadership autonomy stability vs popularity technocratic governance authoritarian governance decision-making unpopular policies long-term planning electoral incentives democracy flaws policy effectiveness government stability economic management election-year economics Saudi oil policy market stability governance models non-democratic regimes planning horizons democratic trade-offs
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro03a	Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 labour standards business standards decent work donor requirements international aid decent work country programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions employment opportunities labour rights business improvement programme effectiveness aid conditionality workplace rights female workers children workers International Labour Organization social development economic development program implementation standard setting policy impact raising standards donor expectations aid conditionality business standards labour standards policy implementation international aid economic development decent work programs Bangladesh labor reforms millennium development goals social protection improving working conditions child labor reduction gender equality International Labour Organization employment opportunities labor rights business regulation program impact evaluation labour standards business standards aid conditionality decent work Bangladesh millennium development goals employment opportunities social protection working conditions labour rights business regulations international aid donor requirements policy implementation economic development International Labour Organization Decent Work Country Programme social progress labour reforms female workers child labour employment policy sustainable development workplace safety fair labour practices economic incentives programme evaluation raising business standards impact labour standards and foreign aid effects of setting labour standards improving business practices via aid donor expectations and recipient compliance Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh outcomes benefits of higher labour standards challenges in implementing labour standards linking aid to social protection millennium development goals and labour positive changes from labour standard requirements donor influence on recipient policies social protection improvements Bangladesh working condition enhancements in Bangladesh child labour rights Bangladesh impact of labour reforms 2006-2009 Bangladesh labour market challenges in Bangladesh international organizations raising standards conditionality of aid and standards aid effectiveness through standards expansion labour standards business standards donor expectations aid conditionality standard improvement Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh employment opportunities social protection working conditions labour rights Millennium Development Goals International Labour Organization program implementation female workers male workers child labor labor reform economic development social policy international aid standard enforcement policy effectiveness sustainable development business standards improvement labour standards enhancement aid conditionality donor expectations decent work programmes Bangladesh development millennium development goals social protection working conditions labour rights female workers rights child labour reduction employment opportunities ILO Bangladesh international aid impact standard-setting effects business and labour reform economic development sustainable development policy implementation developing countries donor-driven reforms aid effectiveness labour standards business standards donor expectations aid conditionality standard improvement policy implementation developing countries decent work International Labour Organization Bangladesh employment opportunities millennium development goals social protection working conditions workers' rights gender equality child labour economic development donor aid programme impact labour market social policy sustainable development country programmes labour reforms labour standards business standards aid conditionality donor requirements decent work Bangladesh development social protection International Labour Organization millennium development goals employment opportunities working conditions labour rights female workers child labour programme impact economic development policy improvement minimum standards labour market donor influence aid effectiveness workforce conditions country programmes labour law enforcement social development sustainable development decent work labour standards business standards international aid development programs Bangladesh employment opportunities social protection working conditions labour rights gender equality Millennium Development Goals donor influence labour market International Labour Organization programme impact standard improvement economic development policy implementation workplace safety labour market reforms international development program evaluation 2006-2009 social progress labour standards business standards donor requirements aid conditionality decent work Bangladesh Millennium Development Goals social protection working conditions worker rights employment opportunities gender equality International Labour Organization policy implementation economic development programme evaluation developing countries labour market reform child labour labour policy
test-international-siacphbnt-pro03a	Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 technology platforms idea sharing entrepreneurship innovation knowledge transfer personal expression news delivery local content community engagement technological revolution Co-Creation Hub startup ecosystem digital inclusion Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards mobile applications African tech hubs price comparison apps Mafuta Go social innovation collaborative spaces digital literacy community platforms information sharing tech-driven solutions technology platforms idea sharing entrepreneurship innovation technological revolution personal expression news delivery local content Co-Creation Hub Nigeria startup ecosystem community engagement knowledge transfer digital innovation African technology local solutions community platforms Mimiboards Umuntu content creation digital economy mobile apps social entrepreneurship tech hubs grassroots innovation tech startups online communities Mafuta Go petrol price apps African innovation technology platforms idea sharing entrepreneurialism innovation technological revolution personal expression local content creation Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards knowledge transfer innovative solutions digital platforms Nigerian startups community engagement entrepreneurship encouragement news delivery local innovation technology hubs app development social innovation African tech collaborative platforms connecting communities digital entrepreneurship Mafuta Go startup ecosystem knowledge sharing tech for good technology platforms for sharing ideas entrepreneurialism and technology promoting idea exchange through technology technological revolution and personal expression up-to-date news through technology local ideas sharing online Co-Creation Hub Nigeria encouraging entrepreneurial spirit in Nigeria Umuntu platform Africa Mimiboards community connectivity local content creation platforms knowledge transfer in Nigeria innovative solutions to community problems apps for petrol price Nigeria Christine Ampaire Mafuta Go digital innovation hubs Africa technology for social entrepreneurship fostering innovation through technology tech-enabled community engagement African tech startups encouraging entrepreneurship technology platforms idea sharing entrepreneurialism innovation knowledge transfer Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation technological revolution digital platforms personal expression community engagement Nigeria tech startups innovation hubs up-to-date news local community web access app development Nigeria routine problem solutions Mafuta Go petrol price apps tech-enabled entrepreneurship social innovation African tech ecosystems technology platforms idea sharing entrepreneurial encouragement innovation in Nigeria Co-Creation Hub local content creation knowledge transfer digital entrepreneurship startups in Africa Mimiboards Umuntu technological revolution personal expression platforms up-to-date news delivery mobile apps for local problems Mafuta Go app community web access local innovation entrepreneurship awareness tech-driven solutions African digital transformation technology platform idea sharing entrepreneurship entrepreneurialism innovation technological revolution personal expression digital news local ideas local content Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards knowledge transfer community platforms digital connectivity content creation problem-solving startups tech hubs African innovation Mafuta Go petrol price app Christine Ampaire social entrepreneurship digital transformation information sharing collaborative innovation tech-driven solutions technology platforms idea sharing entrepreneurialism technological revolution personal expression platforms up-to-date news platforms knowledge transfer local content creation Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards Nigeria tech innovation community engagement innovation in Nigeria tech hubs Africa local idea sharing innovation platforms digital entrepreneurship startups Nigeria tech for personal expression technology for community development Mafuta Go app petrol price apps African tech startups technology and innovation Africa social innovation platforms tech empowerment digital knowledge sharing technology platform idea sharing entrepreneurialism innovation technological revolution personal expression news delivery local content Co-Creation Hub Nigeria startups Umuntu Mimiboards community web access knowledge transfer innovative solutions app development fuel price app social entrepreneurship digital platforms Nigeria African tech hubs local innovation grassroots technology mobile applications digital communication tech communities tech ecosystems content creation collaboration open innovation technology platforms idea sharing entrepreneurial innovation knowledge transfer local content creation Co-Creation Hub Nigeria Umuntu Mimiboards community empowerment digital expression innovation hubs personal expression technology digital news delivery social entrepreneurship startup ecosystem Nigeria technological revolution mobile apps Africa Mafuta Go price comparison apps innovation in Africa community-driven solutions
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con02a	Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 public reaction media influence court case publicity televising trials victim sympathy public bias emotive cases controversial trials sexual assault trials audience perception presumption of innocence defendant condemnation unjustified outrage false accusations personal privacy rights infringement future employment impact anonymity loss Milly Dowler case character assassination legal ethics media coverage effects jury impartiality social stigma reputational damage criminal justice system victim vulnerability suspect portrayal public reaction media influence court case publicity televising trials victim sympathy defendant prejudice public condemnation wrongful accusation acquittal stigma false perception trial by media privacy rights anonymity loss reputation damage employment impact sexual assault cases emotive trials psychological impact example Milly Dowler judicial fairness media ethics public outrage justice system presumption of innocence prejudice against defendants evidence misuse press coverage public opinion innocence protection social media trials public perception media influence televised trials court case privacy victim sympathy defendant bias wrongful condemnation media ethics sexual assault trials emotion-driven justice public outrage acquittal consequences reputational damage case anonymity employment impact Milly Dowler case trial fairness sensationalism presumption of innocence judicial integrity privacy rights character assassination courtroom transparency public scrutiny legal ethics televised court cases public reaction impact of media on court cases sympathy for victims court cases public opinion influence judicial process media coverage sexual assault cases defendant public condemnation risk to anonymity in court impact on employment court publicity unjustified public outrage court cases media portrayal court defendants Milly Dowler case media impact rights of accused media trials future consequences media exposure court dangers of televising trials privacy infringement televised court emotional bias court media coverage protecting identities court proceedings public opinion media influence televised court cases victim sympathy defendant condemnation wrongful accusation privacy rights media ethics reputation damage court transparency sexual assault trials jury bias public perception presumption of innocence Milly Dowler case employment consequences anonymity loss fair trial social stigma judicial process public reaction court cases televising trials impact media influence on justice victim sympathy bias defendant public condemnation media and sexual assault cases presumption of innocence media trial by media consequences public shaming acquitted defendants privacy rights in court cases employment impact court media anonymity court proceedings Milly Dowler case media rights of the accused media emotional bias televised trials public reaction court case media coverage televising trials sympathy victim perception emotional bias controversial trials sexual assault audience bias defendant rights public condemnation wrongful accusation acquittal Milly Dowler case privacy infringement character assassination employment impact personal anonymity media influence public opinion justice distortion prejudice trial by media stigma reputational damage legal fairness judicial process ethical considerations presumption of innocence evidence exposure televising court cases public reaction court cases media influence legal outcomes court case privacy victim sympathy media defendant public condemnation emotional trials media sexual assault trial media wrongful public outrage court case anonymity legal rights media coverage trial by media impact of media on justice public perception of defendants media portrayal crime victims effects of courtroom broadcasting privacy infringement legal cases employment impact accused Milly Dowler case media media-driven injustice false accusations media courtroom evidence publicity media ethics in law public opinion court cases repercussions of televised trials public reaction court case media coverage televising trials impact on defendants victim sympathy bias public outrage fairness in trials media influence on justice wrongful public condemnation acquitted defendants stigma high-profile cases sexual assault trials trial by media rights of the accused defendant privacy Milly Dowler case character assassination employment consequences courtroom evidence publicity unproven allegations presumption of innocence media ethics reputational damage future anonymity controversial cases impact on victims televising court cases media influence public opinion trial by media defendant rights victim sympathy media ethics presumption of innocence sexual assault cases privacy invasion public condemnation acquittal stigma courtroom publicity emotional bias wrongful accusation reputational damage media sensationalism judicial fairness Milly Dowler case employment consequences character assassination justice system jury impartiality media coverage personal privacy legal anonymity
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro02a	Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. sexual objectification dehumanization commodification exploitation consent gender dynamics ethical pornography sexual agency female representation male gaze power imbalance sexual ethics media influence psychological effects sexualization autonomy human dignity sexual commodification societal impact dehumanization objectification sexual exploitation ethics of pornography impact on viewers commodification of bodies feminist critique of porn sexual objectification effects on relationships human dignity pornography and consent psychological impact of pornography gender roles in porn influence on sexual attitudes sexualization of women moral philosophy and pornography agency in adult films misogyny in media power dynamics in pornography sexual ethics sexual objectification dehumanization ethics of pornography commodification exploitation consent sexual autonomy moral philosophy gender relations feminist critique power dynamics sexual agency media representation human dignity interpersonal relationships harm of pornography desensitization societal impact sexual norms gender stereotypes porn dehumanization studies psychological effects of pornography pornography objectification research ethics of sexual representation impact of porn on relationships porn and consent issues feminist critique of pornography pornography and gender perceptions media influence on sexual attitudes objectification theory pornography porn consumption societal effects pornography effects on self-esteem commodification of bodies in porn anti-pornography arguments sexual exploitation in pornography industry pornography and empathy erosion masculinity and pornography consumption women's experiences in pornography sexual ethics and media pornography and human dignity pornography ethics dehumanization in porn objectification theory sexual objectification effects of pornography pornography and consent pornography and autonomy pornography viewers attitudes psychological effects of porn women objectification pornography and sexism gender relations porn pornography and social values moral criticism pornography commodification of bodies sexual ethics feminist critique pornography sexual exploitation representation in pornography media and sexuality pornography ethical debate pornography objectification argument dehumanization in porn impact of pornography on society sexual objectification philosophy pornography and consent moral implications of pornography effects of pornography on relationships feminist critique of pornography pornography and human dignity exploitation in adult entertainment pornography societal consequences sexual ethics and media psychology of porn consumption pornography and gender relations dehumanization objectification sexual exploitation consent agency autonomy moral implications ethics of pornography commodification power dynamics gender inequality exploitation in media harm to participants viewer impact societal effects value of persons instrumentality feminist critique sexual ethics representation sexualization male gaze demeaning acts subjectivity human dignity psychological effects sexual consent media influence misogyny violence against women human rights personal autonomy sexual objectification dehumanization in pornography objectification in adult media ethical issues in porn effects of pornography on attitudes pornography and consent commodification of bodies impacts of porn consumption gender dynamics in porn sexual ethics moral criticism of pornography feminist critique of pornography media influence on sexuality pornography and human dignity psychological effects of porn sexual objectification theory pornography and social values representation of women in porn sexual exploitation in media normalization of degrading acts pornography and interpersonal relationships objectification dehumanization sexual ethics consent autonomy feminist critique commodification media influence gender roles human dignity power dynamics sexual exploitation moral philosophy societal impact sexual agency representation in media psychological effects gender stereotypes human rights sexual commodification agency and consent viewer impact interpersonal relationships exploitation in media women's rights sexual objectification dehumanization ethics of pornography feminist critique commodification of bodies consent in pornography gender roles sexual autonomy media influence sexual exploitation moral philosophy Kantian ethics body image sexual gratification harmful stereotypes gender inequality pornography impact on society human dignity interpersonal relationships sex industry sexual consent
test-international-segiahbarr-pro02a	Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 human development HDI Africa life expectancy education index income index development trends literacy rate poverty reduction infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS healthcare improvement knowledge industries agriculture sector services sector economic growth African countries Seychelles Libya Tunisia Ghana Zimbabwe United Nations Human Development Report statistical annex Sub-Saharan Africa health indicators social indicators global development Millennium Development Goals sustainable development education attainment economic indicators social progress demographic trends HDI trends human development progress African development statistics life expectancy Africa infant mortality reduction education improvement Africa literacy rate Africa poverty reduction Africa income index Africa health indicators Africa mosquito nets malaria Africa HIV/AIDS Africa sub-Saharan development top HDI African countries African socioeconomic indicators human capital Africa Ghana poverty statistics Zimbabwe poverty reduction human development reports United Nations HDI Africa education sector sustainable development Africa Africa millennium development goals health care improvements Africa human development HDI life expectancy education index income index Africa African countries Seychelles Libya Tunisia infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS literacy rates poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services sector human development trends United Nations Development Programme human development report education growth economic development health improvement Sub-Saharan Africa sustainable development social indicators living standards global development international comparisons Human development trends Africa HDI improvement Africa life expectancy increase Africa infant mortality reduction Africa mosquito nets Africa health HIV/AIDS impact Africa education and economic growth Africa literacy rate Africa poverty decrease Africa African countries high HDI Seychelles Libya Tunisia HDI sub-Saharan Africa human development agriculture and services education Africa knowledge-intensive industries Africa Ghana development progress Zimbabwe poverty reduction Human Development Report Africa UN HDI data Africa childhood mortality interventions Africa education investment Africa African states HDI ranking Africa 1990 vs 2001 vs 2011 HDI literacy improvement drivers Africa Human development indicators Human Development Index HDI Africa development trends life expectancy education index income index literacy rates Africa poverty reduction Africa sub-Saharan Africa infant mortality Africa mosquito nets impact HIV/AIDS interventions Africa economic growth Africa knowledge-intensive industries Africa human capital Africa Seychelles development Libya development Tunisia HDI high human development Africa Ghana poverty reduction Zimbabwe poverty reduction United Nations Human Development Reports African countries HDI rankings health improvements Africa educational attainment Africa African socio-economic progress post-2001 development Africa human development index Africa HDI improvement Africa African life expectancy trends African education indicators African income indices poverty reduction Africa infant mortality decrease Africa literacy rates Africa high human development African countries HDI ranking Seychelles Libya Tunisia mosquito nets health Africa HIV/AIDS impact Africa education and economic growth Africa knowledge-intensive industries Africa agriculture services development Africa United Nations human development Africa HDI statistical annex Africa human development reports Africa Ghana poverty rates Zimbabwe development indicators long-term human development trends Africa human development human development index HDI life expectancy education income indices Africa African development Sub-Saharan Africa poverty reduction literacy rates education attainment economic growth agriculture sector service industry knowledge-intensive industries infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS health interventions high human development Seychelles Libya Tunisia Ghana Zimbabwe Human Development Report United Nations Development Programme UNDP developing countries socio-economic indicators social progress quality of life sustainable development Millennium Development Goals wealth inequality public health healthcare access primary education secondary education economic indicators development human development Africa HDI trends Africa African countries HDI rankings life expectancy Africa infant mortality Africa education improvement Africa literacy rates Africa poverty reduction Africa human development success stories Africa health interventions Africa mosquito nets malaria Africa HIV/AIDS Africa knowledge-intensive industries Africa agriculture development Africa services sector Africa Ghana poverty statistics Zimbabwe poverty statistics top African countries HDI Seychelles HDI Libya HDI Tunisia HDI socio-economic progress Africa UNDP human development reports education's role development Africa African health initiatives African development indicators global HDI rankings African economic growth Sustainable African human development HDI trends life expectancy Africa infant mortality Africa African education improvements literacy rates Africa poverty reduction Africa mosquito nets malaria Africa HIV/AIDS Africa economic growth Africa agriculture development Africa service industry Africa skills development Africa high HDI African countries Seychelles HDI Libya HDI Tunisia HDI human development world comparisons income indices Africa social progress Africa human development statistics Africa development predictions Africa rising education investment Africa poverty trends Ghana poverty trends Zimbabwe UN Human Development Report Africa Africa HDI socioeconomic development poverty reduction health improvements education access GDP literacy rates life expectancy infant mortality malaria prevention HIV/AIDS intervention economic growth skills development Sub-Saharan Africa global rankings inequality income distribution primary education secondary education knowledge economy UNDP Millennium Development Goals Sustainable Development Goals urbanization quality of life human well-being gender equality healthcare infrastructure public policy investment in education
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con01a	Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ child performers child actors child athletes youth participation film industry television shows advertising product marketing sports early training dance training ice skating realism in media young audience casting children minors in entertainment children's roles child labor in entertainment child stars adolescent actors Harry Potter youth sports industry survival performance necessity societal representation youth development child actors youth performers young athletes child participation minor performers film casting television casting sports recruitment advertising targeting children realistic portrayal entertainment industry children in media early training performance arts youth sport development child labor laws cultural representation child casting necessity minors in advertising children in sports child character roles child actors child performers child athletes film casting television casting advertising with children youth sports underage actors young talent child roles in media early sports training children in entertainment minors in advertising child labor laws youth dance training child ice skaters children in film industry casting requirements for minors kids in television young performers child participation in sports child performers necessity realistic child portrayals juvenile performers early talent development child actors importance necessity of child performers child actors in films children in television child actors in advertising child athletes youth sports necessity child performers in media underage actors child casting requirements child actors in Harry Potter children in commercials young athletes in sports early training for athletes teen actors child performers in entertainment industry benefits of child actors children in competitive sports survival of youth sports child actors in society portrayal impact of child actors on films necessity of underage athletes dance training for children benefits of early sports training children in dance child performers role child actors child performers film casting television casting advertising industry youth actors child participation in sports child athletes early training in sports dance training children in media child labor laws minors in entertainment realistic portrayal children in advertising youth talent performance arts child role necessity child development in acting adolescent performers underage actors children in competitive sports early specialization sports Harry Potter cast age-appropriate casting entertainment industry minors child actors necessity child performers in media roles for children in films impact of child actors importance of child performers children in television roles advertising with child actors children in sports early training in sports young athletes ice skaters child training dancers early start societal portrayal children child participation in media child actors and realism youth representation in advertising benefits of early sports training children in competitive sports legal issues child performers ethical considerations child actors influence of young performers child actors child performers film industry television shows advertising marketing to children sports youth athletes ice skaters dancers early training Harry Potter entertainment industry child roles casting realism in media children in commercials young audience child participation performing arts necessary casting child stars child labor in entertainment dance training Sagolla children in sports minors in media acting juvenile athletes child actors child performers film casting children television child roles advertising with children youth athletes children in sports child sports competitors young dancers young ice skaters early dance training children in media benefits of child acting legal aspects child performance children in commercials societal depiction children casting young actors child involvement sports realistic portrayal children children in entertainment industry child actors child performers film industry television industry advertising industry casting children media representation children in sports youth athletes early training dance training ice skating young dancers child development child labor laws entertainment industry realistic portrayal age-specific roles teen actors child stars societal roles youth participation minors in media performing arts marketing to children child casting sports survival competitive kids impact on sports children in advertising young entertainers early specialization child actors child performers children in film young athletes child athletes minors in entertainment juvenile performers child advertising legal protections for child performers working conditions for child actors labor laws for children child labor in entertainment psychological effects on child actors child stars child talent casting children youth sports early specialization in sports training young athletes age restrictions in media child labor regulations child welfare in entertainment impact on education parental consent for child performers
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con02a	Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. arms embargo military technology transfer dual-use technology export controls EU arms code arms trade regulation defense export policy China military modernization European Union regulations arms proliferation weapon sales restrictions national security international arms agreements defense industry technology denial enforcement loopholes competitive advantage policy consistency trade-off strategic exports end-use monitoring compliance mechanisms collective security arms embargo military technology transfer EU arms export policy China arms ban arms trade regulations dual-use technology controls export control loopholes enforcement of arms embargoes European Union code of conduct arms sales accountability technology proliferation military export controls defense industry lobbying sanctions effectiveness defense trade compliance national vs. EU interests arms export ethics international security implications end-user monitoring arms export transparency arms embargo military technology transfer export controls dual-use technology defense trade regulations EU arms policy weapons proliferation military export restrictions national security high-tech weapons international arms agreements arms sales oversight strategic export controls military modernization arms trade compliance EU foreign policy arms control codes technology denial export licensing arms trade loopholes arms embargo effectiveness EU arms sales code of conduct military technology export restrictions high-tech weapons export risks Chinese military technology access EU member state export decisions loopholes in arms ban national interest vs EU security enforcement issues in arms embargo dual-use technology exports arms trade and job losses export controls and political influence code of conduct limitations diverging EU export policies undermining international security military sales to China arms exports conflict of interest arms ban circumvention exporting sensitive technologies impact of arms sales on foreign conflicts arms embargo military technology export controls dual-use technology EU code of conduct China military modernization export restrictions high-tech weapons sales intra-EU competition arms trade regulation defense industry lobbying international security technology transfer strategic export controls national vs. collective interests civilian harm arms trade ethics arms export loopholes proliferation risk economic vs. security policy defense export oversight arms embargo effectiveness EU arms export policy Chinese military technology access high-tech weapons proliferation code of conduct enforcement EU member state discretion arms trade regulations military exports and ethics arms sales and job losses compliance loopholes enforcement challenges export controls collective EU security interests arms trade and international security dual-use technology export arms sales competition among EU states arms ban impact national vs. union interests arms export accountability arms embargo circumvention arms embargo export controls military technology restriction EU code of conduct arms trade regulation high-tech weapons dual-use technology Chinese military arms sales policy export licensing national discretion strategic exports nonproliferation European Union policy weapons proliferation policy loopholes defense exports conflict zone arms export competition security versus economy multinational regulation enforcement weakness ethical arms trade military sanctions political pressure international security technology transfer prevention arms embargo military technology restrictions arms export controls EU arms code of conduct arms trade regulations high tech weapon export dual-use technology restrictions defense export policy military procurement export licensing non-proliferation military sales oversight export compliance EU-China arms ban strategic export controls technology transfer restrictions export policy loopholes intra-EU competition arms export accountability political influence on arms exports military technology embargo arms export controls dual-use technology restrictions EU arms trade policy Chinese military modernization arms proliferation prevention code of conduct enforcement export license loopholes defense industry lobbying intra-EU competition arms sales accountability export-driven policy decisions high-tech weapons sales national security risks arms embargo effectiveness civilian conflict impact economic incentives arms trade international arms regulation policy harmonization challenges geopolitical security concerns export controls evasion arms embargo military technology export controls EU arms export policy code of conduct enforcement arms trade regulation dual-use technology restrictions export license decision-making national security defense industry lobbying China military technology acquisition international arms agreements proliferation prevention collective security EU foreign policy economic interests vs security individual member state authority export control loopholes arms sales ethics enforcement mechanisms military export compliance
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con02a	Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, settlements economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank economy Gaza Strip economy Israeli capital labor markets Palestinian employment low-wage workforce settlement construction economic development job creation unemployment rates Israel-Palestine relations Palestinian workers movement restrictions labor mobility regional investment poverty reduction infrastructure development cross-border employment capital influx Israeli demand for labor Palestinian livelihoods West Bank viability employment opportunities economic interdependence settlements economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank viability Gaza economy Palestinian independence capital influx Israeli labor market low-wage workforce Palestinian employment settlement construction economic development job creation unemployment rates labor restrictions Israeli policy Palestinian workers Jordan Valley travel regional investment cross-border employment economic cooperation infrastructure development Israeli demand Palestinian supply labor mobility economic incentives settlement economy Israeli investment West Bank development Gaza economy Palestinian employment cross-border labor regional capital influx low-wage workforce job creation Palestinian unemployment economic viability Israeli-Palestinian cooperation settlement construction agricultural development labor mobility trade restrictions economic opportunities infrastructure investment economic integration labor market regional development economic benefits of settlements economic impact of West Bank settlements Israeli investment in Occupied Territories Palestinian employment in settlements economic development in West Bank settlement construction jobs economic ties Israel and Palestine Gaza economic viability unemployment rates in West Bank Israeli demand for Palestinian labor settlement impact Palestinian economy lifting restrictions on Palestinian workers capital inflow to Occupied Territories labor market in Israel and West Bank Israeli settlements and Palestinian livelihoods economic arguments for settlements West Bank economic sustainability settlement agriculture employment effect of settlements on Gaza economy restricting Palestinian movement economic effects economic investment settlements Occupied Territories West Bank economy Gaza economy Palestinian unemployment Israeli labor market settlement construction economic development capital influx low-wage workforce Palestinian labor Israeli restrictions job creation regional economic viability Palestinian employment Israeli demand for labor travel restrictions settlement cultivation economic opportunity West Bank Gaza Strip workers cross-border employment labor incentives Palestinian-Israeli economic relations economic benefits of settlements Palestinian employment opportunities Israeli labor market West Bank economic viability Gaza economic conditions investment in Occupied Territories settlement job creation capital influx to West Bank Palestinian workforce in Israel unemployment in Palestinian territories settlement-driven economic development Israeli restrictions on Palestinian workers regional economic integration impact of settlement construction economic interdependence Israel-Palestine Israeli settlements economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability capital influx Israeli labor demand Palestinian workforce unemployment job creation settlement construction regional development labor restrictions Palestinian economy cross-border employment Israeli economy capital supply economic integration labor market development opportunities Haaretz Palestinian unemployment economic prospects settlements economic investment West Bank economic viability Gaza economy Palestinian unemployment Israeli demand for labor low-wage workforce Israel capital influx West Bank settlement construction jobs Palestinian employment opportunities Israeli economic integration labor restrictions West Bank Gaza economic development Palestinian labor market Israel-Palestine economic ties Palestinian job creation Israeli settlements investment cross-border employment regional economic impact settlement cultivation Israel labor markets Jordan Valley travel restrictions Haaretz Israel settlements JMCC unemployment Palestinian economic cooperation Palestine Israel West Bank workforce Gaza labor trends settlement economy economic investment West Bank Gaza economic development Palestinian labor market Israeli capital inflow unemployment Palestinian territories settlement job creation Israel-Palestine economic relations cross-border employment regional capital sources labor flow restrictions West Bank economic viability Gaza goods production construction employment settlements work permits Israel investment incentives Palestine economic cooperation Israel Palestine Palestinian workforce Israel settlement cultivation jobs capital needs West Bank labor demand settlements unemployment reduction strategies regional economic integration economic development Israeli settlements West Bank Gaza Palestinian employment investment low-wage labor labor market regional economy capital influx trade relations economic viability job creation infrastructure Israeli-Palestinian cooperation Palestinian unemployment cross-border labor economic integration travel restrictions workforce demand
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro02a	Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, poverty social welfare public health education investment healthcare access educational reform hospital improvement food security homelessness government corruption political priorities urban policy family assistance national welfare parliament social services basic needs moral intervention Filipino welfare contraception debate policy priorities poverty alleviation public investment corruption in government political focus social inequity rural development national development public expenditure social justice poverty alleviation social welfare public health educational reform healthcare investment government corruption urban policy political priorities hunger homelessness social justice education access healthcare quality policy reform moral issues reproductive health contraception debate Filipino welfare national priorities legislative focus political accountability economic inequality social development infrastructure investment family support social safety nets poverty reduction government transparency public investment health services urban planning national leadership resource allocation basic needs human rights anti-corruption poverty alleviation social welfare healthcare access educational investment government corruption social policy housing assistance hunger reduction family welfare political priorities national development Filipino welfare healthcare reform education reform poverty solutions public health urban policy political accountability social justice resource allocation government spending basic needs social inequality marginalized communities policy effectiveness investment in education impact healthcare for poor families urban poverty solutions political priorities in poverty alleviation food vs shelter vs contraception needs benefits of accessible education hospital improvements for poor reducing government corruption effects education and healthcare vs contraception national attention poverty issues priorities in legislative agenda welfare of Filipino people parliamentarians focus poverty moral vs material aid government policy on poverty controversy over contraception bill political and moral corruption role of government in poverty impact of international attention on poverty education and healthcare funding benefits comparison of poverty policy options effectiveness of social investment prioritizing health and education reforms poverty alleviation investment in education healthcare access social welfare urban policy political priorities food security homelessness contraception policy government corruption accessible education quality hospitals legislative priorities public health moral governance social inequality political discourse national development welfare policy Filipino society RH bill debate Socrates Villegas CBCP social services resource allocation investment in education investment in healthcare poverty alleviation accessible education better hospitals government corruption urban poverty political priorities welfare of the poor hunger and homelessness food and shelter parliamentary responsibility national development healthcare access education reform political corruption moral issues in legislation Filipino welfare social spending healthcare investment urban policy national attention government accountability bill priorities social justice public health poverty reduction Congress focus presidential priorities international attention on poverty poverty poor families education investment healthcare access urban focus political priorities hunger homelessness food security shelter contraception debate government corruption parliament national welfare healthcare reform educational improvement social services moral issues political attention policy priorities Filipino welfare national development public health social inequality legislative focus healthcare system education reform public spending poverty alleviation social justice political leadership welfare programs legislative priorities Socrates Villegas CBCP News contraception criticism moral corruption political corruption government responsibility public priorities social policy poverty alleviation investment in education healthcare access government corruption food security homelessness social welfare urban policy political priorities Filipino welfare parliamentarian roles moral issues contraception debate national development international attention political corruption education funding hospital improvement hunger relief social inequality policy reform public health housing assistance legislative focus national priorities economic disparity sustainable development vulnerable populations healthcare reform education reform poverty solutions poverty alleviation social investment education funding healthcare reform food security homelessness solutions anti-corruption measures government priorities political decision-making welfare policies public health family planning ethics urban policy social justice socioeconomic inequality public spending legislative focus national development Filipino welfare resource allocation moral governance policy impact social services improvement congressional priorities poverty education reform healthcare access social welfare government corruption housing food security policy priorities political leadership urban poverty public health social justice anti-corruption Filipino welfare parliamentary action family support homelessness economic inequality healthcare investment education funding political priorities contraception debate national attention legislative focus social policy
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con03a	Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. bandwidth pricing mobile device cost analysis phone provider expenses telecom profit models net neutrality impact network investment telecom revenue streams content provider contributions Google and network costs Verizon complaints mobile economics telecommunications infrastructure telecom-shareholder returns subsidized phone costs economic sustainability telecom digital content costs ISP business models network cost sharing market competition telecom fair pricing bandwidth regulation impacts telecom bandwidth pricing mobile device costs network provider expenses telecommunications economics data usage fees smartphone profit models content provider compensation net neutrality impact fair share payment telecom revenue models infrastructure investment network maintenance costs OTT (over-the-top) services mobile data plans cost recovery content delivery costs ISP compensation regulatory policy digital market competition user payment structure network traffic management revenue sharing carrier subsidies operational expenditure digital infrastructure financing network neutrality debate telecommunications regulation internet service providers digital access affordability market sustainability bandwidth pricing mobile device economics network provider costs revenue models phone company expenses telecom profitability content provider payments net neutrality debate data usage fees infrastructure investment cost recovery device manufacturer profit cost-sharing models fair compensation telecom regulation ISP business models broadband costs user charges digital infrastructure funding market competition wireless carrier pricing economic sustainability telecom subsidies policy impact digital service economics realistic bandwidth costs mobile device user costs mobile device provider costs phone manufacturer profit models lifetime product revenue calculation network provider vs content provider costs Google free lunch Verizon net neutrality financial impact economic implications of net neutrality cost-sharing in mobile networks content provider contribution to network costs regulatory impact on telecom economics mobile device ROI telecom investment and profitability net neutrality effects on business models socialist economics in telecom changing network cost-sharing rules telecom subsidy by content providers device makers and carrier revenue streams financial realities of phone companies Amsterdam Santiago net neutrality policy telecom vs tech company economics fair share internet mobile device costs bandwidth pricing user expenses provider revenue profitability telecom business models content provider payments cost-sharing net neutrality network investment infrastructure funding Google free lunch Verizon vs. Google digital economy market regulation economic sustainability operational costs device manufacturer profits shareholder interests capex opex telecom internet traffic fees content delivery economics ISP revenue streams regulatory impact financial models telecom mobile industry economics bandwidth costs phone provider expenses mobile device profit models net neutrality economics network provider compensation telecom industry revenue fair share internet costs content provider payments mobile manufacturers pricing ISP cost recovery digital infrastructure funding technology shareholder returns telecommunications cost structure internet traffic monetization broadband infrastructure investment operator vs content provider disputes sustainable business models telecom Google ISPs conflict net neutrality financial impact mobile network profitability bandwidth pricing phone service costs mobile device economics network provider expenses content provider fees phone manufacturer profitability net neutrality impact ISP revenue models cost-sharing models device lifecycle revenue telecom operator costs Google network usage digital infrastructure funding end-user charges digital economy internet service pricing fair share internet telecom policy competitive pricing cost recovery network investment regulatory impact content access costs economic sustainability ISP vs content provider profit margins shareholder expectations device subsidization broadband economics telecommunications profitability bandwidth pricing mobile device costs telecom economics net neutrality network provider revenue content provider fees data usage charges fair cost distribution digital infrastructure funding smartphone profitability manufacturer profit models carrier subsidies ISPs vs content providers cost recovery strategies telecommunications investment revenue sharing models digital marketplace economics economic impact of net neutrality regulation and pricing wireless network costs mobile data economics bandwidth pricing mobile device costs provider cost structure user pricing revenue models profit margins network neutrality net neutrality economics telecom business models content provider fees revenue sharing mobile manufacturers mobile device subsidies data usage fees network infrastructure costs telecommunications economics policy impact Google Verizon dispute ISP profitability mobile operator revenue device lifecycle revenue regulatory impact economic sustainability network investment bandwidth monetization fair share payments digital infrastructure funding economic incentives cost allocation competitive dynamics bandwidth pricing mobile device economics telecommunication costs network provider revenue content provider payments net neutrality impact cost-sharing models mobile phone manufacturing profit fair compensation Google vs network providers digital infrastructure funding end-user pricing models telecom industry challenges economic sustainability broadband investment regulatory impacts cross-subsidy issues telecom vs content provider disputes net neutrality debates digital market regulation mobile subscription pricing ISP cost recovery value chain economics profitability in telecommunications data usage fees
test-health-dhpelhbass-con04a	It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) societal impact euthanasia ethics moral foundations social values legalization consequences respect for life slippery slope involuntary euthanasia consent issues elderly rights terminally ill quality of life sanctity of life value of life life worth living disability perspective public opinion ethical debate medical ethics human rights patient autonomy right to die religious views legal implications palliative care assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia legalisation of euthanasia ethical concerns slippery slope moral values social consequences principle of sanctity of life respect for human life impact on vulnerable populations elderly terminally ill end-of-life decisions forced euthanasia autonomy consent quality of life disability locked-in syndrome value of life patient rights medical ethics assisted dying doctors’ responsibilities palliative care right to die euthanasia debate euthanasia voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia moral foundation social impact respect for life sanctity of life slippery slope elderly terminally ill locked-in syndrome right to die consent ethics human dignity legalization consequences societal values patient autonomy moral arguments life worth living end-of-life care medical ethics arguments against voluntary euthanasia moral implications of euthanasia social consequences of euthanasia legalization of euthanasia debate risks of involuntary euthanasia respect for human life euthanasia ethical concerns euthanasia traditional values and euthanasia effects on vulnerable populations euthanasia elderly rights euthanasia debate terminally ill euthanasia controversy locked-in syndrome euthanasia perspectives survey on life satisfaction euthanasia impact on society euthanasia laws religious views on euthanasia bioethics euthanasia slippery slope euthanasia argument protection of the weak euthanasia public policy on euthanasia medical ethics euthanasia euthanasia voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia moral foundations social impact respect for life legality slippery slope quality of life patient consent ethical debate end-of-life decisions terminally ill elderly locked-in syndrome right to die sanctity of life medical ethics societal values autonomy human rights assisted suicide dignity in dying euthanasia moral impact social consequences of euthanasia arguments against voluntary euthanasia ethical concerns euthanasia involuntary euthanasia risks respect for human life legalizing euthanasia effects euthanasia and society euthanasia slippery slope locked-in syndrome happiness value of life euthanasia debate euthanasia and vulnerable groups consent and euthanasia euthanasia and elderly euthanasia and terminal illness religious views euthanasia euthanasia public opinion euthanasia case studies euthanasia legal implications slippery slope argument non-voluntary euthanasia danger euthanasia voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia moral foundation ethical concerns social impact respect for human life legalization consequences traditional principles killing end-of-life decisions consent elderly terminal illness slippery slope right to die dignity patient autonomy locked-in syndrome quality of life sanctity of life societal values bioethics medical ethics legal issues human rights assisted suicide euthanasia debate voluntary euthanasia risks moral implications euthanasia social foundation euthanasia respect for human life legalization of euthanasia involuntary euthanasia slippery slope euthanasia ethical concerns euthanasia elderly euthanasia terminally ill euthanasia consent euthanasia locked-in syndrome euthanasia happiness terminally ill depression terminally ill value of life euthanasia anti-euthanasia arguments religious views euthanasia public opinion euthanasia human rights euthanasia voluntary euthanasia ethical implications moral foundation respect for life legalization effects slippery slope involuntary euthanasia social impact elderly rights terminal illness consent sanctity of life moral values societal consequences human rights locked-in syndrome disability perspective quality of life end-of-life care patient autonomy legal safeguards medical ethics palliative care religious objections ethical debate right to die euthanasia voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia moral foundation social impact ethics legality human life value slippery slope elder care terminal illness bioethics patient autonomy disability rights locked-in syndrome right to die sanctity of life consent medical ethics religious views respect for life societal norms end-of-life decisions legalisation consequences vulnerable populations quality of life
test-international-gmehwasr-pro02a	It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 democracy promotion regime change supporting moderates Syrian opposition ousting dictators Western influence Middle East stability arms support post-conflict alliances combating extremism counterterrorism foreign policy regional security international intervention future partnerships anti-jihadist strategies humanitarian intervention power transition moderate rebels security cooperation rebel support geopolitical interests foreign aid UAV operations Assad regime grateful allies resentment coalition building intervention outcomes democratization foreign influence democracy promotion support for opposition groups regime change moderate rebels arming Syrian rebels influence in Syria post-Assad government Middle East democracy fighting extremism counterterrorism strategy international partnerships future regional stability Western intervention Syria jihadis Syria foreign policy Syria military aid opposition building alliances Western strategic interests Syria conflict arms supply Middle East regional security anti-dictatorship support democracy promotion regime change moderate opposition Syrian conflict foreign policy arms support Middle East stability influence building anti-extremism counterterrorism international relations Assad removal opposition groups future partnership jihadi threat Western interests security strategy foreign intervention post-conflict reconstruction regional stability democracies supporting opposition groups in Syria arming moderate rebels in Syria benefits of supporting anti-dictator movements national interest of democracies in Middle East Western influence after Assad impact of foreign arms in Syrian conflict building alliances with moderate Syrian opposition preventing extremism in Syria through support long-term Western interests in Syria risks of non-involvement in Syrian civil war preventing terrorist safe havens in Syria future cooperation with post-Assad Syria role of democracies in regime change promoting democracy in post-conflict Syria comparisons of Western intervention outcomes strategic arms support for Syrian opposition minimizing jihadi national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner regional stability Middle East arms supply influence Syria jihadis Syrian conflict Western foreign policy Assad opposition groups build up moderates deny extremists partnership terrorism UAVs Syrian rebels arming rebels Foreign Policy Emile Hokayem international relations regime change coalition building counterterrorism post-conflict reconstruction support for Syrian opposition arming moderate rebels Syria democracy promotion Middle East Western influence Syria post-Assad democratic transition Syria countering extremism Syria preventing jihadist dominance Syria strategic partnerships Middle East moderate groups vs extremists Syria foreign policy influence Syria Western intervention Syria conflict benefits of supporting moderates Syria security interests Syria regional stability Middle East military aid Syria opposition long-term allies Syria anti-dictatorship interventions rebuilding democratic states post-conflict preventing terrorist safe havens Syria Western responsibility Syria crisis national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner future cooperation regional stability Middle East arms supply influence Syria jihadis conflict escalation Western interests opposition groups build up moderates deny extremists grateful allies real assistance post-Assad Syria counterterrorism UAVs Foreign Policy Syrian rebels Emile Hokayem international relations regime change supporting democracies ousting dictators foreign policy moderate opposition regime change Syria conflict arms support Middle East democracy influence in Syria western intervention building alliances countering extremism anti-jihadist strategies post-Assad planning moderate rebel groups future partnerships security cooperation international relations arming rebels humanitarian intervention regional stability military aid foreign influence democratic transition grateful allies extremist threat UAV operations Syria uprising western interests Emile Hokayem Foreign Policy policy debate strategic interests democracy promotion regime change moderate opposition arms supply Middle East stability future alliances regional security counter-extremism Syria conflict Assad regime jihadi presence Western influence opposition support extremist denial post-conflict relations UAV intervention Western-Syrian relations proxy warfare strategic partnerships foreign intervention moderate rebels counterterrorism gratitude leverage regional power dynamics military assistance democracy promotion regime change supporting opposition groups Syrian conflict arms supply moderate rebels Western influence Middle East stability post-Assad Syria extremist groups terrorism prevention regional security foreign intervention international partnerships counterterrorism UAV strikes jihadist presence future alliances humanitarian intervention political transition rebel support moderate vs extremist geopolitical strategy influence operations
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt-to-GDP ratio competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media coverage investment decline recession cycles government spending cuts budget deficit economic hardship suicide rates healthcare access government responsibility alternative policies economic default euro exit financial crisis economic recovery social impact Greece policy failure fiscal policy Troika Eurozone crisis austerity measures Greece ECB IMF European Commission debt-to-GDP ratio Greek economy tax policy minimum wage cuts recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression investment climate budget deficit government spending cuts suicide rates healthcare access economic hardship social impact eurozone crisis Greece default Grexit alternative economic policies sovereign debt crisis fiscal consolidation structural reforms austerity Greece ECB IMF European Commission debt crisis unemployment recession economic depression minimum wage tax increases credit shortage investment decline budget deficit GDP ratio competitiveness Greek economy government spending cuts healthcare access suicide rates social impact European Union financial bailout economic policy fiscal adjustment default eurozone structural reforms social unrest economic recovery social welfare ECB austerity impact IMF austerity Greece European Commission austerity effects Greek debt crisis solutions alternatives to austerity in Greece recession impact of austerity measures Greek unemployment rates under austerity economic depression Greece causes credit shortage Greek companies investment climate Greece austerity media influence Greek crisis effectiveness of government spending cuts Greece budget deficit trends Greece suicide rates in Greece austerity access to healthcare Greece crisis government duties economic crisis Greece potential solutions Greek economic crisis default versus austerity Greece exit from eurozone Greece case for Greek default consequences of Greek default Greece competitiveness under austerity austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy Greece debt crisis economic recession minimum wage cuts unemployment Greece credit shortage Greek depression investment decline media coverage economic crisis government spending cuts budget deficit Greece suicide rates Greece healthcare access Greece economic policy failure alternative economic measures Greek default eurozone exit sovereign debt crisis economic hardship Greece public wellbeing financial crisis Europe macroeconomic policy Europe austerity measures Greece ECB IMF European Commission policies Greek debt crisis effectiveness of austerity impact on unemployment Greece recession in Greece economic depression Europe competitiveness Greek economy alternatives to austerity government spending cuts Greece budget deficit Greece suicide rates Greece access to healthcare Greece Greece default on debt exit eurozone Greece investment climate Greece credit shortage Greece Greek economic recovery social impacts austerity Eurozone crisis solutions austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy economic crisis debt-to-GDP ratio competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts recession unemployment rate credit shortage business financing depression media coverage investment climate economic cycle budget deficit GDP decline government spending cuts public despair suicide rates Greece healthcare access government responsibilities alternative policies economic default eurozone exit Greek bailout financial hardship economic recovery sovereign debt crisis policy failure fiscal policy monetary policy social impact Greek debt crisis ECB austerity policies IMF economic measures European Commission fiscal reforms failures of austerity Greek unemployment rates credit shortage Greece Greek recession economic depression Greece GDP contraction Greece government spending cuts budget deficit Greece recession cycle Europe investment collapse Greece rising suicide rates Greece access to healthcare Greece safeguarding citizen wellbeing alternatives to austerity Greek default EXIT from eurozone sovereign debt default macroeconomic policy failure social impact of austerity economic policy Greece eurozone crisis austerity impact Greek debt crisis ECB policies IMF intervention European Commission measures economic recession Greece unemployment Greece credit shortage Greece Greek economic depression investment decline Greece recession cycle government spending cuts budget deficit Greece GDP decline Greece suicide rates Greece healthcare access Greece policy alternatives economic recovery Greece Eurozone crisis default Greece euro exit sovereign debt restructuring social consequences austerity public welfare Greece financial stability Greece pro-growth policies monetary policy Eurozone fiscal consolidation effects austerity alternatives Greek debt crisis ECB IMF Troika Eurozone crisis government spending cuts public sector reforms economic recession Greece unemployment Greece minimum wage policies Greek competitiveness Greek depression credit shortage investment climate Greece Greece suicide rates healthcare access austerity budget deficit Greece sovereign default Greece euro exit Greece fiscal policy Greece social impact austerity economic recovery Greece
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro01a	"The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, English language American identity US history official language linguistic unity cultural assimilation Theodore Roosevelt American founding national unity immigrant integration Thomas Jefferson multilingualism language policy cultural heritage Americanization historical tradition diversity in America political tradition language legislation language and citizenship national cohesion English language policy official language legislation national identity United States language and assimilation American history and English language linguistic unity immigrant integration Theodore Roosevelt language quote Thomas Jefferson language tradition English proficiency citizenship multiculturalism and language English-only movement language and national unity language laws USA US founding language language and civic participation Americanization and language cultural assimilation United States English dominance US history political tradition English language official language English-only movement language policy American identity national unity assimilation national language immigrant integration cultural heritage linguistic unity English proficiency political tradition founding fathers U.S. history citizenship requirements language and nationalism language legislation multiculturalism diversity in America Theodore Roosevelt language assimilation Thomas Jefferson language in government English in America language laws official language policy United States English language assimilation benefits history of English in America Theodore Roosevelt English language quote English language national unity legal force English as official language English language and American identity effects of declaring English official immigrants assimilation through English multilingualism versus English-only policies political tradition of English language Thomas Jefferson English language arguments for English official language linguistic unity in diverse societies impact of English as official on immigrants pros and cons English official language role of English in U.S. founding English language and civic participation opposition to multilingual policies historical quotes on English in America English language policy official language debate linguistic assimilation national identity American history language and citizenship unity through language language and integration Theodore Roosevelt English quote English-only movement multilingualism in the U.S. immigrant assimilation civic participation language legislation language and American values historical language policy Thomas Jefferson and language cultural unification English proficiency requirements linguistic diversity America official English language policy United States history of English in America assimilation and language Theodore Roosevelt English language cultural unity through language English as legal language US immigrant assimilation English language and American identity Thomas Jefferson and English English-only movement pros cons linguistic unity America multilingualism vs English-only US English language legislation US national language debate America historical perspectives on English US language requirements citizenship US official English language American identity American history language assimilation national unity Theodore Roosevelt linguistic unity cultural integration immigrant assimilation language policy national language founding of the United States language and citizenship English language tradition Thomas Jefferson multiculturalism diverse society civic participation legal status English American values tradition of English English language official status United States language history assimilation and language linguistic unity America Theodore Roosevelt English quote English language and immigration political tradition and language language and national identity English-only movement history of English in America benefits of official language language and cultural integration English language legislation US English language assimilation English and American values impact of official language English language policy nation-building and language multilingualism vs English-only language diversity United States immigrant integration English Thomas Jefferson language language law America arguments for official English English language unity English language tradition USA English language history United States identity language assimilation official language policy linguistic unity American nationalism immigrant integration language and citizenship multiculturalism in America Theodore Roosevelt language English language law national unity through language language and political tradition language diversity America English as cultural heritage assimilation and Americanization Thomas Jefferson language sociolinguistics United States language and immigration language legislation US official language policy language assimilation linguistic unity American identity cultural integration English-only movement immigrant assimilation U.S. language history national cohesion multilingualism in America English language legislation historical perspectives on language Theodore Roosevelt language policy political tradition and language Thomas Jefferson and language diversity and unity language requirements for citizenship"
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro06a	Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. child labor laws child performers legislation child labor ban child actor regulations enforcement of child labor laws child employment restrictions government regulation of child performers legal protections for child actors child performer exploitation child welfare in entertainment child performer working hours child performer education requirements fines for employing child performers public performance by minors state intervention in child labor child performer pay regulations legislative measures for child protection legal consequences for child exploitation entertainment industry regulations child performer rights child labor laws child performer regulations entertainment industry protections child actor bans child employment legislation working hours restrictions education requirements for child performers enforcement challenges legal protections for minors government regulation of child performers fines for employing child performers banning child actors child welfare in entertainment public performance by minors legal consequences for employers child safety in media child exploitation prevention performing arts for minors juvenile employment restrictions child performer rights child labor laws entertainment industry regulation child actor protection child exploitation labor rights child performers ban child welfare underage performers legal enforcement child employment regulations government intervention child labor exploitation legal penalties child safety performance industry laws child actor ban child labor policy youth performance regulations child employment ban child rights advocacy child performer labor laws banning child performers pros and cons enforceability of child labor bans child actor legal protections government regulation of child performers child performance employment laws effectiveness of blanket bans on child labor child performer education requirements penalties for employing child performers comparison between regulation and prohibition of child employment challenges in enforcing child performer laws ethical considerations of child performance public policy on child entertainers history of child labor laws in entertainment alternatives to banning child performers child labor laws child performer regulations banning child performers enforcement of labor laws government intervention child protection policies entertainment industry laws child exploitation prevention legal penalties employment of minors child actor legislation child welfare regulatory enforcement minimum education requirements work hours restrictions child performer rights legal compliance entertainment law youth labor restrictions fines for violations child labor laws child performers ban child labor regulation enforcing child performer protections legal protections for child actors child employment restrictions government regulation child performers penalties for employing child performers child performance industry laws child welfare in entertainment alternatives to child performer employment effectiveness of child performer laws enforcement of child protection laws child exploitation prevention legal consequences child entertainment child labor child performer laws child employment child performance ban child protection child welfare working minors labor law enforcement child actor regulations underage performers government regulation legal penalties fines for employers child exploitation minimum education for children work hour limits entertainment industry restrictions public performance laws underage labor prohibition legislative measures employment law compliance child rights safeguarding children child labor laws child performers ban protecting child actors child employment regulations child performer exploitation child labor enforcement entertainment industry child laws minimum education child performers child performer pay regulations child work hours restrictions government regulation child performers legal protection for child performers fines for child employment violations banning child actors ethical issues child performers child welfare in entertainment public policy child entertainers legal framework child labor child protection in media laws against child exploitation child labor laws child protection entertainment industry regulation child actors child labor ban performer welfare child exploitation legal enforcement minimum education requirements working hours restrictions child rights government intervention employer penalties youth employment public performance laws safeguarding minors industry compliance regulatory oversight legal loopholes policy implementation workplace safety for minors child labor laws entertainment industry regulations child exploitation legal protections child actor rights performance bans child welfare enforcement challenges government intervention child employment restrictions workplace regulations juvenile performers child safety legal compliance fines for violations child advocacy minimum education working hour limits parental consent industry oversight
test-international-gmehwasr-con01a	"Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 state sovereignty non-intervention principle domestic jurisdiction UN Charter Article 2 territorial integrity international law non-interference governmental legitimacy self-determination political independence use of force prohibition international relations foreign intervention armed conflict legitimate authority state actors non-state actors United Nations principles diplomatic relations external intervention state equality humanitarian intervention regime change Russian foreign policy arms embargo civil war Security Council customary international law peaceful coexistence internal affairs respect state sovereignty non-intervention principle domestic jurisdiction United Nations Charter Article 2 international law intervention in internal affairs non-interference self-determination state authority legitimacy of government foreign intervention non-state actors legal restrictions on arms supply international relations humanitarian intervention UN Security Council use of force prohibition Westphalian sovereignty international norms state equality Russian foreign policy Syria conflict arms embargo legal framework domestic affairs protection global governance state sovereignty non-intervention principle domestic jurisdiction UN Charter Article 2 international law foreign intervention self-determination territorial integrity national autonomy humanitarian intervention legitimacy of government international relations non-governmental actors armed intervention power politics international norms diplomatic relations state authority internal affairs superpower influence legality of intervention state consent use of force principle of non-interference United Nations geopolitical interests principle of non-intervention state sovereignty in international law domestic jurisdiction UN Charter legitimate government authority prohibition of foreign intervention international law and arms supply foreign intervention consequences sovereignty and humanitarian intervention UN Charter Article 2 interpretation Russian stance on Syrian conflict legality of arming rebels balance of power and sovereignty exceptions to non-intervention sovereignty and international relations intervention and international stability case studies of non-intervention evolution of sovereignty concepts UN enforcement of non-intervention humanitarian exceptions to non-intervention responses to foreign meddling state sovereignty non-intervention principle international law UN Charter Article 2 domestic jurisdiction legitimacy of government foreign intervention non-state actors arms supply legality Russian foreign policy Syrian conflict international relations power politics United Nations non-interference self-determination state authority legal framework international norms respect for sovereignty sovereignty principle non-intervention doctrine international law UN Charter Article 2 domestic jurisdiction legitimacy of government intervention in domestic affairs state sovereignty foreign intervention armed conflict international law supply of arms to non-state actors Syrian conflict international law Russia UN stance UK Syria intervention international relations state authority United Nations intervention limits protection against foreign influence non-interference principle lawful government recognition international norms on sovereignty state sovereignty non-intervention principle domestic jurisdiction international law UN Charter Article 2 self-determination government legitimacy foreign intervention armed conflict non-governmental actors humanitarian intervention territorial integrity international relations power politics diplomatic relations use of force national autonomy state authority international norms legal prohibition on intervention geopolitical influence state equality non interference United Nations international order state sovereignty non-intervention principle international law UN Charter Article 2 domestic jurisdiction intervention in internal affairs legitimacy of governments supreme authority international relations foreign intervention United Nations state autonomy Syrian conflict arming non-government actors arms embargo Russian foreign policy international legal norms great power politics Philpott sovereignty humanitarian intervention UK Syria policy diplomatic relations territorial integrity sovereignty debates enforcement of sovereignty legal doctrine international peace and security intervention justification international legal precedents state-centric system protection of sovereignty state sovereignty non-intervention domestic jurisdiction UN Charter Article 2 international law legitimacy of government foreign intervention domestic affairs use of force principle of non-interference armed conflict self-determination humanitarian intervention international relations state authority Russian foreign policy Syrian conflict arms supply legal framework United Nations ethical intervention Philpott sovereignty theory power politics national independence state sovereignty non-intervention principle UN Charter Article 2 domestic jurisdiction international law legitimacy of government foreign intervention armed conflict non-governmental actors arms supply legality Syrian conflict United Nations principles sovereignty violation humanitarian intervention international relations non-interference use of force restrictions state autonomy diplomatic norms state equality international legal norms"
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con03a	There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. UN crisis response alternatives to standing army Rapid Reaction Force elite military units Security Council reform Permanent 5 veto removal improved decision-making strong mission mandates intelligence gathering early warning systems central logistical planning UN headquarters coordination pre-pledged troops prediction capability faster deployment comprehensive analysis force resolution requirements proactive intervention enhanced peacekeeping conflict prevention UN military reform multilateral cooperation member state commitment streamlined UN decision process contemporary warfare solutions UN crisis response alternatives rapid reaction force elite military units UN peacekeeping reform Security Council veto removal Permanent 5 reform deadlock prevention decision-making improvement mission mandate strengthening intelligence improvement crisis prediction UN logistics planning advanced troop pledging peacekeeping efficiency military coalition UN reform proposals collective security mechanisms faster intervention peace operations restructuring UN crisis response rapid reaction force elite military units peacekeeping reform Security Council veto P5 reform improved intelligence advanced logistical planning prediction capability pre-pledged troops mission mandate effectiveness decision-making deadlock international cooperation conflict prevention peace enforcement anticipatory deployment mandate drafting centralized logistics military commitments multilateral intervention alternatives to contemporary warfare solutions improving UN crisis response rapid reaction force UN elite military units for UN UN without standing army UN Security Council reform removing P5 veto powers breaking decision-making deadlocks UN stronger UN mission mandates better UN intelligence and analysis improved UN crisis prediction central logistical planning UN pre-assembling UN forces proactive UN mandate drafting Security Council voting reforms pledged troops before UN resolutions fast-response UN military operations enhancing UN peacekeeping effectiveness reforming global conflict response alternatives to UN standing army contemporary warfare UN response crisis management standing army alternatives Rapid Reaction Force elite military units member state contributions Security Council reform veto power removal Permanent Five decision-making deadlocks weak mission mandates prediction capability intelligence analysis central logistical planning advanced troop pledges mandate drafting UN headquarters planning rapid force assembly Security Council rules force resolution processes military capability international cooperation peacekeeping operations crisis anticipation troop commitment alternatives to standing UN army rapid reaction force UN elite military units for UN Security Council veto reform removing P5 veto power faster UN crisis response improved UN mandate process UN decision-making deadlock better UN intelligence analysis central UN logistical planning pre-pledged UN troops strengthening UN peace operations effective UN mission mandates proactive UN crisis management Security Council reform proposals contemporary warfare solutions UN crisis response alternatives to standing army Rapid Reaction Force elite military units member state cooperation security council reform veto power removal decision-making efficiency mission mandate improvement intelligence enhancement crisis prediction UN logistical planning troop pre-pledging resolution process reform peacekeeping alternatives multilateral intervention UN military capabilities fast-response units early intervention strategies UN crisis response Rapid Reaction Force elite military units Security Council reform veto power removal decision-making deadlocks mission mandate improvement intelligence analysis prediction capability logistical planning troop pledge system peacekeeping alternatives global security governance multilateral military cooperation conflict prevention crisis management advanced force deployment UN military reforms Security Council modernization rapid UN deployment international peace operations contemporary warfare UN crisis response rapid reaction force elite military units UN peacekeeping security council reform veto power removal decision-making deadlocks mandate effectiveness intelligence improvement crisis prediction central logistical planning force assembly mission deployment troop pledges pre-approval resolutions military alternatives global security peace enforcement international cooperation standing army alternatives contemporary conflict solutions UN crisis response reform rapid deployment force elite military units Security Council veto reform Permanent Five powers deadlock resolution mission mandate improvement UN intelligence analysis central logistical planning pre-pledged troops peacekeeping operations United Nations military alternatives predictive crisis capability decision-making reform multinational force UN headquarters logistics crisis prevention strategies rapid intervention Security Council resolution process
test-international-siacphbnt-pro04a	Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. educational reform democratic governance educational technology digital resources e-learning online textbooks classroom innovation student engagement teacher efficiency open access digital literacy information transparency civic technology government accountability digital democracy youth empowerment crowdmapping civic participation educational equity technology-enabled learning open data participatory governance digital citizenship information accessibility public engagement mySociety Ushahidi parliamentary transparency educational transformation governance innovation educational technology digital resources e-books online learning educational access digital literacy information transparency government accountability civic technology democratic participation technology in education digital democracy open governance student engagement teaching efficiency online libraries ICT in education youth empowerment civic engagement educational innovation technology-enabled learning digital curriculum open educational resources educational equity technology for good governance civic platforms information access crowdmapping civic transparency participatory democracy education reform digital learning e-learning online resources open educational resources educational technology EdTech student engagement digital literacy civic engagement digital democracy governance government transparency accountability civic technology crowdsourcing crowdmapping participatory governance youth empowerment ICT in education digital citizenship open data online libraries e-books information access knowledge sharing educational equity democratization of education technology in governance civic participation social innovation education technology impact digital learning democracy e-books in schools technology-enabled teaching online educational resources technology student curiosity education system reform digital access for teachers technology and government transparency tech for youth engagement civic tech platforms crowdsourcing for democracy technology and accountability educational technology and governance mySociety case study Ushahidi crowdmapping technology in post-election transparency digital tools for civic engagement reforms in educational access technology literacy and democracy online library expansion technology in government oversight youth and democratisation technology information transparency initiatives online resources in education technology-enhanced civic education education reform democracy educational technology e-books digital learning online resources access to information student engagement teacher efficiency up-to-date resources knowledge dissemination government accountability transparency good governance civic technology open data civic engagement crowdmapping Ushahidi mySociety youth participation digital democracy information access online libraries educational equity technology in education educational technology democracy and technology e-books in education digital resources for teachers technology-enabled learning online book access student intellectual curiosity technology and good governance government accountability tools transparency through technology crowdmapping in democracy Ushahidi case study mySociety parliament updates technology for youth empowerment technology and education reform democratic participation technology technology in post-election violence ICT in education open government technology technology for educational efficiency digital literacy and democracy educational reform digital learning e-learning online education technology in education digital resources teaching efficiency up-to-date textbooks digital libraries student engagement online book purchasing intellectual development education and democracy democratic participation technology for democracy government transparency civic technology information accessibility good governance crowdmapping civic engagement Ushahidi mySociety parliamentary transparency youth empowerment educational access digital divide civic education teacher resources student resources open educational resources digital empowerment ICT in education educational technology digital resources e-learning online education democracy and technology government transparency civic engagement technology in governance e-books in education digital literacy technology for teachers student resource access open educational resources mySociety Ushahidi civic technology technology and accountability education reform democratic participation technology-enabled learning e-government technology in Africa youth empowerment through technology crowdmapping educational innovation digital citizenship technology-fueled democratisation information transparency tools parliamentary technology platforms technology and public policy education reform digital learning democratic governance online resources technology in education e-books student engagement teacher resources educational accessibility transparency government accountability civic engagement open data digital democracy crowdsourcing youth empowerment informational equity online libraries policy impact social innovation technology-driven change governance tools participatory democracy EdTech civic technology education reform digital learning e-learning platforms digital textbooks online education resources teacher technology integration student digital literacy educational accessibility democratic participation technology and democracy governmental transparency civic technology government accountability tools civic engagement open data crowdmapping Ushahidi mySociety educational policy youth empowerment digital citizenship educational equity technology in governance online civic participation information transparency South Africa democracy Kenya post-election educational innovation
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro03a	The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, African Union AU peacekeeping peace and security council conflict prevention African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis response peace operations Somalia intervention Sudan intervention Burundi intervention Central African Republic intervention ECOWAS West African peacekeeping Mali intervention Islamist insurgency African collective security African conflict resolution continental security African military cooperation multilateral peacekeeping Pan-African security AU interventions sub-Saharan Africa security African peace initiatives ECOWAS missions African crisis management AU regional security efforts joint African operations peacebuilding Africa African Union AU interventions peacekeeping conflict resolution Peace and Security Council African Standby Force ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States regional security crisis response Somalia intervention Sudan intervention Burundi intervention Central African Republic intervention Mali conflict Islamist insurgency French forces Africa collective security Africa regional brigades rapid deployment Africa peace operations African security cooperation AU peace initiatives African peace missions AU capacity building African conflict management multilateral peacekeeping Africa AU military interventions African Union AU peacekeeping conflict resolution Africa Peace and Security Council AU interventions AU Somalia AU Sudan AU Burundi AU Central African Republic African Standby Force ASF regional brigades Africa rapid deployment Africa crisis response Africa collective security Africa ECOWAS peacekeeping West Africa conflict Mali intervention Islamist insurgency Africa French forces Africa peace operations Africa African Union capabilities African peace initiatives African security architecture multilateral peacekeeping Africa African crisis management African Union conflict resolution African Union peacekeeping effectiveness AU interventions in Africa Peace and Security Council achievements African Standby Force development AU rapid deployment capabilities ECOWAS peacekeeping operations ECOWAS and AU collaboration AU interventions in Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic African crisis response mechanisms Regional security organizations Africa AU versus ECOWAS peace initiatives AU conflict prevention strategies Future of African peacekeeping Multinational peace operations Africa Impact of African Standby Force Peace and Security Council role Africa Peacebuilding efforts African Union Regional brigades African Standby Force African Union security reforms African Union AU effectiveness conflict resolution Africa Peace and Security Council AU peacekeeping interventions AU role Somalia AU role Sudan AU role Burundi AU role Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping ECOWAS interventions peace operations Mali African Standby Force regional brigades Africa crisis response Africa rapid deployment Africa AU security initiatives collective security Africa peacekeeping organizations Africa African conflict prevention AU military capacity intergovernmental cooperation Africa security cooperation Africa terrorism Africa Islamist insurgency Africa peacebuilding Africa African crisis management African Union conflict resolution AU peacekeeping operations Peace and Security Council role African Standby Force capacity AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping missions West African States security rapid deployment Africa African Union crisis response regional brigades Africa AU conflict prevention ECOWAS Mali intervention AU military strategy African organizational peacekeeping security cooperation Africa African Union AU interventions peacekeeping conflict resolution Peace and Security Council African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response rapid deployment Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States Mali Islamist insurgency collective security African peacekeeping operations continental peace efforts regional security organizations military intervention in Africa African crisis management prevention of war African security cooperation African Union effectiveness AU conflict prevention AU peacekeeping operations AU Peace and Security Council AU interventions Somalia AU interventions Sudan AU interventions Burundi AU interventions Central African Republic AU regional security African Standby Force ASF regional brigades ASF rapid deployment AU crisis response ECOWAS peacekeeping ECOWAS interventions Mali ECOWAS conflict resolution African collective security AU military capacity African security organizations French forces Mali Islamist insurgency Mali AU peacebuilding initiatives AU-ECOWAS cooperation African regional security mechanisms African peace operations institutional capacity African Union peace operations Africa African Union AU interventions peacekeeping conflict resolution Peace and Security Council Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic African Standby Force ECOWAS West African peacekeeping Mali crisis Islamist insurgency regional security rapid deployment collective security crisis prevention African organizations peace operations military capacity Africa conflict management regional brigades international cooperation peace enforcement Security architecture Africa African peace initiatives AU effectiveness operational capacity security challenges Africa institutional development intergovernmental collaboration African Union peacekeeping AU effectiveness Peace and Security Council conflict resolution Africa AU intervention Somalia AU intervention Sudan AU intervention Burundi AU intervention Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping West Africa security African Standby Force rapid deployment African Union regional security Africa counterinsurgency Africa collective security mechanisms Africa AU crisis response international peacekeeping Africa African regional organizations African peace operations AU military interventions
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro04a	Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, authoritarianism absolute monarchy political legitimacy non-democratic governance meritocracy economic growth petro states ruler accountability long-term governance political stability regime survival corruption reduction infrastructure investment advisory parliament undemocratic systems regime legitimacy wealth and governance leader motivation communist regimes democratic safety valve governance incentives political responsibility legitimacy maintenance autocratic rule governance quality regime performance authoritarian regimes political legitimacy governance without elections absolute monarchy petro states communist regimes economic growth legitimacy strategies meritocratic leadership autocratic governance non-democratic countries political accountability rulers’ incentives anti-corruption long-term governance infrastructure investment ruling longevity elite motivation political reform stability without democracy authoritarianism political legitimacy non-democratic regimes absolute monarchy petro states economic growth legitimacy meritocracy China governance Vietnam governance corruption reduction long-term investment infrastructure development succession elite stability advisory parliament ruler accountability political stability democratic safety valve regime durability governance models leadership selection transition of power regime survival autocratic governance public placation absolute monarchy legitimacy authoritarian governance incentives non-democratic regime sustainability elections vs. autocratic stability governance without democratic institutions political legitimacy and economic growth ruler accountability in non-democracies meritocracy in authoritarian regimes legitimacy of petro states stability in no-election systems ruler incentive structures autocracy and anti-corruption policies political accountability without elections economic performance and political legitimacy legitimation strategies of communist states infrastructure investment by authoritarian leaders long-term governance in non-democracies reduced corruption in unelected governments political legitimacy in China and Vietnam Harvard Law School Feldman corruption study comparison of monarchies authoritarian governance political legitimacy absolute monarchy petro states advisory parliament democratic safety valve good governance incentive meritocracy leadership long-term investment election-free regimes ruler accountability corruption reduction infrastructure development legitimacy through growth non-democratic stability economic performance China governance model Vietnam political system monarchic rule legitimacy sources political responsibility authoritarian legitimacy non-democratic governance political legitimacy absence of elections advisory parliament absolute monarchy wealthy petro states economic growth legitimacy through performance meritocratic leadership governance without democracy incentives for rulers long-term planning by leaders corruption reduction infrastructure investment stability in authoritarian regimes China political system Vietnam political system benefits of authoritarian rule legitimacy without elections political responsibility of rulers safety valve democracy economic performance and legitimacy Feldman corruption analysis Harvard Law School comparative governance authoritarian governance absolute monarchy legitimacy political responsibility public placation non-democratic systems advisory parliament democratic absence petro-states oil wealth good governance incentives long-term leadership meritocratic selection communist regimes China Vietnam economic growth legitimacy through performance corruption reduction infrastructure investment Harvard Law School Noah Feldman political stability regime survival elite accountability political legitimacy election absence monarchy effectiveness regime durability public trust leadership motivation authoritarian governance political legitimacy absence of elections absolute monarchy petro states economic growth performance legitimacy meritocracy non-democratic regimes legitimacy through prosperity elite accountability long-term governance incentives infrastructure investment corruption reduction single-party states communist regimes legitimacy strategies ruler responsibility advisory parliament public placation state capacity undemocratic rule legitimacy without democracy China governance Vietnam political system Feldman corruption analysis authoritarian governance non-democratic regimes absolute monarchy advisory parliament political legitimacy petro states economic performance meritocratic leadership corruption reduction political stability long-term growth investment in infrastructure regime survival strategies China Vietnam governance incentives legitimacy through performance undemocratic rule succession planning accountability mechanisms political responsibility authoritarian regimes absolute monarchy governance political legitimacy petro states democratic safety valve advisory parliament economic growth meritocracy leadership selection corruption reduction infrastructure investment regime stability non-democratic governance political accountability long-term planning communist regimes ruler responsibility public placation legitimacy through performance
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro03a	How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, Congress structure bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate legislative process bill creation lawmaking reconciliation process legislative compromise policy reform legislative negotiation partisan division major parties legislative gridlock centrist policy legislative checks and balances policy consensus legislative procedure legislative differences committee system conference committee legislative amendment federal legislation Congress structure bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate legislative process bill creation passing laws legislative compromise reconciliation process conference committee lawmaking policy negotiation party divisions majority rule minority rights legislative checks and balances American government U.S. politics legislative procedure policy reform legislative gridlock centrist policy legislative compromise legislative reform Congressional powers legislative workflow federal legislation constitutional roles political negotiation inter-chamber relations Congress structure bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate legislative process bill passage lawmaking procedure reconciliation process conference committee legislative compromise policy negotiation congressional division party politics bipartisan cooperation legislative reform legislative gridlock centrist policy legislative consensus political polarization bill amendment US government legislative branch democracy policymaking Congressional procedure how a bill becomes law congressional reconciliation process differences between House and Senate bicameral legislative process how Congress passes bills compromise between House and Senate bills legislative negotiation process role of reconciliation in Congress party division in Congress benefits of bicameralism centrist policy in Congress preventing ideological swings in lawmaking Congress lawmaking steps U.S. legislative process explained examples of reconciliation process importance of identical bills role of committees in Congress conference committee Congress compromise in legislation constitutional basis for bicameralism Congress structure legislative process bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate bill reconciliation passing laws legislative compromise congressional division party differences policy reform lawmaking process legislative negotiation reconciliation process ideological balance centrist policy legislative branch policy development legislative gridlock law approval steps congressional committees legislative coordination federal lawmaking bipartisan cooperation policymaking procedures Congress legislative process bicameral legislature House of Representatives vs Senate bill reconciliation how laws are passed in Congress differences between House and Senate legislative compromise congressional decision making reconciliation process in Congress partisan divisions in Congress benefits of bicameral system congressional reform process role of reconciliation in lawmaking how bills become law legislative negotiation in Congress Congress bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate legislative process bill creation lawmaking reconciliation conference committee legislative compromise bill passage party division bipartisan centrist policy legislative negotiation policy reform legislative independence legislative bodies law enactment legislative branch American government U.S. Congress legislative procedures political parties legislative agreement consensus building legislative system bill reconciliation government structure federal legislature legislative gridlock Congressional process legislative process bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate bill reconciliation lawmaking process legislative compromise reconciliation process passing legislation legislative negotiation Congressional divisions partisanship in Congress policy making centrist policy U.S. Congress structure Congressional procedures bill drafting legislative reform Congressional compromise federal lawmaking party balance legislative gridlock United States government Congressional reform law passage requirements ideological balance American legislative system Congress structure bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate bill creation process legislative process lawmaking reconciliation process legislative compromise bill reconciliation legislative negotiation party division political parties in Congress policy making centrist policy legislative reforms legislative gridlock legislative independence Congress decision-making law passage process Congress structure bicameral legislature House of Representatives Senate legislative process bill reconciliation lawmaking legislative compromise committee process conference committee party division legislative negotiation policy centrist outcomes US legislative branch governance process legislative reform partisan gridlock policy approval legislative agreement political compromise
test-international-siacphbnt-con01a	Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. entrepreneurship access to finance financial inclusion credit accessibility infrastructure digital skills computer literacy technology training startup funding youth empowerment inclusive entrepreneurship microfinance debt risks payment planning safe lending government initiatives youth grants zero-interest loans Uwezo Fund Kenya technical education small business support credit protection equitable opportunities financial literacy entrepreneurship technology access foundational skills financial inclusion access to credit microfinance digital literacy infrastructure barriers youth empowerment start-up capital technology training equal opportunity credit risk debt management payment planning government support inclusive entrepreneurship Uwezo Fund safe credit interest-free loans grant programs youth grants business development financial literacy Kenya entrepreneurship public-private partnership small business support economic empowerment startup ecosystem education in entrepreneurship entrepreneurship technology adoption financial inclusion access to credit infrastructure development startup capital technical training digital literacy youth empowerment inclusive finance microfinance small business support interest-free loans government grants Uwezo Fund Kenya safe lending debt protection financial literacy equal opportunity business incubation policy intervention SME support credit risk management entrepreneurship programs startup ecosystem accessible funding venture creation economic empowerment government collaboration startup incentives capacity building technology and entrepreneurship barriers to entrepreneurship access to finance for entrepreneurs entrepreneurship infrastructure requirements impact of credit on entrepreneurship youth entrepreneurship support technology training for youth inclusive entrepreneurship policies startup funding access risks of easy credit for entrepreneurs protected lending for startups government support for entrepreneurship case study Uwezo Fund Kenya interest-free loans for youth promoting entrepreneurial inclusivity financial literacy and entrepreneurship role of infrastructure in entrepreneurial success youth access to technology government grants and loans for startups entrepreneurship in Kenya entrepreneurship technology access financial inclusion credit constraints youth empowerment startup capital infrastructure development digital skills tech training inclusive finance microfinance loan accessibility debt risk payment protection government support youth grants small business loans Uwezo Fund Kenya entrepreneurship interest-free loans financial literacy social enterprise sustainable development economic empowerment startup ecosystem microcredit financial safeguards public-private partnership entrepreneurial education equal opportunities entrepreneurship barriers technology and entrepreneurship financial inclusion access to credit digital literacy startup funding youth entrepreneurship inclusive finance basic infrastructure entrepreneurial skills government grants safe lending interest-free loans Uwezo Fund Kenya entrepreneurship training credit access risks debt protection equitable opportunities technical education youth empowerment microfinance for startups public-private partnerships entrepreneurial policy financial literacy startup support programs technology adoption entrepreneurship barriers startup funding access to finance credit access infrastructure gaps digital literacy computer skills technical training youth empowerment inclusive entrepreneurship financial inclusion microcredit safe lending debt risks loan protection government grants interest-free loans Uwezo Fund Kenya entrepreneurship public-private partnerships startup ecosystem youth loans skill development entrepreneurship support programs financial literacy equal opportunity startup capital enterprise development economic empowerment entrepreneurship technology access startup finance credit accessibility basic infrastructure digital skills training youth empowerment inclusive entrepreneurship financial inclusion microfinance interest-free loans safe credit government grants government loans Uwezo Fund Kenya entrepreneurship youth funding startup barriers financial education debt protection payment planning technology education entrepreneurial support small business development technical skills training youth startups entrepreneurialism technology financial access credit infrastructure technical skills digital literacy youth entrepreneurship startup capital inclusive opportunity technology training financial literacy microfinance venture capital business incubators government grants loan programs interest-free loans safe credit debt protection payment planning risk management Uwezo Fund Kenya youth empowerment entrepreneurship support government collaboration business development access to finance financial services basic infrastructure equal opportunity inclusive innovation start-up ecosystem loan accessibility entrepreneurship technology access foundational skills startup financing youth empowerment digital literacy business incubation infrastructure gaps credit accessibility financial inclusion risk management debt protection government support Uwezo Fund grant programs interest-free loans inclusive entrepreneurship Kenya youth training technical skills development safe lending practices entrepreneurial barriers microfinance social entrepreneurship
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro03a	"Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. generic drugs drug patents medical cost reduction market efficiency monopolies patent licensing compulsory licensing drug production methods pharmaceutical innovation price competition market equilibria rent-seeking drug accessibility patent policy pharmaceutical market health economics consumer costs strategic shortages pharmaceutical monopoly patent restrictions patent abuse production incentives affordable medication patent law reform generic drug policy health care costs patent expiration drug pricing public health policy pharmaceutical regulation generic drug production reduced medical costs increased market efficiency competition in pharmaceuticals patent restrictions monopoly in drug market compulsory licensing drug price reduction generic drug market access pharmaceutical innovation rent-seeking behavior under-production of drugs market equilibration drug affordability pharmaceutical patents drug accessibility open production methods strategic drug shortages consumer benefits free market value drugs patent barriers public health impact pharmaceutical market dynamics licensing of drug production cost-benefit analysis of generics pharmaceutical regulation generic drugs drug production medical costs cost reduction market efficiency pharmaceutical patents patent barriers monopoly pricing patent licensing drug accessibility drug pricing monopoly power market competition drug market rent-seeking compulsory licensing production methods public health market equilibration generic drug benefits patent reform price competition drug supply pharmaceutical innovation patent law strategic shortages generic drug production impact generic drugs medical cost reduction market efficiency generic drugs monopoly patent impact on drug prices compulsory licensing generics superior production methods pharmaceuticals patent laws and market equilibration generic drug benefits consumers pharmaceutical monopolies rent-seeking underproduction branded drugs price controls generic drugs case studies drug shortages free market versus patent protection drugs incentives for generic drug manufacturing effects of patent exclusivity on healthcare costs policy solutions pharmaceutical monopolies historical abuses pharmaceutical patents breaking drug monopolies benefits market response to generic entry licensing restrictions drug industry generic drugs drug pricing patent law market efficiency monopolies compulsory licensing drug production methods consumer costs pharmaceutical patents rent-seeking behavior market equilibrium drug shortages patent monopolies healthcare costs drug availability pharmaceutical innovation free market competition in pharmaceuticals regulatory impacts cost savings public health intellectual property rights access to medicines pharmaceutical economics efficiency gains generic drug production generic drugs and medical costs benefits of generic drugs patent law and drug pricing monopoly power in pharmaceuticals market efficiency generic drugs drug production methods drug cost reduction compulsory licensing and generics patent barriers in drug production market competition pharmaceuticals prescription drug affordability pharmaceutical patents and society generic drug supply monopolist rent-seeking pharmaceutical price control drug production innovation access to essential medicines free market drug pricing market equilibration pharmaceuticals generic drugs medical costs increased production production methods market efficiency consumer savings drug patents monopoly licensing patent restrictions dissemination efficient producers market demand market price patent law rent-seeking underproduction drug shortages Miacalcic Paget's Disease monopoly abuse free market value compulsory licensing pharmaceutical industry drug accessibility public health competition price regulation drug availability intellectual property big pharma generic drugs drug patents medical costs pharmaceutical market production efficiency cost reduction market competition monopoly power drug pricing patent laws compulsory licensing drug access production methods patent abuse healthcare affordability pharmaceutical innovation drug regulation rent-seeking market equilibration drug shortages intellectual property public health policy affordable medication patent monopoly drug development generic drugs medical cost reduction increased production superior production methods market efficiency consumer savings pharmaceutical patents monopoly patent law drug licensing patent restrictions production dissemination market equilibration monopolist rent-seeking under-production drug shortages compulsory licenses free market pricing prescription drug costs pharmaceutical competition big pharma drug affordability patent abuse generic drug policy public health access drug market regulation generic drugs medical cost reduction increased drug production superior production methods market efficiency consumer cost savings pharmaceutical patents patent monopoly drug licensing production methods dissemination compulsory licensing market equilibrium monopolist rent-seeking under-production drug shortages Miacalcic case Paget's Disease monopoly abuse free market drug pricing big pharma strategic shortages patent law reform access to medicine healthcare affordability pharmaceutical competition patent restrictions generic drug policy innovation vs affordability drug market competition public health impact patent barriers"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro05a	Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. criminal record disclosure prior convictions judicial discretion character evidence evidence admissibility legal transparency criminal justice reform court procedures consistency in sentencing fair trial judicial interpretation previous offenses legal standards transparency in justice Britain legal system defendant character prosecution witness credibility previous convictions disclosure judicial discretion inconsistent justice system legal transparency criminal record evidence character evidence trial fairness court procedure reform judge variability admissible evidence legal standards British legal system evidence rules recidivism evidence judicial interpretation defendant character witness credibility legal consistency criminal justice reform uniform disclosure policy judicial discretion criminal record disclosure legal transparency character evidence prior convictions judicial consistency fairness in trial justice reform court procedure standardization admissibility criteria legal efficiency precedent variability evidence admissibility defendant rights UK legal system witness credibility sentencing guidelines justice system inequality criminal justice transparency disclosure of convictions in court inconsistent justice system UK previous convictions at trial Britain judge discretion in conviction disclosure standards for revealing past convictions impact of disclosure on fairness reforms for conviction disclosure process transparency in court procedures character evidence rules UK judicial interpretation of disclosure criteria efficiency in legal proceedings legal standards for past convictions defendant’s prior offenses in trial criminal record in court UK prosecution witness character attacks striking resemblance legal standard court accessibility through procedural reform legal consistency in conviction disclosure uniform approach to disclosure UK justice criticism of current conviction disclosure practices criminal record disclosure inconsistent justice judicial discretion previous convictions Britain legal system character evidence trial procedure transparency in court judicial variability criminal justice reform evidence admissibility legal standards court efficiency judge interpretation witness credibility legal transparency fair trial court accessibility consistency in sentencing justice system reform disclosure of previous convictions criminal record evidence judicial discretion in Britain inconsistent application of conviction disclosure criminal justice transparency UK fair trial standards character evidence in court judicial variability reform of conviction disclosure legal disclosure criteria striking resemblance law UK previous convictions court procedure court efficiency transparency justice system inconsistency UK judicial discretion prior convictions disclosure rules character evidence UK legal system court transparency fair trial evidentiary standards criminal record judicial inconsistency justice reform legal procedure trial fairness witness credibility defendant character precedent admissibility sentencing legal uniformity criminal justice system criminal record disclosure inconsistent justice system previous convictions judicial discretion Britain legal system rules of evidence court transparency judge interpretation fair trial standards character evidence legal consistency criminal justice reform court procedure efficiency defendant rights prosecution witness credibility evidence admissibility legal transparency conviction disclosure policy UK court reforms trial fairness criminal record disclosure judicial discretion prior convictions legal transparency fair trial judicial consistency criminal justice reform character evidence UK legal system evidence admissibility court procedure reform bias in sentencing legal precedent disclosure policy recidivism evidence procedural justice judicial interpretation justice inequality trial fairness legal standards reform proposals evidence rules UK justice system legal fairness prior bad acts court transparency criminal record disclosure judicial discretion prior convictions legal transparency court procedure consistency evidence admissibility character evidence criminal justice reform judicial interpretation case law fair trial standards legal efficiency disclosure policies judicial guidelines precedent defendant rights witness credibility United Kingdom law criminal proceedings legal transparency
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” natural habitat destruction animal protection endangered species habitat loss conservation strategies agricultural expansion Africa wildlife deforestation West African lion population decline cotton plantations food crop expansion fencing wildlife reserves human-wildlife conflict protected areas biodiversity loss wildlife conservation sustainable agriculture ecosystem preservation local communities poaching prevention environmental impact wildlife management South Africa conservation extinction risk habitat destruction wildlife protection endangered species conservation strategies Africa human encroachment agricultural expansion loss of biodiversity cotton plantations food crop cultivation West African lion extinction risk nature reserves fencing wildlife human-wildlife conflict protected areas anti-poaching measures sustainable agriculture reforestation ecosystem preservation environmental policy wildlife corridors community involvement land use management wildlife conservation habitat loss deforestation human encroachment agricultural expansion endangered species habitat destruction animal protection cotton plantations food crops West African lion population decline species extinction protected areas wildlife fencing conservation strategies biodiversity loss African wildlife nature reserves anti-poaching measures sustainable agriculture ecosystem preservation land management environmental policy human-wildlife conflict natural habitat destruction protection of animal habitats endangered species Africa human agricultural expansion Africa impact of agriculture on wildlife West African lion decline conservation of endangered animals cotton plantations and habitat loss food crops and animal habitats fencing protected wildlife areas success of fencing South Africa strategies to prevent habitat loss animals threatened by human activity solutions to habitat destruction saving West African lions BBC lions extinction report Morelle fencing wild lions preventing species endangerment agriculture human-wildlife conflict Africa tougher animal protection measures natural habitat destruction wildlife conservation endangered species habitat loss animal protection agricultural expansion Africa biodiversity environmental impact cotton plantations food crop farming West African lion population decline conservation strategies fencing wildlife protected areas human-wildlife conflict deforestation land use change sustainable agriculture anti-poaching measures ecological restoration biodiversity loss wildlife corridors community conservation species extinction prevention natural habitat destruction animal habitat loss endangered species protection human impact on wildlife agriculture and wildlife conflict West African lion population decline wildlife conservation methods fencing for animal protection effects of cotton plantations on wildlife preventing habitat loss Africa protecting endangered animals Africa environmental impact of agriculture Africa large scale farming wildlife impact South Africa conservation success anti-poaching strategies human-wildlife conflict solutions animal migration barriers biodiversity loss due to farming preserving natural ecosystems Africa wildlife sanctuary fencing wildlife conservation habitat loss endangered species Africa agricultural expansion deforestation animal protection local communities West African lion cotton plantations food crops population decline large-scale agriculture human-wildlife conflict fencing protected areas species extinction conservation strategies South Africa poaching biodiversity ecosystem destruction land use change nature reserves environmental protection wildlife management sustainable agriculture human encroachment conservation policies ecosystem restoration threatened species natural habitat destruction animal protection policies endangered species conservation habitat loss Africa agricultural expansion wildlife impact West African lion decline cotton plantation environmental impact fencing wildlife protection human-wildlife conflict solutions endangered animals Africa habitat fragmentation conservation strategies Africa protected areas fencing wildlife population decline Africa large-scale agriculture threats extinction prevention methods sustainable agriculture Africa wildlife corridors anti-poaching measures local community involvement conservation biodiversity loss Africa endangered species habitat destruction wildlife conservation agricultural expansion deforestation protected areas human-wildlife conflict biodiversity loss conservation strategies eco-friendly farming West African lion population decline nature reserves anti-poaching measures sustainable agriculture fencing wildlife ecosystem protection land management wildlife corridors community-led conservation biodiversity loss habitat fragmentation wildlife conservation endangered species African wildlife human-wildlife conflict deforestation agriculture expansion protected areas wildlife corridors anti-poaching measures conservation policies environmental impact species extinction sustainable agriculture land use change community involvement ecosystem services wildlife management nature reserves
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro02a	International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, international labor standards business standards development standards ILO conventions forced labor child labor discrimination social policy industrial relations labour dispute resolution employment services economic growth poverty reduction standard of living fair wages ethical business decent work workplace rights global trade sustainable development corporate responsibility fair trade labour laws occupational safety minimum wage workers' rights social justice employment standards international norms workforce development equitable growth ILO conventions forced labour convention discrimination convention child labour convention international labour standards business standards fair employment practices labour rights social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic development development aid fair wages living wage social justice decent work workplace rights global standards ethical business sustainable development donor-recipient relations good governance social protection anti-discrimination workplace equality occupational health and safety minimum wage collective bargaining labour law international business ethics fair trade workplace regulation labour market reform human rights at work ILO standards international business ethics global workplace regulations decent work agenda fair labor practices human rights at work employment standards occupational health and safety core labor conventions workers’ rights social responsibility in business sustainable development poverty reduction fair wages industrial relations economic growth labor law harmonization equitable trade discrimination at work forced labor prevention child labor elimination corporate social responsibility social policy frameworks employment services labor dispute mechanisms living wage labor market reform economic development aid responsible supply chains decent employment labor inspection business compliance inclusive growth international labour standards explanation business standards and development benefits of international labour standards improving labour standards in developing countries link between labour standards and poverty reduction role of ILO conventions forced labour convention significance child labour conventions impact discrimination in employment conventions labour standards and economic growth global business standards implementation social policy guidelines for labour industrial relations and development employment services best practices well-paid workers and consumer spending tackling aid distribution through standards grassroots improvements with labour standards raising standards in poorest countries impact of low labour standards necessity of international benchmarks effect on donor country principles aligning aid with labour standards convention international labour standards international business standards ILO conventions forced labour convention discrimination convention child labour convention labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations social policy poverty reduction economic development living standards development aid donor nation principles global business ethics fair trade labour rights minimum wage workplace safety corporate social responsibility social justice sustainable development equitable growth international regulations labour laws human rights economic stability grassroots development aid effectiveness international labour standards business standards development standards economic development labour conventions forced labour discrimination child labour ILO conventions social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending development aid grassroots distribution efficiency improvement donor nation standards global business practices fair employment international guidelines sustainable development well-paid workers aid effectiveness developing countries social justice economic stability International Labour Organization ILO conventions labour standards business ethics development standards economic growth forced labour discrimination child labour social policy industrial relations poverty reduction living standards employment services labour dispute resolution consumer spending development aid donor nation international guidelines fair wages sustainable development global business practices labour rights equality at work workplace standards social justice humanitarian standards grassroots development economic stability wage policies workplace safety decent work social protection ethical labour practices international agreements employment law non-discrimination minimum wage fair working conditions anti-exploitation international labour standards business standards development standards forced labour conventions discrimination convention child labour convention ILO conventions social policy guidelines labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction living standards economic growth consumer spending aid distribution grassroots development efficiency improvement poorest countries standard raising donor nation principles development aid ethical business practices global standards labour rights sustainable development fair employment wage standards industrial reform international guidelines workforce welfare economic stability policy implementation ILO conventions decent work economic development global supply chains labour rights social protection sustainable development fair wages workplace safety core labour standards decent employment human rights at work social dialogue labour market institutions poverty reduction living wages labour law enforcement trade and labour standards ethical business practices international trade agreements industrial relations employment policy corporate social responsibility development aid effectiveness global governance minimum wage anti-corruption social justice workers’ rights equal opportunity employment sustainable economic growth inclusive development unemployment reduction productivity improvement social inclusion occupational health and safety international cooperation ILO conventions international labor standards business ethics decent work sustainable development economic growth poverty reduction fair wages industrial relations social policy employment services labor dispute resolution forced labor child labor anti-discrimination corporate social responsibility social justice global trade standards decent working conditions labor rights international aid effectiveness minimum wage occupational health and safety equitable development donor policies compliance monitoring supply chain standards sustainable business practices capacity building grassroots development fair labor practices
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro01a	"Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, European integration supranationalism functionalism intergovernmentalism institutionalism ECSC Euratom energy integration sectoral spill-over economic integration political integration cultivated spill-over European Union integration theory regional integration integration mechanisms Jean Monnet incremental integration community method institutional actors policy spill-over policy harmonization European Commission transnational actors interest groups allegiance shift Brussels multilevel governance integration dynamics European studies neo-functionalism European integration spill-over effect sectoral integration European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Euratom energy integration regional integration functional spill-over economic integration political spill-over political actors allegiance shift supranational institutions cultivated spill-over institutional autonomy European Commission integration theory European Union Tranholm-Mikkelsen spillover mechanisms integration process multi-level governance supranationalism community method Jean Monnet neofunctionalist theory European studies regionalism incremental integration integration dynamic European integration European Union regional integration supranationalism functionalism integration theory ECSC Euratom sectoral integration economic integration political integration institutional integration spillover effect policy harmonization neo-functionalism scholars Jean Monnet Ernst Haas European Commission national sovereignty intergovernmentalism Brussels multi-level governance policy transfer integration process automatic spillover endogenous integration EU enlargement policy convergence supranational institutions treaty evolution European Communities transnational actors Neo-functionalism theory integration spill-over effects types functional spill-over definition political spill-over examples cultivated spill-over mechanisms ECSC to Euratom integration European integration case studies sectoral integration process European Coal and Steel Community evolution supranational institutions role Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism analysis spill-over impact on EU neo-functionalism vs. intergovernmentalism EU policy harmonization spill-over examples of spill-over in the EU spill-over effect in regional integration neo-functionalist scholars on EU new dynamism in European Community causes of European integration integration theory comparative analysis neo-functionalism European integration spill-over effects functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over sectoral integration ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community energy integration transport integration supranational institutions European Commission institutional autonomy allegiance shift Brussels European Communities integration theory regional integration policy spill-over integration dynamics European Union integration mechanisms Tranholm-Mikkelsen new dynamism EC European studies comparative regionalism neo-functionalism integration theory spill-over effects European integration functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom sectoral integration European Coal and Steel Community European Communities institutional development supranational institutions regional integration theory historical examples of spill-over types of spill-over European Commission autonomy political allegiance shift economic integration EU integration process Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism comparative integration theories mechanisms of integration integration dynamics spill-over theory causes of regional integration neo-functionalism vs intergovernmentalism new dynamism in EC neo-functionalism European integration spill-over effect functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC European Coal and Steel Community Euratom sectoral integration supranationalism European Commission institutionalism economic integration political integration integration theory legitimacy shift EU institutions policy expansion integration mechanisms European Union multi-sectoral integration policymaking authority transfer regional integration Tranholm-Mikkelsen Neo-functionalism integration theory spill-over effects functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over European integration ECSC Euratom European Coal and Steel Community sectoral integration supranationalism European Commission EU institutions integration dynamics regional integration institutional autonomy European Community allegiances shift Brussels Tranholm-Mikkelsen millenium journal integration process EU evolution neofunctionalist theory economic integration political integration policy spill-over integration mechanisms European Union studies Neo-functionalism European integration spill-over effect functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over sectoral integration ECSC European Coal and Steel Community Euratom European Atomic Energy Community supranationalism European Commission institutional autonomy integration theory cross-sectoral integration regional integration European Union allegiance shift transnational actors integration mechanisms European Parliament economic integration political integration integration dynamics theories of integration Tranholm-Mikkelsen European Community Brussels intergovernmentalism supranational institutions neo-functionalism european integration spill-over effect functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over ECSC Euratom european coal and steel community sectoral integration european commission supranationalism european community integration theory policy spill-over economic integration institutional autonomy integration mechanisms european union regional integration tranholm-mikkelsen integration process multi-sector integration alliances shift integration dynamics"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro02a	If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. personhood birth abortion ethics legal personhood inducing birth foetal rights dividing line moral status early abortion foetal death partial-birth abortion pro-choice pro-life murder infanticide ethics of abortion late-term abortion legal status moral distinction reproductive rights viability abortion law fetal personhood induced birth deliberate killing personhood birth legal status abortion induced birth foetus moral status early abortion partial-birth abortion infanticide killing pro-choice pro-life legal personhood ethical debate abortion law viability fetus rights late-term abortion moral philosophy bioethics killing after birth division line foetal rights criminal law murder reproductive rights philosophical argument abortion ethics personhood legal status birth abortion ethics induced birth fetal rights partial-birth abortion moral status viability infanticide abortion law pro-choice pro-life ethical divide fetal personhood late-term abortion abortion debate moral philosophy legal distinction human rights right to life beginning of life abortion procedure medical ethics birth threshold personhood at birth legal personhood and abortion induced birth ethics abortion after birth dividing line for personhood foetal rights at birth partial-birth abortion morality pro-choice arguments on personhood natural foetal death vs induced birth definition of murder in abortion moral status of newborns ethics of late-term abortion legal distinctions in abortion infanticide and abortion law arguments against partial-birth abortion personhood birth legal personhood abortion induced birth foetus early abortion natural death partial-birth abortion moral status pro-choice dividing line infanticide ethics abortion law late-term abortion murder fetal rights viability moral philosophy reproductive rights personhood debate bioethics termination of pregnancy jurisprudence bodily autonomy partial-birth abortion ethics legal personhood debate abortion moral boundaries induced birth abortion personhood at birth legal status of fetus abortion after viability pro-choice arguments late-term abortion debate infanticide vs abortion abortion law threshold fetal rights discussion moral status of newborns abortion before and after birth induced labor and abortion ethics personhood legal status beginning of life moral status of fetus viability induced birth late-term abortion partial-birth abortion infanticide pro-choice arguments abortion ethics legal definition of birth fetal rights moral philosophy right to life abortion law pro-life termination of pregnancy viability threshold newborn rights abortion debate ethical boundaries legal doctrine sentience Roe v. Wade birth as legal marker fetal viability abortion procedures dilation and extraction fetal pain medical ethics killing after birth late abortion judicial rulings on abortion reproductive rights personhood at birth legal personhood birth as dividing line induced birth abortion late-term abortion partial-birth abortion infanticide ethics pro-choice personhood abortion legality foetus rights abortion moral status viability and personhood abortion philosophical arguments abortion legislation abortion ethical dilemmas post-birth abortion abortion threshold abortion debate foetus legal status abortion after viability abortion law moral status of fetus abortion controversy abortion and human rights personhood birth induced birth abortion legal personhood foetus dividing line moral status partial-birth abortion infanticide pro-choice pro-life fetal rights legal status ethical implications late-term abortion medical ethics murder viability personhood criteria reproductive rights bodily autonomy abortion law fetal death premature birth criminalization moral philosophy personhood legal status abortion ethics birth threshold induced birth moral status foetal rights partial-birth abortion viability infanticide late-term abortion legal definitions pro-choice arguments bioethics foetal pain newborn rights reproductive rights moral philosophy abortion law sentience autonomous rights Roe v Wade abortion legislation fetal homicide personhood debate controversial procedures
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro01a	The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. feminist movement women's rights pornography sexual exploitation consent informed consent prostitution patriarchy gender inequality sex work stigma societal norms production abuses sexual violence unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted infections abuse in pornography coercion victimization objectification exploitation of women dignity integrity power dynamics feminist critique sex industry Shelley Lubben harms of pornography porn industry consent legitimacy vulnerability gender-based violence feminist criticism of pornography exploitation in sex industry informed consent in sex work patriarchal structures and sex work pornography stigma sex work and dignity prostitution and women's rights consent and legitimacy in pornography vulnerability and sex industry abuse in porn production sexual health risks in pornography unwanted pregnancies and sex work STDs in porn industry violent practices in porn post-filming abuse pornography and societal norms impact of pornography on women societal harm of pornography objectification of women pornography and patriarchy anti-pornography feminism feminist arguments against prostitution Shelley Lubben porn industry testimony ex feminist movement pornography harms prostitution informed consent patriarchal structures vulnerability exploitation of women loss of integrity social stigma abusive industry practices unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violence in pornography sexual abuse production abuses consent legitimacy oppression of women gender norms women's rights sex work objectification commodification of bodies anti-pornography feminism Shelley Lubben pornography stigma sexual exploitation society norms victimization gender inequality legal regulation protection of women feminist movement and sex work pornography and consent prostitution and informed consent exploitation in adult industry patriarchal structures and women's choices societal stigma against sex workers health risks in pornography violence in porn industry integrity and dignity in sex work pornography's impact on societal norms indirect victims of pornography consent and legitimacy in sex industry harm to women from porn norms porn industry working conditions pornography and patriarchy psychological effects of sex work legal perspectives on prostitution public health and pornography sex work and feminism debate pornography's effects on gender equality feminist movement pornography industry consent prostitution informed consent patriarchy patriarchy and sex work vulnerable women dignity integrity social stigma abuse in pornography working conditions sex industry unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices post-production abuse exploitation harm of pornography societal norms representation of women women’s rights gender equality victimization legal and ethical issues Lubben testimony sexual objectification pornography critique feminist critique bodily autonomy gender-based violence sexual exploitation feminist arguments against pornography consent in sex work exploitation in the porn industry patriarchy and sex work impact of pornography on society harms of prostitution stigma of sex work legitimacy of consent in pornography vulnerability and sex industry abuse in porn production health risks in pornography structural oppression and sex work societal norms and pornography impact on non-participants gender inequality and pornography Shelley Lubben testimony informed consent in the sex trade integrity and dignity in sex work pornography and social harm feminist critique of sex industry feminist movement women's rights pornography criticism informed consent sex work prostitution patriarchal structures gender inequality exploitation sexual objectification abuse in porn industry stigma integrity loss vulnerable women coercion societal norms unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices post-production abuse Shelley Lubben pornography harm victimization non-consenting women feminist ethics sexual autonomy dignity empowerment vs exploitation sexual commodification feminist legal theory gendered violence feminist movement sex work pornography consent exploitation in pornography women's rights patriarchal structures prostitution debate informed consent stigmatization of sex workers porn industry abuse sexual exploitation vulnerability and sex work integrity loss health risks in sex work sexually transmitted diseases violence in pornography post-production abuse societal norms and pornography impact on women non-consenting women feminism and pornography sex industry reform porn harm advocacy pornography and society anti-pornography feminism gender inequality consent legitimacy Shelley Lubben porn star testimony covenant eyes porn industry stigma feminist movement pornography prostitution women's rights consent patriarchy gender inequality sexual exploitation sex work informed consent coercion vulnerability societal norms stigma abuse production conditions unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex integrity loss women's dignity body autonomy sex industry exploitation feminist theory sexual violence labor rights Shelley Lubben porn industry harm media influence objectification of women feminist movement pornography prostitution women's rights informed consent patriarchal structures vulnerability exploitation stigma integrity abusive conditions sex industry unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex social norms women's dignity coercion societal impact consent legitimacy gender inequality pornography harms victimization production abuses sexual exploitation sex work ethics
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con01a	This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 courtroom entertainment televised trials court TV shows Judge Judy media influence on justice sensationalism legal proceedings vs entertainment public perception of justice cameras in court privacy rights defendant anonymity rehabilitation media frenzy Casey Anthony trial jury impartiality impact on victims ethical concerns justice system integrity sensationalist media trial by media courtroom anonymity court transparency victim privacy employment consequences public curiosity right to a fair trial televised court cases courtroom entertainment media influence on justice Judge Judy reality courtroom shows legal proceedings vs entertainment public perception of trials media sensationalism Casey Anthony trial cameras in courtrooms privacy in legal cases rehabilitation and justice protection of defendants’ rights victim privacy trial publicity effects sensationalist media court case anonymity justice system principles impact on future employment societal impact of televised trials courtroom privacy public curiosity legal cases ethics of broadcasting trials legal drama television entertainment value in courtroom blurring lines real vs entertainment courtroom television legal entertainment Judge Judy media sensationalism televised trials public perception legal proceedings authenticity courtroom privacy defendant rights victim rights media influence trial by media justice system integrity rehabilitation anonymity future employment barriers sensationalist coverage courtroom ethics media frenzy court case credibility criminal justice privacy concerns legal drama public curiosity justice system principles camera in courtroom trial broadcast judicial process reality TV court courtroom security entertainment vs justice court cases and entertainment effects of televising trials impact of media on legal proceedings Judge Judy courtroom perception public perception of televised trials dangers of courtroom reality TV separation between justice and entertainment Casey Anthony trial media frenzy risks of sensationalizing justice harm to rehabilitation principle privacy concerns defendants victims consequences of publicizing trials employment impact of televised convictions victims' rights in media defendant media anonymity public curiosity and courtroom access sensationalism in legal systems courtroom cameras controversy legitimacy of legal proceedings television influence on trial seriousness media's role in justice system courtroom entertainment televised trials Judge Judy media influence on justice public perception of legal proceedings court case media coverage sensationalism in court privacy rights defendants media effects on rehabilitation legal system confidentiality Casey Anthony trial trial anonymity courtroom media ethics victim rights courtroom employment after conviction justice system principles television ratings court court transparency risks reality TV legal impact public curiosity legal cases courtroom entertainment televised trials risks media influence justice Judge Judy real trials courtroom privacy victim rights in media defendant anonymity media coverage court cases sensationalism legal proceedings public perception justice court case rehabilitation job prospects convicted televised Casey Anthony trial media television ratings versus justice legal proceedings versus entertainment privacy legal trials harm from televised convictions justice system principles media media frenzy court cases impact of cameras in court separation of justice and entertainment courtroom entertainment televised trials judicial proceedings Judge Judy courtroom television shows legal system media influence public perception sensationalism legal ethics trial publicity justice system integrity privacy rights defendant anonymity rehabilitation vs. punishment media frenzy casey anthony trial victim rights due process court transparency perception of justice reality vs. fiction courtroom drama public curiosity privacy concerns legal credibility impact of media trial by media legal proceedings credibility criminal justice legal anonymity employment after conviction sensational courtroom coverage impact on rehabilitation courtroom entertainment televised trials Judge Judy media influence on justice separation of law and media real vs. entertainment court cases public perception of trials Casey Anthony trial media frenzy court cases courtroom anonymity right to privacy in court sensationalism in court coverage legal process integrity rehabilitation and media impact of cameras in court legal ethics and television privacy rights defendants victim privacy court courtroom media risks infotainment in legal proceedings legal proceedings broadcast justice system principles trial by media public curiosity court employment impact criminal record judicial seriousness media impacts of televised justice televised court cases media influence on justice entertainment versus legal proceedings courtroom television shows public perception of trials sensationalism in media impact on rehabilitation privacy rights in legal cases Judge Judy effect Casey Anthony trial media coverage legal system integrity victims' rights defendant anonymity employment consequences for convicts sensationalist portrayals justice system television ratings impact ethical implications courtroom broadcasting real versus perceived justice court case privacy media frenzy trials televised court cases courtroom entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings media influence public perception case sensationalism privacy concerns rehabilitation defendant rights victim rights employment prospects courtroom anonymity justice system principles sensationalism media coverage court transparency trial by media legal ethics court privacy reality TV legal drama Casey Anthony trial public curiosity legal legitimacy
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con01a	Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. child nutrition parental responsibility healthy meals school meals dietary guidelines nutrition education child health meal planning family meal habits balanced diet childhood obesity food choices parental influence home-cooked meals school nutrition programs feeding practices meal provision children's eating behavior nutritional support responsibility sharing parental responsibility child nutrition parental role in meals healthy eating school meal policy parental involvement child health balanced diet student lunches parent-school partnership nutrition education meal planning childhood obesity prevention family eating habits school food programs dietary guidelines parent-child relationship shared responsibility food choices healthy meals for children parental responsibility child nutrition school meals healthy eating meal planning child health dietary guidelines parental involvement childhood obesity food choices family meals balanced diet nutrition education school lunch programs parental guidance food preferences meal provision nutrition policy home environment shared responsibility parental responsibility for nutrition parents role in child’s meals school vs parent nutritional responsibility child meal preferences and parents impact of parents on child diet school lunch responsibility debate dividing meal responsibility parent involvement in child nutrition school meal programs and parental input effects of parental meal provision changing responsibility for school meals policy on school lunch responsibility clarity in nutritional responsibility parental knowledge of child’s dietary needs reasons for parental control of meals parent-school collaboration on nutrition consequences of shifting meal responsibility supporting parents in child nutrition parental choice in school meals maintaining parental influence over nutrition parental responsibility child nutrition meal provision childhood diet parental influence school meals family meals healthy eating school nutrition policies nutrition education shared responsibility parental guidance children's health dietary habits food choices nutrition accountability parental involvement meal planning home nutrition parent-school collaboration parental responsibility for child nutrition school meal responsibility child nutrition policies parental vs school roles in nutrition healthy meal planning for children nutrition education for parents childhood obesity prevention authority over school meals school lunch guidelines shared responsibility in child nutrition parents' role in healthy eating impact of nutrition on child development government regulation of school meals parental influence on children's eating habits debate on school meal responsibility nutrition parental responsibility child nutrition healthy meals family meals child health parental role meal planning dietary preferences child development school meals nutrition education responsibility sharing childhood obesity parental guidance food choices home environment meal provision balanced diet child's well-being parental responsibility child nutrition school meals healthy eating meal planning parental involvement family nutrition children's dietary needs balanced diet nutrition education parental guidance school lunch policy nutrition guidelines shared responsibility child health healthy school meals meal provision food choices role of parents nutrition habits children's preferences parental influence nutrition policy meal accountability parental roles child nutrition parental responsibility healthy meals school meals dietary preferences nutrition education parental involvement meal planning childhood obesity balanced diet food choices shared responsibility home nutrition school food policies family eating habits parent-child relationship meal preparation nutrition guidelines food security school lunch programs parental responsibility child nutrition meal provision healthy eating dietary preferences school meals family nutrition parental guidance nutritional education childhood diet parental involvement balanced meals food choices children's health meal planning nutrition policy parental role school responsibility dietary habits home environment
test-international-segiahbarr-pro03a	Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 FDI foreign investment Africa infrastructure development job creation technology transfer Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living economic growth capital inflows extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper mines cobalt China investment infrastructure projects resource extraction trade relations economic diversification investment sources employment impact living standards Chinese investors African economies outward FDI UNCTAD economic development foreign capital foreign direct investment FDI Africa international capital flows overseas investment infrastructure development job creation technology transfer economic growth China investment Africa DRC mining investment manufacturing FDI services sector Africa extractive industries agriculture investment raw materials employment Africa standard of living Kenya Uganda Tanzania UNCTAD Africa report global investors Africa cross-border investment investment trends Africa resource for infrastructure emerging markets investment Africa economic development Sub-Saharan Africa FDI foreign companies Africa Chinese infrastructure projects natural resources Africa South-South investment Foreign Direct Investment FDI Africa infrastructure development job creation technology transfer employment economic growth manufacturing sector services sector extractive industries agriculture raw resources Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China investment international investors resource-based investment infrastructure projects natural resources UNCTAD economic development investor countries regional investment investment trends employment impact standard of living foreign capital cross-border investment trade relations Africa-China relations emerging markets capital flows Foreign Direct Investment trends Africa FDI growth Africa statistics impact of FDI on African economies FDI in African infrastructure development employment effects of foreign investment Africa China investment Africa statistics sectoral distribution of FDI Africa FDI in Central Africa mining FDI manufacturing services Africa FDI and living standards Africa comparison foreign vs domestic firms Africa FDI inflows Kenya Uganda Tanzania Chinese infrastructure projects Africa history of FDI Africa extractive industries FDI Africa FDI agriculture Africa UNCTAD Africa FDI report foreign capital Africa skepticism natural resources trade China Africa FDI effects technology Foreign Direct Investment FDI Africa economic growth infrastructure development job creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment living standards manufacturing services extractive industries agriculture raw resources Central Africa DRC copper mines cobalt mines China investment infrastructure projects resource-for-infrastructure investment trends international investors capital influx UNCTAD regional investment economic impact globalization emerging markets sub-Saharan Africa investment sources multinational corporations Africa FDI trends foreign direct investment Africa statistics FDI impact on infrastructure Africa employment foreign firms East Africa Chinese investment Africa FDI in extractive industries Africa FDI in manufacturing Africa FDI in services Africa FDI sources Africa Central Africa FDI DRC mining investment foreign investment economic growth Africa China-Africa infrastructure projects FDI benefits Africa Africa standard of living FDI FDI by sector Africa FDI flows Africa FDI and technology transfer Africa FDI and job creation Africa FDI comparison domestic firms Africa Foreign Direct Investment FDI Africa economic growth infrastructure development job creation technology transfer Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services sector Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China investment infrastructure projects natural resources food security investment trends UNCTAD capital flows multinational corporations economic impact regional development international business investment statistics African economies trade relations foreign capital economic diversification Chinese investments in Africa FDI by sector FDI by country foreign firms employment Foreign Direct Investment Africa FDI Africa trends Africa infrastructure investment Africa job creation Africa technology acquisition FDI Kenya Uganda Tanzania foreign business Africa employment standard of living Africa FDI FDI statistics Africa Africa extractive industries investment Africa agriculture FDI Africa raw resources investment manufacturing investment Africa services FDI Africa Central Africa FDI DRC copper cobalt mining investment China Africa FDI Chinese investment Africa Africa natural resources China Africa infrastructure China Africa food security FDI major FDI sources Africa FDI impact Africa economy Africa foreign capital skepticism UNCTAD Africa F Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure investment job creation technology transfer Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment economic development living standards extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing sector services sector Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China investment infrastructure projects natural resources food security investment trends major investors UNCTAD economic growth resource extraction international capital investment statistics sectoral diversification Africa economic growth FDI trends Africa foreign investment drivers infrastructure development Africa employment impact FDI technology transfer Africa FDI by country Africa China investment Africa extractive industries FDI Africa manufacturing FDI Africa services sector FDI Africa DRC mining investment regional FDI Africa sources of FDI Africa FDI statistics Africa FDI impact on standard of living foreign vs domestic firms Africa UNCTAD FDI Africa Africa-China relations FDI policy Africa
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro01a	Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. alternative medicine homeopathy false hope patient safety scientific trials side effects placebo effect regulation medical ethics conventional medicine medical supervision snake oil alternative practitioners evidence-based medicine patient outcomes legal concerns healthcare industry pseudoscience complementary therapies medical misinformation clinical testing quackery patient harm unregulated treatments medical accountability alternative medicine homeopathy false hope patient safety medical consultation serious symptoms scientific trials clinical testing side effects placebo effect alternative practitioners snake oil medical ethics legal concerns regulation conventional medicine patient outcomes medical supervision healthcare industry evidence-based medicine complementary treatments unproven therapies medical misinformation health risks pseudoscience alternative medicine homeopathy false hope patient risk avoid doctor serious symptoms scientific trials clinical testing side effects placebo effect alternative therapy industry medical ethics legal concerns conventional medicine evidence-based medicine snake oil patient safety medical supervision regulation healthcare misinformation pseudoscience complementary therapy patient outcomes medical skepticism practitioner accountability alternative medicine effectiveness alternative therapies scientific evidence homeopathy clinical trials dangers of alternative remedies false hope in alternative medicine side effects alternative treatments placebo effect alternative medicine alternative medicine industry profits ethics of alternative medicines legal issues alternative therapies alternative medicine vs conventional treatment patient outcomes alternative medicine fatal cases alternative remedies monitoring alternative therapies regulation of alternative medicine skepticism towards homeopathy science-based evaluation of alternative treatments David Gorski alternative medicine patient risk alternative therapies alternative medicine debate alternative medicine homeopathy false hope patient safety scientific trials side effects placebo effect medical ethics medical regulation complementary therapies patient outcomes evidence-based medicine alternative practitioners healthcare industry medical misinformation treatment efficacy public health risks medical supervision patient education health fraud snake oil fatal consequences rejecting conventional medicine ethical concerns legal issues regulatory oversight science-based medicine alternative treatment risks David Gorski alternative medicine risks dangers of homeopathy scientific clinical trials placebo effect side effects alternative therapies medical misinformation patient safety alternative treatments ethics alternative medicine regulation alternative remedies financial motives alternative practitioners rejecting conventional medicine legal issues alternative treatments efficacy of alternative medicine evidence-based medicine snake oil remedies patient expectations medicine medical supervision health industry critique mortality alternative medicine David Gorski death alternative medicine Science-Based Medicine alternative therapy alternative medicine homeopathy false hope patient safety scientific trials side effects efficacy placebo effect unproven therapies regulation complementary medicine medical ethics medical supervision conventional medicine evidence-based medicine health fraud snake oil consumer protection quackery pseudoscience patient outcomes legal concerns medical accountability alternative practitioners integrative medicine health risks public health patient trust medical misinformation fatal outcomes alternative medicine dangers homeopathy scientific evidence alternative remedies risks placebo effect alternative medicine ethics of alternative therapies alternative treatments legal issues efficacy of homeopathic treatments scientific trials new therapies alternative medicine fatalities regulation of alternative medicine alternative medicine financial exploitation patient safety alternative therapies conventional medicine rejection alternative medicine industry monitoring of alternative practitioners alternative medicine side effects medical ethics alternative therapies alternative medicine skepticism science-based medicine criticisms unproven medical treatments alternative medicine homeopathy pseudoscience scientific trials placebo effect patient safety regulatory oversight medical ethics evidence-based medicine complementary therapies clinical testing side effects false hope public health medical misinformation unproven treatments healthcare industry quackery conventional medicine patient outcomes integrative medicine consumer protection health risks medical supervision treatment efficacy medical regulation alternative medicine efficacy safety scientific evidence placebo effect regulation pseudoscience quackery patient harm ethical concerns legal issues clinical trials evidence-based medicine homeopathy naturopathy CAM (complementary and alternative medicine) unproven therapies patient education informed consent healthcare policies medical supervision
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con05a	Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 family planning reproductive health planned parenthood responsible parenting financial considerations child-rearing costs contraception ethics birth spacing monogamous couples contraception contraceptive use in marriage Catholic Church contraception stance barrier methods sexual health in relationships parenting resources cost of raising children UK community welfare reproductive responsibility moral contraception use fertility control ethical family size planning contraception in marriage family planning responsible parenthood birth control in monogamous couples socio-economic impact of contraception cost of raising children UK Catholic Church contraception stance contraceptive ethics barrier contraception benefits to community reproductive decision-making contraceptive use reasons children spacing contraception and affordability Insley 2011 contraception and religion religious opposition to contraception justification for birth control financial planning families ethical birth control birth control and parental responsibility family planning reproductive choice responsible parenting contraception benefits economic impact of children cost of raising children financial planning monogamous couples contraception Catholic Church contraception stance ethical contraception use community welfare barrier methods partner communication planned parenthood contraception ethics religious views on birth control parenting decisions birth spacing population control child wellbeing birth control in marriage contraception for married couples family planning in monogamous relationships economic reasons for contraception responsible parenthood and contraception Catholic Church views on contraception contraception ethics in monogamy child-rearing costs and birth control financial planning and family size community benefits of contraception justification for contraception in stable relationships religion and reproductive choice contraception for responsible family size Catholic doctrine and barrier methods contraception beyond casual sex family planning contraceptive use in marriage responsible parenthood economic impact of childrearing cost of raising children UK contraception ethics Catholic Church contraception stance barrier methods monogamous couples contraception reproductive autonomy contraception and community wellbeing religious views on birth control population control child welfare financial planning families moral arguments contraception Insley 2011 contraception population economics planned parenthood societal benefits of contraception contraception in marriage contraceptive use among couples family planning in monogamous relationships reasons for birth control in couples economic impact of childbearing UK responsible parenting contraception Catholic Church contraception stance barriers to contraception in marriage modern family size planning cost of raising children in Britain ethical arguments birth control religious perspectives contraception birth control economic benefits contraception for responsible parenthood community benefits family planning contraception birth control monogamous relationships family planning responsible parenting child-rearing costs economic considerations population control reproductive choices financial stability Catholic Church stance barrier methods ethical contraception community impact reproductive responsibility family size planning religious opposition child welfare parenting resources UK child costs birth control monogamous couples contraception family planning contraception responsible parenting contraception economic considerations contraception child affordability contraception Catholic Church contraception ethical debate contraception community benefits contraception population control contraception cost UK contraception religious opposition contraception social impact contraception raising children cost contraception marriage barrier contraception ethics family planning responsible parenthood reproductive choices economic impact of children contraception in marriage Catholic Church contraception stance child-rearing costs UK responsible reproduction monogamous couples contraception ethical contraception debate contraception and community benefit birth control moral argument household financial planning religious views on contraception benefits of contraception family planning responsible parenting contraception benefits monogamous couples contraception childrearing costs cost of raising children UK Catholic Church contraception stance birth control ethics population control reproductive responsibility barrier methods contraception and community welfare financial planning for families religion and contraception moral arguments contraception parental investment contraceptive use in long-term relationships impact of contraception on society
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con01a	Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. gender stereotypes gender bias discriminatory marketing commercial ethics profitability of advertising economic incentives market competition advertising regulation consumer perception social responsibility corporate profit motives business ethics impact of advertising freedom of commercial speech advertising ban effects societal impact of advertising ethical advertising gender equality advertising industry market survival profit-driven advertising corporate social responsibility advertising effectiveness marketing strategies economic growth sexist advertising impact gender stereotypes in ads profitability of controversial advertising advertising ethics consumer perception of sexist ads economic effects of advertising bans advertising regulations business self-interest ethics advertising and competition advertising and economic growth gender roles marketing advertising controversy legal aspects of advertising social responsibility in business advertising effectiveness profit motives in advertising gender stereotypes commercial advertising ethics advertising impact profit motivation business ethics media representation consumer behavior economic growth market competition advertising regulation self-regulation in advertising gender bias capitalism and marketing responsible advertising social consequences of advertising persuasive marketing brand image ethical marketing advertising bans profitability and ethics sexist advertising economic impact profitability of sexist ads business self-interest in advertising advertising and economic growth competition and advertising bans advertising restrictions market impact ethical issues in profit-driven advertising role of advertising in marketplace banning sexist advertising effects justifying advertising for profit advertising’s role in competition self-interest vs social responsibility in advertising profit motives and ethical advertising advertising bans and economic consequences does advertising drive economic survival impact of profit on advertising ethics advertising as economic engine sexism in advertising profitability analysis business ethics in advertising consumer awareness and advertising restrictions sexist advertising advertising profitability business self interest profit-driven advertising economic growth advertising and competition advertising bans marketplace competition business survival economic marketplace advertising regulation commercial speech gender stereotypes ethical advertising advertising impact advertising effectiveness consumer behavior freedom of advertising advertising industry advertising and society advertising ethics sexist marketing advertising profits ethical advertising business self-interest advertising ban debate advertising and economic growth competition in advertising gender stereotypes in ads advertising regulation impact of advertising on society profit motive in business marketing ethics advertising and free market controversial advertising advertising effectiveness business competition economic survival advertising impact on consumer behavior advertising and gender roles commercial advertising ethics sexist advertising profitability business ethics economic growth capitalism marketing strategies consumerism gender roles advertising regulations free market competition commercial interests media influence profit maximization gender stereotypes advertising ban marketplace dynamics corporate responsibility social impact economic survival advertising effectiveness self-interest economic development commercial speech advertising policies sexist advertising profitability business self interest economic growth advertising benefits advertising and competition advertising marketplace economic survival business profits advertising bans advertising regulation competition in advertising marketing ethics advertising impact profit motivation advertising and society gender stereotypes advertising effectiveness advertising strategies commercial advertising business ethics controversial advertising economic justification consumer awareness advertising restrictions social impact of advertising gender stereotypes marketing ethics commercial advertising profit motivation economic growth advertising regulation social responsibility media influence consumer behavior competitive marketplace advertising bans corporate interests feminist critique advertising impact business ethics cultural representation persuasive marketing gender bias self-regulation advertising strategies gender stereotypes ethical advertising marketing ethics advertising impact consumer behavior profit motive commercial speech advertising regulation social responsibility gender equity business ethics economic growth advertising bans cultural impact media influence diversity in advertising sexism in media advertising effectiveness regulatory policies competitive advantage responsible marketing
test-international-gmehwasr-pro05a	Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan UN peace effort security council Russia Assad regime rebels unilateral intervention France Mali intervention Free Syrian Army military support arms supply diplomatic solution Dayton Accords NATO Croat military support international diplomacy conflict resolution peace negotiations foreign intervention regime support opposition forces arming rebels humanitarian crisis peace process international relations war strategy Syrian civil war diplomacy failure UN peace efforts Kofi Annan resignation Security Council deadlock Russia Assad support rebel aid military intervention alternatives Free Syrian Army support arms supply diplomatic solutions negotiated settlements ceasefire challenges France Mali intervention comparison NATO Croat support Dayton Accords international response Syria conflict resolution peace negotiations regime change humanitarian intervention proxy warfare foreign involvement Syria Arab League mediation. Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort Security Council Russia Assad regime unilateral intervention Free Syrian Army military aid arms supply diplomatic solution Dayton Accords NATO Croat support conflict resolution international intervention political settlement rebel support negotiation failure humanitarian crisis proxy war regime change foreign policy military strategy peace process international relations Syria ceasefire negotiation prospects United Nations peace efforts Syria Kofi Annan Syria peace plan Syrian civil war stalemate solutions Russia support Assad implications Security Council divisions Syria Arming Free Syrian Army debate Alternatives to direct intervention Syria France intervention comparison Mali Syria Military aid impact Syrian conflict Diplomatic versus military solutions Syria Dayton accords NATO Croats analogy Effectiveness of unilateral initiatives Syria International response to Syrian civil war Arms supply consequences for Syrian opposition Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort diplomatic failure Security Council Russia Assad regime unilateral initiatives rebel support foreign intervention France in Mali Free Syrian Army military aid arms supply conflict resolution Dayton Accords NATO military-diplomacy balance international relations Syria peace talks regime change proxy war humanitarian intervention Middle East geopolitics opposition forces Geneva process Kofi Annan resignation Emile Hokayem arming rebels Syrian civil war ceasefire UN peace efforts Syria Kofi Annan Syria Russia support Assad Security Council Syria Free Syrian Army assistance Arming Syrian rebels Military intervention Syria France intervention Mali comparison Diplomatic solutions Syrian conflict Dayton Accords NATO diplomacy Syria negotiated settlement Assad regime international response Failed peace negotiations Syria International arms support rebels United Nations Syria conflict Syrian conflict diplomatic strategy diplomacy ceasefire Syrian civil war negotiated settlement United Nations UN peace effort Kofi Annan peace process Security Council Russia Assad regime international pressure unilateral initiatives rebels intervention France in Mali Free Syrian Army military aid arms supply military support conflict resolution Dayton Accords NATO intervention diplomatic solution arming rebels regional stability foreign policy international relations peace negotiations conflict mediation humanitarian crisis regime change proxy conflict ceasefire agreement power sharing war strategy military stalemate peace talks Syria conflict international law Syrian civil war diplomacy failures ceasefire negotiations United Nations peace process Kofi Annan resignation Security Council deadlock Russian support Assad unilateral intervention military aid to rebels arming Free Syrian Army France Mali intervention comparison NATO Dayton Accords diplomatic solutions arms supply Syria Assad regime international involvement Syria peace settlement Syria military escalation Syria foreign policy Syria negotiated settlement humanitarian crisis Syria opposition groups Syria conflict resolution regional stability ceasefire negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace efforts Security Council Russia Assad regime unilateral intervention military support Free Syrian Army arms supply diplomatic solution conflict resolution Dayton accords NATO international intervention Syrian civil war rebel support France Mali intervention arming rebels international diplomacy peace negotiations humanitarian aid regional stability global response ceasefire agreement military assistance political transition foreign policy Syrian civil war diplomacy ceasefire negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace process Security Council Russia Assad regime unilateral intervention Free Syrian Army military aid arms supply France intervention Mali NATO Dayton accords diplomatic solution foreign intervention rebel support international response conflict resolution negotiation failure humanitarian crisis Middle East politics
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro02a	Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 government transparency right to information public accountability state secrecy citizen oversight democratic governance national security government disclosure freedom of information drone warfare military accountability executive power surveillance war powers government consent informed citizenship government ethics secret operations public interest civilian casualties civil liberties constitutional rights open government democratic participation official secrecy public trust transparency government accountability citizens' right to information state secrecy public oversight drone strikes disclosure executive accountability national security transparency democratic governance informed consent state actions public interest freedom of information government secrecy security policy accountability media access governmental transparency state-citizen relationship national defense transparency secrecy versus openness government transparency public accountability freedom of information right to information national security state secrecy drone strikes executive power war powers public consent civil liberties whistleblowing classified information government oversight citizen engagement democratic governance transparency laws government disclosure surveillance policy accountability ethical governance human rights media reporting defense policy public debate citizens right to government transparency government accountability to citizens state actions in citizens' name public oversight of national security citizen consent and government legitimacy transparency in drone warfare US government drone campaign disclosure US foreign policy public awareness ethical implications of government secrecy consequences of secret government actions national defense transparency law and order public reporting role of consent in governance Obama administration drone policy ACLU CIA drone secrecy lawsuit informing citizens on security operations government responsibility to inform public democratic oversight of security measures public access to government information US military operations transparency government transparency citizen rights government accountability state secrecy public oversight national security drone warfare executive power government surveillance information disclosure informed consent public interest military operations transparency in security policy ethical governance right to know political accountability covert operations civil liberties national defense public policy governmental ethics Obama administration ACLU media transparency democratic participation public trust citizen right to know government transparency state accountability national security transparency drone strike disclosure public oversight of government Obama administration drone policy US government secrecy law and order accountability national defence openness public consent in governance government actions in citizen's name CIA secrecy claims drone campaign information informed public military operation transparency consequences of foreign intervention public access to security decisions stakeholder engagement in governance accountability in national security right to know government transparency citizen engagement public accountability state responsibility national security law and order national defense government secrecy drone strikes Obama administration al-Qaeda US foreign policy public consent government disclosure accountability public interest civil liberties CIA secrecy informed citizens ethical governance government actions military operations public oversight democratic values information access state-citizen relationship security policy financial accountability stakeholder participation government communication transparency government accountability citizen oversight national security transparency public right to know state secrecy drone warfare transparency government disclosure informed consent public participation democratic governance military transparency government secrecy civil liberties public trust national defense accountability CIA drone program executive accountability government ethics transparency in security operations public awareness Obama administration drones military operations disclosure US foreign policy transparency informed citizens security policy transparency government transparency citizen rights government accountability public oversight national security state secrecy freedom of information democratic consent drone warfare US foreign policy military transparency governmental ethics public trust whistleblowing informed citizenship policy disclosure security policy executive secrecy surveillance oversight civil liberties public accountability civic engagement open government governmental responsibility public policy transparency transparency government accountability public oversight state secrecy national security citizen rights drone strikes executive power military operations public consent government disclosure classified information democratic participation freedom of information civil liberties governmental ethics war powers national defense governance stakeholder engagement
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro03a	It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ child performers unethical exposure emotional vulnerability stage fright performance anxiety psychological pressure children’s mental health child labor paid performances expectation stress childhood suicide long-term consequences identity crisis former child actors substance abuse addiction ambition loss peak early adult identity issues performing arts risks occupational stress entertainment industry children mental health effects performance pressure child exploitation emotional distress stress-induced behaviors pressure from adults youth anxiety harmful environments child welfare child performers performance anxiety psychological impact emotional vulnerability stage fright child labor laws mental health pressure on children paid performances child actor outcomes long-term effects suicide risk expectations on children identity development substance abuse addiction ambition loss peak early syndrome entertainment industry ethical concerns child well-being stress in children young performers child development child protection child performers psychological impact mental health child labor stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability child exploitation ethical concerns pressure on children child actors long-term effects ambition loss identity issues substance abuse addiction childhood trauma paid child performers child suicide stress in children expectations performing arts child welfare psychological stress entertainment industry children and performance pressure child performers mental health stage fright in children performance anxiety childhood emotional vulnerability children performing paid child performers child labor in entertainment child suicide performance pressure consequences child stardom former child actors psychological impact child performers identity crisis substance abuse ex-child performers addiction after child stardom pressure parental expectations children effects of public performance on children entertainment industry child welfare early fame negative effects children long-term emotional impact performing children childhood celebrity and mental health prevention performance anxiety children child performance pressure stage fright in children performance anxiety youth ethics child performers emotional vulnerability children paid child performers pressure and mental health child suicide risk factors performance expectations children long-term effects child actors identity issues former child stars substance abuse former child performers psychological impact child performance child labor laws entertainment parental expectations children coping mechanisms children child performers mental health negative consequences child stardom ambition loss former child talents addiction risk child performers child performance ethics child stage fright performance anxiety in children emotional vulnerability in children paid child performers psychological impact on child actors child pressure and mental health child actor long-term effects child expectations consequences substance abuse in former child stars child performer suicide risk child ambition loss adult identity issues in child performers children and performance pressure ethical concerns child performers child labor and entertainment industry mental health child artists negative effects of childhood fame children coping with fame protecting child performers child performers child actors performance anxiety stage fright emotional vulnerability psychological pressure childhood stress performing arts paid child labor child exploitation mental health risks long-term effects identity issues ambition loss substance abuse addiction child suicide coping skills ethical concerns child welfare child mental health developmental psychology entertainment industry childhood trauma fame effects post-performance consequences youth expectations stress in children academic stress entertainment pressure support systems child performance pressure ethics of child performers child stage fright performance anxiety in children emotional vulnerability in children paid child performers child performer mental health expectations and pressure on children child suicide causes long-term effects child performers former child actors identity issues child performers substance abuse child actors addiction child performers psychological impact child performance coping mechanisms child stage fright children performing arts risks child labor entertainment negative consequences child stardom stress in child performers protecting child actors child performance ethics stage fright in children performance anxiety youth emotional vulnerability minors child labor entertainment pressures on child actors psychological impact child performers paid child performance risks childhood suicide pressure expectations child development former child star challenges post-performance identity crisis substance abuse former child actors addiction risk performers mental health young performers ethical treatment child entertainers stress in child performers prevention child performance stress coping mechanisms young actors protection child entertainers child performers performance anxiety stage fright child emotional vulnerability child labor paid child performances psychological effects child suicide mental health expectations pressure child identity development substance abuse in former child actors addiction long-term consequences child welfare ethical considerations child exploitation stress in children pressure-induced mental health issues former child stars self-esteem ambition loss adult identity formation coping mechanisms child performer protection
test-international-emephsate-con01a	Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey EU accession economic development Turkey EU membership criteria Turkey GDP per capita Turkey wealth disparity Turkey unemployment Turkey infrastructure Turkish poverty Eurozone economic issues Greece economic crisis Portugal EU economy Italy EU economy EU immigration Turkey Turkish migration Europe wage impact immigration EU free movement Turkey economic reforms Turkey regional disparities EU enlargement challenges structural adjustment Turkey EU integration effects EU economic strain EU cohesion policy Turkey EU membership Turkey economic development EU accession criteria Turkey inflation Turkey unemployment Turkey regional disparities Turkey wealth disparity Turkey poverty Turkey infrastructure Turkey GDP per capita EU economic requirements Turkey economic reforms Turkey vs EU economy Turkish immigration EU free movement EU economic migration Turkey EU labor market impact wage effects EU enlargement lessons from Greece EU Portugal EU economy Italy EU economy Eurozone accession effects EU economic integration structural reforms Turkey Turkey EU economic comparison EU enlargement challenges social impact EU expansion migrant workforce EU Turkey EU membership Turkish economy economic development EU accession criteria high inflation Turkey regional inequalities Turkey wealth disparity unemployment Turkey infrastructure problems poverty Turkey GDP per capita comparison EU economic standards Eurozone economic issues Greece economic crisis Portugal economic problems Italy economic challenges migration Turkey to EU free movement Europe wage impact immigration labor market EU economic disparity EU enlargement challenges economic reform Turkey EU integration European Union enlargement economic readiness Strasbourg criteria Maastricht criteria Turkey-EU relations. economic development of Turkey EU membership Turkey economic problems EU accession Turkey high inflation EU entry regional disparities Turkey EU Turkish unemployment EU integration infrastructure issues Turkey EU membership poverty rates Turkey EU accession Turkey GDP per capita EU average Turkey EU membership immigration concerns Turkish migration EU impact Turkey EU wage effects economic disparity Turkey EU lessons from Greece Portugal Italy EU integration free movement Turkey EU potential strain Turkey EU membership wealth disparity Turkey EU enlargement Turkey population EU membership challenges Turkey economic reforms EU impacts of Turkey joining EU economic readiness Turkey EU Turkey EU accession Turkey economic development Turkey EU membership criteria economic problems Turkey Turkey high inflation Turkey unemployment Turkey infrastructure issues Turkey poverty rates wealth disparity Turkey regional disparities Turkey GDP per capita Turkey EU economic requirements EU enlargement challenges Turkey migration EU Turkey brain drain Turkey labor market impact European Union free movement Turkey immigration effects wage competition EU Greece economic crisis EU Portugal economic problems EU Italy economic problems EU Eurozone crisis EU integration economic impact Turkey EU negotiations Turkey population EU Turkey economic reforms convergence criteria EU structural reforms Turkey EU economic strain Turkey Turkey EU accession Turkish economy EU Turkey economic challenges EU membership criteria Turkey GDP per capita Turkey inflation rate Turkey unemployment Turkey regional disparities Turkey wealth inequality Turkey infrastructure issues poverty in Turkey EU immigration impacts Turkey migration EU Turkey free movement EU wage effects immigration Greece Eurozone crisis Portugal economic crisis Italy Eurozone issues EU economic enlargement Turkey economic reforms EU integration challenges Turkey EU relations Turkey economic development Turkey population EU impact EU economic disparity Turkey-EU enlargement policy Turkish immigrants wage effects Turkey economic reforms before EU EU membership requirements economics Turkey EU accession economic development high inflation Turkey regional disparities Turkey wealth inequality Turkey unemployment Turkey infrastructure problems Turkey poverty Turkey EU membership criteria economic challenges Turkey GDP per capita Turkey vs EU Eurozone economic issues Greece economic crisis Portugal economic problems Italy economic issues migration Turkey to EU free movement EU labor market impact wage effects immigration EU enlargement challenges structural reforms Turkey Europe integration Turkey socioeconomic disparity EU cohesion policy potential strain EU resources Turkish immigration EU labor competition Turkey economic reforms economic disparity EU EU candidate country harmonization standards precedent Eurozone Turkey EU accession Turkey economic development EU membership criteria Turkey inflation regional disparities Turkey wealth inequality Turkey Turkish unemployment rates Turkey infrastructure issues Turkish poverty rates EU enlargement challenges Turkey GDP per capita comparison EU economic integration migration from Turkey to EU Turkish immigration EU effects wage impact EU Turkey immigrants Greece eurozone economic crisis Portugal EU economic issues Italy EU economic problems free movement EU concerns EU economic disparities Turkey population EU impact Turkey EU strain economic convergence EU requirements Turkey EU membership debate EU labor market Turkey EU cohesion policy Turkey effects of Turkey accession EU-Tur EU enlargement Turkish economy Turkey EU membership GDP per capita Turkey economic integration regional disparities Turkey wealth inequality unemployment Turkey infrastructure development poverty Turkey immigration EU free movement EU wage impact EU labor market EU accession criteria Eurozone enlargement Greece economic crisis Portugal EU integration Italy EU membership European Union migration economic strain EU structural funds EU EU cohesion policy Turkey demographic impact EU-Turkey relations labor mobility Europe EU economic benchmarks Schengen area EU accession negotiation Turkey economic reforms EU accession EU membership criteria Turkish economy economic integration EU enlargement high inflation Turkey wealth inequality Turkey unemployment Turkey infrastructure development Turkey poverty Turkey GDP per capita EU EU regional disparities Eurozone admission EU immigration labor market impact wage depression Turkish migration EU economic strain EU EU structural funds convergence criteria case studies Greece Portugal Italy Schengen Agreement EU free movement economic reforms Turkey EU accession negotiations Copenhagen criteria accession challenges Turkey EU relations socio-economic impact Turkey economic statistics labor mobility EU policy on enlargement
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con02a	A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) United Nations standing army UN Charter Article 43 legal framework feasibility practicality peacekeeping forces international peace and security troop contribution military training command and control allegiance sovereignty host nation funding financial contributions Security Council impartiality P5 members decision-making U.S. opposition implementation challenges member state interests multinational military force precedent political will resource allocation operational logistics legitimacy conflict of interest UN standing army United Nations military force Article 43 UN Charter international peacekeeping multinational military force Security Council authority legal framework member state contributions troop training operational challenges neutrality funding issues troop deployment peacekeeping operations sovereignty concerns command structure political will collective security P5 veto UN funding crisis military impartiality practical obstacles historical attempts global governance international law UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter international peacekeeping Security Council troop contribution member states peacekeeping operations military funding army location sovereignty issues training protocols impartiality P5 veto collective security military command structure multinational forces operational challenges political will UN funding peace enforcement UN military doctrine jurisdiction state sovereignty accountability military integration deployment logistics operational feasibility political opposition UN standing army feasibility history of UN military forces Article 43 UN Charter legal framework UN army challenges forming UN standing army member state contributions UN military training UN multinational troops issues with loyalty in UN army location of UN standing army host nation UN army funding UN military operations US dues to UN enforcement of member payments Security Council control of UN forces impartiality in UN peacekeeping veto power and UN army effectiveness of UN peacekeeping criticisms of UN military structure alternatives to UN standing army historical attempts at UN army UN peacekeeping mandates decision-making in UN military actions UN standing army feasibility UN Charter Article 43 international peacekeeping member state contributions troop training military interoperability command structure impartiality Security Council P5 veto financing United States UN funding legal framework sovereignty permanent UN military force location of army UN Headquarters practical challenges operational control multinational forces peace enforcement collective security use of force troop deployment member state interests conflict of interest peacekeeping versus standing army military integration implementation obstacles funding mechanisms diplomatic constraints UN standing army feasibility UN Charter Article 43 legal framework UN military practical challenges UN army troop contribution UN military training multinational forces UN potential conflicts of interest UN army UN army location issues funding UN standing army US funding UN Security Council control military impartiality UN peacekeeping geopolitical challenges UN army member state sovereignty UN forces history of UN military proposals international law UN military obstacles to UN standing army role of P5 in UN army UN armed forces implementation barriers political will UN military UN standing army United Nations military force peacekeeping Article 43 UN Charter member state contributions international peace and security legal framework impracticality troop contribution troop training operational challenges headquarters location US-UN relations UN funding Security Council P5 impartiality military command structure collective security international law peace enforcement military logistics sovereign authority global governance armed forces military finance diplomatic complications veto power military neutrality multinational forces UN standing army UN Charter Article 43 international peace and security UN peacekeeping Security Council P5 veto troop contributions UN funding impartiality in peacekeeping legal framework formation challenges member state cooperation troop training headquarters location funding issues US-UN relations political will practical obstacles UN land ownership enforcement mechanisms historical precedents military neutrality operational feasibility sovereign interests global governance collective security standing forces military logistics United Nations Reforms peacekeeping limitations UN standing army feasibility Article 43 UN Charter legal framework international peacekeeping troop contribution military training member state roles UN land ownership UN Headquarters funding challenges United States UN dues Security Council authority P5 veto decision-making impartiality peacekeeping operations operational logistics international law historical attempts sovereignty concerns military command structure global governance collective security UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter troop contribution peacekeeping operations Security Council P5 members impartiality funding issues United States payments military training national sovereignty international law force deployment collective security land for UN army political will operational challenges historical attempts peace enforcement defense policy military logistics global governance member state obligations
test-international-siacphbnt-pro05a	Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. digital transformation creative industries mobile technology internet penetration youth empowerment video creation social media digital journalism storytelling community engagement African entrepreneurship music industry Nollywood African cinema film production low-cost technology regional film industries cultural expression political impact African youth voices media access digital publishing grassroots media economic growth technological innovation content creation entertainment industry cultural identity social change digital storytelling mobile journalism African cultural industries technology in Africa digital entrepreneurship mobile phones Africa internet access Africa African youth empowerment cultural expression technology youth journalism Africa citizen journalism Africa African Slum Voices African film industry Nollywood growth Nigerian film industry digital media Africa media access Africa low-budget filmmaking Africa African music industry technological innovation Africa regional film industries Africa digital storytelling Africa African creative economy youth-led media Africa technology-driven cultural growth African business innovation televised media Africa cultural politics Africa youth voices Africa empowerment through media digital transformation creative economy African entrepreneurship youth empowerment mobile technology internet access social media digital storytelling journalism innovation video production Nollywood African film industry cultural expression media democratization content creation low-cost technology regional cinema music industry mobile filmmaking online platforms digital publishing African youth political engagement grassroots media creative startups cultural policy talent development digital distribution economic impact cultural innovation technology and African cultural industries digital transformation in African business entrepreneurship in African culture impact of mobile phones on African youth internet and African creative industries journalism empowerment in Africa African Slum Voices youth activism video technology and youth expression Africa technology-driven growth Nollywood affordable technology African film industry African music industry digitalization youth entrepreneurship African media Nollywood influence on regional film digital storytelling youth Africa politics and African cultural industries internet accessibility and African arts mobile media Africa African youth and journalism initiatives digital tools for cultural expression Africa grassroots journalism in African communities African film industry expansion economic impact Nol African cultural industries digital technology entrepreneurship youth empowerment video recording mobile phones internet access televised publications creative expression African youths political engagement journalism African Slum Voices youth initiatives community voices music industry Africa film industry Africa Nollywood Nigerian cinema digital media low-cost technology regional film industries creative industries Africa economic impact creative entrepreneurship storytelling Africa youth in media media technology Africa economic growth Africa mobile journalism cultural transformation Africa Africa cultural industries technology and entrepreneurship youth empowerment Africa digital transformation Africa Nollywood growth African film industry expansion low-cost digital technology Africa African music industry technology youth journalism Africa African Slum Voices mobile video Africa internet cultural expression Africa creative industries Africa politics and cultural industries Africa African youth storytelling Nollywood impact Africa regional film industries Africa technology-driven cultural growth Africa entrepreneurship cultural sector Africa televised publications Africa African business technology Nollywood digital technology African creative economy technology adoption African cultural industries entrepreneurship business development digital media mobile technology video recording internet access cultural expression youth empowerment political engagement African youth storytelling journalism African Slum Voices community involvement music industry film industry Nollywood regional film growth digital technology access affordable technology film production youth participation Nigerian cinema creative industries cultural production low-cost filmmaking media democratization cultural entrepreneurship arts and culture digital transformation African narratives content creation social change innovation film distribution revenue growth entertainment industry mobile phones televised media youth African cultural industries technology in Africa digital transformation Africa Nollywood growth African film industry youth empowerment Africa African entrepreneurship mobile technology Africa African music industry cultural expression Africa African journalism African Slum Voices low-cost digital technology regional film industries Africa African media innovation youth-led storytelling Africa internet access Africa mobile phone cultural impact African creative industries politics and culture Africa business innovation Africa film distribution Africa African youth initiatives digital publishing Africa technological accessibility Africa entrepreneurship in Nollywood African television industry African arts technology digital content Africa. African cultural industries technology and entrepreneurship youth empowerment Africa mobile phone video recording African internet culture televised African publications youth journalism initiatives Africa African Slum Voices African youth voices African community activism African music industry African film industry Nollywood digital technology Nollywood entrepreneurship low-cost film production Africa regional African film industries Nollywood economic impact African creative arts media technology Africa youth cultural expression Africa African storytelling platforms digital media Africa African media innovation African creative economy digital entrepreneurship mobile technology youth empowerment internet access social media influence Nollywood growth African film industry cultural expression multimedia storytelling digital journalism African Slum Voices youth-driven media low-cost technology adoption regional film industries Nigerian cinema music industry digitalization grassroots journalism economic impact of technology tech-driven cultural innovation digital content creation
test-international-ghbunhf-pro05a	Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. international cooperation multilateral agreements bilateral relations specialized agencies global governance United Nations regional organizations economic forums political alliances trade blocs international institutions World Bank International Monetary Fund European Union ASEAN NATO World Trade Organization global policy intergovernmental cooperation policy frameworks economic development crisis response global security conflict resolution supranational bodies transnational agreements international diplomacy international law global issues international relations international cooperation UN framework bilateral agreements multilateral organizations World Bank International Monetary Fund European Union Association of Southeast Asian Nations North Atlantic Treaty Organization World Trade Organization global governance intergovernmental organizations non-UN bodies international relations global economic issues international political issues international trade issues UN relevance international involvement Libya crisis 2011 humanitarian intervention collective security global policy cooperative agreements transnational bodies specialized agencies international cooperation UN alternatives bilateral agreements specialized agencies World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO multilateral organizations global governance international relations economic issues political issues trade agreements effectiveness of UN international bodies Libya crisis intervention international policy supranational institutions non-UN frameworks geopolitical alliances peacekeeping humanitarian intervention multilateral diplomacy international cooperation outside UN alternatives to UN international cooperation effectiveness of UN vs specialized bodies role of bilateral agreements in global issues specialized agencies vs United Nations global governance outside UN framework international organizations handling global issues UN relevance in international affairs World Bank vs UN IMF vs UN EU vs UN ASEAN vs UN NATO vs UN WTO vs UN case studies international cooperation Libya crisis international response NATO intervention Libya specialized bodies managing crises UN authority in international disputes examples of non-UN global cooperation critique of United Nations functionality international organizations bilateral agreements multilateral cooperation UN relevance World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO specialized agencies global governance economic diplomacy political alliances trade organizations non-UN frameworks Libya intervention humanitarian intervention international crisis response effectiveness of UN global economic policy international relations supranational institutions international cooperation alternatives non-UN international organizations bilateral agreements in international relations multilateral economic bodies World Bank vs UN IMF global role regional organizations (EU ASEAN NATO) WTO influence UN relevance international affairs UN vs NATO interventions specialized international institutions Libya crisis NATO involvement global governance structures effectiveness of United Nations non-UN conflict resolution international relations bilateral agreements multilateral organizations global governance specialized agencies World Bank International Monetary Fund European Union ASEAN NATO World Trade Organization international frameworks global trade political cooperation economic cooperation UN involvement international affairs humanitarian intervention Libya crisis global issues international diplomacy intergovernmental organizations security alliances global policy international cooperation outside UN bilateral agreements economic issues political issues trade issues specialized bodies World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN relevance UN involvement Libya crisis NATO intervention multilateral organizations intergovernmental organizations global governance alternative international frameworks international relations security alliances regional organizations global economic institutions United Nations role effectiveness of UN international policymaking international crisis response global collaboration bilateral agreements international agencies multilateral organizations global governance transnational cooperation regulatory bodies economic alliances security pacts NGOs international treaties diplomatic negotiations regional blocs World Bank interventions IMF policies EU integration ASEAN partnerships NATO operations WTO regulations peacekeeping missions global forums intergovernmental collaboration international collaboration multilateral organizations global governance supranational institutions bilateral cooperation regional alliances economic globalization intergovernmental relations non-UN multilateralism security partnerships global policy-making international conflict resolution transnational agreements political coalitions trade blocs financial institutions diplomatic negotiations crisis intervention humanitarian intervention collective security
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con01a	The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: ICC expenses international criminal court budget ICTY costs ICTR corruption tribunal funding US financial contributions Rome Statute UN Security Council resolution state parties funding maladministration operating costs prosecutorial partiality UN funding obligations international justice expenses corruption in tribunals donor state influence budgetary crisis war crimes tribunal financing assessed contributions global justice system costs legacy issues personnel deployment fiscal sustainability international law courts governance challenges International Criminal Court ICC funding operating budget ICC cost overruns ICTY cost overruns ICTR tribunal expenses US financial support ICC Rome Statute assessed contributions UN Security Council funding ICC corruption ICC maladministration personnel contributions ICC ICC partiality UN investigations prosecution funding States Parties contributions Security Council US veto ICC financial sustainability tribunal administration ICC budget cuts international tribunal costs ICC staff political influence UN funding obligations ICC legacy issues state-directed ICC personnel ICC expenses international criminal court funding operating budget institutional costs tribunal expenses ICTY ICTR maladministration internal corruption US financial support United Nations funding Security Council resolution Rome Statute contributions State Parties assessed contributions budget cuts donor states political influence prosecutorial independence UN funding mechanisms fiscal year external funding staff deployment transparency accountability resource allocation impartiality Office of the Prosecutor corruption risks legal tribunals peace and justice costs donor influence financial sustainability ICC financial challenges ICC budget sustainability ICC operating expenses UN contribution to ICC US funding of international tribunals ICC dependency on US support Rome Statute funding obligations ICC unfunded investigations ICTY and ICTR budget overruns tribunal maladministration and corruption Security Council veto power State Parties financial contributions ICC prosecutorial impartiality conflict of interest in ICC staffing ICC budget cuts impact international tribunal costs alternative ICC funding mechanisms impact of US withdrawal on ICC corruption risks in ICC UN-ICC financial relationship comparison of tribunal operating budgets ICC budget international tribunal funding ICTY expenses ICTR maladministration tribunal corruption United States financial contribution Rome Statute ratification UN Security Council funding assessed contributions UN veto power ICC financial sustainability state party donations Office of the Prosecutor partiality ICC political influence international court operating costs UN investigations funding international justice system corruption donor state conflict of interest ICC trials budget cuts international criminal court challenges ICC budget operating expenses tribunal costs ICTY ICTR financial support US contributions UN funding Rome Statute Security Council State Parties corruption maladministration partiality prosecutor's office international justice financing budget cuts donor countries assessed contributions funding mechanisms political influence tribunal sustainability legacy issues judicial administration international court funding Security Council veto UN obligations direct contributions staff deployment transparency accountability International Criminal Court ICC expenses operating budget annual cost financial burden ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda maladministration corruption US financial support United Nations funding Security Council Rome Statute assessed contributions State Parties UN funding procedure Security Council resolution US veto personnel contributions Office of the Prosecutor political influence tribunal budget fiscal year legacy of tribunals sustainability partiality transparency accountability donor states international law war crimes peace and justice trial costs funding mechanisms ICC budget ICC funding challenges international criminal tribunal expenses ICTY costs ICTR maladministration international justice corruption US financial contribution ICC Rome Statute State Parties funding Security Council ICC funding UN Security Council veto ICC partiality ICC prosecutor staff international tribunal funding crisis ICC operational costs state interest ICC corruption tribunal budget deficits UN-ICC financial relations international court administration problems international criminal court oversight donor dependence ICC alternative ICC funding sources ICC expenses ICC budget international tribunal costs ICTY financial issues ICTR corruption UN funding mechanisms US contributions to international courts Rome Statute funding UN Security Council financial authorization state party contributions partiality in ICC staffing political influence in ICC UN veto power ICC prosecutorial independence tribunal maladministration international criminal court sustainability financial viability ICC global justice funding donor state influence institutional corruption international justice legacy of ad hoc tribunals International Criminal Court ICC budget funding challenges US financial support UN Security Council Rome Statute State Parties contributions tribunal costs ICTY ICTR maladministration internal corruption assessed contributions UN funding procedures Security Council veto Office of the Prosecutor corruption risks political influence tribunal legacy international justice war crimes tribunals financial sustainability international law United Nations budget cuts international courts
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> European Union EU foreign policy common foreign and security policy CFSP policy failure Iraq War Yugoslav Wars EU unity national interests member states international relations diplomatic influence military power NATO dependency US-EU relations global influence defense policy security cooperation supranationalism EU external action collective action institutional weakness crisis response transatlantic relations EU autonomy strategic autonomy geopolitical role multilateralism soft power hard power EU integration EU identity political cohesion EU common foreign policy EU foreign policy failures War in Iraq EU response EU Yugoslavia conflict EU national interests EU member states foreign policy EU military power EU economic power NATO EU relationship EU US military dependency EU international influence EU security policy EU defense policy European Union global role EU strategic autonomy EU decision-making foreign policy EU external relations EU united foreign policy EU diplomatic efforts EU integration challenges EU foreign policy European Union integration Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup common security policy national interests EU economic power EU military capability NATO dependency transatlantic relations US-EU relations Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) EU international role sovereignty decision-making supranational versus intergovernmental European defense EU diplomatic influence collective action European cooperation security strategy soft power hard power EU enlargement member state divisions policy coordination global governance EU common foreign policy challenges EU foreign policy failures EU response to Iraq War EU and breakup of Yugoslavia EU national interests vs. common policy EU foreign policy and national publics EU economic power vs. military power EU dependency on NATO EU dependency on US military EU as international player limitations EU military capability EU foreign policy independence EU global role EU foreign policy after Iraq EU NATO relationship impacts EU security and defense policy EU global influence constraints European integration and foreign policy obstacles to EU unified foreign policy reform proposals for EU foreign policy EU foreign policy European Union common foreign policy Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup EU failures national interests EU unity European diplomacy international relations EU military power NATO dependency US military influence EU economic power European security EU global role EU independence transatlantic relations EU external relations EU geopolitical influence EU foreign policy challenges EU common foreign policy failures EU response to Iraq War EU handling of Yugoslavia breakup EU national interests conflict EU global influence limitations EU military dependence on NATO EU-US military relations EU international role limitations EU economic power vs military power EU independent foreign policy obstacles EU security and defense policy EU-NATO cooperation EU influence in world politics European Union common foreign policy foreign affairs Iraq War Yugoslav Wars EU failures international relations national interests EU unity EU divisions economic power military power NATO dependency US military support independent foreign policy international influence security policy defense integration EU global role transatlantic relations foreign policy challenges sovereignty policy coordination decision-making political will EU defense policy CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy) EU enlargement supranational vs intergovernmental EU diplomatic power EU foreign policy EU common foreign and security policy EU military power EU international relations EU-NATO relationship EU-US relations Iraq War EU response Yugoslavia breakup EU response EU decision-making European integration EU national interests EU external action EU global influence EU security strategy EU defense policy EU strategic autonomy transatlantic relations EU diplomatic role EU hard power EU soft power EU foreign policy European Union unity Iraq War Yugoslavia breakup international relations national interests EU military power NATO dependence US-EU relations European security EU economic influence EU global role EU diplomatic efforts EU independence collective decision-making EU external affairs EU common strategy supranational policies EU member states EU defense policy EU foreign policy European Union military power NATO dependency US-EU relations Iraq War EU response Yugoslavia EU intervention EU international role EU national interests EU common defense EU external action EU autonomy EU security policy EU decision-making EU diplomatic strategy European integration EU transatlantic relations EU global influence EU soft power EU crisis management EU political unity"
test-international-atiahblit-pro03a	Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. teacher deployment teacher relocation teacher incentives rural teacher recruitment teacher shortages educational equity geographical disparities teacher housing rural-urban education gap teacher retention education access regional disparities underserved areas socioeconomic disparities teacher motivation Uganda education teacher distribution universal education rural education teacher provision living standards teacher mobility recruitment strategies teacher welfare policy interventions teacher deployment rural teacher incentives teacher relocation teacher distribution teacher shortages geographic disparities education rural-urban education gap teacher housing schemes teacher retention strategies education equity Africa teacher allocation Uganda incentive programs for teachers education inequality rural education improvement teacher motivation regional disparities education staffing rural schools teacher award programs teacher placement policies improving rural schools disadvantaged education areas teacher deployment teacher incentives teacher relocation rural teacher recruitment urban-rural disparities education equity teacher housing schemes educational access teacher distribution teacher shortages motivation for teachers rural education educational policy Africa Uganda education teacher retention teacher placement socioeconomic disparities regional education gaps teacher motivation teacher workforce management teacher deployment incentives rural teacher recruitment Africa bridging urban-rural education gap Uganda teacher relocation strategies incentives for teachers in underserved areas teacher housing schemes Africa educational equity rural districts reducing regional disparities in teacher allocation attracting teachers to disadvantaged regions improving rural education quality incentives education incentive programs Uganda strategies for teacher distribution Africa teacher placement policies for equity retaining teachers in remote areas teacher relocation benefits Africa rural teacher motivation programs equitable teacher placement solutions educational resource distribution Uganda policy recommendations for rural teacher incentives teacher housing initiatives Africa teacher deployment teacher incentives rural teacher recruitment teacher relocation educational equity rural-urban disparities teacher distribution teacher housing teaching awards regional education gaps teacher placement policy teacher retention education quality Uganda socioeconomic disparities education educational access Africa teacher supply-demand universal primary education rural education challenges teacher motivation teacher welfare programs teacher deployment incentives rural teacher recruitment education equity Africa teacher relocation benefits teacher housing Uganda addressing geographic disparities education rural-urban education gap teacher distribution policies incentive schemes for teachers supporting teachers in underserved areas equitable teacher allocation teacher motivation rural areas universal education Uganda improving rural school staffing socioeconomic disparities education awards for teacher relocation teacher retention rural Uganda teacher placement policies education access Africa teacher supply-demand Africa teacher deployment rural teacher incentives educational disparities geographic inequities education teacher relocation teacher housing schemes teacher distribution Africa Uganda education policy rural-urban education gap teacher retention rural areas socioeconomic inequality education teacher shortage rural teacher mobility programs equitable education access educational quality disparities teacher placement strategies rural teacher recruitment teacher award programs teacher living standards teacher provision Africa teacher incentives teacher deployment rural teacher recruitment education equity Africa teacher relocation teacher housing schemes teacher distribution Uganda rural education disparities urban-rural teacher allocation socioeconomic education inequality teacher retention rural areas education quality Uganda teacher mobility Africa rural education initiatives attracting teachers rural areas education policy incentives regional education disparities teacher placement strategies improving rural education equitable teacher distribution teacher deployment rural teacher incentives teacher relocation programs geographical disparities education Africa rural education Uganda teacher housing schemes educational equity teacher distribution regional education inequality teacher recruitment rural areas teacher retention incentives socioeconomic disparities education teacher placement strategies education policy Uganda teacher mobility rural education challenges educational incentives Africa universal education Uganda teacher supply demand teacher awards rural areas teacher deployment rural teacher incentives teacher relocation teacher distribution education equity regional disparities socioeconomic education gaps rural education teacher retention teacher housing teacher awards educational quality Uganda education teacher workforce balancing staffing needs rural-urban education living standards disparities teacher recruitment incentive programs educational resource allocation
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro02a	States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 state responsibility immigration control asylum policy open borders debate human trafficking national interest citizen welfare social cohesion public opinion on immigration xenophobia racism social harmony integration policy guest-host relations border security migration policy government duties multiculturalism social trust integration challenges welfare state immigration impact naturalisation host society reactions refugee policy policy reform social integration societal disruption immigration policy national sovereignty border control asylum policy social cohesion state responsibility citizenship rights migration control xenophobia racism multiculturalism public opinion integration policy refugee policy national security public welfare social harmony host country obligations economic impact of immigration government priorities immigration policy border control national sovereignty citizenship responsibility asylum regulation social cohesion xenophobia racism social harmony public opinion government obligations host country sentiment immigration reform population management national interest multiculturalism refugee policy migrant integration security concerns humanitarian issues naturalisation international migration state accountability demographic impact hospitality abuse social integration immigration policy prioritizing citizens strict border control benefits open borders vs. trafficking state responsibility to citizens public reaction to immigration social cohesion and immigration impact of asylum policies hospitality abuse by immigrants xenophobia causes in immigration racism and immigration debates social harmony and migration policy government duty to own citizens Lægaard immigration social cohesion disadvantages of current immigration systems state sovereignty citizen prioritization immigration control asylum policy open borders debate human trafficking social cohesion xenophobia racism social harmony public opinion on immigration government responsibility multiculturalism naturalisation hospitality abuse border security integration challenges anti-immigration sentiment societal disruption national interest ethical obligations of states citizens first immigration control asylum policy open borders debate state responsibility social cohesion social harmony xenophobia racism immigration reform national interest government obligations hospitality abuse naturalisation societal impact multiculturalism integration challenges migrant crisis public opinion immigration immigration and social disruption national sovereignty immigration policy border control asylum policy citizenship responsibilities social cohesion nationalism anti-immigration sentiment xenophobia racism public opinion integration challenges immigration reform government accountability migration restrictions social harmony multiculturalism refugee policy public safety national security social trust welfare state migrant impact host country population control immigration policy national sovereignty border control asylum policy open borders debate social cohesion national identity xenophobia racism social harmony citizen welfare public opinion on immigration migration ethics government responsibility multiculturalism refugee intake immigration reform assimilation integration challenges anti-immigration sentiment social trust host country reactions Sune Lægaard immigration system effectiveness societal impact of migration immigration policy national sovereignty border control asylum policy social cohesion citizenship rights immigration reform refugee policy migrant integration xenophobia racism public opinion on immigration immigration and security multiculturalism social harmony state responsibility welfare state hospitality towards migrants trafficking prevention immigration abuse naturalisation policies immigration policy national sovereignty citizen welfare border security asylum policy social cohesion xenophobia racism multiculturalism social integration government responsibility migration control public opinion state obligations refugee policy social harmony host country reaction naturalization equality social disruption humanitarianism migration ethics immigration reform restrictive immigration migration debate
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con02a	Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) firearm possession civilian armament public safety national defense deterrence individual rights 2nd Amendment constitutional law self-defense militia system armed citizenry democratic stability domestic security government tyranny prevention home defense gun policy compulsory military service armed resistance insurgency law enforcement gun control debate public order state security Second Amendment jurisprudence District of Columbia v. Heller armed population sovereignty foreign occupation resistance civil liberties citizens’ resistance Switzerland gun laws personal firearm ownership armed self-protection gun rights civilian armament self-defense militia national defense public safety Second Amendment constitutional rights armed citizenry democratic security deterrence gun policy firearm legislation gun control debate individual liberty domestic tyranny armed resistance security doctrine citizen soldiers military preparedness home defense political freedom armed populations Swiss militia system compulsory gun ownership insurgency anti-occupation right to bear arms security of free state defense readiness defensive democracy gun rights civilian armament self-defense militia second amendment personal firearms armed citizenry domestic security deterrence state defense constitutional rights home defense armed resistance democratic society tyranny prevention insurgency citizens' militia firearm training national defense security policy District of Columbia v Heller public safety Switzerland militia model gun policy armed population gun control debates civilian gun ownership and national security democratic states firearm rights 2nd amendment and militia armed citizen defense gun ownership and self-defense firearms as deterrence to aggression historical examples of civilian armament Switzerland mandatory gun ownership Iraq Afghanistan armed resistance insurrection and political pressure guns gun ownership deterring tyranny District of Columbia v Heller analysis gun rights and government overreach constitutional right to bear arms international gun ownership policies impact of private firearms on security armed populace military effectiveness gun laws and democratic stability benefits of widespread gun training safeguarding democracy with firearms gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment right to bear arms militia self-defense civilian defense armed citizenry firearm legislation gun rights government tyranny domestic security public safety constitutional rights citizen militia firearm training armed resistance insurrection foreign occupation District of Columbia v. Heller firearm policy self-governance state security civil liberties weapons training civilian armament gun control debate gun rights democratic states gun ownership national security militia second amendment civilian firearm possession deterrence foreign aggression self-defense democratic countries gun laws and national defense armed citizenry constitutional right to bear arms District of Columbia v Heller domestic tyranny prevention civilian militias security gun policy and democracy historical examples armed resistance firearms sporting use democracy mandatory gun ownership gun training civilian defense citizen resistance foreign occupation firearms and political freedom gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution well-regulated militia right to bear arms citizen militias self-defense deterrence armed population foreign aggression insurrection resistance political pressure withdrawal of occupiers civilian weapons firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan defense capability domestic tyranny safeguard against tyranny leisure firearms sporting firearms mandatory weapon ownership gun training District of Columbia v. Heller constitutional rights armed citizens gun rights public safety homeland defense citizen defense Second Amendment rights gun ownership and national security civilian firearm possession 2nd amendment democratic states right to bear arms security militia and self-defense armed citizen deterrence firearms and sovereignty democratic state defense strategies gun rights constitutional law District of Columbia v Heller domestic tyranny prevention compulsory gun ownership countries armed resistance case studies gun ownership foreign occupation firearms as political leverage firearms and governmental checks national security policy firearms armed civilian defense gun rights and public safety international comparisons gun policy guns and insurrection examples gun control national defense civilian armament democratic security militia systems firearm legislation individual rights 2nd Amendment armed citizenry domestic tyranny prevention self-defense military readiness citizen soldiers gun policy home defense constitutional rights civilian training comparative gun laws armed resistance public safety political theory gun culture Swiss militia model deterrence insurgency legal precedents gun ownership statistics historical context international comparisons case law firearm rights civilian gun ownership democratic societies national defense homeland security self-defense militia systems Second Amendment constitutional rights armed citizenry gun policy gun control debates deterrence theory domestic tyranny prevention military service requirements insurrection case studies comparative international gun laws public safety District of Columbia v. Heller armed resistance foreign occupation Switzerland gun laws historical examples constitutional interpretation political pressure personal liberty gun regulation armed deterrent security policy
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro02a	School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 school responsibility legal liability student safety educational environment adolescent substance abuse social influence student welfare compulsory education group dynamics youth vulnerability peer group effects state obligation drug prevention student protection random drug testing privacy versus safety coercion exclusion drug culture health policy public schools harm reduction prevention strategies child safeguarding mental health risk mitigation student rights anti-drug programs parental involvement community intervention supportive interventions duty of care schools peer pressure drug use prevention adolescent drug use student vulnerability state responsibility educational settings school policy random drug testing student safety protecting minors privacy vs safety coercion prevention school drug policies social exclusion popular culture in schools drug use norms student well-being state intervention mandatory education child protection institutional responsibility school supervision substance abuse education duty of care school responsibility peer influence youth drug use adolescent substance abuse student protection educational environment state liability child safeguarding compulsory education drug prevention social coercion school policies random drug testing school safety student vulnerability peer dynamics exclusion popularity norms school supervision privacy vs safety drug education programs legal obligations youth welfare government role preventive measures school-based interventions zero tolerance drug culture deterrence school's duty of care drug prevention peer pressure and drug use in schools state responsibility in student welfare random drug testing in schools benefits protecting students from peer-driven drug use privacy vs student safety in schools coercion and drug culture prevention education system role in safeguarding children group dynamics and substance abuse in schools state-operated school accountability student exclusion and drug-related peer pressure drug use prevention policies in education legal obligations of schools in drug prevention random drug tests and student choice educational authority and child protection drugs teen drug use social factors school environment impact on substance abuse policy arguments for school drug testing school duty of care peer pressure adolescent drug use student safety state responsibility compulsory education social environment in schools drug prevention random drug testing student privacy vs. safety school exclusion state-run education drug culture in schools protecting minors coercion prevention educational policy substance abuse prevention teenage social dynamics group influence school policy interventions western liberal democracy education student welfare preventative strategies school-based interventions legal obligations schools youth drug abuse mental health in schools duty of care schools peer pressure drug use state responsibility student safety random drug testing schools preventing peer pressure protecting student choice school environment drug prevention coercion into drug use legal obligations of schools education system drug policy student privacy vs safety child protection in education drug culture prevention schools school interventions drug abuse supporting non-using students state-mandated education risks school policies peer influence privacy concerns random drug tests legal framework school drug testing safeguarding teenagers from drugs duty of care school responsibility peer influence adolescent drug use child protection state education system student welfare coercion prevention drug prevention strategies school policy educational accountability student safety teenage substance abuse group dynamics exclusion school environment random drug testing drug policy privacy versus safety adolescent peer pressure state intervention harm reduction child vulnerability social conformity school-based prevention programs school community drug culture safeguarding students educational oversight liberal democracy ethics duty of care in schools peer pressure and drug use teenage drug prevention school responsibility drug abuse state role education drug abuse peer influence substance use random drug testing in schools student privacy vs drug testing coerced drug use teenagers social exclusion and drug use education policy drug prevention protecting students from drugs school intervention substance use western liberal democracy education drugs vulnerability to peer pressure legal duty schools drug use state-operated schools drug policy school culture drug norms protecting student choice drug use adolescent drug use prevention compulsory education and drugs school environment drug influence school safety drugs school strategies peer duty of care school responsibility peer pressure adolescent drug use student welfare child protection educational environment state education system student vulnerability anti-drug policies social exclusion ostracism group dynamics student privacy random drug testing preventive measures substance abuse prevention school policy teenage substance abuse peer influence school safety safeguarding students student well-being drug prevention programs youth risk factors educational policy legal obligations parental involvement risk mitigation school administration duty of care peer pressure adolescent drug use teenage substance abuse school responsibility state role in education compulsory schooling social environment student coercion group dynamics drug prevention random drug testing student privacy protection from peer influence education policy student welfare drug culture in schools public health youth empowerment school safety government accountability prevention programs legal obligations parental involvement harm reduction psychosocial factors student support services
test-society-asfhwapg-pro02a	"Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, intellectual property knowledge dissemination patent duration patent expiration monopoly rights technology transfer innovation incentives scientific openness research collaboration academic freedom biomedical patents public health research patent disclosure trade secrets scientific progress CCR5 receptor Human Genome Sciences HIV immunity gene patenting non-commercial research medical advancement knowledge registration patent policy research permissions information sharing patent disclosure knowledge dissemination intellectual property public domain technology transfer innovation sharing patent expiration open science scientific transparency research collaboration trade secrets vs patents biomedical patents academic use of patents nonprofit research medical innovation patent licensing patent policy access to patented knowledge patent impact on research science openness patent-protected inventions collaborative research human genome patenting CCR5 gene patent HIV immunity research public health patents patent term limits commercial vs academic patent use scientific advancement patent information sharing intellectual property innovation technology transfer patent law knowledge dissemination public domain research collaboration academic use nonprofit use trade secrets scientific progress open science licensing monopoly period commercial rights disclosure requirements CCR5 receptor HIV immunity Human Genome Sciences public health research DNA patenting biomedical patents academic freedom information sharing WHO patent duration research policy benefits of patenting knowledge patent duration and innovation impact of patents on scientific openness knowledge sharing through patents patent policy in biotechnology patents and public health research patents versus trade secrets promoting medical advancement through patents CCR5 gene patent case study human genome sciences patent policy academic use of patented materials patents and information disclosure patenting and HIV research negative effects of trade secrets on science transparency in patent systems patents facilitating research collaboration patents as incentives for investment patents and medical discovery sharing intellectual property and scientific progress role of patents in medical innovation patents patenting intellectual property knowledge sharing scientific openness trade secrets medical advancement CCR5 receptor gene HIV immunity Human Genome Sciences NIH nonprofit research commercial use patent policy biotechnology DNA patenting public health research innovation scientific progress patent disclosure research incentives technology transfer patent term monopoly rights patent expiration academic freedom research collaborations scientific publication information disclosure World Health Organization gene patenting patent benefits knowledge dissemination patent duration patent openness scientific progress trade secrets vs patents academic use patent policy medical advancement through patenting patents and public health patent holder permissions CCR5 receptor patent HIV research patents Human Genome Sciences policy patent information sharing patent expiry impact patent system incentives research collaboration patents DNA patenting implications intellectual property and science patents and innovation non-commercial use patents patents patenting intellectual property knowledge sharing innovation scientific progress medical advancements patent duration twenty years monopoly investment protection permission technology transfer disclosure openness academic use nonprofit use commercial use CCR5 receptor Human Genome Sciences gene patenting HIV immunity public health trade secrets information sharing research collaboration scientific community registration WHO DNA patenting biotechnology patent policy information access patent benefits knowledge sharing patent monopoly duration patent disclosure patent openness science innovation medical advancement CCR5 receptor gene HIV immunity Human Genome Sciences academic patent use nonprofit patent access patent registration trade secret drawbacks scientific progress DNA patenting public health research gene patenting intellectual property patent policy research collaboration technology transfer patent expiration scientific knowledge dissemination innovation access biomedical patents patent ethics IP management patent rights commercial vs non-commercial patent use patents intellectual property knowledge dissemination technology transfer patent duration innovation incentives scientific openness trade secrets medical research public health academic research commercialization gene patenting pharmaceutical innovation open access patent licensing patent policy patent disclosure research collaboration biomedical patents patent law research sharing HIV research CCR5 receptor Human Genome Sciences NIH scientific advancement patent protection university research nonprofit patent use intellectual property patent law technology transfer innovation knowledge dissemination scientific collaboration open science public health biomedical research patent disclosure research incentives trade secrets patent policy pharmaceutical industry medical advancements patent expiration academic research nonprofit organizations commercialization CCR5 gene HIV immunity Human Genome Sciences regulatory frameworks patent exclusivity research openness technology licensing research and development access to medicines information sharing scientific progress"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro04a	Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, interstate conflict intrastate conflict civil war border disputes African Union definition armed conflict peacebuilding postcolonial borders secession sovereignty regional security conflict resolution non-state actors peacekeeping frozen conflicts ceasefire war classification territorial disputes international intervention conflict prevention peace agreements political violence ethnic conflict state sovereignty African peace initiatives AU conflict policies military intervention cross-border clashes Africa wars history conflict intensity conflict termination war definition interstate conflict intrastate conflict African Union war definition types of conflict Africa African conflict examples ongoing African wars internal vs external conflict AU conflict resolution interstate wars Africa Western Sahara conflict Sudan border clashes peace in Africa conflict classification African peace initiatives cessation of hostilities Africa conflict statistics contemporary African conflicts frozen conflicts Africa post-colonial African wars armed conflict interstate war internal conflict civil war African Union AU declaration conflict resolution peacebuilding security armed violence borders sovereignty frozen conflict regional disputes secession insurgency peace process conflict definition international law military intervention diplomatic solutions border clashes territorial disputes ethnic conflict war termination post-conflict stability peace agreements conflict management humanitarian impact conflict prevention definition of war types of conflict AU definition of war AU conflict resolution inter-state conflict vs internal conflict Africa conflict history African Union declarations ending conflict in Africa internal wars in Africa major African wars Israel Egypt war Africa Eritrean Ethiopian war Uganda Tunisia war Second Congo War ongoing inter-state conflicts Africa Western Sahara conflict Sudan border conflict criteria for war classification frozen conflicts Africa Africa internal vs external wars conflict termination Africa AU peace initiatives African border disputes list of conflicts in Africa successful conflict resolutions Africa AU intervention in conflicts interstate conflict internal conflict African Union war definition AU declarations conflict classification border disputes Western Sahara Sudan border conflict African wars conflict resolution peacebuilding postcolonial Africa civil war frozen conflicts cross-border tensions geopolitics Africa security Africa comparative conflict studies African peacekeeping definition of war types of conflict AU definition of war internal conflicts in Africa interstate wars in Africa history of African conflicts current African interstate conflicts wars involving Israel and Egypt Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War ongoing conflicts in Africa Western Sahara conflict Sudan border clashes African Union peace efforts conflict resolution Africa frozen conflicts Africa causes of war in Africa difference between war and conflict state vs non-state conflicts Africa impact of borders on conflict Africa conflict war interstate conflict AU declaration African Union definition of war internal conflict civil war Africa inter-state war international relations peace regional stability Western Sahara border clashes Sudans post-colonial Africa armed conflict war termination conflict resolution peacebuilding frozen conflict low-intensity conflict boundary disputes historical conflicts Israel-Egypt wars Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War ongoing conflicts definitions conflict classification African conflicts policy implications Wiki resource history of war in Africa definition of war types of conflict inter-state war Africa intra-state conflict AU conflict resolution African Union war definition internal conflict Africa ongoing conflicts Africa major African wars historic African wars Western Sahara conflict Sudan border dispute causes of conflict Africa peacekeeping Africa conflict termination Africa AU peace initiatives inter-state vs intra-state wars frozen conflicts Africa Africa security studies African conflict database African conflict history international law war conflict classification Africa AU declarations on war African border disputes conflict casualty statistics definition of war types of conflict AU definition of war difference between conflict and war intrastate conflict Africa interstate conflict Africa examples of interstate wars Africa ongoing conflicts Africa causes of African conflicts resolution of African conflicts frozen conflicts Africa Sudan border conflict Western Sahara conflict African Union conflict policy history of war in Africa peace initiatives Africa list of African wars contemporary African conflicts impact of new borders Africa conflict death toll Africa definitions of war AU definition of war difference between conflict and war internal conflict Africa interstate war Africa AU declaration on conflict African Union peacekeeping current African conflicts ongoing interstate conflicts Africa Western Sahara conflict Sudan border conflict types of conflict Africa causes of conflict Africa Africa interstate vs intrastate conflicts African conflict trends war classification international law AU policies conflict resolution conflict statistics Africa history of wars Africa frozen conflicts Africa peace processes Africa conflict data Africa
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro02a	"Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: generic drugs access to medicine developing countries drug affordability patents intellectual property AIDS treatment malaria treatment Africa Asia pharmaceutical pricing drug shortages public health healthcare justice drug patents essential medicines patent barriers medicine donations drug access barriers neglected diseases healthcare inequality pharmaceutical regulation compulsory licensing TRIPS agreement global health drug patent waivers third world healthcare life-saving medicine cost of medication pharmaceutical monopolies patent laws health equity humanitarian access low-income countries medicine pricing policies generic drugs access to medicines drug affordability developing countries pharmaceutical patents drug pricing malaria treatment HIV/AIDS treatment Africa health crisis patent restrictions pharmaceutical donations essential medicines drug shortages international health policy medicine accessibility patent waivers compulsory licensing global health equity cost-effective treatments public health pharmaceutical industry ethics humanitarian aid neglected diseases market barriers healthcare justice patent protection unprofitable drugs patent hoarding medicine production life-saving drugs healthcare access disease burden health disparities medication availability patent reform generic drugs developing countries drug affordability malaria treatment AIDS medication HIV drugs pharmaceutical patents drug accessibility patent laws drug pricing pharmaceutical companies public health drug shortages access to medicine low-income countries affordable healthcare essential medicines patent barriers compulsory licensing drug donation healthcare equity neglected diseases affordable treatment patent restrictions international health policy medicine distribution humanitarian access drug manufacturers TRIPS agreement global health lifesaving drugs generic drug access developing countries impact of generic drugs on AIDS treatment Africa pharmaceutical pricing ethics alternatives to patented medications barriers to affordable medicines Africa Asia humanitarian benefits of generic drug production economic consequences of drug patents public health outcomes generic medication government policy on generic drugs lowering AIDS drug prices Africa malaria drug accessibility developing world removing patent restrictions for essential medicines pharmaceutical industry patent practices global health equity drug access case studies of generic drug success developing countries generic drugs and universal health care intellectual property and lifesaving medications drug donation limits by pharmaceutical companies social justice and medicine pricing neglected tropical diseases drug availability generic drugs access to medicine pharmaceutical patents drug pricing developing countries AIDS treatment malaria drugs drug affordability patent restrictions healthcare access public health drug shortages humanitarian issues pharmaceutical companies life-saving medications international health policy pricing ethics drug donation programs essential medicines neglected diseases World Health Organization TRIPS agreement compulsory licensing drug manufacturing affordable healthcare generic drug production access barriers Africa health crisis global health equity innovator vs generic drugs drug market exclusivity Swaziland HIV rates patent monopoly expanded access programs low-income countries healthcare justice generic drugs access to medicine developing countries AIDS treatment malaria drugs pharmaceutical patents drug pricing drug affordability public health Africa Asia HIV epidemic drug shortages drug donation programs market-based pricing ethical pharmaceutical policies health justice patent barriers life-saving medications unprofitability of drug development drug accessibility neglected diseases TRIPS agreement compulsory licensing global health equity essential medicines pharmaceutical monopolies generic drugs access to medication drug affordability pharmaceutical patents developing countries Africa Asia malaria AIDS HIV drug pricing essential medicines drug shortages healthcare access patent barriers life-saving drugs United Nations drug donations pharmaceutical industry drug accessibility public health antiretroviral therapy Swaziland drug production drug market healthcare justice treatment affordability neglected diseases patent monopolies humanitarian access generic production rights drug innovation patent reform medicine shortages disease burden global health inequity generic drugs access to medicine affordable healthcare drug pricing developing countries AIDS medication malaria treatment pharmaceutical patents drug donation Africa healthcare Asia disease burden Swaziland HIV healthcare equity patent restrictions public health drug shortages essential medicines pharmaceutical ethics drug monopolies healthcare justice generic drug policy TRIPS agreement compulsory licensing affordability crisis neglected diseases global health patent barriers life-saving medication drug accessibility medication affordability humanitarian healthcare drug pricing reform generic drugs access to medicine developing countries malaria AIDS Africa Asia drug pricing pharmaceutical patents drug shortages HIV drug affordability life-saving medicines health equity patent laws World Health Organization medicine donation programs drug market regulation compulsory licensing intellectual property TRIPS agreement drug resistance neglected diseases pharmaceutical monopolies public health policy drug accessibility human rights international aid health crises unprofitability of drugs patent restrictions essential medicines healthcare inequality pharmaceutical ethics generic drugs patent laws drug accessibility developing countries affordable medication pharmaceutical companies AIDS medication malaria treatment Swaziland HIV rates drug pricing healthcare equity drug shortages drug donations patent barriers public health ethical drug distribution life-saving drugs market-level prices intellectual property drug development medication affordability health policy drug production rights access to essential medicines pharmaceutical patents global health price gouging drug monopolies treatment accessibility health justice pharmaceutical ethics"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro04a	"Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. innocent defendants legal protection previous convictions prosecution witnesses character evidence jury deliberation criminal justice reform admissible evidence witness credibility false testimony fair trial evidence disclosure legal motion cross-examination judicial transparency equality before the law criminal record witness character defendant rights justice system discrepancy exculpatory evidence legal safeguards criminal procedure credibility assessment trial fairness innocent defendants protection of innocent prior convictions evidence impeachment of witnesses character evidence prosecution witness credibility false character claims jury assessment criminal history disclosure fairness in trials justice system discrepancy defense rights admissibility of convictions witness cross-examination balancing prejudicial evidence evidence law defendant's rights conviction disclosure policy justice for all report criminal procedure reforms equal treatment in court innocent defendants character evidence previous convictions prosecution witnesses jury decision false testimony criminal justice evidence disclosure witness credibility legal fairness conviction admissibility cross-examination justice system reform defendant protection credibility assessment legal equality trial procedure fair trial character claims judicial integrity innocent defendants protection motion to admit prosecution witness convictions impact of prior convictions as evidence character evidence in criminal trials balancing evidence between prosecution and defense effect of witness convictions on jury revealing previous convictions in court prohibiting false character claims in trials reforming rules of evidence equal treatment of defendant and prosecution witness CPS Justice for all 2002 legal implications of prior convictions credibility of prosecution witnesses inhibitions in introducing character evidence justice system discrepancies prior convictions weighing convictions in jury decisions fair trial for innocent defendants evidence admissibility criminal justice previous convictions and witness credibility resolving imbalance in criminal innocent defendants protection stronger defense previous convictions prosecution witnesses admissible evidence false character claims jury assessment character evidence criminal justice system evidence discrepancy reciprocal disclosure false testimony criminal records justice reform witness credibility legal fairness defense strategy cross-examination legal equality innocent defendants legal protection admissibility of previous convictions prosecution witness credibility character evidence in court criminal justice reform evidence disclosure balance impact of prior convictions on trial fair trial protections witness character assessment justice system discrepancies motion for equal evidence treatment revealing prior convictions both sides defendant prosecution witness comparison effect on jury decision CPS Justice for all analysis innocent defendants protection criminal justice previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence admissibility character evidence false testimony jury assessment legal motion status quo discrepancy fairness justice system cross-examination credibility defense strategy CPS ""Justice for all"" legal reform admissibility of evidence trial procedure criminal record legal safeguards balanced justice witness credibility false claims legal precedent innocent defendants legal protections motion to admit evidence previous convictions prosecution witnesses character evidence jury decision-making justice system discrepancy evidence admissibility fair trial criminal justice reform character claims witness credibility defendant rights evidence disclosure legal fairness prosecution vs defense criminal convictions as evidence jury weighing evidence legal reform proposals innocent defendants protection of defendants stronger defense admission of prior convictions prosecution witness credibility character evidence jury decision-making fairness in trials criminal justice system discrepancies defendant’s previous convictions witness cross-examination prosecution’s witnesses evidence admissibility balanced justice system character testimony judicial fairness fear of prejudice integrity of testimony CPS Justice for All equal treatment judiciary elimination of false claims legal motions justice reform reliability of witnesses legal safeguards innocent defendants judicial protection motion to admit evidence previous convictions prosecution witnesses character evidence jury evaluation false claims character discrepancy justice system reform equal disclosure criminal records jury impartiality legal fairness witness credibility legal burden exculpatory evidence criminal justice equality evidentiary rules judicial transparency"
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro02a	Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, checks and balances separation of powers divided government federalism legislative branch executive branch judicial branch Madison Federalist No. 51 power dispersion constitutional safeguards interbranch dialogue government compromise two-party system bicameral legislature Congress division party control institutional rivalry prevention of tyranny republican principles American democracy constitutional design governmental accountability safeguard liberty interbranch accountability checks and balances separation of powers federalism divided government Madison Federalist 51 constitutional checks branch independence executive branch legislative branch judicial branch power division congressional compromise party control US Constitution government structure constitutional safeguards American democracy balance of power political compromise government accountability checks and balances separation of powers Federalist Papers James Madison divided government compromise executive branch legislative branch judicial branch bicameral legislature Congress two-party system political power constitutional design governmental structure American republic party control public administration institutional safeguards prevention of tyranny Federalist No. 51 Madisonian model power sharing democracy constitutional principles separation of powers checks and balances division of government powers branches of government Madison Federalist No. 51 divided government benefits executive legislative judicial branches compromise in Congress two-party system in Congress legislative checks on executive executive checks on legislative judicial independence historical context of checks and balances importance of divided government risks of single-party control government accountability mechanisms party control of Congress federalism and checks constitutional safeguards against tyranny dialogue between branches Federalist Papers government structure checks and balances separation of powers divided government James Madison Federalist No. 51 executive branch legislative branch judicial branch power distribution constitutional design compromise in government party control government structure American republic political compromise branch independence Congress division federalism founding principles oppression prevention injustice prevention checks and balances separation of powers divided government Federalist No. 51 James Madison constitutional theory U.S. Constitution power division executive legislative judicial branches compromise in Congress bipartisanship in government minority rights constitutional party control Congress prevention of tyranny constitutional safeguards republic government structure U.S. political compromise Madisonian model balance of power U.S. legislative-executive relations federalism and constitution function of divided government separation of powers checks and balances Federalist No. 51 James Madison branches of government executive branch legislative branch judicial branch divided government compromise bicameral legislature congressional negotiation party control balance of power constitutional safeguards American government structure political compromise constitutional design federalism tyranny prevention minority rights institutional conflict Madisonian democracy government accountability concentration of power constitutional framework separation of authority inter-branch relations government gridlock U.S. Constitution political parties checks and balances separation of powers divided government federalism U.S. Constitution executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist No. 51 congressional compromise bicameralism government accountability party control constitutional democracy power distribution political compromise legislative oversight republican government political parties American governance constitutional safeguards tyranny prevention Madisonian model democratic institutions institutional balance separation of powers checks and balances federalism divided government Madison Federalist 51 executive branch legislative branch judicial branch compromise in Congress bicameral legislature party control in government power distribution American democracy constitutional safeguards republican principles governmental structure political compromise two-party system constitutional checks government accountability separation of powers checks and balances federalist papers James Madison divided government party control congressional compromise legislative process executive branch judicial branch legislative branch government structure American republic federalism power distribution bicameralism interbranch relations constitutional checks minority rights political gridlock balance of power
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro02a	Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, neo-functionalism European Union integration regional integration community Europe spillover effect economic determinism supranational governance central government European enlargement trade agreements policy integration cross-border cooperation economic integration political integration FDI (foreign direct investment) internal market enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia accession Turkey EU negotiations regional model academic interest political interest integration process integration theory multinational companies European Economic Area EU institutions market harmonization integration outcomes integration challenges regionalism European experience neo-functionalism European integration spillover effect economic determinism EU community building central government Europe political integration economic integration regional integration model EU trade agreements EU enlargement Eastern Europe accession Croatia EU negotiations Turkey EU accession European Economic integration integration theories internal market EU regionalism supranationalism community method integration outcomes EU policymaking cross-border trade EU single market Europe FDI European integration integration challenges integration process EU institutional development transnational cooperation integration predictability European integration regional integration spillover effect economic determinism supranationalism community Europe central government policy harmonization EU enlargement trade agreements economic integration political integration internal market FDI (foreign direct investment) comparative regionalism EU model integration theory political union market integration neo-functionalism theory integration process European unification institutional integration intergovernmentalism legitimacy social integration cross-border cooperation EU governance transnational actors enlargement effects Croatia accession Turkey negotiations EU policy integration outcomes integration challenges EU experience economic community integration neo-functionalism and EU integration neo-functionalism spillover effect economic determinism in EU integration EU integration challenges impact of spillover on European integration community Europe theory model for regional integration EU European Union trade agreements spillover effects of EU enlargement EU integration Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey EU negotiations political outcomes of EU integration economic outcomes of EU integration EU as a model of regional integration regional integration theories compared internal market establishment EU evidence of spillover in EU limitations of neo-functionalism EU neo-functionalism vs intergovernmentalism future of EU integration regional integration successes and failures Neo-functionalism European integration spillover effect economic determinism community Europe regional integration EU model trade agreements EU enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia accession Turkey negotiations political integration economic integration integration theory supranationalism intergovernmentalism central government policy harmonization FDI internal market research papers academia integration process political outcomes economic outcomes integration challenges European Union comparative integration EU governance integration predictions institutional development transnational actors neo-functionalism european integration spillover effect EU model regional integration economic determinism european union enlargement trade agreements EU central government europe theory of european integration european economic integration political integration europe academic interest EU internal market EU FDI european integration border regions trade europe model of regional integration challenges of EU integration outcome prediction integration integration process Europe obstacles to european integration future of EU integration neo-functionalism European integration spillover effect economic determinism community Europe regional integration central government EU model trade agreements EU enlargement European Economic integration policy harmonization cross-border cooperation internal market political integration economic integration supranationalism intergovernmentalism European Union trade liberalization FDI (foreign direct investment) institutional development integration theory academic interest policy convergence Croatia accession Turkey negotiations European Community regionalism globalization integration outcomes neo-functionalism EU integration European Union spillover effect economic determinism regional integration community Europe central government trade agreements EU enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia EU negotiations Turkey EU negotiations European Economic integration policy harmonization integration process regional model academic interest political interest integration theory internal market FDI Europe economic geography trade geography integration outcome European Commission supranational governance functional spillover political spillover sectoral integration integration challenges Treaty of Maastricht Treaty of Lisbon European Single Market customs union Eurozone expansion theoretical predictions neo-functionalism European Union integration spillover effect economic determinism regional integration supranationalism political integration economic integration community Europe central government trade agreements EU enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey academic interest economic policy FDI (foreign direct investment) internal market integration theory policy harmonization integration process integration outcome prediction model for regional integration cross-border trade enlargement effects governance market integration European Commission multinational corporations integration challenges EU integration neo-functionalism spillover effect regional integration economic determinism European Union model supranational governance community Europe trade agreements EU enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia negotiations Turkey negotiations political integration economic integration integration theories internal market FDI (foreign direct investment) EU policy integration central government integration outcomes regionalism academic interest political interest cross-border trade European Commission integration challenges supranational institutions differentiated integration integration process integration predictions
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con01a	The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, personal data targeted advertising consumer benefits demographic targeting data acquisition market segmentation niche markets targeted marketing personalized services product diversity data mining online advertising digital marketing consumer profiling information channels advertising effectiveness consumer choice online services individual profiling Facebook ads advertising-supported internet advertising ecosystem market reach personalized recommendations consumer enrichment personalized advertising targeted marketing demographic profiling consumer benefits data-driven advertising niche market expansion tailored services online advertising effectiveness behavioral targeting data mining in marketing market segmentation advertising-supported ecosystem individualized consumer profiles online consumer discovery digital advertising strategies information flow optimization targeted ad delivery consumer choice expansion mass market limitations Facebook targeted ads personal data targeted advertising demographic profiling consumer benefits market segmentation niche markets personalized marketing online advertising data mining consumer behavior internet services targeted marketing information flow individual profiles Facebook advertising digital marketing advertising effectiveness personalized recommendations product discovery market reach marketing strategies advertising-supported ecosystem consumer access advertising budgets mass market digital consumer engagement online personalization advertising impact data-driven marketing value of personal data targeted advertising benefits personalized advertising impact consumer benefits of data-driven ads business advantages of personal data market expansion through data niche marketing enabled by personal data data mining and consumer discovery demographic targeting effectiveness advertising to eclectic tastes information flow via data mining individualized consumer profiles Facebook targeted ads advertising-supported internet ecosystem economic impact of personal data advertising personal data utilization in marketing personal data sale targeted advertising demographic targeting niche markets consumer benefits personalized marketing data mining online advertising user profiling service customization advertising efficiency market expansion digital marketing information flow Facebook ads mass market limitations consumer profiling advertising-supported ecosystem behavioral targeting marketing strategies data utilization economic value audience segmentation individualized advertising web services proliferation personal data advertising benefits targeted advertising demographic targeting niche market advertising personalized marketing online consumer targeting data-driven advertising consumer data utilization individualized ad campaigns behavior-based advertising digital marketing personalization data mining for advertising online advertising effectiveness consumer profiling marketing internet advertising strategies expanding market reach advertising-supported internet ecosystem market segmentation advertising product discovery personalization Facebook targeted ads personal data targeted advertising consumer benefits demographic targeting personalized marketing data acquisition market segmentation business services niche markets mass market market diversity product variety consumer profiles advertising strategy data-mining information flow online services user profiles digital advertising behavioral targeting Facebook ads personalized recommendations internet advertising advertising-supported ecosystem market reach consumer enrichment service discovery tailored ads marketing efficiency economic value personal data sale targeted advertising consumer benefits demographic targeting personal profiles data acquisition data utilization market segmentation niche markets mass market advertising limited advertising budgets product diversity consumer enrichment marketable products service personalization data-driven marketing online services proliferation consumer discovery data-mining information channels direct targeting Facebook advertising individual ad targeting advertising-supported internet advertising ecosystem digital marketing behavioral targeting online consumer profiles personalized recommendations microtargeting personalized ads personal data commercialization targeted advertising consumer benefits demographic profiling personalized marketing market segmentation niche marketing online advertising effectiveness data mining consumer profiling advertising budgets mass market advertising product diversity personalized services information flow optimization digital advertising advertising-supported internet ecosystem online consumer targeting behavioral targeting advertising algorithms consumer data analytics privacy concerns data-driven marketing advertising efficiency Facebook ad targeting internet marketing trends digital consumer engagement market expansion through data personalized advertising data-driven marketing consumer profiling targeted advertising demographic targeting niche market expansion data mining online advertising effectiveness personal data utilization digital marketing strategies advertisement customization consumer benefits market segmentation behavioral targeting internet advertising ecosystem information flow online consumer discovery service recommendation algorithms advertising algorithms consumer data analysis
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro01a	Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, labour rights human rights ILO conventions worker protection labour regulations job security discrimination elimination freedom of association collective bargaining international labour standards business standards minimum labour standards economic benefits working hours developed countries aid conditionality labour compliance workplace equality fair labour practices labour law enforcement social justice international agreements universal principles employee empowerment labour standards international labour standards human rights ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work freedom of association collective bargaining worker rights business regulations job security discrimination elimination aid conditionality economic benefits of labour standards minimum wage working hours labour law international conventions workplace equality labour compliance labour protections fair working conditions social justice decent work labour rights enforcement sustainable development employee empowerment labour market regulation global labour policy labour rights human rights international labour standards ILO worker protections business regulations collective bargaining freedom of association workplace discrimination job security minimum wage 40-hour workweek labour conventions economic productivity labour compliance international aid labour law universal standards employment rights ratification decent work fair labour practices global workforce workplace equality sustainable development international labour standards human rights protection aid conditionality ILO Declaration 1998 business and labour regulations worker rights job security discrimination elimination freedom of association collective bargaining rights universal human rights minimum labour standards developed countries labour practices economic benefits of labour standards 40-hour workweek productivity international actors agreement compliance incentives for aid ratification of ILO conventions effective recognition of rights binding international agreements prioritising higher protection standards labour standards enforcement economic productivity and labour conditions linkage between aid and labour rights international labour organisation standards historical acceptance of labour standards labour standards human rights ILO Declaration fundamental principles rights at work international labour standards collective bargaining worker protections business regulations job security discrimination elimination minimum standards aid conditionality economic benefits working hours productivity international labour organization labour regulations universal human rights developed countries compliance empowerment of workers labour rights enforcement social justice international agreements workplace equality labour rights basic human rights international labour standards ILO Declaration labour regulations worker protection job security discrimination elimination freedom of association collective bargaining rights aid conditionality international aid economic benefits of labour standards minimum wage standards working hours regulation ratification of ILO conventions compliance with international standards business regulations human rights agreements productivity and labour standards developed countries labour laws recognition of labour rights international labour law empowerment of workers universal human rights conditional aid policies labour standards human rights business standards international actors universal human rights international aid ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work worker rights job security elimination of discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed countries minimum standard aid conditionality compliance economic benefits productivity 40-hour work week international labour standards ratification labour regulations workplace rights trade unions fair wages decent work employment protections non-discrimination workplace equality labour laws International Labour Organisation social justice global labour practices sustainable development economic development labour standards human rights protection international labour laws ILO Declaration business regulations worker rights job security discrimination elimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed countries labour standards foreign aid conditionality economic benefits of labour rights minimum standards enforcement international agreements workplace productivity 40-hour work week labour rights compliance aid prioritization ethical business practices fundamental rights at work trade and labour standards social justice sustainable development fair labour practices global labour governance labour standards human rights ILO Declaration fundamental principles worker protection business regulations job security discrimination elimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed countries minimum standards international aid compliance economic benefits working hours productivity international labour standards labour rights social protections universal human rights labour conventions international organisations ratification workplace rights fair labour practices labour law employee empowerment global governance social justice international labour standards human rights protection ILO Declaration worker rights aid conditionality business regulations collective bargaining discrimination elimination economic benefits job security universal human rights international aid labour regulations minimum standards productive working hours developed countries compliance prioritization freedom of association labour empowerment convention ratification global governance
test-economy-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? gendered division of labor unpaid work care work domestic labor feminisation of labor labor force participation women’s empowerment work-life balance time poverty mental load physical burden breadwinner women gender inequality survival strategies Sassen gender roles recognition of women's work invisible labor empowerment paradox reproductive labor gendered anxieties dual burden work recognition occupational segregation economic empowerment invisible care work female labor force gendered time use double burden feminising labour market gender convergence unpaid domestic work unpaid care work reproductive labour family care responsibilities labour force participation gendered division of labor women's empowerment recognition of women’s work invisible labor mental load physical demands time poverty feminisation of survival breadwinner mothers working women gender inequality work-life balance care economy labor market recognition gendered anxieties social reproduction invisible contribution gender roles time-use work-family conflict gender division of labor gender roles work-life balance unpaid care work domestic labor labor force participation gender equality empowerment invisible labor reproductive labor women's work time poverty mental load gendered labor markets feminisation of work breadwinner model work recognition social reproduction gender disparities economic empowerment women's rights care economy labor market inequality work-family conflict gendered burden survival strategies dual burden women's empowerment gendered anxieties recognition of women's work gendered division of labor feminization of work unpaid care work women's labor market participation empowerment and labor force time poverty women recognition of women's work invisible labor women double burden women mental load women domestic work gender gap caregiving responsibilities labor market gender equality social recognition female work impact of care work survival feminization breadwinner women challenges economic empowerment gender work-life balance women gender roles and employment Sassen feminization survival women's unpaid labor recognition gendered anxieties work labor force participation empowerment domestic labor and recognition double burden feminised labour market unpaid domestic work unpaid care work gender convergence reproductive labour family care gendered division of labour female labour force participation empowerment recognition of women's work care economy time poverty mental load physical demands invisible labour breadwinner anxiety feminisation of survival Sassen 2002 work-life balance gender equality gender roles economic empowerment social recognition labour market participation women's empowerment gendered burdens work recognition invisible contributions paid vs unpaid work double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work gender convergence labour-force participation reproductive labour women's work gender equality empowerment breadwinner anxiety feminised survival gendered division of labour invisible labour recognition of women's work mental load physical demands work-life balance women’s empowerment gender disparities intersectionality social reproduction time poverty economic empowerment gender roles work recognition gendered labour market Sassen 2002 family care burden labour market participation women's unpaid labour double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work unpaid care work reproductive labour family care women's labour force participation gender inequality time poverty mental load physical demands emotional labour breadwinner anxiety feminised survival recognition of women's work invisible labour empowerment gender roles gendered division of labour work-life balance labour market recognition Sassen 2002 labour market gender gap economic empowerment social recognition care economy gendered burdens intersectionality women's empowerment gender wage gap gender division of labor unpaid care work feminisation of labor gender inequality reproductive labor domestic work women's empowerment labor-force participation recognition of women's work double burden work-life balance male vs female labor contributions survival strategies breadwinner anxiety labor market recognition invisible labor mental load family care responsibilities time poverty Sassen 2002 social reproduction economic empowerment gendered labor force female labor force participation empowerment paradox gender roles intersectionality care economy work recognition mental health gendered burdens double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work gender convergence reproductive labour family care responsibilities women's labour force participation time poverty physical burden mental health breadwinner anxiety feminisation of survival invisible labour unrecognised women's work empowerment gender roles work-life balance gender inequality labour force recognition economic empowerment work-care conflict women's mental load care economy Sassen 2002 gendered division of labour social recognition of women's work gender roles unpaid care work feminisation of labour labour market inequality work-life balance invisible labour gendered division of labour women's empowerment reproductive labour care economy women's mental health breadwinner anxiety time poverty gender wage gap recognition of women's work social reproduction gendered burden dual workload empowerment paradox gender discrimination Sassen family care responsibilities economic survival feminised survival participation versus empowerment policy responses intersectionality work recognition domestic labour equality women's time use
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro01a	The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, fetal pain fetal development pain perception in fetuses third trimester abortion late-term abortion partial-birth abortion dilation and extraction abortion procedures abortion controversy abortion ethics neurological development in fetuses fetal nervous system maternal psychological impact abortion and mental health pro-life arguments unborn child child rights fetal rights Susan J. Lee fetal pain evidence abortion legislation abortion and morality debate on abortion JAMA fetal pain study abortion and brain development medical ethics abortion fetal pain third trimester abortion partial-birth abortion late-term abortion abortion procedure fetal development unborn child pain perception abortion ethics abortion methods maternal psychological impact fetal brain development abortion controversy abortion and pain JAMA fetal pain study maternal mental health abortion and depression abortion and rape abortion and pregnancy complications abortion legislation abortion morality fetal viability fetal pain third trimester abortion partial-birth abortion late-term abortion abortion procedures fetal development fetal brain abortion controversy ethical issues abortion unborn child abortion and pain perception maternal psychological impact rape and pregnancy teenage pregnancy abortion depression and abortion medical ethics abortion JAMA fetal pain study Susan J. Lee fetal pain review abortion risks pro-life arguments abortion legislation fetal pain viability third trimester abortion pain partial-birth abortion ethics evidence fetal pain perception psychological effects abortion maternal mental health abortion abortion procedures late term pain sensation in fetuses unborn child pain awareness third trimester abortion legal late-term abortion moral arguments fetal neurological development fetus pain response studies abortion and maternal trauma fetal anesthesia in abortions abortion physical vs psychological harm ethical implications partial-birth abortion fetal consciousness gestational age scientific studies fetal pain abortion debate pain evidence fetal pain third trimester abortion partial-birth abortion late-term abortion fetal development abortion procedures fetal brain development fetal pain perception abortion ethics psychological effects of abortion maternal mental health infant viability pain pathways in fetus JAMA fetal pain review Susan J. Lee fetal pain study abortion and maternal health abortion and fetal rights abortion controversy pro-life arguments abortion physical risks abortion methods abortion debate moral implications of abortion neurological development in fetuses legal status of partial-birth abortion fetal pain third trimester abortion partial-birth abortion abortion procedure late-term abortion abortion ethics fetal development psychological impact of abortion physical effects of abortion abortion and maternal health abortion and fetal viability evidence of fetal pain abortion controversy pro-life arguments pro-choice arguments Lee Susan J fetal pain study JAMA abortion research abortion legislation unborn child rights abortion and mental health abortion debate foetal pain fetal pain late-term abortion partial-birth abortion third trimester abortion abortion procedure D&X dilation and extraction unborn child fetal development brain development fetus viability abortion ethics abortion controversy abortion and pain perception fetal neurology pain receptors in fetus psychological impact of abortion physical impact of abortion abortion in cases of rape teenage pregnancy maternal health fetal rights pro-life pro-choice JAMA fetal pain study abortion method description Susan J. Lee abortion medical ethics abortion and mental health mother’s psychological health abortion law abortion legislation fetal pain partial-birth abortion third trimester abortion late-term abortion abortion procedures fetal development unborn child maternal psychological effects abortion ethics fetal brain development abortion debate pro-life arguments abortion and pain perception abortion legality Susan J Lee study Journal of the American Medical Association maternal mental health depression and abortion abortion after rape teenage pregnancy abortion physical vs psychological harm abortion controversy abortion medical ethics fetal pain studies abortion law infanticide abortion technique abortion risks abortion consequences anti-abortion arguments fetal pain partial-birth abortion third trimester late-term abortion abortion procedures fetus pain perception fetal development abortion controversy abortion ethics pro-life arguments abortion and psychological impact maternal mental health rape and abortion teenage pregnancy abortion Susan J. Lee fetal pain study JAMA fetal pain review abortion pain evidence abortion legislation abortion medical ethics unborn child rights abortion debate fetal pain pain perception in fetuses third trimester abortion partial-birth abortion procedure late-term abortion abortion methods fetal development brain development in fetuses abortion ethics psychological effects of abortion maternal psychological trauma rape-related pregnancy teenage pregnancy abortion abortion legality abortion controversy fetal viability Susan J. Lee fetal pain study fetal pain evidence abortion procedure risks anti-abortion arguments JAMA fetal pain review
test-international-segiahbarr-pro04a	Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 mobile technology digital inclusion ICT adoption mobile communications infrastructure development internet access telecommunication smartphone penetration technology diffusion rural connectivity digital transformation e-agriculture mobile banking financial inclusion agri-tech television ownership digital literacy household technology smallholder farmers legume technology agricultural innovation biological nitrogen fixation yield improvement Pan-African initiatives technology impact Africa techno-optimism sustainable development emerging markets Africa digital growth industrial innovation tech-enabled services digital divide technology adoption in Africa mobile phone penetration African telecommunications mobile banking Africa agricultural technology Africa mobile communications impact ICT in Africa digital transformation Africa infrastructure development Africa rural connectivity Africa legume technology Africa biological nitrogen fixation Africa smallholder farmers technology African television ownership technological leapfrogging Africa fintech Africa Africa economic development mobile services Africa digital inclusion Africa technology adoption digital inclusion mobile phones Africa mobile communications infrastructure development digital transformation mobile banking Africa agro-information services household technology Africa television penetration farming technology Africa industrial technology Africa legume technology Africa biological nitrogen fixation smallholder farmers Africa ICT Africa rural connectivity digital economy Africa technological empowerment socioeconomic impact Africa greater access to technology in Africa impact of mobile phones in Africa technological transformation in Africa mobile communication infrastructure Africa increase in mobile phone ownership Africa mobile banking Africa agro-information services Africa household technology adoption Africa television ownership Africa technological advancement and farming Africa industrial techniques development Africa legume technology Africa Pan-African agricultural projects biological nitrogen fixation Africa improving yields smallholder farmers Africa transforming African economies technology leapfrogging traditional infrastructure Africa digital divide Africa ICT development Africa future of technology in Africa socioeconomic impact of mobile technology Africa technology adoption Africa mobile phone penetration Africa mobile banking Africa agro-information services Africa technological impact African economies mobile communications infrastructure Africa television ownership Africa household technology Africa agricultural technology Africa industrial techniques Africa Pan-African technology projects legume technology Africa biological nitrogen fixation Africa smallholder farmer technology Africa digital transformation Africa ICT development Africa rural connectivity Africa infrastructure development Africa mobile services economic impact Africa sub-Saharan Africa technology trends Africa technology access mobile phone penetration Africa impact of mobile communications Africa technology adoption Africa mobile banking Africa agro-information services Africa household technology Africa television ownership Africa technological transformation Africa infrastructure development Africa farming technology Africa industrial techniques Africa Pan-African technology projects biological nitrogen fixation Africa smallholder farmers technology digital divide Africa technology empowerment Africa economic impact technology Africa rural connectivity Africa ICT Africa technology adoption digital divide mobile phone penetration African technological development mobile communications infrastructure digital transformation ICT in Africa mobile banking agro-information services household technology television ownership Africa farming technology industrial techniques Pan-African projects legume improvement soil enrichment biological nitrogen fixation smallholder farmers agricultural innovation rural connectivity economic development Africa tech-enabled businesses information access mobile services Africa rural technology adoption digital literacy Africa technology access Africa digital transformation Africa mobile phone adoption Africa mobile banking Africa agro-information technology Africa household technology Africa African infrastructure development ICT growth Africa television ownership Africa African digital economy rural connectivity Africa farming technology Africa agricultural innovation Africa Pan-African tech projects legume technology Africa biological nitrogen fixation Africa smallholder farmer technology African industrial development African communication technology socioeconomic impact technology Africa digital divide technology adoption mobile phone penetration ICT in Africa mobile banking telecommunication infrastructure rural connectivity agricultural technology e-agriculture technological innovation development impact access to information digital literacy economic development mobile services television ownership household technology Pan-African tech projects legume farming technology nitrogen fixation smallholder farmer support digital transformation Africa technology trends digital divide ICT adoption Africa mobile technology impact Africa technology access rural areas African economic development technological infrastructure Africa mobile banking Africa agro-information services smallholder farmers technology Pan-African technology projects household technology adoption television ownership Africa agricultural innovation Africa industrial development Africa legume technology Africa biological nitrogen fixation Africa smartphone penetration Africa internet access Africa technology and education Africa smart agriculture Africa
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con02a	Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. welfare policy social safety net means testing poverty alleviation income inequality basic needs government assistance targeted support social programs school breakfast eligibility low-income families food security public benefits economic justice resource allocation social equity hunger reduction breakfast subsidies federal aid social inclusion government welfare reducing poverty income inequality basic needs social safety net food security means-tested programs targeted assistance school breakfast low-income families public assistance social equity nutritional support welfare policy disadvantaged groups need-based eligibility universal basic services anti-poverty programs equitable resource distribution social responsibility educational nutrition programs subsistence standards targeted subsidies household income thresholds income inequality social welfare means-tested benefits public assistance poverty reduction social safety net food insecurity universal basic income targeted support school meal programs US School Breakfast Program government aid socioeconomic status food assistance nutritional support marginalized communities equitable resource allocation social justice welfare eligibility anti-poverty policy means tested breakfast programs government support for low income families targeting government aid for breakfasts reducing inequality through school meal programs equitable food assistance policies school breakfast program eligibility focusing government resources on the needy welfare policies for disadvantaged students poverty reduction and food security basic living standards and government intervention public policy means testing effectiveness of the US School Breakfast Program arguments for means-tested benefits addressing childhood hunger with targeted programs government obligation to support vulnerable populations government responsibility reducing inequality social welfare basic living standards food security means-tested programs targeted assistance poverty alleviation school breakfast program social safety nets welfare policy economic inequality universal vs targeted benefits public assistance low-income support social justice nutrition programs equitable resource allocation income-based eligibility government intervention means tested breakfast policy government responsibility inequality basic living standard food targeted social welfare programs US School Breakfast Program example reducing poverty through food assistance government aid for low income families equitable resource allocation means testing social programs breakfast provision for needy students welfare eligibility criteria government support for vulnerable populations food security policies public assistance targeting effectiveness of targeted welfare poverty reduction social welfare income inequality means-tested benefits public assistance school breakfast programs government responsibility food security social safety net basic needs welfare eligibility targeted support social justice economic disparity child nutrition public policy low-income families government aid equitable access anti-poverty programs social equity nutritional assistance public spending taxpayer resources resource allocation breakfast subsidies United States policies social programs needs-based support educational nutrition programs government welfare policies means-tested benefits reducing inequality basic living standards food security programs targeted assistance social safety nets school breakfast program public assistance eligibility poverty reduction strategies equitable resource allocation supporting low-income families anti-poverty initiatives social justice economic disparity government responsibility child nutrition programs federal nutrition assistance social welfare programs income-based support public policy reform educational support for disadvantaged universal vs targeted assistance school meal subsidies effective government intervention social welfare poverty alleviation income inequality basic needs government assistance means testing food security social safety net equitable resource distribution targeted welfare programs school meal programs universal basic income public policy socioeconomic status welfare eligibility social justice nutrition programs economic disparity government subsidies breakfast program effectiveness government assistance poverty reduction social welfare means testing income inequality public policy basic needs social safety net food security school meal programs welfare eligibility targeted assistance economic justice federal nutrition programs social justice low-income families public benefits equity in policy access to food social support programs
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro02a	Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. alternative medicine complementary therapy integrative medicine unconventional treatments cancer therapies clinical trials efficacy scientific evidence peer-reviewed studies research funding National Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine Dutch government research negative results placebo effect mainstream medical journals pseudoscience proven treatments conventional medicine standard of care evidence-based medicine medical legitimacy treatment effectiveness terminal disease therapies alternative health claims medical skepticism alternative cancer treatments clinical trial results efficacy evidence alternative medicine research NCCAM studies government-funded research Dutch alternative medicine mainstream medical journals peer-reviewed studies disproven alternative therapies terminal disease treatments conventional medicine efficacy research exercises negative study outcomes comparative treatment efficacy medical benefit validation alternative medicine legitimacy alternative cancer treatments efficacy clinical trials National Centre for Complementary and Alternative Medicine NCCAM Dutch government research mainstream medical journals research funding peer-reviewed studies disproven treatments alternative therapies terminal diseases evidence-based medicine conventional medicine proven treatments legitimacy of alternative medicine negative results alternative medical community complementary medicine placebo effect cancer therapy outcomes scientific validation medical research treatment effectiveness integrative oncology alternative cancer treatments clinical trials efficacy of alternative medicine research National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines funding outcomes Dutch government alternative therapy studies peer-reviewed studies alternative therapies failure rates alternative medicine severe diseases disproven alternative treatments evidence criticisms of alternative medicine studies odds of negative results alternative therapies comparison conventional vs alternative medicine proven treatments conventional medicine mainstream medical journal alternative therapy studies legitimacy arguments alternative medical community evidence-based medicine vs alternative medicine alternative therapies funding effectiveness medical benefit unproven alternative treatments repeated negative results alternative medicine research alternative cancer treatments clinical trials efficacy National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines research funding Dutch government alternative therapies mainstream medical journals severe diseases terminal diseases peer-reviewed studies disproven treatments negative research results conventional medicine evidence-based medicine proven treatments scientific skepticism alternative medical community legitimacy claims research methodology placebo effect integrative medicine pseudoscience healthcare policy regulatory standards alternative cancer treatments clinical trials efficacy of alternative medicine alternative therapies research outcomes National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines studies Dutch government alternative medicine research peer-reviewed alternative therapy studies alternative vs conventional medicine effectiveness alternative medicine clinical trial results scientific evidence for alternative cancer treatments proven alternative cancer therapies mainstream medical journals alternative treatments alternative medicine funding research failure of alternative treatments clinical evidence comparison conventional and alternative cancer treatments alternative cancer treatments disproven studies alternative cancer treatments efficacy clinical trials National Centre for Complementary and Alternative Medicine research funding Dutch government alternative therapies mainstream medical journals peer-reviewed studies medical benefit severe diseases terminal diseases negative results scientific evidence conventional medicine proven treatments research outcomes medical legitimacy placebo effect evidence-based medicine clinical efficacy validation pseudoscience experimental medicine health policy comparative effectiveness alternative cancer treatments efficacy clinical trials alternative medicine National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines research Dutch government alternative medicine funding alternative therapies mainstream journals peer-reviewed studies alternative medicine research on alternative cancer treatments evidence-based alternative therapies failed alternative cancer treatment studies comparison conventional vs alternative medicine proven cancer treatment methods alternative medicine legitimacy debates cost of alternative cancer research effectiveness of conventional cancer therapies negative results alternative therapies alternative cancer treatments efficacy clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines research funding alternative therapies mainstream medical journals peer-reviewed studies medical benefit severe diseases terminal diseases study methodology research outcomes conventional medicine evidence-based medicine proven treatments placebo effect integrative medicine complementary therapies published results scientific validation alternative medicine complementary medicine integrative medicine clinical trials efficacy scientific evidence placebo effect peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine randomized controlled trials medical research funding cancer treatment evidence-based medicine pseudoscience homeopathy naturopathy herbal remedies mainstream medicine medical journals research methodology health policy regulatory standards quackery public perception medical ethics government-funded research Cochrane reviews systematic reviews
test-international-gmehwasr-pro04a	Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Syrian Civil War external support Russia Iran Hezbollah Basij militia Jaysh al-Shabi military assistance foreign intervention pro-Assad forces rebel support Qatar Saudi Arabia arms supply diplomatic backing Free Syrian Army Syrian opposition international involvement military aid arms embargo balance of power regional actors proxy war Middle East politics sectarian conflict regime support insurgency Syria conflict resolution foreign fighters asymmetrical warfare civil war dynamics Syrian government support external support Syria Russia Syria involvement Iran Syria alliance Hezbollah Syria intervention Jaysh al-Shabi training Basij militia Syria Iranian military assistance Syria Russian military aid Syria Hezbollah fighters Syria rebel support Syria Qatar support rebels Saudi Arabia support rebels Syrian opposition assistance diplomatic support Syria foreign intervention Syria military aid Syrian conflict balance of power Syria free Syrian cause arm Syrian rebels Syrian conflict foreign intervention Russia support Syria Iran involvement Syria Hezbollah Syria Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia rebel support Qatar rebel support Saudi Arabia Syrian civil war diplomacy arms to Syrian rebels military aid Syria Syrian opposition support international response Syria proxy war Syria Syrian government allies Free Syrian Army Syrian war external actors regional powers Syria Syrian government outside support Russian support for Syria Iranian support for Assad Iran Syria military aid Hezbollah involvement Syria Jaysh al-Shabi training Iran Basij militia Syria Syrian rebels foreign support Qatar support Syrian rebels Saudi Arabia aid Syrian opposition balance Syrian conflict foreign aid Western support Syrian rebels arming Syrian opposition US involvement Syria diplomatic support Syria military intervention Syria regional powers Syrian Civil War proxy war Syria foreign fighters Syria impact foreign support Syrian war Syrian civil war government support foreign intervention Russia Iran Hezbollah external aid military assistance arms supply Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Lebanon Qatar Saudi Arabia rebel support proxy forces Middle East conflict diplomatic backing Syrian rebels international involvement conflict resolution coalition forces strategic alliances Syrian conflict support Syrian government allies Russia Iran Syria Hezbollah Syria involvement Iran Basij Jaysh al-Shabi Syrian rebels foreign support Qatar Saudi rebel aid foreign intervention Syria arms to Syrian rebels international response Syrian war military aid Syria balance of power Syria proxy war Syria diplomatic vs military support Syria Free Syrian Army support Syrian government support outside assistance Syria Russian involvement Syria Iranian military support Syria Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia model Hezbollah fighters Syria Lebanese involvement Syria arms supplies Syria foreign fighters Syria rebel support Qatar rebel support Saudi Arabia diplomatic support Syria free Syrian cause military intervention Syria proxy war Syria Syrian civil war allies Iran Syria relations Russia Syria relations Hezbollah Syria relations Qatar Syria relations Saudi Arabia Syria relations arming Syrian rebels international intervention Syria Syrian government support Russian support Syria Iranian support Syria Hezbollah in Syria Jaysh al-Shabi training Basij militia Syria foreign fighters Syria Syrian rebels Qatar support Syrian rebels Saudi Arabia support Syrian rebels arming Syrian rebels proxy war Syria diplomatic support Syria military support Syria Free Syrian cause Syrian civil war intervention Michael Doran Syria Salman Shaikh Syria Foreign Policy Syria article Syrian government support external support Syria Russia Iran Syria Iran Hezbollah Syria Jaysh al-Shabi Iranian Basij influence Syria Syrian rebels support Qatar Saudi Arabia Syria foreign fighters Syria conflict arms supply Syria proxy war Syria diplomatic support Syria military intervention Syria Syrian civil war alliances Free Syrian cause international involvement Syria Syrian conflict 2013 arming Syrian rebels Hezbollah intervention Syria Middle East geopolitics Syrian conflict external support Russia Iran Hezbollah Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia foreign intervention military aid rebel support Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic support arming rebels proxy war civil war Middle East politics balance of power international involvement foreign fighters Syria government forces opposition groups
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek default Eurozone stability euro continuity Grexit euro currency Germany currency strength deutschmark Eurozone population single currency policy response European Union financial markets investment levels economic uncertainty Eurozone members financial transactions market confidence macroeconomic impact fiscal policy monetary policy crisis response currency competitiveness Eurozone integration sovereign debt crisis financial contagion economic recovery investor sentiment European Central Bank capital flows economic resilience Greek default Eurozone stability Eurozone exit euro survival euro currency Greek euro exit Eurozone population euro policy Germany deutschmark euro competitiveness Eurozone leaders single currency Eurozone protection Greek departure investment Eurozone Eurozone uncertainty Eurozone fear Eurozone investment Eurozone transactions economic stability Eurozone financial stability Eurozone Nick Parsons Eurozone crisis Greece leaves euro European monetary union euro impact currency strength fiscal policy Eurozone euro investment Eurozone economics Greek debt crisis sovereign default Grexit Eurozone stability single currency euro German competitiveness deutschmark monetary union investor confidence market uncertainty financial contagion fiscal policy European Central Bank economic recovery Euro area policy response capital flows economic integration financial markets structural reforms bailout contagion risk Eurogroup member states currency devaluation investment climate institutional resilience Greek default Eurozone stability Greece euro exit consequences impact on Eurozone after Greek default euro currency future after Greek exit Germany response to euro crisis deutschmark reintroduction risks Eurozone investment post-Greek exit transaction levels after Greek departure policy response to Eurozone crisis Eurozone population single currency economic competitiveness post-euro uncertainty reduction Eurozone Greek default investor confidence Eurozone crisis Eurozone unity after Greece economic implications Greek euro exit Greece leaving euro new beginning effects on euro value Greek exit strengthening Eurozone after Greek departure Eurozone policy strategies international investment Greece euro crisis Greek debt crisis Eurozone stability Grexit Eurozone breakup euro currency German competitiveness deutschmark single currency economic uncertainty Eurozone investment Eurozone policy monetary union fiscal union European Central Bank euro resilience sovereign default member state exit financial contagion investor confidence currency value economic recovery Greece financial crisis European integration EU economic policy euro area members fiscal discipline Greek default implications Eurozone stability euro continuity post-Grexit Germany euro policy deutschmark comeback risks currency competitiveness euro population percentage Eurozone policy response investment after Greek exit Eurozone transaction increase uncertainty reduction Eurozone single currency protection economic effects Greek exit financial markets Eurozone Eurozone crisis management Grexit impact analysis investor confidence Eurozone currency strength Germany Nick Parsons Eurozone analysis Guardian euro crisis Greek default Eurozone stability euro survival Greek exit Eurozone resilience Germany currency tradition deutschmark currency strength Eurozone population single currency policy protection Greek departure uncertainty reduction increased investment intra-Eurozone transactions Eurozone crisis economic competitiveness currency devaluation financial integration investment flows market confidence monetary union currency union macroeconomic stability economic recovery fiscal policy Eurozone leadership financial markets investor sentiment economic policy Greek default Eurozone stability Grexit euro future Germany currency deutschmark euro value Eurozone investment Eurozone competitiveness policy response euro single currency Eurozone member countries fear reduction economic uncertainty financial markets Eurozone recovery euro resilience monetary union currency crisis eurozone leadership post-Grexit economy euro area integration Eurozone transaction volume eurozone economic outlook Greece exit impact Greek crisis Eurozone stability Eurozone investment Greek exit effects euro currency future euro resilience German currency policy deutschmark implications Eurozone competitiveness single currency sustainability financial uncertainty reduction investment attraction Eurozone Eurozone economic integration policy response Eurozone European monetary union Greek default Eurozone stability euro currency Greek exit Eurozone future investment in Eurozone Eurozone competitiveness deutschmark return Germany currency policy Eurozone policy response currency crisis investment confidence reducing uncertainty financial markets Eurozone single currency macroeconomic implications economic impact Eurozone reforms European monetary union
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro04a	Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ child performers physical vulnerability professional sports injury risk broken bones fatal injuries gymnastics Julissa Gomez acting risks dancing risks pressure to stay thin unhealthy body image over-exercising eating disorders athletes anorexia nervosa mental health child dancers Lena Zavaroni opportunity knocks body image issues health risks legality child protection sports injuries psychological impact child actors performance anxiety overtraining risk mitigation child welfare child health performance industry harm prevention child performers physical vulnerability sports injuries professional sports risks breaking bones fatal injuries gymnastics accidents performer health risks child actors child dancers pressure to stay thin unhealthy body image over-exercising eating disorders anorexia nervosa childhood dance athletic risk child athlete safety performance pressure legal protections for child performers health consequences of performing physical harm in entertainment industry child welfare in sports child welfare in performing arts child performers physical vulnerability professional sports risks athlete injuries gymnastics fatalities eating disorders over-exercising child actors child dancers anorexia nervosa performance pressure child health risks performer body image sports-related deaths mental health in child performers ballet injuries sports trauma child performer legislation Lena Zavaroni Julissa Gomez body image pressure occupational hazards childhood anorexia pediatric sports medicine performer well-being child performers physical risks sports injury risks for children child athletes breaking bones fatal sports injuries in children gymnastics injury case study Julissa Gomez gymnastics injury professional sports physical dangers risks for child actors risks for child dancers child performers encouraged to stay thin eating disorders in child performers over-exercising risks in child athletes anorexia nervosa risk child dancers Lena Zavaroni eating disorder health risks for child stars legal protection for child performers should children perform professionally child labor laws in entertainment preventing physical harm to child performers psychological impact of performance on children parental responsibility child performers causes child performers physical vulnerability athlete injuries sports risks gymnastics accidents eating disorders child actors child dancers anorexia nervosa professional sports over-exercising body image pressure performing arts childhood mortality young athletes Julissa Gomez Lena Zavaroni opportunity knocks child health risks fatal injuries performer wellbeing eating disorder prevalence athlete nutrition child entertainment industry sports medicine performing arts hazards child performer health risks sports injuries in children eating disorders in child performers anorexia in young dancers physical vulnerability in child athletes fatalities in child sports psychological impact of performing arts on children child actors health issues over-exercising in child athletes legal protection for child performers gymnastics injury risks child dancer anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni eating disorder Julissa Gomez injury body image in child performers occupational health for child entertainers child performers physical vulnerability professional sports injury risk broken bones sports fatalities gymnastics accidents Julissa Gomez acting risks dancing risks body image pressure unhealthy thinness over-exercising eating disorders childhood anorexia dancer health athlete health Lena Zavaroni mental health risks child actor dangers child dancer perils sports safety performance industry youth health problems illegal child exposure physical harm child protection performer health hazards young athletes long-term health effects BBC News anorexia Hoffman obituaries child performer risks physical vulnerability children child athletes injuries sports injury children fatal sports injuries Julissa Gomez case gymnastics child safety child actor health young dancers eating disorders professional sports risks children over-exercising children child performer anorexia childhood dance anorexia Lena Zavaroni eating disorder child performer legislation child exploitation performance body image child performers mental health young performers child obesity prevention performers eating disorder prevention children child welfare entertainment industry child labor laws performing arts safeguarding child performers child health entertainment industry sports safety minors protecting young athletes child performers physical vulnerability professional sports injuries child athlete risks gymnastics injury Julissa Gomez fatal performance injuries performing arts health risks acting risks dancing risks child eating disorders anorexia nervosa childhood dancers over-exercising body image pressure Lena Zavaroni child star health sports-related fatalities eating disorder prevalence child performer legislation health protection laws child welfare in entertainment child sports safety performing arts physical risks injuries in child actors professional child athletes child performers physical vulnerability sports injuries bone fractures gymnastics accidents fatalities over-exercising eating disorders anorexia nervosa child actors child dancers performance pressure athlete health risks body image in performance child safety regulations professional sports children performer mental health unsafe weight loss health consequences legal protection for child performers
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con01a	A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenditure air transport sea transport logistical challenges permanent establishment training costs equipment diversity terrain adaptability state armed forces mission-specific preparation global deployment operational scope multinational forces peacekeeping missions member state contributions resource allocation force readiness strategic flexibility comparative advantages defense budget international security military logistics rapid deployment multi-environment operations UN standing army United Nations military costs peacekeeping force expenses global rapid deployment logistical challenges air transport costs sea transport costs military training expenditure equipping multinational forces terrain adaptability permanent military establishment comparative cost analysis state vs UN forces mission-specific troops military readiness peacekeeping efficiency global security expenses force preparation challenges multinational military cooperation cost-benefit analysis optimal peacekeeping models UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenditure air transport costs sea transport costs permanent establishment costs training expenses equipment costs force readiness terrain adaptability state armed forces force specialization operational flexibility multilateral military cooperation troop contributions peacekeeping missions burden sharing military logistics comparative analysis United Nations peace operations force structure scalability resource allocation defense economics military budgeting international security coalition forces UN standing army cost analysis UN military expense comparison UN standing force logistical challenges UN peacekeeping vs national armies benefits of national armed forces drawbacks of UN standing military air and sea transport costs UN army permanent establishment cost UN troop training UN standing army equipment diversity UN military cost-effective UN security strategies alternatives to UN standing army member states contribution UN military mission-specific troop deployment UN multinational peacekeeping advantages terrain adaptability military UN universal force readiness UN drawbacks military spending UN vs national armies UN military scalability operational flexibility UN security forces UN standing army military expenditure peacekeeping costs global force logistics air and sea transport permanent military establishment force training equipment diversity terrain adaptation state armed forces targeted military strategy comparative cost effectiveness multinational military cooperation UN peacekeeping model mission-specific deployment force flexibility resource allocation international security military readiness member state contributions UN peacekeeping costs United Nations military expenses standing army disadvantages UN rapid deployment force cost-benefit analysis UN army military logistics United Nations existing UN model benefits multinational troop contributions global peacekeeping strategies military readiness costs specialized versus general forces air and sea transport expenses force deployment scenarios member state contributions international military cooperation UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenditure operational costs air transport sea transport global deployment permanent establishment military training force equipment terrain adaptation state armed forces specific battles tailored strategies universal readiness multinational force peacekeeping budget troop contributions member states mission specialization flexible deployment joint operations current UN model peacekeeping effectiveness resource allocation security council logistics challenges military readiness defense economics international military cooperation UN standing army costs UN military budget peacekeeping expenses UN rapid deployment international military cooperation standing force logistics multinational defense costs state vs. UN armed forces military expenditure comparison global intervention readiness UN military capability permanent UN military force military training costs peacekeeping force efficiency military equipment costs troop deployment costs air and sea transport military terrain readiness military flexible peacekeeping forces UN vs. national armies cost-benefit analysis UN army UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenditure global rapid deployment air and sea transport logistics permanent bases universal training costs equipment diversity operational flexibility comparative analysis with state armies specialized military forces mission-specific readiness interoperability multinational military collaboration peacekeeping models member state contributions scalability financial sustainability force projection logistical challenges tailored response strategies UN standing army cost-effectiveness military expenditure peacekeeping operations air and sea transport logistics costs permanent establishment training costs equipping forces terrain adaptability military flexibility state armed forces targeted preparation operational scope UN peacekeeping model troop contributions member state participation specialized missions force deployment global security multinational forces
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro01a	Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 transparency accountability trust legitimacy government openness institutional reliability security services public confidence information disclosure intelligence oversight ethical governance fact-checking democratic values public sector integrity open government transparency regulation international relations state trust civic engagement taxpayer trust credible institutions security transparency public scrutiny trust-building oversight mechanisms transparency in security ethical intelligence government credibility institutional transparency public trust transparency and legitimacy transparency in governance transparency trust accountability legitimacy state institutions government trust public trust institutional transparency security services intelligence services national security public accountability public confidence transparency in government transparency in security CIA torture post-9/11 transparency state legitimacy democratic governance transparency regulation international relations transparency transparency and legitimacy open government facts verification taxpayer accountability public sector trust transparency benefits trust in institutions transparency and security transparency and public safety transparency and democracy transparency trust accountability legitimacy government institutions public confidence openness information disclosure security services public oversight democratic governance public trust institutional credibility transparency regulation intelligence agencies CIA government accountability freedom of information ethical governance rule of law public sector ethics transparency in security state legitimacy civil liberties government secrecy transparency and public trust transparency in government transparency in intelligence services impact of transparency on legitimacy transparency versus security transparency and accountability transparency in post-9/11 intelligence transparency and institutional trust transparency and public perception transparency and taxpayer confidence transparency and ethical governance transparency and legitimacy of institutions transparency and democratic principles transparency and state legitimacy transparency and effective governance challenges of transparency in security transparency and international relations transparency and oversight in intelligence agencies transparency and ethical dilemmas in security transparency in counter-terrorism transparency and historical accountability transparency trust legitimacy accountability government institutions security services public trust institutional transparency intelligence services CIA torture 9/11 transparency regulation international relations oversight public confidence state legitimacy information disclosure legal accountability citizen safety government credibility governmental ethics public policy open government secrecy whistleblowing administrative transparency European Law Foreign Policy trust in government transparency and trust transparency in government accountability in public institutions trust in security services transparency in intelligence agencies legitimacy through transparency transparency and legitimacy transparency in public policy importance of transparency in democracy trust in government effects of transparency on trust transparency in international relations transparency regulation oversight of intelligence services transparency after 9/11 calls for government transparency transparency and public confidence role of transparency in accountability transparency and public safety trust and legitimacy in governance transparency trust legitimacy government accountability public institutions security services intelligence services CIA torture post-9/11 openness information disclosure fact-checking public confidence state legitimacy taxpayer oversight institutional credibility public interest international relations regulatory transparency democratic values law enforcement public safety ethical governance transparency regulation oversight mechanisms citizen trust governmental secrecy state integrity transparency trust in institutions government accountability legitimacy transparency in security intelligence services oversight transparency and legitimacy public trust security services trust and democracy transparency and trust institutional transparency transparency regulation CIA transparency torture transparency transparency in government transparency and security trust in government public accountability oversight mechanisms citizen trust transparency in intelligence security agency oversight transparency benefits transparency challenges state trust transparency in international relations transparency and public interest transparency trust accountability institutional legitimacy government transparency public trust security sector transparency intelligence agencies CIA torture 9/11 aftermath transparency in security taxpayer oversight institutional trust regulatory transparency state legitimacy public accountability open government security services oversight transparency regulation legitimacy of intelligence services government ethics public confidence democratic accountability abuse of power transparency and security post-9/11 intelligence public administration transparency foreign policy transparency transparency in law enforcement transparency trust legitimacy accountability government institutions security services intelligence agencies public trust openness public accountability democratic governance oversight institutional credibility transparency regulation CIA use of torture post-9/11 state legitimacy citizen trust freedom of information ethics in government public policy national security secret services oversight mechanisms transparency in intelligence trust in government government transparency democratic oversight whistleblowing institutional integrity
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro03a	"Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 sanctions engagement peace treaty North Korea South Korea United States negotiation provocation security guarantees diplomatic efforts armistice agreement US-North Korea relations inter-Korean relations denuclearization conflict resolution regional stability military alliance confidence-building measures international diplomacy Korean Peninsula hostilities peace negotiations political strategy US-South Korea alliance separation tactics foreign policy security cooperation North Korea negotiations peace treaty US-North Korea relations South Korea sanctions effectiveness diplomatic engagement North Korean provocations US-South Korea alliance security guarantees divided alliances peace process Korean War armistice US-North Korea trust-building negotiation strategies peace deal obstacles regional stability denuclearization inter-Korean relations international response failed negotiations US foreign policy North Korean strategy peace agreement Korea conflict resolution North Korea peace treaty United States South Korea sanctions diplomatic engagement provocation response Korean War security guarantees negotiation strategy US-North Korea relations inter-Korean relations armistice agreement conflict resolution regional stability denuclearization military alliance diplomatic negotiations confidence-building international diplomacy hostility reduction unification security policy foreign policy negotiation tactics US-South Korea alliance peace process North Korea peace treaty negotiations US-North Korea peace treaty proposals North Korea-South Korea peace process North Korea provocations response effectiveness impact of sanctions on North Korea North Korea diplomatic engagement strategies North Korea US-South Korea relations North Korea attempt to divide US-South Korea alliance alternatives to North Korea sanctions North Korea confidence-building measures implications of ignoring North Korea provocations North Korea negotiation strategy exclusions reduced negotiating parties in Korean peace talks historical proposals for US-North Korea peace treaty deterrence and security guarantees on Korean peninsula North Korea motivations for bilateral treaty North Korea end of war proposals North Korea peace treaty United States South Korea sanctions engagement provocations negotiation strategy US-North Korea relations inter-Korean relations diplomacy security guarantees alliance state of war US-South Korea alliance conflict resolution diplomatic engagement Korean Peninsula division hostile relations 2010 peace proposal negotiating tactics North Korean objectives international relations ceasefire armistice regional stability North Korea peace treaty North Korea US negotiations US South Korea alliance North Korean provocations responses sanctions vs engagement North Korea peace treaty negotiations North Korea diplomatic strategy US security guarantees South Korea inter-Korean relations ending Korean War North Korea confidence-building wedge strategy North Korea negotiating without South Korea Korean Peninsula peace process US-North Korea relations terminating Korean War state effect of sanctions on North Korea peace treaty obstacles North Korean objectives negotiations North Korea diplomatic isolation North Korea peace treaty United States South Korea sanctions engagement negotiation provocations state of war confidence building hostile relations diplomatic strategy security guarantees alliance US-South Korea relations mediation conflict resolution foreign policy Korean Peninsula armistice regime survival UN sanctions nuclear negotiations inter-Korean relations military deterrence international diplomacy North Korea peace treaty US-North Korea relations South Korea diplomatic relations Korean War armistice sanctions efficacy North Korea North Korea provocations USA-South Korea alliance peace negotiations Korean peninsula North Korea negotiation strategy US security guarantees South Korea North Korea diplomatic isolation peace treaty vs armistice Korea North Korean strategic objectives North Korea wedge strategy inter-Korean negotiations multilateral talks Korea confidence-building US North Korea North Korean foreign policy divided negotiation parties Korea North Korea international responses North Korea peace treaty United States South Korea sanctions engagement nuclear negotiations security guarantees North Korean provocations US-North Korea relations inter-Korean relations diplomatic strategy conflict resolution armistice agreement denuclearization confidence-building US-South Korea alliance regional security negotiation tactics international diplomacy military deterrence Korean peninsula regime survival hostile relations peace talks North Korea peace treaty United States South Korea Korean War armistice denuclearization security guarantees US-North Korea relations inter-Korean negotiations diplomatic engagement sanctions impact military provocation Kim Jong-un diplomacy alliance management regional security reunification prospects US-South Korea alliance North Korea strategy confidence-building measures multilateral talks nuclear weapons inter-Korean summit US foreign policy peace process Chinese mediation humanitarian aid international isolation security dilemma deterrence stability on Korean Peninsula"
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con04a	There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, West Bank borders legal status international recognition armistice line 1948 cease-fire Israel Jordan annexation Palestinian territory settlements legality Hebron Negev Palestinian statehood United Kingdom recognition Pakistan recognition international law sovereignty boundary disputes Israel-Palestine conflict territory demarcation occupied territories Middle East peace process border recognition UN resolutions de facto borders Green Line legitimacy of borders land ownership territorial claims state boundaries geopolitical disputes West Bank borders legal status armistice line 1948 cease-fire international recognition Israeli settlements Hebron Negev Jordan annexation United Kingdom Pakistan Palestinian territory international law boundary recognition Palestinian state Israel sovereignty territorial dispute 1988 Jordan renunciation Palestine Facts legal boundaries Middle East conflict UN resolutions Israeli-Palestinian conflict land ownership Geneva Convention disputed territories territorial claims occupation law West Bank borders armistice line international recognition 1948 cease-fire Israeli Jordanian forces Jordan annexation boundary legality United Kingdom Pakistan territorial status international law Israeli settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian statehood Palestinian territory annexation claims legal status sovereignty disputed territories border recognition 1967 borders Green Line occupation Middle East conflict Oslo Accords land dispute UN resolutions Geneva Convention West Bank borders legal status international recognition of West Bank boundaries 1948 armistice line significance Jordan annexation recognition legality of Israeli settlements international law and West Bank Palestinian state borders history Israel obligations under international law recognition of West Bank by UK and Pakistan West Bank territory annexation debate history of West Bank legal status sacredness of West Bank borders Israeli-Jordanian ceasefire line UN stance on West Bank borders Palestinian sovereignty claims history of borders in Middle East conflicts legal arguments for West Bank settlements international community and West Bank future borders of Palestinian state Jordan’s West Bank borders international recognition 1948 armistice line Jordan annexation United Kingdom recognition Pakistan recognition Israeli settlements legality Hebron settlements Negev settlements Palestinian territory annexation 1948 Palestinian state future Palestinian state Israel international law boundary legal status Jordan renouncement 1988 Palestine Facts cease-fire line disputed territories legal force of boundaries Middle East conflict international law and borders Arab-Israeli conflict sovereignty claims Israeli-Jordanian armistice West Bank legal status international recognition of borders 1948 armistice line Israeli-Jordanian ceasefire Jordan annexation of West Bank United Kingdom recognition Pakistan recognition legality of Israeli settlements West Bank borders legality Palestinian territory annexation international law and West Bank Palestinian state 1948 Hebron settlements Negev legal status Israel international responsibility boundaries legal force Jordan renouncing claims 1988 Palestine Facts source Israeli-Palestinian conflict borders Middle East border disputes UN recognition of borders West Bank borders armistice line Green Line 1948 cease-fire Israeli-Jordanian conflict international recognition legal status annexation Palestine statehood Jordanian annexation United Nations boundary disputes settlement legality Hebron Negev occupation international law sovereignty Palestinian territory border demarcation Middle East conflict UN resolutions border recognition UK and Pakistan recognition post-1948 borders territorial claims Israeli settlements Jordan renunciation 1988 Palestine Facts state borders ceasefire agreements boundaries legitimacy West Bank borders legal status West Bank international recognition West Bank Israel Jordan armistice line 1948 cease-fire line Jordan annexation West Bank United Kingdom recognition West Bank Pakistan recognition West Bank legality Israeli settlements West Bank sovereignty international law Israel Palestinian territory annexation 1988 Jordan West Bank renunciation Palestine Facts source boundaries Israeli-Palestinian conflict West Bank borders armistice lines international recognition legal status 1948 cease-fire Israel Jordan boundary Jordan annexation United Kingdom recognition Pakistan recognition legality of settlements Hebron settlements Negev settlements Israeli annexation Palestinian territory 1948 Palestinian state future Palestinian state Israel international obligations international law legal force of borders Jordan 1988 renunciation Palestine Facts sources West Bank legal status armistice lines international recognition 1948 cease-fire line Jordan annexation boundary disputes Israeli settlements legality Hebron Negev comparison Palestinian territory annexation international law 1949 Armistice Agreements Green Line borders legitimacy United Nations resolutions Israeli-Palestinian conflict state sovereignty Palestine statehood Israeli jurisdiction Middle East borders territorial claims
test-economy-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. women's empowerment gender equality empowerment alternatives sexual and reproductive health rights women's agency gender lens life course analysis gender discrimination access to education reproductive autonomy children's rights bodily autonomy gender-based violence violence against women equal access resource equity workforce participation women's labor market African women gender norms participation opportunities employment options policy interventions intersectionality sustainable empowerment gender mainstreaming reproductive justice human rights gender-inclusive policies women empowerment gender equality alternative empowerment strategies beyond employment gender lens life course sexual and reproductive health rights women's rights Africa body autonomy education access workforce participation labor market ending gender-based violence equal resources economic opportunities inclusive participation social inclusion women decision-making non-employment empowerment SDG gender equality intersectional empowerment reproductive justice policy interventions gender mainstreaming women’s social justice gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights women's empowerment alternatives to employment women's life course gender lens gender discrimination access to education reproductive rights Africa women's bodily autonomy girls' education employment preferences ending gender-based violence resource access for women women's participation socio-economic empowerment women's agency policy interventions sustainable development inclusive growth African women's rights equal opportunities labor market participation women's health reproductive justice gender justice women empowerment alternatives non-employment empowerment women gender lens life course women’s rights Africa sexual reproductive health women women body autonomy girls education empowerment women career choice Africa addressing gender inequality Africa violence against women solutions equal access resources women promoting women’s participation employment choice for women empowering African women women’s labour market inclusion women rights policy Africa beyond workforce women empowerment SRHR Africa women support for women’s agency intersectional gender policy tackling discrimination women strategies women empowerment enhancing women opportunities reproductive justice Africa resources for women empowerment women empowerment gender equality empowerment alternatives gender lens women life course sexual and reproductive health rights Africa women bodily autonomy education access employment choice SRHR gender discrimination violence against women resource access equal opportunities women's labor market women's participation workforce barriers intersectionality feminist policy inclusive development women's rights advocacy women's empowerment strategies alternatives to employment for women gender-sensitive life course gender inequality solutions women's sexual and reproductive rights women's access to healthcare Africa body autonomy for women Africa education access for women Africa workforce participation women ending violence against women Africa equal access to resources for women promoting women's opportunities gender lens policy Africa women's economic participation alternatives reproductive health rights policy Africa women empowerment gender equality alternatives to employment sexual and reproductive health rights gender lens women's life course Africa body autonomy girls' education career choice discrimination access to resources opportunity equality ending violence against women participation labour market workforce participation gender discrimination women's rights resource access societal change reproductive justice economic empowerment social participation policy reform health access women's autonomy African women gender policy women empowerment alternatives gender lens women's life course discrimination gender inequality sexual and reproductive health rights women's rights Africa women body autonomy women education Africa employment choice women gender equality solutions ending violence against women equal access to resources women women's participation opportunities labor market women Africa promoting women's agency women's health rights advocacy reproductive justice Africa intersectional gender policy African women's empowerment gender-based violence prevention inclusive economic opportunities women social justice women Africa gender transformative approaches feminist policy Africa women's rights agenda gender empowerment women's rights reproductive health sexual rights gender equality Africa women's education gender lens workplace diversity violence against women equal opportunity resource access women's participation life course employment alternatives gender discrimination women’s autonomy reproductive justice labor market school access agency intersectionality SDGs women’s health social justice choice Africa women empowerment policy reform women’s agency equal participation women’s empowerment gender equality reproductive health rights sexual rights gender lens alternative empowerment strategies Africa discriminatory practices women’s life course education access bodily autonomy employment choices workforce participation gender-based violence equal resources opportunity access women’s participation gender discrimination sustainable development social inclusion women’s rights Africa policy interventions gender mainstreaming
test-international-atiahblit-pro02a	Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. teacher professional development teacher qualifications quality assurance technical training theoretical training classroom management student engagement interactive teaching methods managerial skills in-service teacher training pre-service teacher education capacity building Uganda education initiatives Angola teacher training on-the-job training INSSTEP mobile caravan approach flexible training methods model schools knowledge transfer workload management teacher responsibilities contract terms HIV/AIDS education teacher support roles educational investment national education policy school inspections teacher mentoring educational stakeholders headteacher training World Bank education projects teacher professional development educational investment teacher qualifications instructional methods classroom management student engagement pre-service training in-service training continuous professional development teacher capacity building teacher effectiveness curriculum development teacher certification teaching standards school inspections education quality assurance model schools teacher workload teacher roles education policy teacher support instructional coaching teacher mentoring teaching strategies teacher-student interaction knowledge transfer educational best practices mobile teacher training on-the-job training secondary education World Bank education programs Uganda teacher initiatives Angola education HIV/AIDS education education leadership headteacher training school improvement professional development teacher qualifications pedagogical methods classroom management student engagement technical training theoretical training in-service education pre-service training capacity building teacher certification school inspection monitoring and evaluation on-the-job training model schools knowledge transfer teacher workload teacher roles educational investment education policy teacher support mobile learning teacher capacity headteacher training teaching standards HIV/AIDS education teacher responsibilities national education reform sub-Saharan Africa education teacher mentoring teacher training investment effective teacher training programs teacher qualification requirements teacher professional development in-service teacher training pre-service teacher training on-the-job teacher training teacher capacity building technical and theoretical teacher training classroom management methods student engagement techniques teacher-student interaction strategies teacher training in Uganda INSSTEP Uganda mobile-caravan teacher training model schools for teacher development teacher obligations and responsibilities teacher workload management teacher counseling training teacher HIV/AIDS advisory training World Bank teacher training initiatives scaling teacher training innovations national investment in teacher training education quality assurance secondary school teacher training programs monitoring teacher training outcomes teacher training investment in education quality control teacher qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction debate facilitation classroom management large class management in-service training pre-service training on-the-job training Uganda education Angola teacher training INSSTEP capacity building headteacher training teacher monitoring school inspections mobile caravan approach model schools teacher responsibilities knowledge transfer work pressure teacher contracts teacher obligations teacher roles carer counsellor HIV/AIDS education teacher support World Bank education education investment secondary school teacher training education initiatives education monitoring educational effectiveness teacher professional development in-service teacher training pre-service teacher education teacher qualifications technical training for teachers theoretical teacher training student-centered pedagogy classroom management strategies capacity building for teachers mobile teacher training programs model schools teacher responsibilities knowledge transfer in education reducing teacher workload teacher role in student counseling HIV/AIDS education for teachers teacher contract obligations teacher support systems educational quality assurance effective teacher interaction techniques on-the-job teacher training education investment national teacher policy educational outcomes improvement teacher training in Uganda teacher training in Angola INSSTEP project mobile-caravan teacher training school inspection teacher professional development teacher qualifications educational investment quality assurance teacher capacity building technical training theoretical training classroom management interactive pedagogy student engagement debate facilitation large class strategies in-service training pre-service training ongoing professional development on-the-job training instructional methods model schools instructional leadership headteacher training education system reform teacher workload teacher contracts teacher responsibilities multi-role educators HIV/AIDS education teacher support educational policy government investment international case studies Uganda education Angola education INSSTEP school inspections mobile training unit flexible teacher training knowledge transfer teacher professional development in-service training pre-service training teacher qualifications classroom management teacher capacity building technical teacher training theoretical teacher training student engagement methods debate facilitation large class management on-the-job teacher training Uganda teacher training Angola teacher initiatives INSSTEP project headteacher capacity building mobile-caravan training model schools teacher responsibilities teacher role expansion HIV/AIDS teacher training educational quality control school inspections government investment in education education investor teaching standards knowledge transfer workload alleviation teacher contracts education policy teacher support systems teacher education teacher professional development capacity building pedagogical skills teacher certification educational investment instructional strategies classroom management student engagement teacher effectiveness in-service training pre-service training mobile teacher training teacher mentorship model schools education quality assurance school leadership knowledge transfer teacher support teacher workload teacher roles educational policy teacher recruitment teacher retention educational innovation HIV/AIDS education continuing education staff development governmental investment public-private partnerships teacher professional development teacher qualification standards technical training pedagogical training student engagement techniques classroom management in-service teacher education pre-service teacher training on-the-job teacher training capacity building Uganda education initiatives Angola teacher training INSSTEP program school inspections mobile training methods Model schools teacher workload management teacher roles expansion teacher contract terms knowledge transfer in education HIV/AIDS education training teacher support systems education investment education quality improvement teacher responsibilities
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro03a	The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. asylum seeker verification asylum fraud documentation challenges identity verification economic migrants persecution evidence false asylum claims security risk asylum refugee status assessment immigration system abuse credibility assessment border control country of origin determination immigration officer judgment genuine asylum discrimination proof of persecution asylum decision process migration security forged documents asylum system vulnerabilities asylum system abuse asylum fraud false asylum claims genuine asylum seeker identification verifying asylum documentation evidence of persecution asylum applicant credibility economic migrants versus refugees security threats in asylum process challenges in asylum adjudication investigating officer judgement country of origin verification lack of documentation asylum process manipulation asylum system vulnerabilities asylum fraud bogus asylum seekers refugee documentation asylum screening immigration abuse credibility assessment asylum process integrity economic migrants security risks identity verification false claims documentation challenges asylum officer judgement country of origin proof refugee status determination migration control border security human trafficking credibility determination asylum system loopholes asylum system abuse asylum seeker identification challenges verifying asylum seeker origin lack of asylum documentation proving persecution evidence asylum system integrity distinguishing genuine asylum seekers asylum fraud prevention security risks asylum process investigating officer judgement asylum economic migrants and asylum system documentation issues in asylum claims asylum decision-making process country of origin verification asylum preventing asylum system exploitation asylum claim evidence difficulties asylum system abuse asylum seeker authenticity documentation challenges proving persecution asylum evidence country of origin verification asylum decision process investigating officer judgement economic migrants security threat refugee status assessment immigration fraud asylum claim credibility identity verification border control fake asylum claims refugee screening asylum application process international protection human rights migration policy asylum application process challenges in verifying asylum claims documentation required for asylum seekers distinguishing genuine asylum seekers from economic migrants issues with asylum seeker identification credibility assessment in asylum decisions problems with asylum system abuse security risks in asylum process migrant vs refugee determination proof of persecution in asylum cases investigative procedures for asylum officers fraudulent asylum claims impact of lack of documentation asylum seeker screening process immigration policy and asylum abuse asylum system abuse potential asylum seeker identity undocumented migrants evidence challenges persecution proof country of origin verification immigration fraud border security false asylum claims economic migrants security risks judgement calls investigating officers credibility assessment migration control refugee status determination document forgery human trafficking asylum laws immigration policy credibility interviews refugee screening asylum process integrity asylum system abuse asylum fraud detection genuine asylum seeker identification asylum documentation challenges evidence of persecution asylum decision process economic migrants vs asylum seekers security threats in asylum system asylum investigative procedures asylum seeker credibility assessment country of origin verification false asylum claims refugee status adjudication migration control asylum interview techniques asylum claim verification methods border security and asylum asylum law enforcement immigration system vulnerabilities asylum seeker background checks asylum system abuse asylum seeker identification documentation challenges refugee status verification evidence of persecution credibility assessment fraudulent asylum claims economic migrants vs refugees immigration security risks asylum adjudication investigative procedures country of origin verification border control fake documentation asylum policy migration fraud asylum officer training refugee protection international law human rights asylum application process asylum process asylum seeker identification refugee documentation assessment challenges immigration screening fraudulent claims economic migrants security risks country of origin verification persecution evidence asylum adjudication border control immigration policy false identity legal proof credibility assessment human rights asylum interview evidence collection migration system abuse
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con03a	Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. target shooting firearm safety gun club membership shooting competitions responsible gun ownership recreational shooting field shooting marksman shooting range sports firearms gun laws hunting shooting discipline legal gun ownership government gun regulations investment in firearms sports shooters’ rights gun confiscation shooting equipment leisure sports firearm safety responsible gun ownership shooting ranges field sports legal rights gun clubs leisure activities investment in firearms gun confiscation debate sports shooting regulations responsible sportsmanship recreational shooting gun rights advocacy sporting firearms government policy on guns gun safety responsible gun ownership shooting regulations target shooting shooting sports benefits recreational shooting firearm legislation range safety gun club membership shooting sport participation legal firearm use investment in firearms shooters' rights shooting competitions sportsmanship hunting regulations gun control debate firearm confiscation shooting community leisure activities sports shooting safety statistics benefits of sports shooting shooting as a recreational activity economic impact of shooting sports gun clubs and safety regulations legal rights of gun owners investment in shooting sports government regulation and shooting sports preserving shooting sports traditions sports shooting and responsible gun ownership field sports and community involvement safe practices in shooting sports effects of gun confiscation on sports shooters contributions of sports shooters to local economies misconceptions about sports shooting safety sports shooting safety shooting sports benefits gun club activities firearm regulations shooting range safety recreational shooting field sports gun ownership rights responsible gun use leisure shooting firearm investment gun confiscation impact shooting sports community law-abiding gun owners sports shooting legislation sports shooting safety shooting sport benefits responsible gun ownership gun clubs shooting range safety field sport shooting sporting firearms regulations investment in shooting sports gun confiscation impact law-abiding gun owners shooting sport rights leisure sports shooting firearm legislation recreational shooting economic impact of gun bans sports shooting shooting safety gun sports recreational shooting gun clubs shooting ranges field sports law-abiding gun owners shooting enthusiasts firearm safety shooting as leisure shooting investments legal gun ownership gun confiscation government policy shooting community sport shooting rights responsible gun ownership shooting activities target shooting clay pigeon shooting trap shooting competitive shooting hunting gun regulations sports shooting safety benefits of shooting sports legal shooting clubs purpose-built shooting ranges field sport shooting law-abiding gun owners responsible gun ownership shooting sports investment government gun confiscation gun rights shooting as leisure activity economic impact of shooting sports shooting club memberships safe gun use practices sporting firearms regulations recreational shooting shooting sports advocacy competitive shooting events impact of gun bans on sports shooting sports community target shooting safety history of shooting sports urban vs rural shooting sports education in shooting safety shooting sports traditions firearms safety gun clubs shooting ranges gun ownership rights shooting sports community field sports legal gun owners outdoor recreation shooting gun investment shooting regulations sport shooting benefits shooting safety training competitive shooting responsible gun use firearms legislation target shooting shooting hobby recreational shooting gun control debate shooting sport economics firearm safety gun ownership rights recreational shooting shooting sports clubs gun control debate shooting range safety field sports lawful gun use investment in firearms gun confiscation impact responsible gun owners sport shooting benefits shooting regulations gun legislation shooting community
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro01a	Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. substance abuse prevention adolescent drug use youth drug education school-based interventions random drug testing early intervention programs addiction prevention parental involvement drug misuse statistics youth counseling services health education peer influence behavioral prevention strategies drug awareness campaigns rehabilitation programs for minors risk factors protective factors child mental health school policies government initiatives community outreach social support monitoring and evaluation legal regulations evidence-based practices prevention frameworks harm reduction teacher training student support services illicit drug use public health policy adolescent drug prevention youth substance abuse school drug policies random drug testing schools drug education programs early intervention drugs drug addiction prevention deterrence drug use student drug misuse childhood substance use UK drug statistics parental involvement drugs adolescent health interventions school-based prevention illegal drug use children teenage addiction policy evaluation drug prevention peer influence drugs risk factors youth drugs protective factors drug abuse harm reduction schools drug counseling schools teacher role drug prevention mental health and drugs community response drug use student support services monitoring drug use schools early warning systems drugs evidence-based drug prevention substance abuse prevention adolescent drug use youth drug prevention school drug testing random drug testing drug education programs early intervention childhood addiction drug awareness campaigns teenage substance abuse drug misuse statistics drug prevention policies student drug screening school-based interventions drug abuse detection health education drug treatment referral illegal drug consumption anti-drug strategies parental involvement peer pressure prevention public health policy drug risk factors youth counseling addiction recovery programs prevent drug use in schools strategies to reduce teenage drug abuse policies to stop youth drug addiction school-based drug prevention programs effectiveness of random drug testing in schools impact of drug use on adolescent development interventions for student drug misuse parental involvement in preventing drug use among children government approaches to drug prevention for youth early intervention methods for drug-using teenagers role of education in drug prevention pros and cons of random drug testing for students long-term effects of early drug use community initiatives to combat youth drug abuse evidence-based prevention strategies for child drug misuse drug prevention youth drug use statistics adolescent substance abuse drug education programs school-based interventions random drug testing drug policy effectiveness early intervention addiction prevention teenage drug abuse child drug misuse deterrence strategies parental involvement teacher awareness student support services mental health resources drug counseling rehabilitation programs supply chain interventions harm reduction illegal drug use risk factors protective factors peer pressure school policies government initiatives health education preventative measures public health strategies preventing youth drug abuse school-based drug prevention adolescent drug intervention random drug testing in schools effectiveness of drug education programs early intervention for drug use youth addiction prevention teenage substance abuse statistics drug use consequences for youth strategies to reduce youth drug use parental involvement in drug prevention impact of drug testing on student behavior policy approaches to youth drug use drug misuse among adolescents school policy on drug prevention government strategies for reducing teen drug use supporting vulnerable youth with addiction education sector role in drug prevention societal impact of youth drug misuse rehabilitation programs for minors drug prevention youth drug use adolescent substance abuse school-based intervention drug education school drug testing illegal drugs child addiction random drug testing deterrence drug policy youth addiction statistics teenage drug use early intervention adolescent health drug misuse education outcomes prevention programs drug screening substance misuse drug rehabilitation public health strategy school safety drug abuse detection parental involvement behavioral intervention at-risk youth drug counseling policy effectiveness student support services drug prevention programs youth drug education school-based interventions random drug testing schools adolescent drug misuse teenage addiction prevention early intervention substance abuse parental involvement drugs peer pressure resistance youth counseling drugs substance abuse rehabilitation drug addiction statistics UK drug policy preventive health education mental health support schools drug detection methods risk factors youth drug use anti-drug campaigns youth empowerment educational achievement drugs childhood drug abuse social support teenagers after-school programs prevention community involvement drugs law enforcement drug prevention supply chain disruption drugs harm reduction youth drug prevention programs adolescent substance abuse school-based interventions youth drug education random drug testing early intervention strategies parental involvement peer influence drug addiction prevention rehabilitation resources adolescent mental health school counseling drug use statistics anti-drug policies teacher training prevention effectiveness student support services harm reduction policy evaluation community outreach drug prevention drug education adolescent substance abuse drug intervention drug addiction youth drug policy school-based prevention school drug testing random drug testing substance misuse early intervention youth support services anti-drug programs parental involvement youth counseling prevention strategies harm reduction teenage drug abuse child protection health education peer pressure mental health support addiction treatment drug awareness campaigns community outreach
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ endangered species wildlife conservation cultural heritage African wildlife African elephants African lions poaching prevention species protection wildlife laws traditional beliefs animal symbolism ivory trade national identity cultural significance extinction prevention biodiversity African fauna conservation policies coat of arms mystic animals conservation efforts African traditions iconic wildlife habitat protection wildlife trafficking protected areas endangered species wildlife conservation African cultural heritage cultural symbolism African elephants African lions animal extinction traditional beliefs national identity pride in wildlife conservation efforts wildlife protection mystic significance ivory trade African coat of arms cultural impact threatened wildlife African pride animal protection policies historical significance wildlife conservation animal protection African heritage cultural symbolism biodiversity wildlife trafficking species extinction African elephants African lions traditional beliefs mysticism poaching national identity coat of arms cultural heritage ecosystem wildlife tourism endangered species African culture iconic animals illegal hunting ecological importance preservation efforts threatened species fauna of Africa endangered animals cultural significance Africa African elephants mystic powers African lions symbolism endangered species protection Africa wildlife conservation cultural heritage African fauna pride animal extinction cultural impact elephants ivory African culture lions coat of arms Africa traditional beliefs endangered animals African wildlife protection policy historic significance animals Africa cultural identity and wildlife Africa impacts of species loss on African culture spiritual connection African elephants endangered animals African wildlife cultural significance African elephants mystic powers traditional beliefs African lions coat of arms African identity wildlife conservation extinction impact heritage protection symbolism in Africa cultural heritage protective legislation biodiversity conservation policies iconic species African pride threatened species endangered African animals cultural significance of African wildlife African elephants symbolism African lions cultural pride protection measures for endangered species Africa wildlife conservation Africa impact of animal extinction on African identity African heritage animals mystic powers African elephants African coats of arms animals traditional beliefs about African wildlife importance of biodiversity Africa anti-poaching initiatives Africa endangered animal cultural impact historical significance of African animals endangered animals African wildlife cultural significance protection African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms symbolism identity extinction cultural heritage animal conservation pride African culture negative cultural impact Africa wildlife preservation traditional beliefs national symbols animal extinction prevention heritage protection protected species biodiversity iconic animals endangered species Africa African cultural heritage wildlife protection Africa African elephants mysticism African lions symbolism conservation laws Africa African animal emblems wildlife extinction cultural impact animal symbolism African identity cultural significance endangered species African pride wildlife protection of iconic African animals elephants ivory cultural value lions coat of arms Africa heritage animals Africa African fauna conservation traditional beliefs African animals African wild animal preservation African animal extinction prevention wildlife conservation strategies Africa endangered species wildlife protection African culture biodiversity conservation animal symbolism traditional beliefs African elephants mystic powers wildlife poaching cultural heritage African lions coat of arms national identity cultural impact extinction consequences fauna preservation African pride species protection cultural significance heritage conservation wildlife laws anti-poaching efforts historical symbolism animal extinction endangered species African wildlife cultural heritage wildlife protection conservation efforts African elephants mystic beliefs symbolic animals African lions cultural symbolism extinction impact wildlife legislation ivory trade African identity wildlife preservation traditional beliefs animal symbolism national symbols animal extinction cultural loss
test-education-tuhwastua-pro04a	Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, standardized testing test score inflation performance differences SAT scoring test reliability test fairness student assessment college admissions score interpretation predictive validity large-scale testing test design history test score impact educational measurement test accuracy grading scale score gap statistical significance test bias academic achievement test score meaning admissions criteria educational equity score disparities standardized testing test score inflation SAT scoring performance differences score distribution test design history test scale college admissions test reliability score interpretation grading accuracy test fairness student abilities predictive validity test-taking population educational assessment demography and testing high-stakes testing SAT criticism test score impact standardized testing SAT scoring score inflation performance gaps test reliability score interpretation test validity college admissions predictive accuracy grading scales educational assessment test design history large-scale testing test score impact score distribution assessment fairness measurement error test bias student evaluation academic outcomes high-stakes testing standardized test score inflation SAT scoring scale effects impact of small errors on SAT scores history of standardized test design college admissions score gaps predictive validity of SAT scores SAT versus academic performance score distribution changes over time test-taking population growth effects significance of SAT score differences SAT reliability and fairness test-based admission implications SAT math section scoring accuracy limitations of SAT in college prediction bias in standardized testing SAT scoring thresholds alternatives to standardized testing fairness of college admissions tests scaling errors in standardized tests standardized testing and student ability standardized testing performance differences test scoring scales SAT score gaps test design history student population growth college admissions test accuracy predictive validity score inflation grading reliability educational assessment high-stakes testing SAT math section test bias college grade prediction Glenn Elert SAT demographics score variability selection criteria standardized test limitations SAT scoring scale test score inflation college admissions impact performance difference exaggeration historical test design standardized test fairness predictive validity SAT SAT score accuracy test equity standardized testing criticism score distribution SAT admissions weight test score interpretation student assessment fairness standardized testing test score inflation scoring scale SAT performance gaps admission criteria test design history college admissions score sensitivity academic prediction student assessment test fairness educational measurement grade prediction accuracy high-stakes testing demographic impact test reliability academic ability cutoff scores scoring anomalies test evolution college entrance exams measurement error test bias Glenn Elert standardized test flaws SAT score inflation test score reliability college admissions criteria performance measurement accuracy SAT historical context test score granularity educational assessment validity test design evolution standardized testing impact SAT predictive validity test fairness high-stakes testing score interpretation demographic impact on SAT college acceptance factors SAT scoring system effect of guessing errors SAT test-optional admissions reliability of test-based decisions student performance comparison standardized testing impact score inflation SAT scoring scale performance differences test design history student population growth admission criteria score gaps test accuracy college admissions predictive validity SAT fairness test result interpretation educational assessment test bias academic achievement selection bias statistical significance measurement error standardized test limitations education policy standardized testing SAT scoring test validity score inflation education assessment college admissions predictive validity test design history performance measurement high-stakes testing grade rank prediction test bias statistical significance scoring scale student demographics
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con04a	Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. miscarriage of justice criminal justice system police investigation quality wrongful convictions defendant criminal record jury bias police accountability prosecution standards investigative thoroughness legal fairness conviction integrity criminal profiling evidence-based prosecution judicial impartiality exoneration law enforcement pressure justice system reform trial fairness due process legal safeguards miscarriage of justice police investigation standards criminal record bias wrongful convictions prosecutorial misconduct case preparation quality defendant rights jury prejudice police accountability justice system credibility conviction pressure evidentiary standards recidivism bias due process fair trial police resource allocation investigative thoroughness legal safeguards prior convictions in court forensic investigation standards miscarriage of justice police investigations criminal justice system wrongful convictions police pressure incentives for police wrongful accusation criminal records prosecution standards police accountability investigative integrity fair trial defendant rights poor investigation case preparation law enforcement bias jury perception recidivism ex-offender discrimination prosecutorial misconduct evidence quality due process criminal justice reform police misconduct criminal justice dissatisfaction legal safeguards trial fairness justice system flaws exculpatory evidence burden of proof miscarriage of justice legal precedents impact of criminal records on jury bias police incentive in investigations wrongful convictions and police pressure effect of evidentiary motions on justice system policing and conviction rates reliance on defendant’s criminal history poor police investigation reform prosecution case preparation standards criminal justice system dissatisfaction sources criminal records evidence admissibility integrity of criminal investigations alternatives to using criminal history in court CPS prosecution policies criticism consequences of weak investigation on trial outcomes fair trial rights and prior convictions reforms to reduce wrongful accusations overreliance on circumstantial evidence in court judicial safeguards against bias improving miscarriage of justice police incentives investigative standards wrongful convictions bias in criminal justice criminal record prejudice jury bias prosecutorial misconduct inadequate police investigation poor case preparation justice system dissatisfaction wrongful accusation evidentiary standards safeguarding defendants’ rights criminal justice reform Crown Prosecution Service criticism policing pressures role of criminal records fair trial rights exoneration of real culprits miscarriage of justice police investigation incentive wrongful convictions criminal records bias pressure on law enforcement police prosecution dependency justice system dissatisfaction negative records reliance poor case preparation criminal background impact jury prejudice investigative diligence fair trial rights evidence-based prosecution legal system integrity encouraging thorough investigations protecting defendants' rights case-building standards judicial fairness policing standards improvement miscarriage of justice police investigation wrongful conviction criminal records jury bias prosecutorial misconduct poor case preparation justice system reform police accountability investigative standards wrongful accusation fair trial defendant rights conviction pressure criminal justice dissatisfaction evidence collection legal safeguards due process bias in juries prosecution dependency justice system integrity wrongful imprisonment recidivism legal ethics criminal justice policy police incentives law enforcement pressure background prejudice criminal investigation quality suspect profiling miscarriage of justice motion consequences police investigation standards incentive for thorough investigation wrongful convictions jury bias criminal record prejudice prosecutorial misconduct pressure on police for convictions vulnerable defendants police dependence on records justice system dissatisfaction case preparation failures fair trial rights quality of police work role of prosecution evidence-based conviction systemic flaws judicial integrity legal safeguards justice reform criminal justice criticism defendant rights incentivizing misidentification bias in investigations miscarriage of justice police investigations police accountability wrongful convictions criminal records jury bias police incentives justice system flaws prosecution preparation judicial fairness criminal justice reform investigation standards case preparation law enforcement pressure suspect profiling criminal justice dissatisfaction evidence-based prosecution defendant rights police misconduct criminal justice ethics miscarriage of justice wrongful convictions police investigation standards criminal records bias prosecutorial misconduct evidence integrity fair trial rights jury prejudice criminal justice reform police accountability legal safeguards defendant rights judicial system flaws pressure on police investigative thoroughness reliance on prior convictions justice system dissatisfaction wrongful accusation prevention prosecution case preparation legal ethics human rights in trials safeguarding innocent improving investigations systemic bias justice criminal justice transparency
test-politics-dhwem-pro04a	PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. private military companies PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict non-partisan security ideological neutrality safe zone protection reconstruction policing Global Risk Strategies Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff security contract soldiers military contractors national armies comparison civilian hostility third-party security non-state actors post-conflict reconstruction local government contracts paymaster independence private military contractors mercenaries public perception civilian attitudes impartiality ethnic conflict non-partisanship ideological neutrality security roles peacekeeping reconstruction safe zone protection Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff security outsourcing hostility reduction effectiveness legitimacy government contracts third-party actors conflict zones stabilization operations urban security post-conflict reconstruction contractor performance image management security legitimacy private military companies PMCs mercenaries security contractors civilian perception ethnic conflict nonpartisanship hostility reduction safeguarding Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff safe area protection reconstruction policing ideological neutrality national armies local government defense contracting global risk strategies mission paymasters effectiveness suspicion reduction private military companies reputation PMCs effectiveness civilian perception mercenaries vs national armies PMCs neutrality ethnic conflict mercenaries civilian hostility PMCs and ideological neutrality mercenaries in peacekeeping PMCs protecting reconstruction private security Iraq Green Zone PMC Global Risk Strategies Baghdad PMCs in conflict zones mercenaries nonpartisan perception PMCs policing safe areas PMCs vs regular military mercenaries as government contractors private military contractors PMC effectiveness mercenary perception civilian attitudes towards mercenaries ethnic conflict neutrality nonpartisan security forces mercenaries versus national armies ideological neutrality safe zone protection reconstruction security PMC Global Risk Strategies Green Zone security coalition staff protection mercenary roles civilian-military relations PMC legitimacy contractor-civilian relations security privatization conflict zone security mercenary employment ethics private military companies PMCs effectiveness PMCs vs mercenaries PMCs civilian perceptions mercenaries hostility ethnic conflict neutrality role of mercenaries PMCs in reconstruction Green Zone Baghdad security Global Risk Strategies example mercenaries ideological neutrality PMCs safe area protection mercenaries and local governments PMCs and coalition forces mercenaries mission loyalty private military companies PMCs mercenaries civilian perception public suspicion effectiveness ethnic conflict partisanship neutrality ideological detachment safe zones security reconstruction policing Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff contract security non-state actors military outsourcing local government foreign contractors paymaster hostility trustworthiness conflict resolution peacekeeping security services armed contractors post-war environments private military companies PMCs mercenaries civilian perception ethnic conflict nonpartisan security reconstruction projects safe area protection Green Zone Baghdad Global Risk Strategies coalition staff security ideological neutrality less suspicion effective operations hostility reduction private security contractors contract soldiers national armies comparison security outsourcing post-conflict policing peacekeeping security privatization military outsourcing conflict zone security government-hired mercenaries Iraq war security PMCs mercenaries hostilities civilians ethnic conflict partisanship ideological neutrality security contractors peacekeeping reconstruction safe areas private military companies Green Zone Baghdad Global Risk Strategies coalition staff contract soldiers non-state actors effectiveness suspicion perception local governments national governments paymasters civil wars conflict zones military outsourcing private military companies PMCs mercenaries civilian perception effectiveness hostility national armies ethnic conflict impartiality ideological neutrality peacekeeping reconstruction private security contracted soldiers global risk strategies Baghdad Green Zone coalition protection non-state actors military outsourcing military contractors security operations
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro03a	Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. trolley problem utilitarianism moral dilemma ethical decision John Rawls original position veil of ignorance fairness distributive justice consequentialism social contract theory moral philosophy justice as fairness population ethics risk assessment impartiality ethical reasoning collective welfare sacrifice greater good survival probability moral calculus rights vs. utility social equality decision theory trolley problem utilitarianism John Rawls veil of ignorance moral philosophy ethical decision making consequentialism distributive justice thought experiments moral dilemmas social contract fairness equity ethics moral reasoning justice theory philosophical ethics Rawlsian principles population ethics moral risk trolley problem utilitarianism moral philosophy ethics John Rawls veil of ignorance consequentialism justice fairness moral dilemma thought experiment moral reasoning decision theory social contract equality distributive justice ethical decision-making sacrifice greater good survival probability ethical choice rational decision moral impartiality philosophical ethics societal organization John Rawls thought experiment veil of ignorance ethics Rawls and trolley problem rational choice in ethical dilemmas organizing society fairly utilitarianism vs Rawls fairness in moral decisions Rawls train problem extension rationality and moral philosophy maximizing survival chances ethical Rawlsian justice applied to trolley problem thought experiments in morality ethical reasoning under uncertainty designing fair societies Rawls and distributive justice impartiality in moral choice ethical decision making without self-interest train dilemma Rawlsian perspective choosing greater good Rawls Rawls philosophy practical examples trolley problem John Rawls veil of ignorance ethical decision making utilitarianism moral philosophy justice theory social contract fairness distributive justice decision theory ethical dilemmas train dilemma value of life consequentialism moral reasoning thought experiments rational choice theory collective welfare ethics of sacrifice trolley problem John Rawls thought experiment veil of ignorance ethical dilemma moral philosophy utilitarianism fairness in society train problem ethics redistribution of resources moral decision-making kill one to save many consequentialism Rawlsian justice survival probability justice as fairness population ethics distributive justice ethical reasoning rational choice theory philosophical experiments social contract personal bias in ethics equality in society moral calculus minimizing harm ethical frameworks trolley problem utilitarianism ethics moral reasoning John Rawls veil of ignorance distributive justice fairness social contract moral philosophy consequentialism rational choice thought experiment moral dilemmas ethical decision-making value theory justice as fairness individual vs collective good ethical impartiality decision theory moral calculation justice equality self-interest philosophical ethics trolley problem utilitarianism John Rawls veil of ignorance ethical dilemmas consequentialism moral philosophy train dilemma fairness social contract justice theory distributive justice thought experiments ethical decision making population ethics Rawlsian ethics Kantian ethics moral calculus sacrifice majority vs minority moral reasoning impartiality survival probability collective welfare ethical frameworks societal organization philosophy of ethics justice as fairness moral choices John Rawls veil of ignorance social contract moral philosophy ethics thought experiment trolley problem utilitarianism justice as fairness consequentialism decision theory fairness distributive justice John Rawls theory philosophy of justice ethical dilemmas moral reasoning impartiality normative ethics moral choice utilitarian calculus equality social justice rational decision-making personal identity risk assessment societal organization trolley problem ethical dilemma utilitarianism deontology moral philosophy John Rawls original position veil of ignorance consequentialism justice fairness decision-making sacrifice social contract ethical reasoning value theory distributive justice thought experiment moral choice philosophical ethics
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro03a	Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, regional integration liberal theory Neo-functionalism European Union human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration political conflict international organizations foreign policy security policy supranational institutions functional spillover integration theory transnational actors community method intergovernmentalism political integration economic union social needs European integration institutionalism governance policymaking regional integration neo-functionalism liberal integration theory European Union integration economic integration low politics supranational organizations interest groups spillover effect Ernst Haas regional cooperation EU policy development functionalism integration theory integration processes human welfare in integration transnational actors cross-border cooperation EU governance comparative regionalism integration mechanisms international organizations EU economic policy institutional integration common market community method integration studies Neo-functionalism regional integration liberal theory human welfare interest groups European Union economic integration low politics supranational organizations spillover effect Ernst Haas integration theory transnational actors political integration functionalism common foreign policy security policy international organizations regionalism European studies community method institutionalism intergovernmentalism policy coordination supranationalism EU governance social integration integration mechanisms neofunctionalist approach European project Neo-functionalism regional integration liberal theory European Union human welfare integration theory interest groups EU integration low politics neo-functionalism economic integration European Union common foreign and security policy EU international organisations regional integration transformation international system EU EU integration theories neo-functionalism vs intergovernmentalism spillover effect regional integration supranational institutions EU history of neo-functionalism European studies regional integration liberal integration theory examples EU project integration efforts transnational actors European Union policy-making neo-functionalism neo-functionalism and EU enlargement Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare low politics interest groups European Union economic integration political conflict international organizations common foreign and security policy regional system transformation European studies integration actors EU integration supranationalism spillover effect functional integration supranational institutions regional cooperation international relations EU policy integration theory social interests community method European governance neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration European Union human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign policy security policy international organizations European studies integration theory supranationalism spillover effect post-functionalism EU integration functionalism neofunctionalist theory regionalism EU governance Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration European Union human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign policy common security policy international organisations integration theory supranationalism spillover effect Ernst Haas functionalism European integration political cooperation regionalism community method intergovernmentalism EU institutions transnational actors societal actors cross-border cooperation integration mechanisms Eurozone liberalism policy harmonization policy diffusion integration process neo-functionalism liberal theories regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration European Union international organizations supranationalism spillover effect political integration security policy European studies EU governance integration theory transnational actors functional spillover policy harmonization EU institutions regionalism interdependence comparative integration community method supranational actors cross-border cooperation social integration economic policy integration mechanisms policy transfer regional organizations neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups European Union economic integration low politics international organizations regional system political integration common foreign and security policy EU institutions spillover effect supranationalism functionalism Ernst Haas transnational actors integration theory comparative integration EU studies policy-making integration dynamics political cooperation regionalism Europe integration models intergovernmentalism social welfare regional organizations governance collective action regional integration supranationalism spillover effect interest groups economic integration European Union integration theory regionalism liberal institutionalism functionalism institutional actors policy harmonization social integration transnationalism peace theory political integration international cooperation governance intergovernmentalism multi-level governance security policy comparative politics EU institutions cross-border cooperation social welfare economic policy political science
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con03a	A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 school meal funding universal school breakfast school nutrition costs educational budget allocation government expenditure free school meals budget trade-offs student nutrition programs cafeteria operational costs education funding priorities school food service opportunity cost in education K-12 breakfast program public school finance meal program budget impact fiscal impact of free meals resource allocation schools school staffing costs federal school meal programs educational opportunity costs school breakfast program cost universal free breakfast schools school meal funding government education budget school nutrition expenses cafeteria staffing costs cost-benefit analysis school meals impact education funding allocation federal school meal programs reduced-price breakfast statistics education spending trade-offs ingredient costs schools administrative costs school meals school facilities expenditure opportunity cost school breakfast hiring teachers versus meal programs school meals free breakfast school nutrition government funding education budget cost-benefit analysis school cafeteria food program public spending student nutrition federal programs resource allocation opportunity cost class size teacher hiring education priorities meal programs budget trade-offs fiscal policy K-12 education school breakfast program costs benefits of free school breakfast fiscal impact of universal breakfast school meal funding challenges trade-offs in education spending government budget allocation for school meals impact on class size education funding cost-benefit analysis school breakfast school nutrition program statistics impact of free meals on student outcomes government spending priorities education alternatives to free school breakfast reducing costs in school meal programs comparison US school breakfast programs long-term effects of school meal investment school breakfast program universal breakfast cost analysis government spending education funding food service expenses cafeteria staff costs facility upgrades budget trade-offs opportunity cost reduced price meals food and nutrition service student nutrition public policy US breakfast program fiscal impact class size reduction federal education budget school meal administration program sustainability school breakfast program funding costs of universal free breakfast impact on school budgets government education spending trade-offs in school funding reduced class sizes vs breakfast program financial implications of free school meals USA school breakfast statistics cafeteria staff costs administrative costs of school meals food ingredient costs infrastructure costs for school meals education budget allocation opportunity cost of school breakfast effects on other educational services school nutrition funding challenges school breakfast universal breakfast program education funding government budget public spending school meal costs cafeteria expenses program administration facility upgrades federal nutrition programs opportunity cost budget allocation class size reduction staff hiring school food service taxpayer impact nutrition policy student meals educational trade-offs fiscal constraints public school finance breakfast program funding government priorities child nutrition programs spending limitations school operations resource allocation school breakfast cost government spending on school meals free breakfast program analysis school nutrition funding school meal budget impact education budget trade-offs school breakfast program USA cost-benefit analysis school meals implications of free breakfast for students school cafeteria expenses school staff funding school meal program statistics reducing class size vs. free meals school food service costs federal school meal funding school breakfast program economics public education funding allocation school meal program drawbacks school nutrition program pros and cons cost of universal school breakfast school breakfast cost universal school meals free breakfast program government education budget school nutrition funding cost-benefit analysis education spending trade-offs cafeteria staffing costs nutritional equity student meal access federal breakfast program school program funding opportunity cost education education resource allocation school infrastructure costs public education policy child nutrition programs economic impact school meals education priorities food service expenditures school breakfast program cost analysis government funding education budget school nutrition breakfast program expenses cafeteria staff costs school facility costs opportunity cost federal spending class size reduction student nutrition education policy school meal programs fiscal impact public school funding free breakfast benefits budget allocation US Department of Agriculture educational outcomes
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con03a	Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. HIV prevention women's health condom use Catholic Church teachings sexual transmission extramarital affairs sub-Saharan Africa Latin America religious ethics marriage and HIV public health policy AIDS epidemic sexually transmitted infections Church contraception policy couples and HIV infectious disease control moral responsibility protective measures reproductive rights family planning Church doctrine safe sex practices epidemic response global health gender and HIV social justice barrier methods condoms HIV prevention AIDS protection female protection marital HIV transmission Catholic Church contraception policy religious doctrine and health South America AIDS cases Africa HIV statistics extramarital HIV risk Church teachings and HIV ethical contraception debate public health and religion women’s health protection spouse-to-spouse HIV transmission faith-based contraception policy prevention of HIV in marriage Catholicism and disease prevention global HIV transmission Church responsibility for health condoms female condoms HIV prevention sexually transmitted infections marital transmission Catholic Church stance reproductive health public health morals and contraception extramarital HIV risk AIDS prevention church doctrine sexual ethics spousal protection faith-based health policy moral theology global health sexual behavior Catholicism and HIV safe sex doctrine versus public health preventive methods ethical implications women's health sub-Saharan Africa Latin America faith and medicine Catholic Church barrier contraception debate HIV transmission within marriage Catholic teachings and HIV prevention condoms to prevent HIV/AIDS religious perspectives on contraception public health vs religious doctrine HIV risk among married women contraception ethics in Catholicism Catholic policies on condom use sexual health and Catholic doctrine women’s health and religious restrictions moral implications of contraception ban Church response to HIV in Africa impact of contraception bans on AIDS prevention religious authority and modern health crises Church responsibility in HIV epidemic protecting women from HIV in marriage extramarital affairs and disease transmission policy changes on barrier contraception contraception use for disease prevention barrier methods condom efficacy HIV transmission prevention Catholic Church contraception policy religious doctrine and public health marital HIV risk women’s health and HIV HIV prevention in marriage extramarital HIV infection global HIV statistics South America HIV rates Africa HIV prevalence moral responsibility in public health religious teachings and disease prevention sexual health education epidemic control and religion faith-based HIV response condom use in religious context public health ethics gender disparity HIV religious institutions and women’s rights barrier contraception HIV prevention Catholic Church contraception policy HIV transmission marriage women protection HIV AIDS prevention contraception Catholic teachings reproductive health condom use Catholicism extramarital HIV transmission religious ethics contraception South America Africa HIV statistics church ban contraception consequences marital HIV infection faith-based HIV prevention sexual health Catholic doctrine morality of barrier methods role of religion in HIV prevention contraceptive justice Catholicism HIV/AIDS and Catholic morality reproductive rights and religion impact of church contraception ban barrier contraception HIV prevention AIDS women protection condom use Catholic Church stance religious doctrine extramarital affairs third world countries sub-Saharan Africa South America marital transmission sexual health safe sex spouse infection church teachings public health risk reduction female vulnerability epidemiology HIV/AIDS transmission faith and health policy change reproductive rights moral theology ethical responsibility birth control papal authority church policy harm reduction marriage catholic ethics barrier contraception HIV prevention AIDS transmission Catholic Church contraception South America HIV Africa HIV marital HIV transmission extramarital affairs AIDS women HIV risk religious contraception policy Catholic Church AIDS sexual health condom use prevention church teachings HIV justifiability contraception ban global HIV cases spouse protection HIV church health responsibility female HIV protection contraception ethics barrier contraception HIV prevention AIDS protection Catholic Church teachings condom use sub-Saharan Africa South America extramarital transmission marital HIV risk women’s health spouse infection religious doctrine sexual health disease transmission ethical responsibility contraception policy church and public health epidemic prevention faith and medicine marriage and HIV protected intercourse HIV prevention condom use Catholic Church stance religious teachings women’s health marital transmission extramarital affairs AIDS epidemic public health policy safe sex church doctrine ethical responsibility reproductive rights sub-Saharan Africa South America gender inequality sexually transmitted infections partner protection moral implications population health
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con03a	It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. HIV testing stigma employment discrimination HIV disclosure sub-Saharan Africa barriers to testing fear of job loss workplace policies healthcare access legal protections confidentiality HIV status social stigma occupational health medical repercussions HIV/AIDS self-testing public health mandatory disclosure human rights safety net unemployment anonymous testing healthcare discrimination HIV prevention HIV testing barriers HIV disclosure stigma workplace discrimination HIV employment consequences HIV sub-Saharan Africa HIV HIV testing fear impact of HIV diagnosis HIV confidentiality fear of job loss HIV healthcare access HIV social stigma HIV HIV status and employment HIV/AIDS social effects HIV testing reluctance medical implications HIV support systems HIV HIV legislation employment anti-discrimination HIV laws HIV non-disclosure consequences occupational health HIV HIV testing stigma employment discrimination HIV disclosure workplace policy sub-Saharan Africa job security social stigma medical confidentiality unemployment risk public health HIV awareness legal protection testing barriers social consequences health impact fear of testing occupational risk HIV/AIDS policy testing uptake HIV testing stigma barriers to HIV testing workplace HIV disclosure HIV testing disincentives HIV and employment discrimination HIV testing in sub-Saharan Africa HIV status confidentiality fear of job loss HIV HIV testing and job security consequences of mandatory HIV disclosure strategies to encourage HIV testing social factors HIV testing impact of stigma on HIV testing protecting HIV-positive workers legal protections HIV status public health and HIV testing HIV/AIDS workplace policy effects of disclosure laws HIV reasons for HIV testing avoidance improving HIV testing uptake HIV testing stigma employment discrimination HIV disclosure sub-Saharan Africa workplace policies job security HIV status medical repercussions HIV/AIDS health privacy social stigma testing deterrents safety net occupational health public health fear of discrimination HIV-positive legal protections confidentiality HIV awareness barriers to testing anonymous HIV testing involuntary disclosure employment rights HIV stigma HIV testing reluctance HIV disclosure requirements workplace HIV discrimination sub-Saharan Africa HIV HIV employment consequences HIV testing barriers HIV status confidentiality HIV and job security medical implications HIV testing HIV and legal protections HIV awareness campaigns HIV testing encouragement HIV social implications HIV fear of job loss HIV testing stigma workplace discrimination HIV disclosure sub-Saharan Africa employment impact job security healthcare access HIV/AIDS medical consequences occupational health social stigma legal protections fear of testing confidentiality public health social safety net mandatory disclosure human rights HIV status employment law patient privacy HIV prevention testing barriers economic insecurity HIV testing stigma employment discrimination HIV HIV status disclosure workplace HIV policies HIV testing barriers sub-Saharan Africa HIV HIV and job security HIV-related medical repercussions HIV mandatory disclosure HIV testing incentives occupational health HIV social stigma HIV testing legal protections HIV-positive employees HIV testing uptake HIV confidentiality workplace public health HIV testing employer attitudes HIV HIV testing fear HIV awareness campaigns HIV workplace rights HIV testing stigma workplace discrimination mandatory disclosure sub-Saharan Africa employment security public health fear of job loss medical privacy social stigma HIV status awareness health policy HIV/AIDS laws testing deterrents labor rights patient confidentiality healthcare access prevention strategies socioeconomic impact legal protections HIV testing stigma disclosure requirements workplace discrimination employment security sub-Saharan Africa HIV status ignorance legal protection medical consequences fear of testing public health policy social implications job loss safety net confidentiality human rights disease prevention healthcare access societal attitudes criminalization of HIV privacy concerns
test-international-iiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ wildlife crime law enforcement poaching penalties wildlife trafficking prosecution rates criminal justice reform anti-poaching law deterrence legal loopholes environmental crime wildlife conservation wildlife law prioritization sentencing guidelines judicial corruption investigation techniques organized crime wildlife protection policy international cooperation illicit trade endangered species enforcement justice system reform anti-poaching law enforcement wildlife crime prosecution legal deterrents for poaching African wildlife protection laws poaching sentencing combating wildlife trafficking judicial response to poaching prosecution of wildlife crime kingpins investigative methods in poaching cases wildlife crime penalties conservation criminology strengthening poaching laws legal frameworks for biodiversity protection effectiveness of anti-poaching operations Western black rhinoceros extinction environmental law enforcement accountability in poaching cases law enforcement training Africa organized crime in poaching criminal justice wildlife crime enforcement prosecution rates sentencing policies poaching penalties legal prioritization wildlife trafficking organized crime judicial reform anti-poaching strategies law enforcement effectiveness investigative methods impunity environmental law wildlife protection legislation rhino extinction criminal networks legal deterrence conservation policy African judiciary justice system failure anti-poaching prosecution African legal system poaching wildlife crime sentencing poaching legal penalties endangered species protection law poacher impunity ineffective wildlife law enforcement legal response to poaching wildlife trafficking prosecution judicial prioritization of poaching legal deterrents for poaching poaching investigation methods weak penalties for wildlife crime prosecuting poaching kingpins role of courts in anti-poaching legal loopholes in poaching cases rhino extinction legal factors wildlife crime judicial reform African poaching penalties criminal networks poaching prosecution justice system anti-poaching laws poacher prosecution African legal system wildlife crime sentencing poaching penalties wildlife law enforcement black rhinoceros extinction investigative methods wildlife crime impunity anti-poaching failures criminal justice wildlife organized poaching crime wildlife trafficking prosecution conservation law legal reforms poaching ivory trade crime environmental justice Africa prosecution rates poaching legal deterrence poaching anti-poaching legal reform wildlife crime prosecution African rhino poaching penalties justice system wildlife conservation ineffective poaching law enforcement sentencing poachers Africa poacher prosecution rates wildlife trafficking legal loopholes organized crime in poaching failure of anti-poaching operations wildlife crime judicial processes deterrent sentences for poachers legal priority of poaching Africa consequences for poaching crimes poaching kingpins prosecution extinction causes poaching wildlife law reform Africa poaching investigation methods impunity for wildlife crimes wildlife protection legal frameworks justice system anti-poaching operations poacher prosecution African legal systems wildlife crime environmental law legal enforcement sentencing wildlife trafficking conservation law Western black rhinoceros extinction ineffective penalties law enforcement failures prosecutorial priorities organized poaching wildlife crime syndicates investigative methods legal reform criminal justice reform biodiversity conservation wildlife protection impunity wildlife crime deterrents conservation policy environmental justice judicial effectiveness wildlife crime prosecution justice system reform anti-poaching laws wildlife crime prosecution African legal system poaching penalties wildlife trafficking enforcement poacher sentencing legal deterrents poaching rhino extinction causes wildlife law prioritization organized poaching networks investigative shortcomings wildlife crime impunity legal frameworks conservation poaching policy failures conservation law enforcement judicial effectiveness wildlife crime wildlife crime justice poaching legal loopholes black rhinoceros extinction African wildlife protection anti-poaching strategies law enforcement corruption wildlife prosecution success rate poaching environmental crime justice justice system reform anti-poaching enforcement poacher prosecution rates wildlife crime penalties African legal priorities poaching sentencing wildlife law enforcement poaching investigative methods organized wildlife crime prosecution of wildlife trafficking kingpins deterrence of poaching wildlife crime impunity black rhinoceros extinction conservation law effectiveness transnational wildlife crime legal system failures Africa improvement of anti-poaching laws judicial response wildlife crime penalties for wildlife offences effectiveness of poaching deterrents wildlife crime wildlife trafficking anti-poaching law conservation law enforcement ivory trade sentencing reform prosecutorial challenges judicial reform organized crime endangered species protection legal deterrence law enforcement corruption environmental justice wildlife protection policy community-based conservation international law enforcement cooperation prosecuting wildlife crime syndicates judicial capacity building wildlife forensics legal penalties poaching
test-education-egscphsrdt-con01a	Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. privacy rights individual privacy student privacy drug testing random drug testing lawful suspicion reasonable suspicion perception of harm notional privacy legal rights human rights civil liberties bodily autonomy consent search and seizure probable cause due process educational policy student rights privacy laws constitutional rights surveillance school discipline privacy violation legal standards proportionality western liberal democracy Fourth Amendment personal freedoms suspicionless searches harm principle invasive procedures ethical implications public policy school safety privacy protections right to privacy student drug testing random drug tests suspicionless searches privacy violation legal rights civil liberties student perceptions harm principle individual rights western liberal democracy reasonable suspicion mass searches school policy ethics of testing student autonomy protection against unwarranted searches due process privacy in education search and seizure laws proportionality human rights consent legal frameworks educational environment student welfare privacy rights random drug testing student rights legal protections reasonable suspicion civil liberties drug policy educational institutions constitutional rights harm principle due process human rights consent school discipline discrimination surveillance probable cause personal autonomy Fourth Amendment proportionality privacy violation policy implications student perceptions ethical considerations privacy law legal standards right to privacy legal framework random drug testing ethical concerns perception of privacy violation student rights in drug testing harm principle in privacy random testing vs. reasonable suspicion consent and privacy in schools comparison to illegal search effectiveness of random drug tests proportionality in privacy infringement privacy in western democracies student autonomy and drug policy privacy standards in education balancing safety and privacy rights justification for random testing legal precedents on privacy rights of students during drug tests social contract and privacy privacy rights in different countries privacy violation consequences right to privacy random drug testing student drug testing legal rights reasonable suspicion perceived harm notional privacy individual rights privacy violation drug use suspicion majority rights comparative analysis home search analogy western liberal democracy student perceptions educational environment suspicionless testing individualized suspicion constitutional rights privacy laws ethical implications harm principle privacy in education due process probable cause civil liberties privacy standards anti-drug policies privacy expectations student autonomy societal standards right to privacy random drug testing student drug testing privacy rights in schools legal rights to privacy suspicion-based testing ethical implications of drug testing harms of random testing drug test consent students' perceptions of privacy civil liberties and drug testing presumptive innocence comparison with home searches privacy laws by country education and privacy school discipline policies impact of drug tests on students balancing safety and rights legal precedents in drug testing student rights advocacy proportionate response to drug use collective punishment students' legal protections international privacy standards student wellbeing and drug policies right to privacy random drug testing student drug testing legal rights suspicion-based testing privacy violation educational rights individual freedoms civil liberties Fourth Amendment reasonable suspicion discrimination harm principle due process invasive procedures school policies human rights western liberal democracy individual autonomy presumption of innocence intrusive searches legal standards proportionality privacy expectations drug use stigma zero tolerance policies right to privacy student drug testing random drug testing legal rights privacy violation student perception harm principle school policies presumptive innocence search and seizure civil liberties western liberal democracy reasonable suspicion educational rights ethical drug testing student autonomy consent and privacy proportional response school discipline individual rights data protection school surveillance equality before the law privacy laws student well-being invasive testing justification for drug testing minority rights rights-based argument drug use stigma right to privacy student drug testing random drug tests privacy rights legal protections suspicionless searches individual rights student perceptions harm principle privacy violations consent due process civil liberties school policies drug policy suspicion-based testing educational environment Fourth Amendment Western democracies proportionality harm to innocents justice individual autonomy student rights school discipline behavioral standards legal comparisons minority rights collective punishment privacy in education privacy rights student drug testing random drug testing reasonable suspicion student perceptions civil liberties legality of searches harm principle Western democracies educational environments drug use consequences search and seizure students' rights legal standards privacy violation school policy suspicion-based testing constitutional rights individual autonomy ethical considerations
test-education-ughbuesbf-con04a	Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: free university education social inequality state funding essential services higher education socioeconomic status middle class upper class disadvantaged groups education fees Ireland case study access to education trade schools workforce entry secondary education education policy tuition abolition educational attainment class disparity public investment educational outcomes educational barriers university participation class-based benefits free university education social inequality higher education access state funding essential services socioeconomic status educational attainment middle class benefits upper class advantages disadvantaged groups tuition fees Ireland education system workforce entry trade schools secondary education opportunity cost education policy educational equity socioeconomic mobility government spending university participation educational barriers investment in education public education funding education reform higher education inequality socioeconomic impact university tuition fees state funding priorities free college policy education access disparities class divide universities educational attainment by class trade school preference middle class benefits upper class advantage educational funding Ireland university participation rates education policy analysis social mobility education free tuition consequences government education spending higher education social justice educational equity university access statistics free university education disadvantages free university education benefits middle class impact of free university education on poor communities higher education funding fairness state funding essential services vs higher education social equity in university education university fees and socioeconomic impact evidence from Ireland free university fees trade school preference over university outcomes of ending university fees higher education access by class university education not essential service middle and upper class benefit from free university patterns in university attendance by income government funding of higher education debate working class university participation rates higher education inequality free university education critique socioeconomic impact university funding public funding of higher education university access by class trade schools vs universities education benefits distribution university fees impact higher education for disadvantaged groups Irish university education policy government funding education class bias in higher education free tuition unintended consequences social mobility university essential vs nonessential public services university enrollment statistics by class higher education reform policy analysis education funding university accessibility Ireland education and social class perception free university education inequality socioeconomic impact of free university education free tuition benefits analysis higher education access and class free university education and disadvantaged groups impact of free tuition on lower-income students university fees and class divide Ireland free university education effects essential services vs higher education funding education policy and social mobility university education for working class trade schools vs university education middle class benefit from free tuition government funding higher education debate university education access statistics free university education social inequality higher education funding state services economic burden disadvantaged groups middle class benefits upper class advantages Ireland case study access to education trade schools vs universities social mobility educational equity tuition fees workforce entry patterns public funding government policy educational opportunity socioeconomic status investment in universities universality vs targeting class disparities barriers to higher education free university education social inequality state funding higher education access economic impact middle class benefits upper class benefits disadvantaged groups trade schools university fees Ireland education system workforce entry education policy educational opportunity gap class divides in education public services funding impact of tuition abolition socioeconomic status and education educational justice free tuition consequences free university education social inequality socioeconomic impact higher education funding educational access class disparity state-funded education middle class benefits upper class advantages disadvantaged groups trade schools Ireland case study university fees educational policy government funding higher education reform social mobility educational justice equity in education university education funding social equity in education impact of free tuition socioeconomic status and education state funding of higher education education access inequality universities act Ireland higher education policy middle class benefit from free tuition working class university attendance trade schools vs universities barriers to higher education education and social mobility fee abolition outcomes educational stratification Ireland education case study
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con01a	globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalization multiculturalism cultural appropriation cultural assimilation social division reparations compensation polarization identity migration transnationalism cultural diffusion technology transfer cross-cultural exchange UK immigration Indian diaspora culinary adaptation cultural hybridity ethnic relations economic impact employment integration cultural innovation social harmony national identity generational identity cross-cultural cooperation multicultural policy diaspora communities social cohesion globalization multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social division reparations compensation us vs them cultural identity migration diffusion of knowledge cultural integration hybrid cultures cross-cultural exchange Indian diaspora UK immigration fusion cuisine national identity social harmony cultural innovation employment impact economic contribution cultural adaptation chicken tikka masala Indian restaurant industry postcolonialism transnationalism intercultural relations social cohesion identity politics cultural boundaries multicultural policies diaspora communities cosmopolitanism cultural integration hybridity identity politics intercultural relations migration effects diaspora transnationalism acculturation cultural diffusion ethnic relations social cohesion pluralism multicultural policy cultural exchange assimilation vs multiculturalism race relations social polarization reparations debate cultural innovation cross-cultural adaptation diversity management socio-economic impact culinary globalization postcolonial studies ethnicity social stratification intercultural dialogue heritage inclusive society globalisation impact multiculturalism and social cohesion cultural appropriation effects assimilation barriers reparations and social division migration and cultural diffusion identity fluidity due to globalisation dual cultural identity migration customs and traditions Indian culture in UK cuisine adaptation through globalisation economic impact of cultural fusion chicken tikka masala origin job creation in multicultural industries benefits of cultural integration forced compensation consequences social harmony and culture future generations and cultural identity pros and cons of globalisation cultural appropriation vs appreciation British-Indian cultural exchange globalisation and economic opportunity integration vs segregation policies on cultural globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social division ancestry appearance reparations compensation us vs them migration cultural diffusion knowledge transfer identity dual culture cultural customs United Kingdom Indian migration curry popularity Chicken Tikka Masala national dish Indian restaurant industry economic impact cultural integration social harmony cultural exchange innovation cooperation forced compensation generational identity cultural merging globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation reparations compensation societal divisions ancestry appearance us vs them polarisation migration diffusion of knowledge movement of people UK Indian migration curry popularity UK Chicken Tikka Masala cultural fusion Indian restaurant industry UK employment innovation cultural understanding social harmony forced compensation generational migrants cultural identity culture merging culture selection integration diversity economic impact transnationalism diaspora cultural exchange adaptation ethnic cuisine UK social cohesion postcolonial migration heritage representation anti-assimilation globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social division reparations compensation identity politics us and them migration cultural diffusion knowledge transfer technology spread transnational movement multicultural identity immigrant customs cuisine adaptation British Indian cuisine Chicken Tikka Masala economic impact labour market job creation cultural hybridization cultural exchange social harmony cross-cultural understanding innovation cooperation culture clash generational identity diaspora integration cultural conflicts British society Subcontinent migration ethnic restaurants cultural adaptation social cohesion food culture community relations transnationalism globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social divisions ancestry appearance reparations compensation polarisation us vs them migration knowledge diffusion cultural identity cultural fusion dual heritage customs UK immigration Indian migration cultural adaptation food culture Chicken Tikka Masala national dish Indian restaurant industry economic impact job creation social harmony cultural cooperation integration intercultural understanding innovation forced compensation cultural tension generational migrants cultural choice ThoughtCo The Guardian globalisation multiculturalism cultural assimilation cultural appropriation social division reparations compensation identity migration diffusion of knowledge technology transfer cross-cultural exchange United Kingdom Indian diaspora immigrant integration cultural adaptation Curry industry Chicken Tikka Masala economic impact jobs creation intergroup relations innovation cooperation social harmony cultural identity ethnic relations postcolonial studies transnationalism hybrid cultures globalization consequences cultural exchange cultural hybridity cultural policy diaspora communities economic globalization cultural diversity sociocultural integration national identity multicultural policy globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation reparations compensation polarization identity cross-cultural exchange migration cultural diffusion technology transfer diaspora cultural adaptation Chicken Tikka Masala British-Indian cuisine economic contribution Indian restaurant industry social harmony integration cultural innovation intergroup relations cultural hybridity immigrant communities cultural merging ethnic diversity social cohesion cultural identity migrant generations culture conflict
test-international-atiahblit-con03a	The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. educational barriers enrolment controls investment in teachers right to education universal education political barriers socio-cultural barriers economic barriers gender inequality girls' education cultural norms domestic roles religious beliefs out-of-school children Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage education and child marriage poverty hunger pro-poor agenda development policies human capital development social policies economic policies girls’ access to education educational exclusion school attendance educational investment Niger early marriage girls’ rights educational interventions gender norms education policy enrolment barriers right to education universal education constraints gender inequality in education cultural norms girls' education domestic roles religious beliefs Sub-Saharan Africa education child marriage and education girls out of school socio-economic factors poverty and schooling hunger impacts on education pro-poor development policies human capital development social and economic policy education policy investment in teachers educational access girls’ rights development and education educational inequality school attendance barriers cultural barriers political barriers educational attainment education in Niger education and marriage enrolment barriers right to education universal education political constraints socio-cultural barriers economic barriers gender inequalities girls' education cultural norms domestic sphere religious beliefs Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage school attendance poverty hunger pro-poor development human capital social policies economic policies education for girls educational access education policy female literacy educational equity development agenda educational investment poverty reduction girls out of school barriers to universal education gender inequalities in education girls’ education barriers cultural norms and schooling religious impact on girls’ education child marriage and education education in Sub-Saharan Africa girls out of school statistics economic barriers to education child marriage statistics Niger poverty and education hunger and schooling access pro-poor development policies Mkandawire education development social and economic barriers education investments beyond teachers education forces limiting right to education human capital development education policy solutions for universal education cultural beliefs girls schooling economic policies enabling education enrolment barriers right to education universal education constraints political factors socio-cultural structures economic barriers gender inequality girls education cultural norms domestic roles religious beliefs education exclusion Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage education and marriage correlation Niger child marriage poverty impact hunger and education pro-poor agenda human capital development social policies economic policies Education for Girls Mkandawire development education investment girls out of school educational access educational equity forced marriage educational attainment educational policy girls’ rights educational challenges education barriers enrolment controls right to education universal education constraints gender inequality education cultural norms girls education religious beliefs education sub-Saharan Africa school attendance child marriage education impact girls out of school statistics poverty education barrier hunger school attendance pro-poor development agenda human capital development social economic education policy child marriage Niger developing countries education teacher investment limitations educational access social structures girls domestic roles education for girls solutions enrolment barriers education access universal education political constraints socio-cultural barriers economic structures gender inequality girls' education domestic roles cultural norms religious beliefs school attendance Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage education and child marriage correlation Niger education poverty and education hunger and schooling pro-poor development human capital social policy economic policy girls not in school girls' rights education for girls education inequality female student participation education development education investment education policy social justice in education barriers to education gender inequality in education girls' education child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa education cultural norms and schooling religious beliefs and school attendance poverty and education hunger and learning pro-poor development social structures and schooling economic constraints education universal education challenges human capital development policy interventions education teacher investment education and development education access girls domestic-sphere and education education cultural factors Mkandawire pro-poor agenda Niger child marriage rate education for girls enrolment barriers right to education political constraints socio-cultural barriers economic barriers gender inequality girls' education cultural norms domestic roles religious beliefs Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage education and marriage child marriage statistics Niger poverty and education hunger and schooling pro-poor development social policy economic policy human capital development education for girls educational access educational equity educational investment universal education girls out of school educational constraints educational attainment educational barriers enrolment barriers right to education political structures socio-cultural barriers economic barriers gender inequalities cultural norms domestic sphere religious beliefs Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage girls' education education and poverty hunger and education pro-poor agenda human capital development social policies economic policies access to education Niger child marriage girls not attending school educational investment teacher shortages educational equity intersectionality in education development and education poverty reduction educational outcomes
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro02a	Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 video evidence court trial recordings appeal process UK legal system US legal system witness testimony judicial review case reassessment evidence reliability appellate court new evidence trial transcripts judge assessment witness credibility body language in court demeanor in testimony verdict reconsideration legal rights of defendant court proceedings documentation film recordings of trials courtroom video footage judicial decision-making legal appeals conviction review first trial evaluation courtroom video recording trial footage appellate court review video evidence appeal witness testimony video judicial decision-making body language in court nonverbal communication trial video records judicial proceedings video documentation trial case retrial video miscarriage of justice evidence judge assessment video legal appeal process video transparency in court video access to trials visual evidence courtroom fair trial rights recording legal proceedings technological aids judiciary court trial video recordings court case footage appellate review evidence video evidence in court witness testimony video judge trial assessment appeals process recordings reliability of evidence demeanor analysis body language court judicial video review court proceedings recording video documentation legal cases trial transcript limitations visual evidence court witness credibility assessment judicial decision video legal appeals video access courtroom transparency re-examination of trials video recording in court trials benefits of filming court proceedings impact of video evidence on appeals accessibility of court case footage reliability of witness testimony via video judge’s ability to evaluate witness demeanor body language in legal proceedings challenges of transcript-only appeals court transparency with video re-assessment of convictions with visual evidence rights of defendants to recorded trials judicial review with video resources technological improvements in courtrooms cross-jurisdictional use of court video footage appeal process with recorded trials evidence preservation with video documentation digital archiving of legal proceedings ethical implications of court cameras privacy concerns with courtroom recordings international court case video recordings trial footage defendant appeal rights judicial review evidence UK appeal process US appeal process court trial documentation witness testimony video evidence reliability assessment body language in court video evidence legal impact judge case re-examination court trial transcripts vs video appeal verdict requirements courtroom transparency digital evidence in court witness credibility evaluation visual court records criminal conviction appeals impact of video on appeals legal technology in trials court trial video recordings video evidence appeal process visual records in court witness testimony on video body language in court proceedings video footage legal rights UK US re-examination of conviction by video appeal judges video access court transparency video court case video analysis impact of video on appeals courtroom video documentation judicial review video evidence witness demeanor video video recording trial benefits appealing conviction with video evaluating evidence video footage influence of nonverbal cues court legal system video technology courtroom video law video evidence court trial recordings appeal process judicial review defendant rights witness testimony body language analysis courtroom demeanor trial transcript limitations evidence reliability appellate court new evidence conviction reassessment UK appeal rights US appeal rights visual evidence judge assessment legal proceedings fair trial case review legal transparency witness credibility judiciary decision-making legal justice courtroom video retrial process video recording of court trials court case video evidence video footage in legal appeals courtroom filming legality UK courtroom filming legality US trial appeals evidence witness testimony video body language in court judicial video review criminal appeal process UK criminal appeal process US video evidence in appeals court trial transparency video documentation court audiovisual evidence judiciary court case documentation re-examination of convictions witness demeanor assessment new evidence in appeals judge review of video evidence trial transcript vs video courtroom technology fair trial evidence jury perception by video legal rights to appeal video access for judiciary trial evidence reliability video court trial video recording court proceedings footage courtroom video evidence video appeal process defendant appeal rights video in criminal appeals judge review of trial video witness testimony video video evidence reliability appellate court video review visual evidence in court body language courtroom analysis judicial decision video resources trial recording legal implications UK appeal process video US appeal rights video courtroom media access new evidence appeal legal video documentation video vs transcript courtroom courtroom video recording trial footage appeal process judicial review witness credibility evidentiary assessment UK legal system US legal system appellate judges witness demeanor body language in court trial transcripts new evidence video evidence in appeals legal transparency recording courtroom proceedings trial documentation judicial decision-making witness testimony evaluation fair trials
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro02a	"The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, Israeli settlements West Bank future negotiations political calculus Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal settler population growth religious settlers Haridam parties National Religious Party ultra-nationalist parties Israel Beitinu Knesset peace negotiations internal divisions room to manoeuvre settlement expansion peace likelihood Israeli politics settlement evacuation Orthodox Jews government coalition peace process Israeli right left-right politics Middle East conflict Israeli settlements West Bank settlement expansion Israeli politics peace negotiations Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal settler population growth religious settlers Haridam parties National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset balance of power internal divisions peace process political impact settlements facts on the ground settlement evacuation Israeli-Palestinian conflict right-wing Israeli politics Orthodox Jewish settlers Israeli government policy Israeli settlements West Bank peace negotiations Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal Orthodox parties National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset settler population growth Israeli politics religious settlers Haridam ultra-nationalist parties internal divisions facts on the ground Israeli government policy peace process political calculus security concerns land for peace settlement evacuation two-state solution Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlement expansion future Israeli governments political polarization Likud split Peace Now coalition governments demographic changes Israeli settlements impact on peace negotiations settlements influence future Israeli governments political consequences of Israeli settlements demographic changes due to West Bank settlements religious parties and Israeli settlement policy Likud party and settlement divisions Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal comparison settler population growth over time Orthodox parties role in Knesset Haridam party influence ultra-nationalist parties impact on Israel policy balance of power Israeli parliament settlements internal political divisions settlements future negotiation challenges Israel settlements peace process obstacles settler expansion Israeli settlement expansion political implications evacuation difficulties large settlement blocs settler voting patterns and politics Israel-Palestine negotiations Israeli settlements West Bank peace negotiations political divisions Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal settler population growth Orthodox parties National Religious Party ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu Knesset balance of power peace process obstacles internal Israeli politics settlement expansion consequences demographic trends Israeli right wing religious settlers settlement policy impact Israeli-Palestinian conflict future Israeli governments Israeli evacuation policies ultra-Orthodox influence settler political voting patterns Palestinian territories settlement movement history Israeli domestic policy Haaretz Peace Now West Bank demographics Israeli settlements West Bank settlements Israeli-Palestinian conflict peace negotiations Israel Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal settlement population statistics Haridam Orthodox parties National Religious Party Israel Beitinu political divisions Israel Knesset balance of power impact of settlements on peace religious settlers Israel Israeli government policy settlements evacuation of settlements future Israeli politics Israeli right-wing parties Israeli internal divisions settlement expansion consequences facts on the ground Israeli settlement policy history peace process obstacles influence of settler population ultra-Orthodox settlers Israeli settlement demographics Israeli settlements West Bank peace negotiations Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza disengagement Israeli right settler population Orthodox parties National Religious Party Haridam Israel Beitinu Knesset ultra-nationalist political divisions peace process internal divisions settlement expansion Israeli politics negotiation stance ""facts on the ground"" religious settlers population statistics Haaretz Peace Now population growth withdrawal evacuation balance of power Israeli government settlement policy Middle East conflict Israeli-Palestinian conflict Israeli settlements West Bank peace negotiations Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza disengagement Israeli politics settler population religious settlers National Religious Party Israeli Knesset coalition governments ultra-nationalist parties Israel Beitinu settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian conflict future Israeli policy Haridam voters internal political divisions Orthodox parties demographic trends settlement evacuation Israeli right-wing Peace Now Chaim Levinson Dror Etkes Haaretz Wikipedia Israeli government stance Israeli left Israeli right Israeli policy shifts Israeli settlements West Bank Gaza evacuation Likud party Ariel Sharon population growth religious settlers Orthodox parties National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset balance of power peace negotiations internal division expansion impact political calculus ultra-nationalists territorial compromise Haridam peace process geopolitical implications future negotiations Israeli politics settlement demography settler influence policy implications territorial disputes settlement expansion internal Israeli politics peace prospects Israeli settlements peace negotiations West Bank Gaza withdrawal Ariel Sharon Likud party settler population growth religious settlers Haridam parties National Religious Party Israeli politics Israel Beitinu Knesset power balance internal divisions peace process settlement expansion right-wing politics Orthodox Jewish settlers ultra-nationalism political impact negotiation stalemate territorial compromise"
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro03a	Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, televised trials courtroom disruption defendant outbursts political hijacking media influence courtroom antics public opinion televised court proceedings trial publicity war crimes trials trial manipulation courtroom behavior legal process disruption high-profile trials political performativity witness examination trial theatrics defendant approval ratings court authority undermining successor government impact legal ethics trial security defendant motivation legal spectacle media coverage effects unruly defendants disruptive behavior televised trials courtroom outbursts political hijacking defendant antics trial media coverage high-profile trials Saddam Hussein trial Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic courtroom political theater in court defendants exploiting cameras public opinion manipulation trial publicity effects war crimes trials courtroom control strategies trial disruption legal spectacle defendant grandstanding media influence on justice televised trials courtroom disruption political hijacking defendant outbursts high-profile trials media influence trial publicity war crimes trials courtroom antics defendant behavior trial theatrics legal procedure witness examination public perception approval ratings Saddam Hussein trial Slobodan Milosevic trial Ratko Mladic trial ICTY legal strategy political trials successor government courtroom management disruptive defendants international courts trial media coverage unruly defendants televised trials defendant courtroom outbursts political hijacking trial incentives disrupt process televised Saddam Hussein trial behavior Slobodan Milosevic ICTY antics Ratko Mladic courtroom tactics defendant approval ratings trials media influence court behavior impact televising trials disruption televised trial political platform damaging successor government televised televised courtroom control challenges public perception war crimes trials controlling disruptive defendants media case studies courtroom disruption legal scholar analysis televised trials precedent defendant antics on camera psychological effects televising trials risks of televised high-profile trials televised trials courtroom disruption defendant outbursts media influence on trials political hijacking in court war crimes trials Saddam Hussein trial Milosevic antics courtroom behavior ICTY trial publicity defendant media strategy televised court proceedings Ratko Mladic trial trial by media impact on government legal procedure defendant manipulation judicial control courtroom security public perception of trials court legitimacy political defendants disruptive tactics in court legal spectacle high-profile trials televised trials disruptive defendants courtroom antics political hijacking trial publicity defendant outbursts media influence on trials war crimes trials behavior courtroom disruptions Saddam Hussein trial conduct Milosevic trial tactics Ratko Mladic courtroom behavior impact of cameras in court public perception of defendants trial manipulation high-profile defendants media coverage risks trial theatrics defendant approval ratings political statements in court unruly defendants courtroom disruptions televising trials media influence political hijacking public perception defendant outbursts trial antics Saddam Hussein trial Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic tactics televised proceedings legal strategy trial manipulation war crimes trials approval ratings political platform successor government impact court legitimacy high-profile trials witness examination legal proceedings media coverage disruptive trial behavior public opinion courtroom legal consequences media televised trials disruptive defendants courtroom antics political grandstanding public trials media influence on trials trial theatrics defendant outbursts trial manipulation legal strategy televised high-profile defendants war crimes trials trial legitimacy courtroom control defendant publicity courtroom media coverage political hijacking trials trial platform misuse Saddam Hussein trial Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic antics legal spectacle defendant approval ratings trial public perception risks of public trials courtroom chaos media impact on justice televised justice drawbacks controlling disruptive behavior defendant audience manipulation televised trials courtroom disruption political hijacking defendant outbursts media influence war crimes trials Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic ICTY defendant tactics courtroom antics trial media coverage public opinion political platform court legitimacy successor government trial publicity disruptive defendants legal strategy approval ratings witness examination psychological impact high-profile trials televised trials unruly defendants courtroom disruption political hijacking defendant outbursts media influence on trials public perception of trials high-profile trials defendant behavior war crimes trials courtroom antics impact on judicial process Saddam Hussein trial Slobodan Milosevic trial Ratko Mladic trial approval ratings legal strategy witness examination successor government impact platform for defendants court authority erosion trial publicity judicial effectiveness control of defendants case studies trial decorum
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro03a	International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, international criminal court transnational justice war crimes crimes against humanity legal harmonization extradition universal jurisdiction complementarity principle accountability post-conflict justice transitional justice state sovereignty legal reform ICC intervention high-profile prosecutions deterrence restitution reconciliation ICC Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international legal standards domestic prosecution judicial cooperation legal capacity building hybrid tribunals international criminal law international prosecution domestic justice transitional justice universal jurisdiction hybrid courts war crimes trials ICC International Criminal Court accountability rule of law domestic prosecution complementarity post-conflict justice state sovereignty legal harmonization international norms deterrence high-level offenders domestic courts local justice systems legal reforms human rights enforcement Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international cooperation international legal frameworks legal spillover capacity building justice cascade transitional justice international criminal court ICC accountability war crimes crimes against humanity legal harmonization complementarity domestic prosecution global justice deterrence human rights post-conflict justice extradition international law judicial cooperation Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo rule of law international prosecution and domestic justice impact of international courts on national legal systems effectiveness of international criminal tribunals international law influence on domestic prosecutions complementarity principle in ICC international justice and state sovereignty prosecution of high-level officials by international courts case studies of ICC intervention international prosecution in post-conflict societies lessons from Ivory coast international prosecution challenges of transferring international justice to domestic courts international legal norms adoption domestically capacity-building through international prosecution domestic impact of prosecuting war crimes internationally international and national jurisdiction cooperation international criminal court ICC transnational justice universal jurisdiction accountability complementarity principle domestic legal reform extradition human rights violations international tribunals war crimes crimes against humanity state cooperation post-conflict justice judicial independence sovereignty hybrid courts legal harmonization political stabilization deterrence effect case studies Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international law enforcement transitional justice international criminal court effectiveness impact of international prosecution on domestic law international justice and local accountability domestic courts and international crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo trial international prosecution deterring powerful offenders relationship between ICC and national courts international law influence on domestic justice transitional justice in post-conflict societies international tribunals supporting local prosecutions prosecuting war crimes internationally and domestically complementarity principle in ICC case studies international criminal court Africa benefits of international prosecution for domestic stability international interventions and domestic legal reforms international criminal court ICC transnational justice universal jurisdiction extradition war crimes crimes against humanity legal harmonization comparative law deterrence accountability complementarity principle hybrid tribunals international law enforcement post-conflict recovery legal reform rule of law transitional justice political stability high-profile offenders international tribunals domestic courts capacity building legal cooperation jurisdictional reach prosecution of leaders human rights international norms justice system integration national sovereignty international criminal court ICC transnational justice domestic legal reform global justice mechanisms accountability for war crimes prosecution of powerful offenders international law influence hybrid tribunals Ivory Coast justice Laurent Gbagbo case deterrence of impunity capacity building domestic courts international law implementation atrocity crimes prosecution post-conflict justice international trials impact international criminal court ICC transnational justice hybrid tribunals universal jurisdiction accountability mechanisms war crimes crimes against humanity complementarity principle post-conflict justice legal harmonization extradition restorative justice transitional justice international law human rights enforcement domestic legal reform successful prosecution case studies role of NGOs international cooperation deterrent effect prosecution of political leaders stabilization national vs international jurisdiction deterrence rule of law strengthening international criminal court transnational justice universal jurisdiction accountability mechanisms transitional justice complementarity principle crimes against humanity global governance war crimes prosecution state sovereignty legal harmonization human rights enforcement international tribunals post-conflict justice judicial cooperation national court empowerment political stability Ivory Coast legal reform Gbagbo trial international law enforcement
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ Western academic tradition university history free speech Renaissance universities Reformation education Enlightenment academia university expansion democratisation of education academic freedom free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy non-traditional perspectives intellectual dissent academic inquiry best graduates academic excellence immigrant academics scientific progress cultural change arts in universities intellectual tradition Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich degree value academic honesty academic integrity academic qualification Russian academics in America Soviet immigrant scientists academic migration intellectual scrutiny university sector growth Western academic tradition university history free speech in universities intellectual freedom renaissance education reformation universities enlightenment scholarship democratization of higher education university sector expansion free exchange of ideas academic dissent critical pedagogy Marxist educational theory academic orthodoxy intellectual tradition of dissent academic migration academic freedom academic inquiry critical scrutiny institutional reputation degree value higher education standards academic integrity university prestige academic publishing scholarly independence university intellectual history US academic immigration academic workforce competing global universities Yale university history Oxford academic tradition Harvard higher education ETH Zurich academic excellence Western academic tradition university history free speech Renaissance universities Reformation education Enlightenment academia university sector expansion democratisation of education free exchange of ideas academic freedom critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy normalisation of perspectives intellectual tradition dissent in academia critical scrutiny academic migration USSR academic immigrants top universities Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich academic qualifications intellectual dishonesty academic inquiry Doug Anderson Nebraskan Russian academics in America Harvard study intellectual freedom academic excellence scholarly tradition university excellence democratic education academic freedom history of Western universities free speech in universities Renaissance university tradition Reformation and university growth Enlightenment and academic inquiry democratisation of higher education university sector expansion exchange of ideas in academia standardization of academic freedom critical pedagogy Marxism challenging academic orthodoxy normalizing dissent in universities intellectual tradition of dissent academic migration to the West academic excellence and freedom value of university qualifications devaluation of academic degrees freedom of publication in academia intellectual honesty in higher education impact of academic freedom on graduates role of universities in cultural change scientific progress in Western universities academic freedom free speech university history Western tradition intellectual dissent critical pedagogy Marxist scholars democratization of education renaissance reformation enlightenment expansion of universities academic orthodoxy free exchange of ideas intellectual tradition academic inquiry top universities academic mobility Soviet academics academic immigration graduate quality academic publishing academic honesty university prestige institutional integrity higher education scholarly dissent cultural impact of universities scientific progress artistic development university sector growth Western academic tradition growth of universities free speech in universities history of Western education Renaissance higher education Reformation universities Enlightenment academic freedom university sector expansion democratisation of education free exchange of ideas academic dissent critical pedagogy Marxist scholars in education academic orthodoxy universities intellectual tradition academic freedom benefits global academic migration USSR academic emigration university brand value intellectual scrutiny Yale academic standards Harvard academic freedom Oxford university history ETH Zurich education academic inquiry degree value free academic discourse academic freedom free speech Western universities university history Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment democratization of education expansion of university sector free exchange of ideas intellectual tradition dissent critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy alternative perspectives best academics academic inquiry research freedom university reputation Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich academic qualification critical scrutiny intellectual honesty higher education academic publishing immigrant academics Soviet academics intellectual legacy cultural change scientific advancement artistic influence academic environment institutional integrity academic tradition Western universities free speech intellectual freedom Renaissance universities Reformation scholarship Enlightenment academia university sector expansion democratisation of education free exchange of ideas academic orthodoxy Marxist pedagogy critical pedagogy academic dissent intellectual scrutiny academic migration intellectual migration USSR academic qualification value university reputation academic inquiry higher education history Yale academic tradition Oxford academic tradition Harvard university evolution ETH Zurich academic standards academic freedom Western universities free speech intellectual tradition Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment knowledge democratization university history critical pedagogy Marxist scholarship academic orthodoxy intellectual dissent academic inquiry scientific progress cultural change migration of scholars higher education expansion Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich degree value academic qualification scholarly independence academic publishing free exchange of ideas university sector growth intellectual honesty academic environments Western academic tradition history of universities free speech in academia Renaissance education Reformation universities Enlightenment academic freedom university sector expansion democratisation of education critical pedagogy Marxist educational theory academic orthodoxy academic dissent freedom of inquiry intellectual tradition academic immigration brain drain USSR academic integrity university reputation institutional branding academic qualification standards academic publishing freedom higher education evolution academic culture scholarly exchange intellectual honesty academic scrutiny academic mobility academic excellence multicultural academia
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con03a	Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. sham elections democratic legitimacy policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing election manipulation public opinion electoral guidance party competition party platforms opposition parties independent MPs controlled political space government criticism political change electoral autocracy semi-democratic regimes opposition status representational politics political participation regime responsiveness authoritarian elections opposition influence institutionalized opposition political dissent symbolic democracy sham elections electoral integrity manipulated elections symbolic elections authoritarian elections policy preferences public opinion voter behavior regime legitimacy vote rigging electoral fraud voter intimidation election data party competition opposition parties independent MPs political pluralism political participation controlled dissent political representation government accountability electoral outcomes regime responsiveness popular demands political reforms comparative elections democracy under authoritarianism pseudo-democracy regime survival opposition status co-optation electoral authoritarianism competitive authoritarian regimes policy signaling authoritarian regime feedback opposition empowerment elections sham elections voter behavior policy preferences electoral manipulation vote rigging voter intimidation public opinion government response ballot stuffing opposition parties independent MPs party platforms political competition electoral outcomes political representation democratic participation controlled dissent voice of the people government accountability policy influence electoral legitimacy political reform authoritarian elections policy adaptation utility of sham elections policy preference signaling vote rigging impact voter intimidation effects ballot stuffing analysis government interpretation of fake votes opposition role in authoritarian elections status of opposition MPs controlled criticism through elections channeling public voice via elections policy guidance from manipulated results party competition in flawed elections popularity of party platforms influence of opposition in restricted elections independent MPs in controlled settings restricted democratic spaces benefits of opposition participation government responsiveness to public opinion legitimizing dissent incremental change under authoritarianism sham elections electoral legitimacy policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation government accountability opposition parties independent MPs party platforms popular policies electoral manipulation controlled opposition democratic signaling public opinion status of opposition election outcomes citizen voice electoral competition regime responsiveness political pluralism political change authoritarian elections representation electoral strategy manipulated elections citizen participation sham elections electoral legitimacy voter preferences vote rigging voter intimidation policy feedback electoral manipulation opposition parties independent MPs government accountability electoral competition party platforms political dissent citizen voice authoritarian elections controlled political opposition electoral influence on policy ballot stuffing democratic signaling impact of flawed elections semi-democratic systems opposition status electoral protest regime responsiveness electoral outcomes and policy sham elections electoral legitimacy voter intent policy preferences election rigging vote manipulation voter intimidation ballot stuffing public opinion party platforms popular policies opposition parties independent MPs parliamentary status controlled opposition government criticism democracy electoral competition citizen voice political change governance election transparency regime accountability political participation electoral influence authoritarian elections semi-democratic systems representational government electoral outcomes legitimacy of rule sham elections election legitimacy voter preferences policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing government manipulation electoral guidance public opinion party competition opposition parties independent MPs political pluralism controlled opposition parliamentary status government criticism channeling public voice electoral reforms democratic processes influence on policy authoritarian elections electoral outcomes regime legitimacy opposition influence managed democracy sham elections electoral legitimacy policy preferences voter behavior vote rigging election integrity ballot stuffing government accountability opposition parties party platforms political competition democratic process voter intimidation independent MPs parliamentary opposition political pluralism electoral outcomes citizen representation policy guidance controlled dissent institutional opposition electoral participation democratic reform political engagement civil liberties sham elections voter preferences policy preferences vote rigging electoral fraud voter intimidation ballot stuffing opposition parties independent MPs party platforms political competition popular policy ideas electoral outcomes government accountability controlled criticism political legitimacy electoral authoritarianism opposition status public opinion democratic processes political change
test-education-tuhwastua-pro03a	Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. test bias cultural bias linguistic bias standardized testing minority students educational equity SAT performance test fairness English language learners reading comprehension socioeconomic factors cultural background assessment disparities test validity educational discrimination regatta SAT example indigenous students racial disparities achievement gap test design stereotype threat academic assessment linguistic diversity minority underperformance English proficiency unfair testing practices test bias educational inequality minority student performance SAT disparities English language learners cultural bias in testing standardized test criticism linguistic bias assessment fairness testing equity cultural competence in education test validity socioeconomic factors in testing fairness in standardized exams minority access to education racial disparities in assessment equity in standardized testing language barriers in education cultural sensitivity in testing assessment discrimination test bias cultural bias language bias standardized testing inequality minority education SAT performance gaps English language learners socioeconomic status educational equity assessment fairness test validity cultural context linguistic disadvantage educational discrimination minority achievement gap standardized assessment critique test question design regatta example English proficiency cultural knowledge equity in education bias correction diverse student backgrounds testing fairness minorities in education educational barriers culturally responsive assessment standardized test bias cultural bias in testing SAT minority performance English language learners testing disadvantages of standardized testing test fairness minorities educational inequality standardized tests minority achievement gap SAT cultural context SAT questions linguistic bias standardized testing regatta SAT analogy bias socioeconomic factors in testing test validity diverse populations SAT cultural relevance test makers cultural perspectives addressing test bias solutions minority representation in test design inequity in educational assessment fairness in college admissions tests impact of language on test scores standardized testing bias minority student performance SAT fairness cultural bias in testing language barriers in tests English proficiency and test scores educational assessment disparities test question cultural relevance socioeconomic factors in standardized tests regatta SAT question test fairness for non-native speakers minority representation in test design educational equity standardized test critique test question selection bias income and test performance fairness in standardized assessments testing discrimination bias in reading comprehension tests cultural context in education standardized testing bias racial disparities in standardized tests minority students SAT performance cultural bias in test questions language barriers standardized tests English language learners test scores test fairness for minorities socioeconomic factors in standardized tests regatta SAT question cultural bias diversity in standardized testing educational equity standardized tests test design bias minority representation in test development disadvantages of standardized testing minorities SAT cultural knowledge questions standardized testing bias minority achievement gap SAT inequity educational disparities test fairness cultural bias linguistic bias English language learners assessment validity socioeconomic factors test design regatta SAT example minority student performance cultural context educational equity test question wording structural discrimination English proficiency underrepresentation academic disadvantage assessment practices academic barriers diverse populations standardized test reform cultural relevance standardized test bias minority student performance SAT cultural bias English language learners test fairness educational inequality assessment discrimination regatta SAT example cultural bias in testing testing and income disparity language barriers in education reading comprehension bias minority access to education test question bias education policy equity standardized testing reform socioeconomic factors in testing diversity in education assessment equity linguistic disadvantage fairness in standardized assessments educational access minorities racial disparities testing bias in standardized assessments cultural knowledge and testing test bias cultural bias linguistic bias SAT performance minorities test fairness standardized testing equity minority student achievement gaps English language learners test question cultural references standardized test accessibility educational disparities assessment validity language minority test challenges test content analysis implicit bias standardized tests psychometric fairness socioeconomic test bias diverse student performance regatta SAT example educational policy minority students test bias cultural bias linguistic bias English language learners standardized testing inequity minority performance SAT educational equity socioeconomic status cultural fairness test validity educational assessment test item bias regatta SAT example test question cultural relevance minority student achievement diversity in testing language proficiency test fairness SAT criticism inclusive assessment
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con05a	In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 public surveillance government suspicion anti-terrorism policies civil liberties privacy invasion security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures collective punishment justice effectiveness of anti-terrorism core grievances terrorism prevention negotiation conflict resolution Northern Ireland peace process public opinion government accountability security vs. freedom policy criticism mass surveillance government suspicion public surveillance security cameras anti-terrorism privacy invasion civil liberties justice counter-terrorism policy collective punishment innocent citizens grievance resolution negotiation strategies Northern Ireland conflict public security human rights surveillance criticism political negotiation addressing root causes terrorism prevention mass surveillance civil liberties privacy invasion counterterrorism public trust government suspicion security policies justice system preventive measures individual rights security cameras liberty vs security negotiation conflict resolution grievance addressing anti-terrorism policy social impact collective punishment proportional response Northern Ireland peace process government surveillance public suspicion anti-terrorism measures impact on civil liberties security cameras privacy invasion justice and fairness effectiveness of anti-terrorism core grievances of terrorism negotiation as conflict resolution examples from Northern Ireland government vs. public trust proportionality of security measures alternatives to surveillance civil rights and security Bowcott Guardian article historical precedents for negotiation addressing root causes of terrorism mass surveillance public trust government suspicion anti-terrorism civil liberties privacy invasion justice system collective punishment security measures social grievances negotiation strategies conflict resolution Northern Ireland peace process security cameras security checks human rights counter-terrorism policies public security state surveillance political negotiation reconciliation public opinion individual freedoms effectiveness of anti-terrorist laws government accountability government surveillance anti-terrorism measures public privacy security cameras security checks invasion of privacy justice and terrorism effectiveness of anti-terrorism addressing core grievances negotiation vs security Northern Ireland peace process public perception of security balancing security and privacy impact on innocent people civil liberties and government policy public perception government surveillance anti-terrorism measures security cameras security checks privacy invasion civil liberties collective punishment justice effectiveness of anti-terrorism core grievances root causes of terrorism negotiation conflict resolution Northern Ireland peace process civil rights trust in government mass surveillance counterterrorism policy policy effectiveness privacy rights social justice grievance negotiation The Guardian state suspicion government surveillance public suspicion anti-terrorism measures mass surveillance privacy invasion security cameras security checks civil liberties justice issues counter-terrorism policy terrorism prevention public safety negotiation strategies addressing grievances Northern Ireland peace process government accountability human rights security vs privacy effective counter-terrorism anti-terror laws government mistrust surveillance state social justice criminal justice reform policy effectiveness civil rights root causes of terrorism government overreach public opinion on security government surveillance public privacy anti-terrorism policies civil liberties mass surveillance security cameras security checks anti-privacy laws justice system counterterrorism effectiveness public perception core grievances negotiation conflict resolution Northern Ireland peace process human rights social justice state security terrorism prevention public trust mass surveillance government suspicion anti-terrorism policies civil liberties privacy invasion public opinion security measures justice system effectiveness of counter-terrorism core grievances negotiation strategies conflict resolution Northern Ireland peace process terrorism prevention human rights public suffering surveillance cameras security checks anti-privacy legislation social impact of security addressing root causes punishment of innocents alternatives to surveillance
test-politics-glghssi-pro03a	An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, independent Scotland economic potential European nations technology sector renewable energy economic development North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields talent migration devolution life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic growth CPPR public policy Scotland independence innovation green energy small nations economic opportunities investment skilled workforce regional development job creation Scotland economy sustainable growth independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leadership renewable energy economic development Westminster policies North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields brain drain devolution powers life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic growth CPPR report public policy Scotland independence job opportunities skills migration Scottish economy sustainable energy innovation productivity Scotland-UK comparison regional disparities economic diversification entrepreneurship investment climate Scottish independence economic growth small European nations technology sector renewable energy life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen devolution North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields workforce migration talent retention public policy regional development economic opportunities innovation sustainable energy economic diversification UK economic comparison Scottish industries post-devolution growth investment economic policy CPPR report independent Scotland economic potential small European nations economic comparison Scottish technology sector growth renewable energy leadership Scotland economic impact of Westminster policies North Sea oil economic history Lanarkshire coal fields legacy Scottish brain drain effects Scottish devolution economic powers Scotland life sciences industry silicon glen IT sector development Scotland traditional industries modernization Scottish economic growth rates post-devolution CPPR economic growth comparisons benefits of Scottish independence for economy Scottish innovation and entrepreneurship renewable energy investment in Scotland future projections independent Scottish economy Scotland EU membership economic effects retention of skilled labor in Scotland independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leadership renewable energy economic development Westminster policy North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields brain drain devolution powers life sciences sector IT sector silicon glen traditional industries economic growth rate UK-Scotland comparison CPPR public policy missed opportunities skilled workers Scottish independence sustainability innovation knowledge economy regional development green energy entrepreneurship modern industries energy transition workforce mobility Scottish independence economic prospects Scotland technology sector Scotland renewable energy leadership Scottish innovation in Europe comparison with small European economies life sciences Scotland Silicon Glen IT growth economic development post-devolution North Sea oil economic effects Lanarkshire coalfields history population brain drain Scotland missed economic opportunities Scotland Scotland economic growth statistics CPPR economic reports Scottish traditional industries Westminster vs Scottish economic policy impact of devolution on Scottish economy future of Scotland's skills workforce Scottish economic resilience independence economic challenges and opportunities independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology renewable energy economic development Westminster North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields migration brain drain devolution life-sciences sector IT sector silicon glen traditional industries economic growth independence CPPR public policy regions Scottish economy innovation entrepreneurship European integration sustainability green energy job creation industrial diversification digital economy regional disparity economic policy economic statistics sustainable development Scotland independence economic future independent Scotland Scottish economy small European nations technology sector Scotland renewable energy Scotland economic development Scotland North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields brain drain Scotland job market Scotland devolution Scotland life-sciences Scotland Silicon Glen IT sector Scotland traditional industries Scotland economic growth Scotland UK economic comparison Scottish independence CPPR economic report public policy Scotland economic opportunities Scotland Scottish innovation Scottish skilled workforce Scottish independence benefits missed economic opportunities Scotland Scottish independence economic potential small European nations technology leadership renewable energy devolution North Sea oil coal industry Lanarkshire brain drain economic development life sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic growth United Kingdom comparison CPPR report public policy regional development innovation high-skilled jobs missed opportunities energy transition employment trends economic diversification political autonomy future prospects sustainable development Scottish independence economic growth small European nations technology leadership renewable energy Westminster policies North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields economic potential brain drain devolution life sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic development regional disparity growth statistics CPPR public policy job migration industrial diversification innovation economy Scotland-UK comparison missed economic opportunities economic autonomy
test-education-tuhwastua-pro05a	Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. test-focused instruction curriculum narrowing test preparation rote memorization educational quality assessment-driven teaching high-stakes testing academic standards teaching strategies instructional methods learning outcomes critical thinking skill development authentic assessment exam-oriented education teaching effectiveness pedagogical impact subject mastery student engagement education policy teaching to the test test-focused instruction curriculum narrowing test preparation assessment-driven teaching educational outcomes standardized testing impact instructional quality learning vs testing educational policy skill development high-stakes testing test score emphasis academic achievement student learning formative assessment education standards teacher autonomy exam-oriented teaching holistic education test-focused instruction curriculum narrowing test preparation strategies educational quality teaching standards teaching to the test assessment-driven teaching high-stakes testing instructional alignment learning outcomes standardized testing impact skills acquisition subject-specific exams AP teaching practices A-Level curricula test-based accountability education policy student learning experience teacher autonomy exam-oriented teaching teaching to the test effects of standardized testing curriculum narrowing impact on student learning consequences for educational quality test-focused instruction skill development in schools standardized assessment drawbacks education system challenges comparative analysis SAT vs. AP Exams vs. A-Levels high-stakes testing implications loss of holistic education pressure on teachers pedagogical shifts due to testing academic performance vs. real-world skills subject-area test effects international education comparisons test-driven curriculum design teacher autonomy loss accountability in standardized testing standardized testing test-oriented teaching curriculum narrowing teaching to the test assessment-driven instruction educational quality skill development balanced curriculum test preparation SAT SAT Subject Tests AP Exams A-Levels educational consequences academic integrity learning outcomes instructional focus educational policy teacher autonomy education standards high-stakes testing effects of teaching to the test drawbacks of standardized testing impact on curriculum teaching strategies standardized exams consequences for student learning curriculum narrowing standardized tests educational outcomes test-focused teaching implications assessment-driven instruction influence on educational quality alternative assessment methods educational policy standardized tests teacher autonomy standardized testing standardized exams and skill development balanced curriculum testing impact standardized testing test-focused instruction curriculum narrowing teaching to the test assessment-driven education high-stakes exams instructional quality skill development educational outcomes teacher autonomy exam preparation AP exams SAT Subject Tests A-Levels educational standards learning objectives rote memorization critical thinking skills holistic education classroom practices accountability measures educational policy student learning educational equity performance pressure curriculum alignment standardized testing impact teaching to the test test-driven curriculum educational assessment consequences effects on teaching methods narrowing curriculum SAT influence on education AP exam preparation SAT Subject Tests drawbacks A-Levels teaching strategies educational quality concerns skill development in schools educational policy and testing balanced curriculum challenges rote learning vs critical thinking test preparation industry high stakes testing effects assessment-driven instruction student learning outcomes drawbacks of standardized exams global standardized test impact standardized testing teaching to the test curriculum narrowing test preparation education quality student learning outcomes instructional strategies assessment impact high-stakes exams educational policy skill development subject-specific assessments academic performance educational equity teaching effectiveness learning motivation formative assessment summative assessment test-driven instruction breadth of knowledge curriculum standards classroom practice teaching methods holistic education assessment-driven instruction curriculum narrowing test preparation educational outcomes instructional focus teaching strategies standardized assessment skill development balanced curriculum exam-oriented teaching high-stakes testing learning quality test-centric education educational policy teacher autonomy classroom instruction student learning educational equity subject mastery formative assessment
test-politics-dhwem-pro03a	"PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments private military companies PMC performance contractor incentives employee training high standards ex-military recruitment special forces veterans mercenaries government recognition military outsourcing civilian contractors professionalism quality assurance contract security armed forces crossover SAS US government contracts Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training Ministry of Defence policies sabbaticals professionalization of mercenaries image transformation reputable mercenaries security industry national endorsement privatized military services Iraq contractors private sector opportunities military work benefits workforce quality defence contracting private military contractors PMC incentives PMC performance PMC training ex-military recruitment veteran employment PMC standards contractor equipment military privatization mercenaries professionalization of mercenaries government recognition SAS private sector Iraq PMCs Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training British Ministry of Defence mercenaries soldier sabbaticals private security firms PMC legitimacy military outsourcing mercenary image state-sanctioned mercenaries military-civilian crossover PMC professionalism armed forces contractors private military companies PMCs contractor performance military outsourcing ex-service recruitment mercenary image training standards government contracts SAS veterans Iraq conflict military privatization armed forces contractor professionalism military-civilian relations mercenary regulation Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training British Ministry of Defence soldier sabbaticals national government endorsement professional mercenaries defense industry security contractors quality assurance military labor market employment incentives PMCs performance incentives PMCs employee training PMCs equipment standards ex-military recruitment by PMCs SAS soldiers in Iraq PMCs government recognition of PMCs PMC and regular military crossover Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training British Ministry of Defence mercenary sabbaticals private security contractor professionalism mercenaries image transformation comparison: PMCs vs national armed forces PMCs in modern warfare national endorsement of PMCs PMCs vs ""dogs of war"" reputation mercenaries as military professionals lucrative private military career PMCs future contracts competitiveness role of PMCs in Iraq policies private military companies PMCs military privatization ex-service personnel contractor recruitment security sector reform mercenary reputation defense outsourcing SAS Iraq Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training government endorsement British Ministry of Defence policies mercenary professionalism quality assurance military training outsourcing armed forces sabbatical contractor performance military contract competition private security sector national security policy private military companies PMC incentives PMC recruitment ex-service personnel SAS soldiers in Iraq mercenary quality government recognition mercenaries PMC and military crossover Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training contractors British Ministry of Defence mercenary policy soldiers working as mercenaries PMC professionalism transformation of mercenary image national government endorsement of PMCs private security sector military outsourcing professionalisation of mercenaries private military companies PMCs performance incentives contract security personnel training equipment standards ex-service recruitment quality assurance SAS veterans Iraq mercenaries government recognition professional soldiers military outsourcing regular military crossover Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training US Government British Ministry of Defence sabbatical policy private sector earnings mercenary image professionalization national endorsement military privatization defense contractors military professionalism private military companies PMC performance contractor incentives military outsourcing PMC recruitment ex-service personnel SAS soldiers Iraq mercenary quality government recognition mercenaries PMC and military collaboration Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training PMC UK Ministry of Defence sabbaticals mercenary professionalism mercenaries image national government endorsement private sector military mercenaries vs regular army PMC training standards contractor effectiveness private security firms private military companies PMC incentives PMC performance employee training employee equipment ex-service personnel recruitment mercenaries SAS soldiers Iraq military privatization government recognition military professionalism mercenary quality PMC military crossover Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training US Government contracts British Ministry of Defence soldier sabbaticals private sector experience mercenary reputation professional mercenaries national government endorsement private security industry military outsourcing modern mercenaries legitimacy of PMCs PMC employment trends private military companies PMCs mercenaries military professionalism ex-service personnel contractor training military privatization government endorsement military outsourcing SAS veterans Iraq Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training British Ministry of Defence private sector military soldier sabbaticals security contractors mercenary reputation professional standards armed forces recruitment military-civil fusion defense privatization military effectiveness Lock 2011 government contracts"
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid wildlife crime anti-poaching strategies advanced poaching methods wildlife protection conservation enforcement militarized conservation rhino horn trade wildlife trafficking night vision technology high-caliber weapons anti-poaching units poaching deterrence ranger training aerial surveillance endangered species protection South Africa rhino poaching illegal hunting wildlife law enforcement helicopter poaching Asian market demand rhino horn medical myths conservation technology poacher apprehension wildlife security operations anti-poaching tactics wildlife crime prevention rhino horn trade militarised conservation advanced poaching technology ranger training aerial surveillance South Africa rhino protection night vision equipment helicopter poaching high-calibre weaponry endangered species protection wildlife trafficking ranger militarisation Asian rhino horn market counter-poaching strategies illegal wildlife trade conservation enforcement rhino horn demand transnational wildlife crime wildlife trafficking anti-poaching strategies paramilitary tactics rhino horn trade conservation enforcement night surveillance drone monitoring transnational crime illegal wildlife trade protected area security ranger training black market demand South Africa endangered species protection Asian medicine market advanced weaponry conservation technology border security wildlife law enforcement environmental crime prevention anti-poaching strategies militarised wildlife protection advanced poaching tactics technology in poaching wildlife crime prevention rhino horn trade Asian market demand rhino horn South African rhino protection ranger aerial surveillance night vision poaching silencer rifle poaching helicopter poaching Africa wildlife rangers military training endangered species militarized defence illegal wildlife trade enforcement conservation through militarisation combating poaching technology wildlife protection drones special forces wildlife conservation transnational poaching syndicates demand reduction rhino horn Asia modern poacher equipment counter-poaching operations militarising conservation efforts po militarized anti-poaching wildlife crime technology rhino horn trade Asian black market wildlife high-tech poaching methods aerial surveillance wildlife ranger training anti-poaching night vision poaching silencers wildlife crime helicopter poaching South Africa rhino protection endangered species enforcement wildlife trafficking prevention illegal wildlife trade Asia conservation militarization wildlife protection strategies advanced poaching tactics counter-poaching operations rhino poaching crisis wildlife crime intelligence advanced poaching techniques militarised anti-poaching rhino poaching South Africa high-tech poaching equipment poaching night vision scopes anti-poaching aerial surveillance South African rangers training poaching helicopters rhino horn Asian market endangered animal protection anti-poaching military tactics wildlife crime prevention poaching crisis solutions rhino horn medicine poacher detection technology anti-poaching strategies wildlife crime rhino horn trafficking wildlife conservation militarized conservation South Africa poaching advanced poaching methods poaching technology night vision equipment high-caliber firearms aerial surveillance ranger training endangered species protection illegal wildlife trade Asian medicinal market counter-poaching operations conservation law enforcement helicopter poaching armed rangers wildlife protection measures rhino protection wildlife trafficking protected area management law enforcement technology rhino horn demand surveillance technology illegal hunting wildlife rangers transnational crime anti-trafficking enforcement anti-poaching strategies rhino horn trade wildlife conservation tactics military intervention in poaching advanced poaching technology night vision poaching poaching helicopters rhino horn value Asia ranger specialized training aerial surveillance anti-poaching South Africa rhino protection militarized wildlife protection poaching crisis solutions endangered species security rhino horn demand Asia poacher tracking methods African wildlife trafficking counter-poaching measures wildlife crime prevention ranger modernization wildlife trafficking anti-poaching strategies militarized conservation rhino horn trade South Africa enforcement technology in poaching aerial surveillance ranger training endangered species protection illegal wildlife trade counter-poaching tactics Asian demand high-tech poaching methods wildlife crime prevention law enforcement wildlife conservation intervention wildlife protection policies cross-border poaching illicit market demand wildlife security anti-poaching technology wildlife crime conservation strategies military intervention rangers training aerial surveillance rhino horn trade black market wildlife endangered species protection South Africa poaching Asian market demand counter-poaching tactics illegal wildlife trade high-tech poaching methods law enforcement wildlife rhino conservation night vision poaching helicopter poaching wildlife trafficking wildlife forensics
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro04a	"Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, European integration spillover functionalism supranationalism Ernst Haas Leon Lindberg political community European Community integration theory sectoral integration regional integration institutionalism actor analysis supranational institutions policy expansion EU enlargement incrementalism neo-functional spillover economic integration social integration dynamic integration community method intergovernmentalism European Union studies integration outcomes neo-functionalism European integration spillover effect Ernst Haas Leon Lindberg political community sectoral integration supranationalism functionalism European Union theory integration process spillover dynamics EC/EU enlargement integration actors transnational actors community method European Community dynamism integration theory regional integration European integration spillover effect supranationalism functionalism Ernst Haas Leon Lindberg political community European Community integration theory regional integration European Union institutionalism intergovernmentalism policy transfer transnational actors sectoral integration neofunctionalist theory EU governance dynamic integration community method integration process Tranholm-Mikkelsen comparative regionalism supranational actors decision-making automatic integration integration mechanisms Neo-functionalism advantages neo-functionalism EU integration neo-functionalism theory analysis Haas Lindberg thesis spillover effect EU sectorial integration theory predicting European integration political community Europe actors in EU integration criticisms of neo-functionalism neo-functionalism versus intergovernmentalism neo-functionalism contemporary relevance transformative spillover European Community integration Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism neo-functionalism empirical evidence neo-functionalism limitations dynamic integration theories neo-functionalism in policy analysis mechanisms of EU integration neo-functionalism European integration integration theory spillover effect regional integration Ernst Haas Leon Lindberg European Union supranationalism functionalism political community sectoral integration institutional actors policy spillover transactionalism integration dynamics EC/EU history comparative integration theory integration outcomes integration predictions neo-functionalism european integration spillover effect Haas theory Lindberg integration EU political community sectoral integration functionalism vs intergovernmentalism integration theory European Community analysis integration predictions actors in EU integration neofunctionalism critique spillover mechanisms Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism new dynamism EC supranationalism regional integration theories theory of integration European Union studies neo-functionalism European integration EU analysis integration theory spillover sectorial integration political community Ernst Haas Leon Lindberg functionalism supranational actors member states European Community integration process regional integration transnational actors institutional change policy spillover policy expansion integration outcome prediction decision-making European Union theory of integration new dynamism EC Tranholm-Mikkelsen integration mechanisms political integration economic integration sociology of integration international relations theory neo-functionalism European integration Ernst B. Haas Leon Lindberg spillover effect sectoral integration supranational institutions European Community political community EU theory integration theory functionalism integration outcomes actors in integration European studies regionalism EC dynamism Tranholm-Mikkelsen intergovernmentalism vs neo-functionalism EU expansion European Union analysis community method integration mechanisms transnational actors policy spillover regional integration theory neo-functionalism European Union integration Haas Lindberg spillover effect sectoral integration political community European Community integration theories supranationalism functionalism regional integration European studies Tranholm-Mikkelsen EC dynamism actor analysis outcome prediction political integration EU theory integration process policy spillover European identity integration mechanisms institutionalism intergovernmentalism neo-functionalism European integration spillover effect Ernst Haas Leon Lindberg political community sectoral integration supranational institutions European Community integration theory functionalism EU analysis actors in integration EC dynamism Tranholm-Mikkelsen theory of integration European Union studies policy expansion integration outcomes supranationalism historical context integration acceleration"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro02a	More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical decision making trolley problem consequentialism value of life aggregate good greater good moral calculus utilitarian calculus ethics of saving lives future consequences potential good life-saving ethics moral reasoning maximizing good sum of wellbeing cost-benefit ethics ethical trade-offs impact of actions utilitarianism consequentialism moral philosophy trolley problem ethical decision-making value of life future impact moral calculus aggregate welfare lives saved ethical dilemmas potential good greater good moral reasoning cost-benefit analysis ethics life-saving decisions long-term consequences moral trade-offs expected utility utilitarianism consequentialism ethical decision making moral philosophy trolley problem value of life future utility ethical theories maximizing good moral calculus life-saving ethics philosophical thought experiments cost-benefit analysis moral reasoning quantifying good aggregate welfare ethical trade-offs principle of utility outcomes assessment ethics of saving lives trolley problem utilitarianism ethical implications of saving lives future value of human life consequences of moral decisions calculating the good in ethical dilemmas utilitarian ethics in life-and-death scenarios comparative moral worth individual vs group survival ethics impact of saving multiple lives predicting future positive impact moral reasoning in emergencies ethical value of potential future good utilitarian calculus quantity of good in moral choices evaluating consequences in moral dilemmas utilitarianism consequentialism moral philosophy trolley problem ethical calculus value of life future utility aggregate good population ethics opportunity cost moral decision-making ethics of saving lives impact assessment potential contributions comparative moral value ethical dilemmas maximizing good sum of benefits philosophical ethics moral worth utilitarian ethics trolley problem moral calculus consequentialism value of life ethical decision-making saving lives moral dilemma philosophical analysis future value of individuals comparative moral reasoning maximizing good ethical philosophy moral trade-offs utilitarian justification ethical consequences predicting future good cost-benefit analysis ethics sum of positive outcomes moral uncertainty the greater good utilitarianism moral philosophy ethics consequentialism trolley problem value of life moral decision-making future benefits moral calculus aggregate good saving lives ethical dilemmas outcomes moral reasoning moral trade-offs predicting impact measuring good life value comparison potential good utility ethical theories maximizing good utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical dilemmas trolley problem consequentialism value of life future potential moral reasoning ethical decision making sum of good altruism population ethics risk assessment utilitarian calculation lives saved impact quantification personhood moral consequences comparing outcomes ethical impact maximizing good philosophical ethics value maximization hypothetical scenarios saving lives bioethics utilitarianism consequentialism moral calculus value of life ethical decision-making trolley problem future utility moral philosophy aggregate good probability of good ethical outcomes life-saving ethics potential contributions moral reasoning quantitative ethics ethical trade-offs cost-benefit analysis maximizing good moral uncertainty distributive ethics utilitarianism consequentialism moral philosophy ethical reasoning trolley problem value of life future utility moral calculus cost-benefit analysis ethical dilemmas altruism moral uncertainty life-saving ethics aggregate good person-affecting view
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro04a	Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, climate change small island states disappearing states international obligations United Nations Article 1 statelessness environmental responsibility sustainable development Rio Declaration polluter pays principle Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness state sovereignty border redrawing global environment developed nations financial resources technology sharing resettlement climate refugees loss of territory land acquisition international law humanitarian assistance global cooperation disaster relief environmental justice equity compensation human rights international responsibility climate justice statelessness disappearing states United Nations Charter Article 1 Rio Declaration sustainable development environmental obligations developed nations polluter pays principle small island developing states international law state disappearance United Nations member obligations environmental refugees responsibility to protect land provision compensation for loss of territory convention on statelessness climate-induced migration border redrawing loss of sovereignty global environmental responsibility financial assistance relocation support climate change disappearing states statelessness international law United Nations Article 1 Charter of the United Nations sustainable development developed nations global environment polluter pays principle Rio Declaration Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness redrawing borders responsibility to assist small island states loss of territory climate refugees environmental migration obligation to help international responsibility land purchase alternative territories relocation sovereign rights loss of sovereignty human rights environmental justice climate justice international responsibility to help disappearing states obligation of nations to assist climate refugees United Nations duty to protect vanishing nations state disappearance and international law Rio Declaration and developed nations' responsibilities polluter pays principle climate justice protection for stateless persons under international law Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness disappearing state application redrawing borders and state sovereignty support for small island nations climate change alternatives for disappearing countries resettlement and land provision for vanishing states global response to disappearing island nations duty of world community to protect threatened states legal obligations under UN Charter state loss environmental migration and international obligations legal remedies climate change disappearing states statelessness Pacific island nations United Nations Charter Article 1 international responsibility sustainable development Rio Declaration polluter pays principle loss of territory disappearing countries Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness Article 10 border redrawing environmental migration state disappearance legal obligations developed nations duties climate refugees small island developing states compensation relocation land purchase global environmental justice international law Vanuatu environmental displacement sovereignty loss human rights international cooperation principles of statehood refugee law land rights reparations global governance duty to climate change responsibility disappearing states small island nations international law United Nations Charter Article 1 Rio Declaration sustainable development polluter pays principle statelessness Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness border redrawing environmental justice developed nations obligations loss of territory climate-induced displacement re-homing climate refugees state responsibility financial resources for relocation legal obligations to displaced populations land alternatives for affected states support for vulnerable countries international cooperation on climate migration international responsibility obligation to assist climate change disappearing states statelessness United Nations Charter Article 1 sustainable development developed nations polluter pays principle environmental justice island nations sea level rise refugee protection Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness border redrawing forced migration climate refugees resettlement humanitarian aid global environment legal duty international law land provision compensation environmental displacement duty of care vulnerable states Rio Declaration UNHCR human rights global governance climate change responsibilities international law obligations disappearing states statelessness United Nations Charter Article 1 developed nations accountability Rio Declaration environmental justice polluter pays principle loss of territory small island developing states land sovereignty climate refugees Article 10 statelessness convention state succession global environmental governance compensation for loss of land migration and resettlement sustainable development responsibilities international aid for climate impacts border redrawing and human rights climate-induced displacement duty to protect UN member state obligations adaptation funding legal remedies for vanishing states disappearing states climate change small island nations statehood international obligations United Nations Charter Article 1 statelessness Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness responsibility to protect sustainable development Rio Declaration polluter pays principle global environmental justice climate refugees international law redrawing borders compensation land acquisition resettlement sovereignty loss of territory climate-induced displacement environmental migration reparations global cooperation human rights protection of vulnerable states UN member duties climate justice climate change disappearing states statelessness United Nations Charter Article 1 international law responsibility to protect small island states climate refugees Rio Declaration polluter pays principle sustainable development developed nations' obligations loss of territory environmental displacement climate justice UN Convention on Statelessness border redrawing relocation solutions land purchase for displaced states international responsibility state sovereignty environmental migration global governance legal remedies adaptation strategies climate-induced migration human rights international support financial resources for mitigation technology transfer
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con04a	Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, school meal nutrition school lunch quality healthy school breakfasts student food consumption food waste parental supervision UK school meals campaign US school meal concerns fresh fruit consumption vegetable waste child nutrition school cafeteria supervision healthy eating habits school meal monitoring government school meal regulations student eating behavior school meal improvement food waste reduction children's dietary habits school meal policies nutritional standards school meal nutrition healthy school lunches school meal quality school food waste student eating habits school breakfast programs school meal supervision parent involvement in school meals UK school meal standards US school lunch regulations school food campaigns food waste statistics schools childhood nutrition fresh fruit in schools vegetable consumption in schools school meal monitoring unhealthy school meals improving school meal quality school meal acceptance children’s food choices schools school meal nutrition healthy school meals student food choices school breakfast quality food waste schools parental supervision meals school meal campaigns UK school meal quality US child nutrition supervision fruit vegetable waste schools student eating habits school meal guidelines School Food Standards UK USDA school meals school meal compliance improving school lunches healthy eating promotion breakfast participation rates school cafeteria monitoring meal consumption tracking school meal healthiness school breakfast nutritional value student eating habits monitoring school meals parental supervision breakfast UK school meal quality campaign US school lunch food waste children skipping healthy foods effectiveness of school meal programs increasing fruit and vegetable consumption school strategies to reduce school food waste policy changes school nutrition school meal program evaluation student acceptance healthy meals impact of food waste on nutrition improving school meal appeal enforcing nutrition standards schools individual supervision school meals challenges of healthy eating at school barriers to healthy school lunches school meal quality school nutrition healthy school meals student eating habits food waste in schools parental supervision meals UK school meal campaign US school meal concerns fresh fruit and vegetable waste childhood nutrition school breakfast programs school meal monitoring food waste statistics school meal reforms school cafeteria practices children’s dietary habits school lunch regulations healthy eating in schools meal acceptance by students school food policies school meal nutrition healthy school meals school breakfast quality student eating habits school meal supervision food waste in schools UK school meal campaign US school food waste fresh fruit and vegetable waste school lunch studies parental supervision school meals impact of healthy breakfasts effectiveness of school meal programs improving school food student food choice reducing school lunch waste school meal policy nutrition standards for schools school meal reform school food quality control school meal quality healthy school meals nutritional standards school breakfast programs child nutrition student dietary habits food waste parental supervision school meal campaigns UK school meal quality US school meal concerns fresh fruit and vegetables food waste statistics University of Vermont study lunch waste healthy eating in schools childhood obesity school food policies meal monitoring school nutrition campaigns student food preferences school meal supervision food consumption tracking cafeteria waste healthy diet in schools educational nutrition programs school meal nutrition healthy school meals student eating habits food waste in schools school meal supervision UK school lunch quality US school food waste school breakfast programs parent involvement school meals fruit and vegetable waste school lunch campaigns nutritional standards schools children's diet school healthy eating initiatives schools school meal policies school meal monitoring school meal compliance child nutrition programs school food regulations effectiveness school meal programs school meal nutrition school breakfast programs student dietary habits school meal supervision healthy school meals school food quality UK school meal campaign US school meal waste fresh fruit vegetables waste food waste statistics University of Vermont school meal study parental supervision school meals school meal acceptance child nutrition policies healthy eating in schools food waste prevention school meal monitoring children's eating behavior school meal improvement nutrition education schools school meal nutrition healthy school meals school food quality student food choices school meal supervision breakfast participation child nutrition monitoring food waste in schools UK school meal campaign US school meal waste fresh fruit consumption vegetable consumption parental involvement in meals school lunch reforms school cafeteria policies food waste reduction student eating habits healthy eating initiatives nutrition education schools school meal standards
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con04a	Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church criticism perception of inflexibility religious adaptation modernization of doctrine church authority organized religion image changing social values religious reform contraception stance institutional resistance loss of influence ecclesiastical adaptation progressive religious policies denominational change Church of England women bishops social relevance church reputation traditional values unchanging doctrine religious policy shifts religious leadership societal expectations church and modernity religious relevance institutional reform Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church adaptability religious institutions modernization church reputation religious dogma reform church stance evolution contraception policy organized religion public perception Catholic Church criticism religious organisations social change Catholic Church progressiveness institutional change resistance faith tradition modernization stances on social issues Church of England female bishops Wynne-Jones 2010 religious opinion changing religious doctrines religion and contemporary society impact of religious conservatism Catholic influence decline religious stance on contraception Catholic Church image public perception Catholicism religious adaptability church reform institutional change religion Catholic Church modernity Church of England reforms women's ordination religious progressivism church resistance to change Catholic teaching contraception faith and modernization religious influence decline tradition versus change religion Catholic Church social relevance organized religion criticism church policy evolution religion and societal change Catholic conservatism institutional stubbornness Catholic doctrine adaptation Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn Catholic Church official stances change religious groups adapting modern world Catholic Church stance on contraception influence of Catholic Church decline Church adaptability contemporary issues Church of England women bishops religious organizations response societal change Catholic Church resistance reform religious institutional reputation harm religion and modernization impact of doctrine on Church influence Catholic Church loss of relevance religious group responsiveness Catholic Church criticism modernization contraception policy Catholic Church effects outdated religious stances Catholic Church capacity to do good faith institutions and societal change Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church Catholic Church image reputation public perception stubbornness adaptability religious reform official stances social change modernization Church of England women bishops organizational resilience changing world resistance to change influence loss moral authority contraception stance harm unjustified doctrinal positions global religious groups faith denominations Wynne-Jones 2010 religious adaptability church modernization religious conservatism religious influence public relations doctrine evolution social context ethical stance progressive reform religious leadership Catholic Church image Catholic Church adaptability religious institutions modernization Church changing stances Church influence decline Catholic Church contraception stance Catholic Church public perception religious organizations adapting society Church relevance in modern world Catholic Church unwillingness to change role of organized religion in social change religious doctrines and societal norms Catholic Church and women's rights Church of England female bishops effect of tradition on church influence harm caused by outdated church policies argument against Catholic Church rigidity church social justice religious reform benefits Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church Catholic Church reputation Catholic Church resistance to change organized religion adaptability Church modernization religious affiliation adaptability denominational evolution traditional church doctrines modern societal values religious institutions public perception Church of England reforms women bishops religious influence decline contraception stance religious controversy Catholic Church criticism established religion societal relevance church policy evolution Catholic doctrine flexibility religious group modernization church and social change faith and progressiveness church adaptability religious institutions reform Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church criticism Catholic Church adaptability Catholic Church modernization Catholic Church contraception stance Catholic Church influence decline Church of England women bishops religious organizations change religion and social progress Catholic Church reform Catholic Church tradition vs change organized religion image religion and public perception religious doctrine evolution Catholic Church and justice impact of religious stances faith and modernization Wynne-Jones 2010 religion and contraception stubborn religious institutions reform in Christianity Catholic Church reputation adaptability of religious institutions church modernization religious stances and societal change church influence decline contraception policy Catholic Church women in leadership roles religion Catholic Church reform stubbornness in religious doctrine social perception of Catholic Church church and societal values organizational change religion Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church impact of traditionalism religion church responsiveness societal progress Catholic Church reputation perception of uncaring religious adaptability modernization of church church stance on contraception religious influence decline church tradition vs change church social issues Catholic Church reform organized religion image church authority criticism women in clergy progressive religious movements impact of church policies public opinion on church church relevance religious groups social change Wynne-Jones 2010 contraception and church teaching faith and modern society
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro02a	The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 security measures civil liberties terrorism anti-terrorism legislation security abuse government policy detention without charge Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act control orders UK terrorism law law lords ruling human rights civil rights lobby judicial review scale back security government oversight rights violation national security public safety legal safeguards security vs freedom emergency powers oversight mechanisms terrorism suspects false claims exaggerated abuse balanced approach empirical evidence protection of liberty security legislation legislative reform civil liberties security measures anti-terrorism legislation UK terrorism laws Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act control orders government response to terrorism civil rights lobby liberty vs security abuse of security powers terrorism suspects detention judicial oversight law lords ruling public safety individual rights scaled-back security policies government accountability national security vs freedom court intervention protecting civil rights counterterrorism strategies detention without charge exaggerated security abuse policies on terrorism balancing liberty and security victims of terrorism civil liberties safeguards liberty civil liberties security measures terrorism anti-terrorism crime security act abuse of power control orders UK law detention without charge government policy law lords balancing security and rights civil rights lobby terrorism suspects court decisions legislative oversight human rights civil rights advocacy security legislation judicial review public safety government accountability individual freedoms rights vs security safeguard liberties exaggerated claims loss of liberty debate civil rights lobby exaggeration security measures effectiveness terrorism and civil liberties abuse of anti-terrorism laws UK control orders history court rulings on security laws balancing security and freedom victims of terrorism perspective government response to civil liberties concerns unlawful detention anti-terrorism act safeguard vs abuse civil liberties scaling back security legislation control orders vs detention security measures judicial oversight overstatement of liberty loss security legislation public perception civil liberties in counter-terrorism UK war on terror timeline anti-terrorism law reforms empathy for terrorism victims media portrayal civil rights civil liberties security measures liberty vs security anti-terrorism legislation UK Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act control orders security abuse terrorism suspects government response to terrorism law lords 2005 ruling human rights vs security civil rights lobby detention without charge legal safeguards terrorism policy UK unlawful detention counterterrorism court oversight rights violations public safety legal reform terrorism legislation critique liberty protection government accountability security and rights balance civil liberties vs security anti-terrorism legislation UK detention without charge Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act control orders UK security measures abuse law lords ruling 2005 government policy changes exaggeration by civil rights groups terrorism suspects UK protecting civil liberties terrorism prevention policies balance between liberty and security government response to court rulings civil rights lobby criticism security vs liberty debate victims of terrorism and rights UK counterterrorism timeline civil liberties safeguards negative security cases court intervention in security laws civil liberties security measures terrorism anti-terrorism legislation civil rights abuse of power government surveillance control orders UK law Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act detention without charge law lords court rulings policy reform terrorism suspects public safety rights vs security exaggerated abuse claims government accountability legal safeguards protections security policy liberty vs security British War on Terror empathy for victims judicial oversight civil rights lobby scaled back legislation legal challenges balance of rights government intervention civil liberties security measures terrorism legislation UK Anti-Terrorism Act control orders government policy detention without charge law lords civil rights lobby terrorism suspects rights vs security abuse of power safeguards British war on terror judicial oversight abuse exaggeration victim empathy security vs liberty Parliament security laws unlawful detention government response to courts negative security cases rights protection surveillance laws public safety liberty loss overstated civil liberties security legislation anti-terrorism measures control orders terrorism suspects government policy detention without charge human rights law lords UK security laws civil rights lobby exaggerated abuse safeguarding liberties court rulings scaled back policies abuse of security balance security and liberty public safety government response terrorism legal challenges judicial oversight human rights protection terrorism legislation security versus freedom surveillance and privacy emergency powers state powers counter-terrorism proportionality security measures victims of terrorism civil liberties security measures anti-terrorism legislation control orders UK law terrorism suspects government policy human rights law lords ruling security abuse civil rights lobby scale back legislation terrorism prevention unlawful detention judicial oversight liberty vs security public safety national security abuse of power protecting freedoms legal safeguards rights vs security legislative reform counter-terrorism policies security vs privacy
test-education-egscphsrdt-con02a	Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. student retention school dropout adolescent drug use school disciplinary policies random drug testing impact Michigan education studies teenage rebellion education vs. drug use deterrence effectiveness exclusion effects student wellbeing alternative interventions harm reduction secondary education completion dropout prevention strategies student engagement mental health and education adolescent risk behavior school policy outcomes drug prevention programs educational attainment punitive measures in schools school climate teenage decision-making at-risk youth substance abuse and education policies student retention school dropout adolescent drug use random drug testing educational attainment disciplinary actions exclusion rates youth rebellion authority resistance substance abuse in schools educational policies harm reduction student engagement dropout prevention school discipline teenage risk behaviors secondary education alternative interventions student support school climate education outcomes behavioral interventions US education system Michigan studies student wellbeing student retention dropout prevention adolescent drug use school discipline policies random drug testing efficacy Michigan schools educational attainment teenage rebellion substance abuse education school exclusion effects student behavioral interventions high school dropouts alternative disciplinary strategies keeping at-risk youth in school school engagement programs supportive educational environments teenage decision-making risk factors for school dropout harm reduction in education student support services effectiveness of school drug testing alternatives to random drug tests in schools impact of school discipline on dropout rates strategies to keep teenagers in education consequences of school exclusions drug use prevention in teenagers role of school policies in student retention adolescent rebellion and authority support programs for teenage drug users educational outcomes for drug-using students harm reduction approaches in schools long-term effects of school dropout comparison of drug policy approaches in education influence of punitive measures on student behavior best practices for supporting at-risk youth peer influence versus school policy re-engagement strategies for school leavers psychological impact of random drug testing student retention educational attainment school dropout prevention adolescent drug use random drug testing effectiveness school disciplinary policies teenage rebellion substance abuse in education Michigan studies alternative drug prevention strategies school exclusion impacts youth engagement initiatives harm reduction in schools student support services behavioral intervention programs teenage school dropout random drug testing effectiveness student drug use deterrence Michigan education studies impact of drug tests on school exclusions adolescent rebellion in schools drug use disciplinary actions teen substance abuse prevention alternative approaches to drug use in schools policies to keep teenagers in education harm reduction in schools school retention strategies dropout rates and drug testing education vs punishment for teen drug users effects of school policies on teenage behavior school retention student dropout adolescent drug use random drug testing educational outcomes student discipline exclusion rates school policies teenage rebellion Michigan studies substance abuse high school students student behavior policy effectiveness educational attainment disciplinary actions risk factors preventive strategies student engagement dropout prevention school environment alternative interventions student wellbeing academic achievement youth resilience harm reduction school retention strategies preventing teenage dropout alternatives to random drug testing effective drug prevention schools teenage education retention Michigan student engagement programs reducing student exclusions adolescent substance abuse education dropout prevention interventions high school completion strategies supportive school environments school discipline policies at-risk youth retention harm reduction in schools student-centered drug prevention impact of drug testing on dropout rates keeping students in school educational outcomes drug policy teenage rebellion education authority challenge adolescent education teenage drug use school dropout random drug testing effectiveness Michigan education studies student retention strategies adolescent behavior school disciplinary actions alternatives to drug testing teenage rebellion educational outcomes harm reduction in schools student support programs drug prevention education youth risk behaviors school exclusion effects long-term impacts of dropping out student mental health educational policy USA secondary school completion substance abuse interventions teenage lifestyle choices future career opportunities evidence-based education policy high school retention randomized controlled studies education teenage dropout rates school exclusion consequences student drug use prevention education retention strategies random drug testing effectiveness adolescent rebellion disciplinary actions in schools alternatives to drug testing student engagement impact of authority on teenagers high school retention Michigan substance abuse education student attitudes towards drug policies harm reduction in schools educational outcomes drug policy
test-international-atiahblit-con02a	Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. postcolonial education linguistic diversity language policy language barriers national identity language standardization colonial languages indigenous languages ethnic diversity educational access language planning multilingualism language of instruction language unification nation-building African education systems Swahili English as official language French language policy language and power language imperialism education reform language hegemony language and governance cultural integration colonialism language policy national language multilingualism linguistic diversity postcolonial Africa education barriers language standardization language of instruction ethnic diversity language planning language and identity language unification Julius Nyerere Kiswahili Paul Kagame nationalism education reform language in education Zambia languages Tanzania language policy universal education educational access colonial boundaries nation-building African languages language integration language challenges postcolonial education language politics language barriers colonialism language diversity universal education African countries national language ethnic boundaries language policy Julius Nyerere Tanzania Zambia language barriers educational access nation-building language unification postcolonial Africa multilingualism Paul Kagame language enforcement language and identity education policy linguistic diversity colonial boundaries national unity language planning African education systems language challenges colonial language impact language diversity Africa national language policy Africa education barriers African countries post-colonial language Africa language and ethnicity Africa language unification strategies multilingualism education Africa Julius Nyerere language policy Tanzania national language Paul Kagame language enforcement challenges universal education Africa colonial borders language mismatch language planning sub-Saharan Africa effective language education models language and national identity Africa language harmonization policies case studies language policy Africa language in primary education Africa language standardization Africa colonialism language policy national identity African education linguistic diversity postcolonial Africa language barriers mother tongue education nation-building language in education Tanzania language policy Julius Nyerere Paul Kagame national unity education reform multilingualism Zambia languages language and ethnicity language standardization education access Africa colonial boundaries language planning indigenous languages language assimilation language politics education challenges Africa colonialism and language Africa language diversity Africa universal education language barriers national language policies Africa impact of colonial boundaries Africa education challenges multilingual societies language policy Julius Nyerere Tanzania Paul Kagame language policy languages spoken Zambia post-colonial African nations language ethnic diversity and education Africa official language adoption Africa colonial legacies education Africa language standardization African countries language and national unity Africa colonialism legacy language policy national language universal education African countries ethnic diversity language diversity language barriers education policy post-colonial boundaries language unification nation-building language planning multilingualism language of instruction Julius Nyerere Paul Kagame Tanzania Zambia francophone Africa anglophone Africa indigenous languages language standardization educational inequality language and identity language politics language integration language development language in education language discrimination colonial legacies language policy Africa universal education barriers Africa national language Africa language diversity Africa colonial boundaries Africa ethnic diversity Africa education and language postcolonial language policy Tanzania national language Julius Nyerere language policy language unification Africa education reform Africa language and national identity Paul Kagame language policy Rwanda language policy Zambia language diversity impact of colonialism Africa language and development Africa multilingual education Africa ethnic groups language Africa colonialism colonial boundaries language diversity national language language policy universal education African education ethnic diversity language barriers language of instruction multilingualism post-colonial Africa education reform language planning Julius Nyerere Tanzania education Paul Kagame Rwanda language policy language standardization nation-building language unification language and identity educational challenges African languages language integration state formation post-colonialism language policy linguistic diversity education barriers national identity language planning African countries colonial boundaries ethnic groups multilingualism language of instruction policy implementation Swahili Tanzania education national unity Zambia languages Paul Kagame Rwanda language policy educational equity language standardization
test-international-aghwrem-pro01a	States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. international relations political isolation Myanmar sanctions Western hypocrisy human rights records selective sanctions double standards global diplomacy strategic interests economic benefits US foreign policy EU foreign policy international consistency state sovereignty emerging multipolarity geopolitical influence selective engagement authoritarian regimes Cuba North Korea Saudi Arabia Egypt global governance international cooperation sanctions policy international affairs international sanctions political isolation selective isolation hypocrisy in foreign policy human rights double standards Western foreign policy strategic interests economic interests Myanmar sanctions Cuba sanctions North Korea isolation Saudi Arabia human rights Egypt human rights political motivations international consistency multipolar world global diplomacy regime isolation economic embargoes power politics selective enforcement foreign policy fairness international relations diplomatic isolation sanctions Western powers political hypocrisy Myanmar human rights selective enforcement double standards international affairs foreign policy economic interests strategic alliances US foreign policy EU foreign policy Cuba North Korea global governance multipolar world authoritarian regimes selective diplomacy economic sanctions regime change multilateral relations political strategy international consistency political isolation international relations hypocrisy in foreign policy Western sanctions inconsistency selective application of sanctions human rights double standards economic interests vs. human rights Myanmar sanctions comparison influence of strategic interests US foreign policy hypocrisy EU foreign policy hypocrisy comparison with Saudi Arabia sanctions comparison with Egypt sanctions isolation of Cuba North Korea human rights and international diplomacy multi-polar world order implications ethical consistency in international policies arbitrary diplomatic isolation consequences of political isolation effectiveness of sanctions on Myanmar fairness of international sanctions state isolation political isolation Myanmar sanctions Western hypocrisy selective sanctions human rights inconsistencies international relations comparative foreign policy economic sanctions strategic interests double standards global diplomacy emerging multipolarity US foreign policy EU foreign policy authoritarian regimes Cuba isolation North Korea sanctions Saudi Arabia human rights Egypt democracy economic benefits influence on world affairs international law political grounds for sanctions international sanctions political isolation Myanmar foreign policy Western hypocrisy selective sanctions human rights double standards US foreign policy EU sanctions policy strategic interests economic benefits developing countries isolation Cuba sanctions North Korea isolation multipolar world international relations global diplomacy inconsistency in sanctions developed countries foreign policy authoritarian regimes Western relations human rights and foreign relations political motivations for sanctions state isolation political isolation Myanmar sanctions Western hypocrisy international relations foreign policy human rights inconsistencies double standards developed countries political motives selective sanctions global diplomacy US foreign policy EU sanctions dictatorial regimes strategic interests economic benefits influential governments Cuba North Korea opaque policies multi-polar world international fairness global governance world politics selective isolation international sanctions political isolation hypocrisy in foreign policy Myanmar isolation Western powers foreign policy double standards in diplomacy human rights inconsistency strategic interests in sanctions US foreign policy EU foreign policy comparison with Saudi Arabia comparison with Egypt comparison with Cuba comparison with North Korea multipolar world economic benefits and foreign policy sanctions effectiveness selective isolation opaque governments international affairs influence developed countries and sanctions emerging markets and diplomacy critique of international sanctions fairness in global politics economic sanctions political hypocrisy global south perspectives foreign policy discrimination sanctions Myanmar isolation political hypocrisy Western powers international relations human rights foreign policy consistency dictatorship support strategic interests economic benefits US foreign policy EU foreign policy selective isolation double standards global diplomacy multi-polar world Cuba North Korea Saudi Arabia Egypt international sanctions political motivations developed countries international influence realpolitik international relations political isolation economic sanctions Western hypocrisy human rights double standards strategic interests foreign policy Myanmar Cuba North Korea Saudi Arabia Egypt international affairs multipolar world US foreign policy EU foreign policy global politics regime change diplomatic relations international consistency sanctions policy authoritarian regimes selective enforcement international organizations geopolitical interests
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro01a	Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 elected mayor mayoral elections local governance voter turnout civic engagement political participation local government reform leadership visibility democratic accountability executive mayor council leadership electoral participation public awareness political representation citizen involvement democratic renewal urban politics UK local elections electoral reform participatory democracy elected mayors mayoral elections local political leadership local government reform voter turnout civic engagement political participation accountable governance democratic renewal local representation political awareness public involvement community leadership single figure leadership local electoral systems urban voter turnout UK local politics political apathy direct democracy leadership visibility elected mayor local democracy voter turnout local elections political engagement civic participation council leadership direct election political accountability urban voter turnout election coverage local government reform democratic renewal civic awareness political representation councilors UK local government political apathy public involvement local governance benefits of elected mayors increasing voter turnout local elections elected mayors and local democracy elected mayor impact on political engagement mayoral elections media coverage recognising local government leaders improving accountability local government mayoral systems versus council systems UK low turnout local UK elections solutions for local election apathy symbolism of elected mayors local election reforms Britain EU comparisons local election turnout public engagement elected mayor direct election of local executives effect of mayoral leadership on communities collective decision-making versus mayoral leadership performance accountability local elected officials elected mayor local democracy voter turnout local elections council leadership political engagement municipal governance civic participation collective decision-making electoral reform political accountability local government Britain voter apathy urban areas democratic revitalization local representation symbol of authority council recognition election coverage elected mayor benefits local democracy revitalization voter turnout local elections elected mayor accountability community political engagement local government leadership mayoral election impact recognisable political figures UK local election turnout collective decision-making drawbacks local council awareness increasing electoral participation democratic renewal UK symbolic leadership local government devolution of power local councils elected mayor local democracy local elections voter turnout council leadership political participation urban voting rates EU election turnout comparison collective decision-making local governance electoral engagement symbolic leadership council accountability local government reform political awareness democratic revitalisation mayoral system community focus leadership visibility policy impact local media coverage elected mayor benefits revitalising local democracy local election turnout electoral engagement UK local democracy mayoral elections impact public awareness local government local government leadership direct mayoral elections voter participation improving local election turnout symbolic leadership local politics individual vs collective decision-making local government reform UK accountability in local governance media coverage mayoral elections benefits of recognisable leadership increasing voter turnout UK EU local election comparisons local democracy solutions England urban voter turnout low electoral participation UK mayoral system advantages local government visibility leadership focus in communities elected mayor local democracy voter turnout political engagement council leadership local elections civic participation urban voting rates democratic accountability community involvement local governance political awareness election reform local government public representation symbolic leadership democratic innovation electoral participation council decision-making mayoral system elected mayor local democracy voter turnout local government civic engagement political participation council leadership democratic renewal local elections public awareness individual accountability political representation urban voting electoral reform community involvement UK local politics mayoral system local governance public trust citizen empowerment municipal leadership symbolic leadership democratic legitimacy
test-education-ughbuesbf-con03a	The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, higher education funding tuition fees university class size government funding student investment university autonomy educational quality signals lecturer recruitment student motivation international university rankings university expenditure education access financial sustainability teaching quality academic standards student selection global university comparison fee-paying system university resources academic outcomes university tuition higher education funding tuition fees state-funded universities education quality class size per-student spending teaching standards lecturer recruitment student motivation return on investment global university rankings education investment university resources financial sustainability US higher education educational outcomes student enrollment fee-based education academic excellence world-class universities university finances public vs private universities university competition graduate quality educational policy government funding university performance university prestige quality assurance tuition fees university funding state funding class size per-student spending teaching quality lecturer recruitment student motivation investment in education higher education quality university rankings US universities education outcomes private vs public funding access to education merit-based admission educational standards academic excellence student engagement financial sustainability impacts of free university education university funding models state-dependent university funding consequences of removing university fees class sizes and education quality student-to-teacher ratio fee-paying vs free universities global university rankings and fees relationship between university fees and teaching quality fees and university competition student motivation and fee payment university budget allocation best lecturers and university reputation investment in higher education quality differences in higher education systems United States higher education quality international university comparison quality indicators in tertiary education university affordability vs education standards policy implications of free tuition higher education funding tuition fees impact state-funded universities class size effects per-student expenditure university autonomy academic quality teaching standards lecturer recruitment student motivation return on investment education global university rankings US university system education cost-benefit student selectivity financial sustainability in education public vs private universities education policy university resource allocation impact of free education university funding models impact of tuition fees on education quality free university education consequences class size and educational outcomes state funding vs private funding universities university ranking factors student investment education quality teaching higher education university lecturer recruitment global university comparisons higher education reform university spending per student tuition fees academic performance university access and quality US university ranking reasons quality of education university funding tuition fees state dependency class size per-student spending improved teaching educational investment student quality higher education world university rankings educational standards resource allocation lecturer recruitment student motivation US university system education outcomes academic performance educational policies fee-paying universities education affordability university sustainability university resources global rankings teaching excellence student engagement educational equity higher education funding university tuition fees class size impact university quality comparison state-funded universities private university funding educational investment international university rankings student motivation tuition lecturer recruitment higher education policy global university rankings student-teacher ratio university financial autonomy benefits of tuition fees free university drawbacks impact of university fees university spending per student university teaching quality education return on investment university funding tuition fees state dependency class size education spending teaching quality lecturer recruitment student motivation education investment student quality global university rankings higher education policy education economics free vs paid education university performance academic excellence educational access financial sustainability United States universities QS rankings tuition fees higher education funding class size impact state funding dependency university ranking teaching quality student motivation investment in education lecturer recruitment student selectivity global university comparison US university quality educational outcomes university expenditure academic performance financial sustainability education policy public vs private funding quality assurance student fees debate
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro03a	Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 courtroom transparency judicial accountability behavioral standards public scrutiny camera surveillance parliamentary cameras legal ethics courtroom efficiency public access judicial conduct lawyer professionalism parliamentary transparency enhanced debate standards attendance improvement legal system reform public oversight transparency benefits media coverage in courts legislative cameras open justice courtroom transparency judicial accountability public scrutiny legal ethics courtroom cameras legal transparency open justice televised trials court proceedings broadcast public access to courts judicial behaviour professional conduct legal reform courtroom technology parliamentary broadcasting MP attendance legislative transparency standards of debate judicial efficiency lawyer performance public awareness legal system transparency legal proceedings media courtroom observation promoting integrity improving courtroom conduct judicial transparency courtroom cameras public accountability legal proceedings broadcasting judicial behavior lawyer conduct public scrutiny courtroom recording open justice legal system transparency judicial efficiency courtroom standards legal reforms media in courts public access to justice parliamentary cameras government transparency public oversight judicial proceedings ethical standards courtroom cameras enhance accountability cameras in judicial proceedings improve transparency public broadcasting of court cases impact of cameras on judicial behavior increasing efficiency in legal proceedings cameras and high standards in the judiciary effect of media presence on lawyers transparency in UK Parliament debates cameras and public trust in legal system influence of cameras on courtroom decorum publicity and punctuality in parliamentary sessions improving legal ethics with cameras lawyers' conduct under media scrutiny cameras as tools for legal reform benefits of televising court proceedings transparency and judicial responsibility public access to courtroom trials comparison of court and parliamentary camera impacts media coverage and legal standards courtroom cameras judicial transparency public accountability legal ethics lawyer behavior judicial conduct courtroom broadcasting legal proceedings transparency public scrutiny government accountability Parliament cameras debate standards punctuality in court MP attendance courtroom reforms legal system efficiency courtroom observation public access to courts legal system transparency effects of cameras in court judicial efficiency courtroom cameras benefits cameras improve judicial efficiency cameras raise courtroom standards public viewing courtrooms transparency in judiciary impact of cameras in UK Parliament cameras and lawyer behavior courtroom transparency cameras promote punctuality cameras improve attendance camera presence in courtrooms cameras and legal professionalism public access to court proceedings cameras drive higher debate quality cameras influence legal conduct courtroom transparency judicial accountability legal ethics public oversight legal reform courtroom broadcasting judicial conduct public access open justice legal proceedings lawyer professionalism parliamentary cameras improved debate standards legislative transparency video surveillance justice system integrity media in courts courtroom standards public confidence in judiciary legal process improvement courtroom cameras judicial transparency courtroom efficiency legal ethics public accountability lawyer behavior judiciary standards court proceedings broadcast cameras in Parliament transparency in government court media coverage public scrutiny legal system reforms legal professionalism open justice courtroom conduct public viewing courts judiciary performance legal accountability media in courts courtroom transparency public accountability judicial oversight legal ethics courtroom behavior legal professionalism public scrutiny courtroom broadcasting legal reform transparency in judiciary parliamentary cameras government openness legal proceedings media in courts public confidence judiciary judicial standards efficiency judiciary legal system transparency open justice courtroom media coverage courtroom transparency judicial accountability public scrutiny legal ethics courtroom cameras media coverage transparent proceedings judicial conduct legal system reform courtroom broadcasting open justice parliamentary debates public access efficiency in courts legal professionalism courtroom behavior judicial standards legal transparency lawyer accountability public trust in judiciary
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con04a	It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 economic growth trade barriers international trade security measures red tape regulatory burden airport security transportation delays travel restrictions tourism impact business losses GDP decline investment deterrence income reduction economic slowdown logistics disruption customs procedures international competitiveness border control government regulation productivity loss business travel hospitality industry travel industry economic policy security vs convenience market access cross-border trade bureaucratic obstacles trade efficiency economic growth trade barriers security measures red tape transport delays airport security travel disruption lost business hospitality industry losses reduced investment GDP reduction international trade regulatory impact security state economic costs inconvenience tourism decline business travel reduction policy impact productivity loss economic growth trade barriers security measures red tape airport security international trade travel industry GDP impact business losses regulatory burden transport delays investment deterrence tourism decline economic costs business disruption cross-border trade international relations security state productivity loss commerce slowdown travel restrictions economic policy security vs convenience regulatory impact international competitiveness economic impact of security measures security measures and trade flow relationship between security and economic growth airport security economic consequences security red tape and GDP trade barriers due to extra security international trade and security restrictions security state vs free state economic performance travel industry losses from security screening airport security effect on tourism industry security measures and investment deterrence lost business from security checks productivity loss from security protocols security regulation and economic slowdown cost of security on hospitality sector comparative analysis of security states’ growth impact of security requirements on transport networks extra security and international relations slowdowns in global commerce due to security economic impact security measures trade barriers international trade airport security red tape economic growth GDP loss business travel decline investment deterrence productivity loss tourism impact international competitiveness security state travel industry losses transportation delays regulatory burdens commerce disruption cross-border trade economic policy security vs. convenience travel behavior economic cost United States economy hospitality industry business efficiency transnational trade travel restrictions economic impact of security measures airport security and economic growth trade barriers and GDP red tape and international trade travel industry revenue loss security versus convenience security state's economic effects airport screening impact on tourism business travel decline due to security investment reduction from security policies U.S. Travel Association economic study lost business due to security delays transport network inefficiency security measures and global competitiveness community disruption from security policies economic slowdown security measures trade barriers international relations red tape regulatory burden transport delays airport security tourism decline business travel reduction GDP impact lost revenue hospitality industry losses investment deterrence productivity loss economic growth trade flow disruption restrictive policies international competitiveness economic inefficiency travel industry impact economic impact security measures trade barriers international trade travel restrictions red tape transport delays airport security GDP slowdown lost business tourism decline investment deterrence community disruption economic growth security state policy effects travel industry hospitality sector regulatory burden productivity loss U.S. Travel Association global competitiveness border security cost of security supply chain disruption economic policy international relations business travel travel inconvenience economic cost of security growth comparison freer economies business losses consumer behavior global trade investment climate economic growth security measures trade barriers international relations community disruption bureaucracy red tape transport delays airport security travel industry business loss GDP impact investment deterrence productivity loss tourism decline consumer behavior cross-border trade global competitiveness regulatory impact policy analysis economic costs business travel hospitality industry infrastructure efficiency legislative implications international commerce economic impact security measures trade barriers red tape transport delays airport security tourism decline business loss GDP reduction international trade travel restrictions investment deterrence community disruption economic growth regulatory burden travel industry cross-border trade productivity loss business environment hospitality sector international relations
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con02a	Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, racism institutional racism systemic racism structural racism cultural appropriation reparations compensation redress social justice discrimination equality afro-Caribbean dreadlocks prejudice racial bias identity politics hair discrimination anti-racism social division justice reform cultural sensitivity historical oppression power dynamics microaggressions cultural identity privilege societal inequality cultural respect restorative justice punishment accountability solidarity cross-cultural relations cultural exchange activism racial equality diversity social cohesion Kenan Malik policy reform reparations cultural appropriation racism systemic racism structural inequality compensation redress social justice hair discrimination dreadlocks afro-Caribbean community prejudice racial bias symbolic gestures performative activism anti-racism cultural sensitivity policy reform discrimination equality restorative justice Kenan Malik cultural exchange history of racism intersectionality racial equity identity politics punitive measures social division cultural significance meaningful change activism targeting discrimination addressing root causes reparations cultural appropriation racism societal issues compensation redress prejudice afro-Caribbean community dreadlocks discrimination equality systemic racism structural inequality cultural sensitivity restorative justice racial justice historical context social division identity politics anti-racism social harmony cultural exchange punitive measures meaningful change social justice accountability bias microaggressions race relations reparations and racism cultural appropriation and racism compensation vs root causes of racism effectiveness of reparations for racism cultural appropriation policy debate dreadlocks cultural appropriation history of cultural appropriation afro-Caribbean hair prejudice division from cultural appropriation debates punishment for discrimination equality and anti-racism strategies Kenan Malik cultural appropriation societal impact of compensation addressing institutional racism redressing cultural harms cultural appropriation controversy solutions activism against racism roots of social inequality symbolic vs substantive anti-racist actions cultural appropriation examples debate reparations cultural appropriation racism systemic racism compensation redress social justice dreadlocks afro-Caribbean cultural identity historic prejudice racial division discrimination equality performative activism root causes racial justice Kenan Malik AlJazeera punitive measures unconscious bias microaggressions anti-racism structural inequality cultural exchange social cohesion reparations and racism cultural appropriation debate effectiveness of compensation for cultural appropriation root causes of racism hair discrimination dreadlocks and cultural significance afro-Caribbean prejudice compensation versus equity anti-racism strategies symbolic versus substantive justice Kenan Malik cultural appropriation racial discrimination solutions punitive versus reformative measures social division by cultural appropriation AlJazeera cultural appropriation discussion Malik 2016 reparations reparations cultural appropriation racism systemic racism compensation redress afro-Caribbean dreadlocks cultural identity racial discrimination social justice equality prejudice cultural heritage societal division discrimination anti-racism hair politics intercultural relations restorative justice Kenan Malik AlJazeera social equity punitive measures root causes meaningful change activism racial equality historical oppression reparations cultural appropriation racism systemic racism compensation racial justice hair discrimination dreadlocks afro-Caribbean culture cultural identity social inequality racial inequality racial prejudice anti-discrimination policy racial equity cultural sensitivity restorative justice equality racial bias social division Kenan Malik AlJazeera symbolic redress material redress anti-racism historical prejudice cultural heritage cultural misappropriation cross-cultural exchange cultural theft race relations social justice reparations cultural appropriation racism compensatory justice systemic discrimination symbolic redress social inequality afro-Caribbean culture dreadlocks racial prejudice compensation debate cultural identity anti-racism strategies historic marginalization social division equity meaningful redress racial justice cultural sensitivity societal root causes structural racism discrimination prevention Kenan Malik reparations cultural appropriation racism systemic discrimination compensation redress social justice afro-Caribbean dreadlocks hair discrimination racial equality identity politics Kenan Malik cultural identity anti-racism societal division restorative justice performative allyship institutional racism cultural sensitivity punitive measures racial prejudice diversity inclusion historical oppression
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro02a	Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, witness identification witness intimidation witness safety anonymity televised trials media influence witness tampering witness bribery court transparency public trials evidence reluctance psychological stress ICC Ruto case Kenya trials courtroom broadcasting justice system witness protection legal proceedings privacy concerns witness intimidation witness identification witness protection anonymous witnesses witness safety trial broadcasting televised trials courtroom media coverage leaks of witness identity ICC witness issues bribery of witnesses witness tampering ICC Ruto-Sang case criminal trial publicity discouraging testimony witness anonymity breach psychological impact on witnesses legal implications of media coverage fair trial concerns threats to witnesses criminal justice transparency witness protection witness intimidation witness anonymity televised trials media influence on trials courtroom broadcasting public exposure evidence disclosure intimidation of witnesses witness tampering criminal trial transparency trial privacy impact on testimony ICC witness issues Ruto-Sang case bribery of witnesses witness security prosecutorial challenges judicial process legal ethics protections for witnesses press freedom vs. fair trial privacy in legal proceedings justice system integrity trial by media chilling effect on witnesses witness intimidation in televised trials impact of media on witness participation effects of broadcasting criminal trials on witness safety risks of witness identification through televised trials anonymized witnesses and TV coverage ICC witness protection challenges bribery and intimidation of witnesses in high-profile cases psychological impact of televised testimony deterrents to witness cooperation in media-covered trials legal remedies for witness endangerment in televised trials witness tampering in international courts Ruto-Sang ICC case witness issues role of anonymity in criminal testimony media influence on court proceedings ending televised trials for witness safety witness intimidation witness anonymity witness protection witness tampering media coverage of trials televising criminal trials effects on witnesses public trials International Criminal Court ICC Ruto-Sang case bribery of witnesses evidence disclosure security risks for witnesses judicial process transparency courtroom broadcasting legal ethics journalist arrest warrants Kenya legal cases impact on testimony trial procedure fairness witness intimidation witness anonymity televising criminal trials impact on witnesses witness safety media and court proceedings ICC witness problems witness tampering Ruto-Sang case bribery of witnesses intimidation of prosecution witnesses court evidence challenges television audience influence dangers of public trials leaking witness identities protection of witnesses legal broadcasting effects chilling effect on witnesses judicial transparency risks criminal trial broadcasting high-profile trial risks witness intimidation witness anonymity witness protection witness tampering witness bribery media coverage televising criminal trials ICC International Criminal Court Ruto-Sang case Kenya trial broadcast risks anonymous witnesses leaking witness identities courtroom intimidation media influence on witnesses trial publicity Walter Barasa witness safety deterrence to testimony courtroom transparency evidence suppression prosecution witnesses judicial proceedings legal ethics criminal justice trial manipulation public perception of trials legal media impact witness cooperation fair trial concerns witness intimidation witness identification trial broadcasting risks courtroom television effects witness anonymity ICC witness issues Kenya Ruto-Sang trial witness bribery cases journalism and witness safety legal implications televised trials evidence disclosure risks protecting witnesses in court criminal trial media influence witness tampering prosecution Walter Barasa case televised trials pros cons anonymous witness exposure ICC criminal proceedings media and legal ethics court witness protection witness protection witness intimidation witness anonymity witness tampering criminal trials televising trials evidence reluctance media influence court proceedings identity exposure ICC Ruto-Sang case bribery allegations intimidation allegations legal privacy televised justice judicial transparency public trials witness safety legal ethics media coverage courtroom broadcasting witness protection witness intimidation witness anonymity trial publicity media coverage court transparency judicial privacy evidence suppression ICC trials Kenya cases bribery witness tampering courtroom security televised trials legal ethics fair trial rights public perception due process media influence trial integrity anonymous witnesses courtroom intimidation prosecution witnesses legal proceedings international criminal court
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro01a	National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 national security counterterrorism surveillance civil liberties government powers terrorism prevention state security communication technology modern warfare information security global terrorism digital surveillance privacy tradeoff escalation law enforcement intelligence gathering GPS tracking cyberterrorism media influence internet security digital communication government authority global security emergency powers security measures Mumbai attacks wireless technology digital monitoring security policy technological threats homeland security anti-terror laws national security counter-terrorism civil liberties modern communications internet security global terrorism surveillance government powers anti-terrorism measures privacy versus security digital surveillance law enforcement technology risk management cybersecurity intelligence gathering terrorism prevention electronic monitoring technological threats security policy communication technology in terrorism GPS tracking smartphone surveillance encryption security versus freedom emergency powers government response to terrorism Mumbai attacks terrorist coordination technology state security online radicalization surveillance laws digital age security balancing rights and security national security counterterrorism cybersecurity surveillance civil liberties intelligence gathering digital communication internet security global terrorism anti-terrorism measures emergency powers information warfare technological surveillance privacy vs security state security international security GPS tracking communication monitoring government policy terrorist technology law enforcement security escalation encryption digital forensics terrorism prevention state powers security vs freedom digital age threats coordinated attacks global security policies national security versus civil liberties terrorism and technology impact of new media on terrorism government surveillance powers escalation of security measures balancing security and freedom global terrorism challenges modern communication and terrorism preventing terrorist attacks state security priorities technology in terrorist attacks policy response to terrorism privacy versus security law enforcement and digital tools international reactions to terrorism information age security threats digital age terrorism security in globalized world terrorism prevention strategies use of gadgets in terrorism national security terrorism modern communications internet global community new media information technology security measures counterterrorism GPS tracking mobile technology cyber threats cell phones satellite phones Blackberry digital surveillance government powers state security civil liberties anti-terrorism laws escalation Mumbai attacks technological threats information warfare intelligence surveillance technology prevention strategies security vs privacy emergency response coordinated attacks digital coordination national security threats counterterrorism measures impact of modern technology on terrorism digital surveillance civil liberties vs security cybersecurity and terrorism government surveillance powers GPS in terrorist attacks communication technology and threats escalation in security measures balancing privacy and security state security priorities response to terrorism new media and national security global terrorism trends information security law enforcement technology government anti-terrorism strategies digital age and terrorism securing communication networks Mumbai attacks technology national security counterterrorism civil liberties surveillance intelligence gathering cybersecurity information warfare internet monitoring communication technology GPS tracking government powers state security public safety law enforcement global terrorism data privacy digital surveillance emergency response security measures encryption cybercrime technology in terrorism mass communication coordination tools real-time monitoring crisis management international security anti-terrorism legislation technological threats risk assessment national security terrorism counterterrorism modern communications internet surveillance global security new media cyberterrorism information warfare state security measures technological threats digital monitoring GPS in attacks government surveillance anti-terrorism laws civil liberties vs security Mumbai attacks communication technology in terrorism digital privacy escalation in security intelligence gathering Blackberry in terrorism coordinated attacks state power expansion prevention of terrorism security vs freedom government powers national defense public safety new security strategies counterterrorism surveillance technologies cyber security intelligence gathering digital communications global terrorism privacy vs security civil liberties emergency powers law enforcement homeland security public safety crisis response government surveillance information warfare technological threats GPS tracking satellite communications media influence international security anti-terrorism legislation security policy security vs freedom digital age terrorism electronic monitoring social media monitoring security escalation national defense state power online radicalization encrypted communications government authority terror networks communication technology in terrorism global security strategy counterterrorism surveillance civil liberties digital security cyberterrorism intelligence gathering privacy rights government powers communication technologies encryption national defense law enforcement terrorism prevention global security emergency response information security public safety security policies technological advancements state authority security vs. privacy modern media wireless communication terrorist tactics GPS tracking coordinated attacks digital monitoring international security personal data protection security infrastructure
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro04a	Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, deterrence crime prevention criminal accountability international criminal court prosecution war crimes crimes against humanity legal system trust justice impunity reduction peace and justice law domestic prosecution Colombia ICC threat leader dissuasion demobilization legal reliability human rights violations transitional justice international law rule of law punitive measures societal stability deterrent effect government accountability prosecution fear case studies post-conflict justice retributive justice legal consequences deterrence criminal prosecution crimes against humanity war crimes legal accountability international criminal court ICC justice system legal reliability societal trust peace and justice law Colombia prosecution paramilitary demobilisation government leaders human rights violations prosecutorial impact international justice fear of prosecution ICC influence legal consequences crime prevention deterrence criminal prosecution international criminal court ICC accountability legal system justice war crimes crimes against humanity prosecution impact deterrent effect peace and justice law Colombia domestic prosecution demobilisation human rights violations government leaders legal reliability fear of prosecution transitional justice paramilitary groups deterrence effect of criminal prosecution effectiveness of legal accountability prosecution of crimes against humanity deterrent impact of international criminal court ICC influence on national policy domestic prosecution of war crimes strengthening legal system credibility justice system and societal trust impact of ICC on government leaders fear of prosecution among paramilitary leaders Peace and Justice Law Colombia influence of ICC on demobilization case studies of deterrence in transitional justice future prevention of war crimes enhancing belief in rule of law deterrence prosecution crimes against humanity war crimes accountability legal system international criminal court ICC Colombia Peace and Justice Law domestic prosecution justice legal reliability sense of justice government measures demobilisation paramilitary fear of prosecution law enforcement human rights violations international law transitional justice prosecution effectiveness criminal accountability global justice crime prevention deterrence effect of prosecution impact of ICC on crime rates effectiveness of international criminal prosecution legal accountability for war crimes reinforcement of rule of law through prosecution societal trust in legal system influence of ICC on national legal reforms psychological effect of prosecution on war criminals prosecutorial measures in human rights violations obstacles to domestic prosecution peace and justice law impact ICC deterrence in Colombia ICC threat and leadership behavior international vs domestic prosecution of crimes against humanity demobilization due to ICC prosecution threat case studies of deterrence by ICC empirical evidence on ICC deterrent effect ICC influence on state compliance repercussions deterrence criminal prosecution accountability legal system credibility justice crime prevention war crimes crimes against humanity international criminal court ICC Colombia Peace and Justice Law domestic prosecution government measures prosecution threat demobilisation human rights violations government leaders international crimes impunity transitional justice prosecution effectiveness fear of prosecution legal deterrence societal trust judicial system law enforcement deterrence effect international criminal prosecution war crimes prevention crimes against humanity prosecution ICC influence on national policy legal accountability international crimes Colombia ICC case study Peace and Justice Law Colombia government leader deterrence paramilitary demobilization impact strengthening legal system justice system public trust human rights legal enforcement international law deterrence ICC prosecutorial impact transitional justice Colombia prosecutorial threats international law criminal liability world leaders global justice mechanisms international law compliance domestic prosecution war crimes deterrence international criminal justice accountability impunity reduction legal system trust war crimes prosecution crimes against humanity International Criminal Court (ICC) Peace and Justice Law Colombia transitional justice government measures legal repercussions leadership accountability paramilitary demobilization Vicente Castaño ICC threat effect justice system credibility preventing atrocity crimes strengthening the rule of law human rights violations prosecution Safferlin Grono global policy impact deterrence international criminal court prosecution accountability war crimes crimes against humanity legal system justice human rights violations ICC Colombia Peace and Justice Law domestic prosecution government measures demobilisation paramilitary groups fear of prosecution judicial effectiveness rule of law international law transitional justice legal reforms crime prevention leadership accountability post-conflict justice
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro03a	"The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. Israeli settlements settlement expansion West Bank Palestinian statehood peace process Israeli-Palestinian conflict negotiation bad faith pro-peace groups Palestinian trust settlement policy land disputes Hamas two-state solution compromise population growth negotiating tactics territorial expansion peace negotiations Israeli policy mutual distrust conflict resolution security concerns international law settlement legitimacy Israeli settlements West Bank settlement expansion Palestinian state peace process Israeli-Palestinian conflict negotiations bad faith pro-peace factions settlement growth compromise Palestinian trust Israel policy Hamas land disputes statehood peace talks negotiation credibility unilateral actions annexation international law Middle East conflict two-state solution settlement policy skepticism political obstacles opposition groups Israeli government territorial expansion peace prospects Israeli settlements West Bank settlement expansion Palestinian state peace process negotiation bad faith Palestinian perspective Israeli policy independence land disputes Hamas Israeli-Palestinian conflict compromise peace negotiations settlement growth trust issues two-state solution territorial expansion peace talks Palestinian trust political implications security concerns international law Middle East conflict Israeli settlements impact on peace process Palestinian perceptions of Israeli intentions Israeli settlement expansion and negotiations settlement growth as sign of bad faith effect on pro-peace Palestinian groups impact of settlements on two-state solution credibility of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations settlement expansion versus peace advocacy influence on Palestinian support for Hamas settlements and rise of militant groups settlements undermining peace talks Israeli settlement policies West Bank consequences for Palestinian confidence in negotiations obstacles to Israeli-Palestinian compromise Israeli ""plan B"" versus peace process international views on settlements and peace settlements as impediment to peace linkage between settlement growth Israeli settlements West Bank settlement expansion Palestinian statehood peace process negotiation deadlock Israeli-Palestinian conflict Hamas bad faith pro-peace elements population growth land disputes trust deficit compromise barriers political skepticism negotiation credibility peace negotiations international response security concerns settlement policy two-state solution Israeli policy Palestinian frustration unilateral actions peace obstacles Middle East diplomacy territorial disputes public opinion negotiation tactics Israel-Palestine relations Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian statehood peace process settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian conflict negotiation impasse bad faith negotiations Hamas Palestinian trust Israeli policy peace negotiations two-state solution compromise barriers settler population growth international law territorial dispute Middle East peace Israeli government actions peace skepticism trust deficit conflict escalation West Bank Israeli settlements settlement expansion Palestinian independence peace process negotiation trust Israeli government policy Palestinian perception Hamas bad faith compromise Israeli-Palestinian conflict land disputes peace talks two-state solution territorial expansion population growth negotiation sincerity political legitimacy Palestinian statehood violence escalation ceasefire international mediation diplomatic efforts settlement freeze mutual distrust security concerns legitimacy crisis peace negotiation obstacles Israeli settlements settlement expansion West Bank peace process Israeli-Palestinian conflict Palestinian statehood negotiation credibility bad faith negotiations pro-peace advocates Israeli-Palestinian trust Hamas influence peace agreement obstacles Israeli policy settlement population growth peace negotiations skepticism Middle East diplomacy Palestinian public opinion two-state solution challenges Israeli security policy settlement controversy peace compromise barriers Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian statehood peace process negotiation settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian conflict Hamas bad faith diplomacy land dispute occupation international law two-state solution trust deficit political compromise pro-peace factions security concerns territorial expansion settlement policy Middle East peace mutual distrust unilateral actions state sovereignty negotiation stalling grassroots opinion Israeli government policy Palestinian Authority peace negotiations violence escalation Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian perspective peace process settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian conflict Israeli policy negotiation credibility Palestinian statehood Hamas bad faith peace negotiations settlement growth compromise obstacles security concerns trust issues Israeli government international law two-state solution land disputes peace activists faith in negotiations population growth sovereignty territorial disputes political trust Middle East conflict"
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con02a	Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, election legitimacy political campaigns voter engagement rulers and electorate political participation public opinion political protests political meetings leadership accountability dictatorship electoral fraud youth vote economic promises voter behavior opposition political responsiveness Zimbabwe elections Marcos Mugabe democracy political reform citizen views political mobilization electoral politics election campaigning voter engagement political legitimacy electoral protests public opinion dictatorship elections leadership accountability electorate responsiveness election fraud political participation youth vote economic promises political opposition regime durability authoritarian elections ruler-citizen interaction political mobilization campaign strategies voter influence election outcomes elections political campaigns voter engagement leadership legitimacy political participation public opinion political protests electoral fraud dictatorship rulers and citizens political accountability voting behavior youth vote economic promises campaign strategies electorate influence political communication leadership responsiveness election outcomes Mugabe Marcos election impact on dictators elections and public engagement dictator response to elections campaigning in authoritarian regimes electoral legitimacy and authoritarianism voter influence on leadership protests during elections leaders staying in touch with public dictators and youth vote economic promises in elections legitimacy of elections in authoritarian states fraud in elections political strategies in elections impact of elections on policy youth vote in authoritarian countries elections as a tool for accountability leader-public interaction during campaigns resistance and protest in restricted elections historical examples of elections under dictatorships Mugabe election strategy Marcos election case study election campaigns political legitimacy voter engagement protest movements public opinion dictatorship political reforms electoral participation leadership accountability electoral fraud regime stability political opposition political communication youth voting patterns economic promises political mobilization civic participation government responsiveness regime change authoritarian leadership democratization campaign strategies voter turnout political incentives populist policies electoral manipulation election impact on dictators rulers meeting citizens election legitimacy and voter engagement dictator response to elections politicians campaigning and public interaction elections and citizen expression protests during elections youth vote in politics leaders staying in touch with public Zimbabwe election youth employment promises Marcos 1985 election analysis Mugabe youth vote strategies elections and government accountability public opinion influence on rulers electoral fraud and legitimacy political campaigning worldwide citizen participation elections authoritarian regimes elections elections as public accountability elections political campaigns voter engagement electoral legitimacy leadership accountability public opinion political protests voter expression dictatorship authoritarian regimes political participation voter demographics youth vote economic promises political responsiveness fraud in elections electoral outcomes leadership-public relationship political outreach election strategies campaign promises electorate influence protest movements civic engagement regime stability political opposition election campaigns voter engagement political legitimacy leadership accountability dictator elections protest movements political campaigning electorate views electoral fraud voter mobilization youth vote economic promises political participation public opinion Zimbabwe elections Marcos 1985 election Mugabe election strategy political transitions rulers public interaction political protests democracy promotion dictatorship challenges election influence electoral outcomes campaign strategies voter demands election fairness election campaigns voter engagement political participation dictatorship electoral legitimacy political protests authoritarian regimes voter mobilization youth vote campaign promises leadership accountability political opposition electoral fraud democratic processes citizen representation protest movements government legitimacy policy responses historical elections political strategy election campaigns voter engagement protest movements political legitimacy dictatorship electoral fraud youth vote economic promises leadership accountability citizen participation political opposition regime stability political communication voter turnout governance public opinion electoral competitiveness political reform grassroots mobilization campaigning strategies
test-politics-glghssi-pro02a	Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, devolution Scottish governance self-government Westminster comparison Scottish Parliament Holyrood policy differences political parties Scotland party diversity political representation political discourse Scotland political consensus SNP minority government coalition government Scotland Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats minority administration political civility governance models Scottish politics UK politics comparison multiparty system coalition politics Paul Cairney Political Studies Association party alliances Scotland representation diversity political reform Scotland parliamentary effectiveness political culture Scotland UK devolution inter-party comparison Westminster coalition Scottish political history Scottish devolution Scottish self-governance Scottish Parliament Holyrood Scottish political parties Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats SNP coalition government minority administration Scottish politics political discourse political consensus political diversity policy agenda Scotland politics Westminster UK devolution comparison Scotland Westminster governance models representation Scotland coalition vs majority government emergence of new parties Scotland political civility Scottish identity decentralization UK political system comparison devolution Scottish self-governance Westminster comparison political civility Scottish politics policy divergence Scotland political party emergence Scotland political diversity Scotland consensual politics Scotland SNP minority administration Holyrood coalition Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Westminster coalition conflict UK political discourse coalition government Scotland minority government Scotland political representation Scotland Scotland political model Scotland political agenda Cairney Paul coalition government UK inter-party relations Scotland Scottish parliamentary politics devolution in Scotland Scottish self-governance comparison Scotland Westminster Scottish model of politics diversity in Scottish parties Scottish political discourse SNP minority administration Scottish parliamentary coalitions Holyrood coalition governments Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats alliance political party emergence Scotland consensual politics Scotland Scotland vs Westminster political culture Paul Cairney coalition government minority government Scotland Scottish Liberal Democrats Scottish Labour coalition comparison UK parliamentary coalitions Scottish political diversity Scottish political representation Scottish political reforms post-devolution Scotland Scottish policy agenda Scottish political civility coalition government effectiveness history Scottish Parliament coalitions vs devolution Scottish governance self-governance Westminster comparison political civility policy agenda Scotland Scottish political model emergence of new parties political diversity political discourse Scotland coalition government Scotland SNP minority administration Holyrood Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats coalition government Westminster Conservative-Liberal conflict Scottish parliamentary politics minority governments Scottish policy differences Paul Cairney coalition dynamics UK devolved governments consensual politics political representation Scotland Scottish party alliances inter-party conflict Scottish devolution self-governance Scotland Holyrood vs Westminster Scottish political diversity SNP minority government coalition government Scotland Scottish Labour Liberal Democrat coalition political discourse Scotland Scottish party emergence Scotland policy differences consensual politics Scotland comparison UK devolved governance post-1997 devolution effects Scottish parliamentary model Paul Cairney coalition research minority administration Scotland civil political debate Scotland Scottish parliamentary representation diversity in Scottish politics coalition comparisons UK devolution Scottish governance Westminster comparison Scottish Parliament Holyrood political civility political model Scotland Scottish parties new political parties Scotland political diversity Scotland political discourse Scotland SNP minority administration coalition governments Scotland Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats 1999-2007 UK coalition government Conservative Liberal divide inter-party relations UK Paul Cairney Scottish self-government policy agenda Scotland consensual politics minority government Scottish political system Political Studies Association Conference comparative politics UK party representation Scotland party politics Scotland legislative differences UK Scotland regional governance UK devolution Scotland Scottish self-governance Holyrood vs Westminster Scottish political parties Scottish Parliament coalitions SNP minority government coalition government Scotland political discourse Scotland Scottish political diversity Scotland policy agenda Scottish Labour Liberal Democrats coalition Scottish nationalism UK constitutional politics Scottish government civility Scottish vs UK politics representation in Scottish politics Paul Cairney Scotland minority government Scotland Scottish Parliamentary model Political Studies Association Scotland devolution Scottish governance self-governance governance comparison Westminster civility in politics Scottish policy agenda model of politics Scottish political parties political diversity political representation political discourse Scotland political consensus Scotland SNP minority government coalition government Scotland Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Holyrood Scottish Parliament coalition dynamics party cooperation coalition comparison UK coalition government Conservative-Liberal relations devolution outcomes political stability Scotland Paul Cairney coalition and minority government inter-party relations Scottish parliamentary politics Scottish devolution self-governance Scotland Scottish political model Holyrood coalitions SNP minority government Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats political diversity Scotland Scottish party system political civility Scotland policy differences UK Scotland Westminster comparison Scottish political representation Scottish political discourse consensus politics Scotland coalition governments UK Scottish party emergence political culture Scotland minority government Scotland Scottish parliamentary system
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ justice reform wildlife crime prosecution anti-poaching enforcement legal deterrents environmental law sentencing guidelines poaching penalties wildlife trafficking judicial accountability organized crime prosecutorial effectiveness law enforcement training criminal justice prioritization African wildlife protection conservation law rhino poaching prosecution rates investigative capacity wildlife crime syndicates legislative reform wildlife conservation policy wildlife crime impunity sanction effectiveness legal system challenges court procedures criminal networks protected species laws legal loopholes conservation justice international wildlife law justice system reform anti-poaching policy wildlife crime prosecution African legal frameworks wildlife trafficking laws poaching penalties environmental law enforcement sentencing guidelines judicial prioritization legal deterrence prosecution challenges transnational crime poaching syndicates wildlife protection legislation crime impunity conservation law criminal investigation methods judiciary effectiveness endangered species law organized wildlife crime wildlife crime legal enforcement poaching prosecution wildlife trafficking anti-poaching law judicial effectiveness sentencing poachers organized wildlife crime wildlife conservation law criminal justice reform environmental crime wildlife protection policy black rhinoceros extinction crime deterrence illegal wildlife trade prosecutorial failure wildlife law prioritization wildlife law loopholes transnational crime law enforcement capacity justice system reform poaching prosecution rates poaching Africa legal priorities anti-poaching sentencing poachers African wildlife effectiveness anti-poaching laws wildlife crime prosecution Africa rhino poaching legal consequences failures African legal systems poaching deterrence wildlife crime Africa investigative methods poaching Africa prosecution ringleaders poaching impunity wildlife poachers Africa anti-poaching law enforcement Africa wildlife trafficking legal responses extinction causes West African black rhino severity penalties wildlife crime black rhinoceros poaching legal outcome success legal deterrents poaching improving anti-poaching legislation Africa Western black rhinoceros anti-poaching laws wildlife crime prosecution African legal system poaching poacher sentencing failures wildlife trafficking enforcement wildlife crime deterrence weak penalties poaching criminal justice wildlife poaching legal reform rhino extinction prosecution environmental justice Africa poaching investigation methods wildlife crime impunity legal priorities Africa poaching organized crime poaching wildlife law enforcement challenges judicial response poaching systemic failures anti-poaching international wildlife crime conservation law enforcement anti-poaching legal reform wildlife crime prosecution Africa poaching sentencing failures judicial system wildlife crime poacher prosecution challenges wildlife trafficking penalties Africa anti-poaching law enforcement rhino poaching legal loopholes conservation policy Africa prosecution of poaching kingpins wildlife crime investigative methods strengthening anti-poaching legislation criminal justice wildlife conservation penalties for poaching Africa impact of weak law enforcement on poaching justice system reform anti-poaching enforcement wildlife crime prosecution African legal priorities wildlife conservation law poacher sentencing judicial effectiveness legal deterrence wildlife trafficking poaching penalties legal accountability rhino extinction causes investigative capacity wildlife law enforcement conservation policy organized crime prosecution environmental justice court outcomes poaching criminal networks law enforcement failures punitive measures poaching deterrence strategies illegal wildlife trade weakness judicial response poaching sentencing guidelines judicial corruption biodiversity protection wildlife crime prevention justice system reform wildlife crime prosecution anti-poaching law enforcement African legal priorities wildlife trafficking sentencing poaching legal deterrence Western black rhinoceros extinction environmental crime penalties investigative methods wildlife crimes impunity poachers Africa anti-poaching judicial response wildlife crime organized networks legal system weaknesses poaching conservation law Africa wildlife crime criminal networks international wildlife law poacher prosecution effectiveness wildlife law sentencing disparities illegal wildlife trade enforcement environmental justice Africa justice system reform anti-poaching policy wildlife crime prosecution legal deterrence poaching penalties wildlife trafficking enforcement African legal priorities poaching investigation environmental crime sentencing conservation law rhino extinction causes judicial effectiveness criminal syndicates prosecution wildlife protection laws criminal justice reform wildlife crime prosecution anti-poaching legislation wildlife trafficking legal deterrents environmental law enforcement judicial corruption wildlife conservation penalties for poaching sentencing guidelines law enforcement capacity investigation techniques organized crime wildlife protection policy African legal systems international wildlife law prosecution success rates conservation justice wildlife criminal networks
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro01a	As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. right to life moral duty ethical decision making value of human life utilitarianism trolley problem sacrifice for the greater good minimization of harm saving lives ethical dilemma consequences of actions prohibition of killing prioritizing lives justice moral responsibility right to life moral duty value of life ethical dilemma trolley problem utilitarianism saving lives sacrifice for greater good minimizing deaths moral responsibility laws against killing ethical decision-making consequentialism individual rights collective welfare human rights moral philosophy life preservation cost-benefit analysis ethical justification utilitarianism trolley problem consequentialism ethical dilemma moral philosophy value of life right to life ethical decision making moral responsibility saving lives sacrificing one to save many law and morality life-and-death choices duty to minimize harm moral reasoning ethics of killing justification of killing principles of justice human rights life preservation trolley problem ethics utilitarianism right to life moral duty to save lives killing versus letting die philosophical justification saving more lives ethical dilemma train scenario value of human life philosophy moral reasoning fewer deaths duty to minimize harm responsibility sacrificing one for many consequentialism right to life ethical implications trolley problem dilemma utilitarian calculation principle of least harm decision-making in moral dilemmas individual rights versus greater good saving majority moral theory philosophical arguments right to life justifying sacrificial choices ethics cost-benefit train dilemma trolley problem utilitarianism moral philosophy ethics consequentialism value of life right to life duty to minimize harm moral dilemma ethical decision-making sacrifice moral obligation killing versus letting die saving lives justification for action philosophical ethics deontological ethics train dilemma life-and-death choices proportional harm moral reasoning act vs omission trolley problem ethical dilemma utilitarianism moral philosophy right to life sacrifice versus saving consequentialism saving the many versus the few moral duty ethical decision-making right versus duty killing versus letting die train track dilemma value of human life ethical justification individual rights group benefit minimizing harm moral reasoning philosophy of ethics trolley problem ethical dilemma moral philosophy right to life utilitarianism consequentialism moral duty value of life sacrifice saving lives killing versus letting die moral responsibility ethics trolley dilemma decision making life and death decisions justice individual rights collective well-being philosophical ethics moral choices trolley problem utilitarianism ethics moral philosophy right to life consequentialism value of life moral dilemma sacrificial ethics kill one save five ethical decision making justification of killing lifesaving prioritization human rights duty to minimize harm philosophy of killing moral responsibility ethical justification death and morality saving lives ethics utilitarianism moral dilemma trolley problem ethical decision-making right to life consequentialism value of life moral philosophy duty ethics kill one save many sacrifice cost-benefit analysis moral responsibility life preservation ethical justification human rights saving lives legal prohibition of killing harm minimization moral obligation trolley problem ethical dilemma utilitarianism moral philosophy consequentialism right to life value of life moral decision-making sacrifice ethical theories duty ethics deontological ethics killing vs letting die human rights philosophy of law lifesaving decisions justice moral responsibility saving lives individual versus many
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro05a	Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. supranational entrepreneurs European integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Schuman Plan Common Market Single European Act SEA Economic and Monetary Union EMU single market cultivated spillover European Union founders EU integration policy entrepreneurship European federalism integration pioneers supranationalism EU institutions European policymakers European project European economic integration visionary leaders historical integration EU history integration process European Community Delors Commission supranational entrepreneurs European integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Common Market Single European Act SEA 1992 project single market Economic and Monetary Union EU pioneers EU architects cultivated spill-over European Union history integration leaders supranational leadership EU institutions policy entrepreneurship European policy integration European unification Eurozone creation Delors Commission Monnet method European integration supranational actors Jean Monnet Jacques Delors Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Common Market Single European Act European Union single market Economic and Monetary Union policy entrepreneurship cultivated spillover EU institutions EU history European Commission integration theories functionalism neofunctionalism European project political leadership institutional development EU enlargement EU founding fathers cross-border cooperation economic integration policymaking transnational networks supranational entrepreneurs in European integration Jean Monnet and European unity Schuman Plan and ECSC origins Jacques Delors and Single European Act role of individuals in EU integration spill-over effect in European integration history of European Coal and Steel Community development of the single European market Delors and Economic and Monetary Union empirical examples of supranational entrepreneurship leadership in European integration influential figures in EU history creation of Common Market cultivated spill-over in EU policy key actors in European unification European Commission and integration pioneers comparative analysis Monnet and Delors supranationalism vs intergovernment supranational entrepreneurs European integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Common Market Single European Act SEA Economic and Monetary Union 1992 project single market European Union history cultivated spill-over integration pioneers EU development policy entrepreneurs European economic integration institutional leadership EU policymaking supranational entrepreneurs European integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Common Market Single European Act SEA 1992 project single market Economic and Monetary Union EMU cultivated spillover European Union history EU integration leaders role of individual actors in EU history of EU institutions supranationalism in Europe EU policy entrepreneurship spill-over effect in EU integration theorists Monnet method EU founding figures European unity policy drivers European integration Delors Commission EU single market formation Supranational entrepreneurs European integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Schuman Plan General Planning Commission France Single European Act SEA Single Market Economic and Monetary Union EMU cultivated spill-over European unification role of leadership European Community integration process policy entrepreneurship institutional development European project historical actors transnational cooperation European economic history European policy makers drivers of integration spillover effect Monnet method European Commission Delors presidency EU history supranational institutions European governance key figures in EU Supranational entrepreneurs European integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Schuman Plan Single European Act SEA Economic and Monetary Union EMU European single market spillover effect European Union history Common Market EU institutional development leadership in European integration functionalism in EU policy entrepreneurship EU enlargement European policy initiatives cross-border cooperation European political leaders EU reform Monnet method Delors Report supranational governance EU founding fathers European economic integration EU policy evolution Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European integration supranationalism European Coal and Steel Community Schuman Plan European Economic Community Single European Act single market Economic and Monetary Union spillover effect EU founding fathers European federalism transnational actors institutional entrepreneurship policy entrepreneurship European institutions integration theory neofunctionalism European Commission Delors Commission European Union history supranational leadership cross-border cooperation policy drivers European policy-making historical integration milestones European integration Jean Monnet supranational actors Jacques Delors Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Single European Act SEA Economic and Monetary Union single market cultivated spillover European Union history policy entrepreneurs EU enlargement institutional innovation interstate cooperation political leadership European Commission integration theory functionalism neofunctionalism transnational networks EU policy-making European project historical figures in EU Delors era Monnet method European federalism
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con01a	The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 UK relevance global power blocks historical power shifts EU membership international influence regional blocs great powers global negotiations Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers geopolitical strategies economic blocs political unions superpowers China influence India influence US power USSR history UK global status multipolar world collective bargaining international relations second order power power transition historical comparisons EU vs UK global diplomacy UK international relevance geopolitical blocs global power shifts regional integration EU membership benefits international negotiations economic blocs power balance influence of large states European Union UK relations decline of British power Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Paul Kennedy global multipolarity great power competition global alliances UK global strategy transnational cooperation superpower dynamics historical power transitions European Union regional integration global power international alliances geopolitical blocs supranational organizations world powers economic unions global influence collective bargaining multilateralism power dynamics EU membership Great Powers superpowers Brexit strategic partnerships global relevance influence decline transnational cooperation Paul Kennedy international relations geopolitical relevance UK foreign policy comparative power global negotiations EU membership benefits UK global influence economic blocs history geopolitical blocs relevance EU vs UK alone UK international negotiations global power comparison regional power politics benefits of larger alliances rise of great powers analysis Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of Great Powers China's global influence India as emerging power US vs UK influence UK post-Brexit relevance history of power blocs future of international alliances UK's role in global politics UK-EU relations relevance of nation states in global era UK global influence power blocs regional integration international relevance EU membership geopolitical blocs superpowers comparison economic unions strategic alliances multipolar world global power shift Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers collective bargaining national sovereignty world regions global negotiations China global power India global power US dominance USSR history post-Brexit UK European Union impact global hierarchy second order powers international relations UK global influence geopolitical blocs EU membership benefits rise of regional powers history of great powers Paul Kennedy analysis global power shifts post-Brexit influence economic blocs relevance China and India global role US-USSR historical comparison international negotiations decline of UK power European Union power global political regions superpower era collective bargaining EU power concentration history future of nation states UK foreign policy UK international relevance geopolitical blocs global power dynamics EU membership benefits global influence supranational organizations regional power great powers international negotiations historical power shifts world politics economic unions comparative power EU versus UK United States USSR China India Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers European Union UK foreign policy global competitiveness power consolidation international alliances global governance post-imperial Britain multipolar world second order power history of empires bloc politics international relations UK geopolitical relevance geopolitical blocs global power shift EU membership benefits UK influence EU world regional powers UK second-order power rise of great powers international negotiations Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers UK vs China India USA historical power transition superpower comparisons UK global position European Union comparison power bloc necessity UK solo vs bloc global diplomacy blocs China and India global influence future of UK global influence global power blocs international alliances geopolitical influence regional integration EU membership economic unions superpowers comparison UK global relevance multipolar world collective bargaining great power transitions historical power shifts Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers global governance Brexit consequences sovereignty vs. cooperation global diplomacy power dynamics future of Europe European Union global power shifts regional blocs geopolitical relevance UK foreign policy international relations superpowers economic unions Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers power balance block politics EU negotiation power UK global influence comparative international power historical trends in power European integration multipolar world Brexit consequences UK-EU relations EU membership benefits
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con02a	We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . jury reliability jury trust jury bias juror impartiality trial by jury public representation community participation court case fairness Britain jury reform jury restriction jury selection juror education judicial reform victim history evidence consent cases self-defense cases legal bias prevention jury system reform unbiased trials legal evidence rules expert opinion on juries courtroom fairness legal system evaluation defendant rights victim protection criminal justice reform jury trust jury bias jury impartiality jury reliability jury composition juror prejudice juror education trial by jury public representation in jury community representation criminal justice jury reform jury system critique jury decision making judicial bias court case fairness victim’s sexual history evidence juror exposure to evidence legal admissibility rape case juror bias self-defense trial jury consideration jury restriction proposals Britain jury reform judicial process evidence impact on juries unbiased trial jury knowledge limitations legal impartiality fair trial courtroom procedure jury verdict influences jury bias jury impartiality juror trust jury system reform trial by jury juror selection jury representation courtroom bias legal reform public perception of juries jury reliability judicial process jury vs judge trial evidentiary rules juror education victim history in court sexual history evidence criminal justice system legal safeguards bias mitigation community representation alternative dispute resolution wrongful conviction legal fairness British jury reforms jury decision-making expert testimony legal ethics defendant rights court case bias jury trust issues jury bias examples public participation court cases jury system criticism alternatives to jury trials mitigating jury bias reforms to jury selection expert debate juror information impact of prior history evidence right to trial by jury UK reducing undue bias legal system community representation in juries victim’s history admissibility defendant rights in jury trials impact of jury decisions safeguarding fair trials transparency in jury deliberations potential for jury error eliminating juror prejudice reforms in criminal justice system jury trust jury bias public representation community involvement jury impartiality trial by jury restrictions juror education victim history evidence sexual history in trials propensity evidence self-defense claims biased juries court case fairness jury system criticism jury reform legal reforms jury decision-making peer judgment juror selection judicial oversight trial fairness legal system trust justice system reliability public perception juries jury bias trust in juries jury reform jury impartiality jury decision-making public perception of juries trial by jury alternatives to juries jury system criticism juror knowledge judicial reforms impact of media on juries community representation in juries juror education restrictions on jury trials victim's history in court evidence admissibility consent defense self-defense claims criminal justice system legal bias UK jury reforms jury reliability expert opinions on juries case law on juries preventing jury bias jury reliability jury trustworthiness jury bias juror impartiality jury selection public representation community representation trial by jury right to jury trial judicial reforms jury system court cases legal procedures jury reform mitigating bias evidentiary rules sexual history evidence victim background self-defense claims justice system legal fairness criminal trials jury psychology legal bias judicial independence legal safeguards expert debate fair trial unbiased trial justice reform bias prevention jury trust jury bias jury impartiality juror psychology jury system reform jury selection methods public opinion in juries community representation juries court case bias trial by jury debate alternatives to juries judicial reform jury education transparency in juries jury reliability elimination of jury bias exclusion of evidence juries victim history court cases legal protections jurors consent defense bias sexual history in trials jury evidence admissibility British legal reform US jury system fair trial procedures legal system trust societal bias juries jury nullification jury decision-making justice reform jury bias jury impartiality jury trust jury reform juror education juror selection community representation public perception of juries trial by jury restrictions legal reforms victim history disclosure consent in rape cases self-defense claims juror knowledge limits unbiased trials judicial fairness preventing bias UK jury system US jury system jury deliberation alternatives to juries jury reliability juror bias impartiality jury reform trial by jury jury system courtroom fairness public participation legal bias judicial reform victim's history consent in court sexual history evidence jury selection community representation criminal justice system legal safeguards jury education mitigating bias alternative dispute resolution judge-only trials potential bias legal transparency courtroom procedures evidence admissibility jury deliberation
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro01a	The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 recidivism repeat offenders prior convictions criminal justice reform victim protection acquittal rates sexual offence recidivism child molestation statistics jury decision making justice system trust dangerous offenders public safety offender profiling sentencing guidelines habitual offenders re-offending rates criminal justice fairness judicial confidence conviction rates prior criminal history victim justice wrongful acquittal juror perceptions criminal background law reform justice for victims sexual assault trials recidivism criminal justice reform prior convictions habitual offenders jury bias victim rights sentencing guidelines repeat offenders reoffending rates child molestation sexual offences conviction rates criminal history evidence public safety judicial fairness justice system criticism acquittal risks prior bad acts offender rehabilitation dangerous offender policies recidivism prior convictions repeat offenders criminal justice reform habitual offenders sentencing policy jury bias victim rights sexual offence recidivism child molestation statistics conviction rates public safety rehabilitation versus punishment judicial discretion offender profiling victim impact wrongful acquittal offender history justice system confidence sexual predator laws crime deterrence offender risk assessment persistent offenders criminal sentencing guidelines legal reform crime prevention unfair legal system repeat offenders sentencing prior convictions impact re-offending statistics child molestation recidivism prior sexual offence history conviction rates and justice protecting victims' rights public safety and criminal justice juror confidence in legal system wrongful acquittal consequences criminal justice reform recidivist crime deterrence fairness in sentencing repeat offenders using criminal history in trials victims losing faith in justice high-risk offenders release notable case Kirk Reid analysis improving jury decision-making legal reforms for victim justice recidivism repeat offenders prior convictions jury bias criminal justice reform victim rights child molestation sexual offence conviction rates public safety justice system confidence wrongful acquittal habitual criminals offender rehabilitation sentencing guidelines victim advocacy criminal history risk assessment juror perception judicial reform criminal prosecution acquittal consequences criminal sentencing disparities prior sexual offences offender profiling criminal justice fairness repeat offenders prior convictions in court recidivism rates criminal justice reform jury perception victim justice sexual offence re-offending criminal sentencing policy protecting victims conviction rate enhancement justice system fairness habitual offender laws child sexual abuse recidivism juror confidence in justice system wrongful acquittal consequences recidivism prior convictions repeat offenders criminal justice reform victim rights jury perception reoffending rates sentencing policy child sexual abuse conviction rates judicial bias acquittal criminal history public safety victim impact sexual assault habitual offenders juror confidence offender rehabilitation wrongful acquittal justice system fairness legal precedent sentencing guidelines offender profiling criminal records recidivist crime judicial reform persistent offenders victim protection sex offender laws repeat sexual offences repeat offenders criminal justice reform prior convictions recidivism habitual offenders victim protection conviction rates jury bias sexual offence statistics child molestation recurrence public safety justice system trust wrongful acquittal sentencing policy judicial fairness high-risk offenders sexual assault trials habitual sexual offenders criminal record consideration reoffending statistics law reform victim advocacy jury decision-making criminal history evidence criminal sentencing justice for victims recidivism repeat offenders justice reform prior convictions sentencing guidelines victim rights jury bias criminal justice system sexual offence statistics child protection laws public safety offender profiling acquittal rates juror confidence rehabilitation vs punishment recidivist sentencing crime deterrence habitual offenders legal precedent victim impact conviction rates offender risk assessment criminal history evidence judicial fairness recidivism prevention recidivism repeat offenders prior convictions criminal justice reform victim rights sentencing guidelines jury decision-making public safety judicial confidence child sexual abuse conviction rates habitual offenders offender rehabilitation criminal law justice system criticism wrongful acquittal sexual assault trials legal evidence judicial fairness defendant history habitual crime victims of crime justice for victims early release policy change criminal sentencing repeat sexual offenders justice imbalance offender accountability juror dissatisfaction
test-politics-dhwem-pro06a	"PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) private military companies PMC regulation mercenary laws legal framework accountability corruption prevention security sector reform legitimacy of PMCs professionalization government oversight standardization control of armed forces private security industry transparency ethical standards MPRI humanitarian operations reputation management Vaknin 2011 international law defense contracting private military companies PMC regulation legal oversight accountability professional standards corruption prevention security sector reform government legislation industry transparency ethical guidelines quality assurance reputation management international law mercenary laws defense contracting militarized security MPRI humanitarian operations military privatization corporate responsibility civilian protection oversight mechanisms compliance frameworks arms trade regulation contractor vetting private military companies PMC regulation mercenary law security sector reform accountability oversight transparency quality assurance standardisation government legislation legal framework professionalisation compliance ethical guidelines legitimacy security industry defense contracting military privatization MPRI humanitarian aid reputation management corporate responsibility anti-corruption international law state oversight Vaknin 2011 regulation of private military companies legitimizing PMCs through legislation benefits of regulated PMCs accountability in private security improving PMC transparency standardizing the security sector safe and professional private forces moderating versus providing security non-combat PMC roles reputation management in PMCs historical PMC humanitarian efforts PMC industry transparency government oversight of PMCs reducing corruption in private security quality assurance in private military companies PMC accountability frameworks PMC business legitimacy ethical issues in private security examples of positive PMC contributions incentives for PMC regulation Private Military Companies PMCs regulation mercenary law security sector reform accountability in PMCs legitimacy of PMCs PMC transparency government oversight of PMCs professionalization of private security PMC accountability PMC standards military contractor regulation PMC reputation MPRI humanitarian operations by PMCs corruption in PMCs international PMC regulation private security legislation PMC industry transparency PMC market regulation security privatization private military company regulation PMC legitimacy mercenary profession legal status accountability in PMCs security sector standardization government oversight of PMCs transparency in private military firms PMC reputation management legislative framework for PMCs professionalization of PMCs corruption in private military sector regulating mercenary activities PMC quality assurance PMC accountability issues PMC contribution to humanitarian aid MPRI humanitarian work PMC business transparency PMC government moderation Private Military Companies PMCs mercenary regulation accountability security sector reform government oversight legal framework standardization professionalization transparency corporate reputation MPRI humanitarian operations military contracting legislative control defense industry law enforcement civilian oversight corruption prevention quality assurance international law Vaknin 2011 ethical practices security governance defense services military ethics private security oversight mechanisms PMCs regulation private military companies legitimacy of PMCs mercenary law security sector regulation corruption in PMCs accountability in PMCs quality standards PMCs government oversight PMCs professionalisation of security PMC transparency PMC reputation legalisation of mercenary work standardising private security PMC legislation MPRI humanitarian work PMC non-combat roles PMC industry reforms security contractor legal framework PMC compliance PMC oversight agencies private military companies PMC regulation legal framework mercenary laws accountability security sector reform standardization government oversight transparency reputation management MPRI non-combat operations humanitarian aid professionalism anti-corruption measures international law ethical standards public safety defense contractors legislative control Vaknin 2011 private military companies PMC regulation legitimacy legal framework accountability transparency ethics security sector reform government oversight standardization professionalism corruption prevention quality assurance international law legislative measures mercenaries corporate reputation non-combat roles humanitarian assistance MPRI oversight mechanisms Vaknin 2011"
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro03a	Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 shared governance joint sovereignty dual administration legal pluralism citizenship rights migration agreements labor mobility healthcare access social security coordination justice cooperation law enforcement collaboration host nation authority defense provision people-based sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty EU sovereignty pooling tax revenue control status of forces agreements international sovereignty voluntary sovereignty sharing cross-border governance sovereignty compromise international law power-sharing territorial jurisdiction multi-level governance shared sovereignty co-sovereignty joint sovereignty dual sovereignty partial sovereignty overlapping jurisdiction extraterritorial rights international agreements status of forces agreement sovereignty over people sovereignty vs territory citizenship rights migration rights healthcare access social security access legal jurisdiction justice sovereignty law and order host nation powers defense provision Krasner shared sovereignty EU sovereignty sharing voluntary sovereignty transfer supranational governance sovereignty compromise international law sovereign arrangements tax revenue control multinational governance non-territorial sovereignty shared sovereignty joint sovereignty dual sovereignty sovereignty sharing conferred jurisdiction citizenship rights migration rights labor mobility healthcare access social security access justice sovereignty law and order host nation authority defense responsibilities personal sovereignty territorial sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty international agreements status of forces agreements EU sovereignty voluntary sovereignty transfer overlapping jurisdiction hybrid governance sovereignty negotiation foreign control fiscal sovereignty sovereignty compromise shared sovereignty examples shared sovereignty international law shared sovereignty EU shared sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty citizenship rights shared sovereignty jurisdiction shared sovereignty migration shared sovereignty healthcare shared sovereignty social security shared sovereignty justice shared sovereignty law and order shared sovereignty defense sovereignty over people vs territory shared sovereignty historical examples foreign control tax revenues status of forces agreements sovereignty compromise voluntary sovereignty agreements shared sovereignty feasibility shared sovereignty host nation co-sovereignty types of shared sovereignty benefits of shared sovereignty challenges of shared sovereignty shared sovereignty and national defense shared sovereignty and international organizations shared sovereignty treaties shared shared sovereignty ceding sovereignty jurisdiction rights citizenship rights migration policy healthcare access social security access justice systems law and order defense sovereignty sovereignty compromise personal sovereignty territorial sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty foreign tax control international agreements status of forces agreement sovereignty in the EU voluntary sovereignty arrangement Seychelles sovereignty host country sovereignty joint governance international law sovereignty models post-WWII sovereignty intergovernmental cooperation shared sovereignty sovereignty transfer international governance ceding sovereignty joint jurisdiction dual citizenship migration rights extraterritorial jurisdiction host nation sovereignty compromise justice and law sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty status of forces agreement EU sovereignty foreign tax control voluntary international agreements Seychellois sovereignty sovereignty over people post-WWII sovereignty international law political autonomy shared sovereignty ceding sovereignty joint jurisdiction dual citizenship migration rights labor mobility healthcare access social security access legal sovereignty law enforcement justice administration host country defense provision population sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty historical examples foreign tax control status of forces agreements post-WWII Germany EU sovereignty transfer voluntary sovereignty agreements Seychelles sovereignty international governance sovereignty compromise statehood international law power-sharing shared sovereignty sovereignty compromise conferred jurisdiction sovereign rights citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security access legal sovereignty justice sovereignty law and order defense sovereignty host nation rights sovereignty over people Krasner shared sovereignty status of forces agreements foreign tax control EU sovereignty sharing voluntary sovereignty deal international law state sovereignty multi-level governance power sharing political integration sovereignty transfer supranational entities territorial sovereignty national sovereignty sovereignty negotiations jurisdictional sharing shared sovereignty joint jurisdiction dual citizenship migration rights labor mobility healthcare access social security access legal sovereignty justice administration law enforcement defense responsibilities host nation sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty historical examples foreign tax control status of forces agreements EU sovereignty sharing voluntary agreements Seychelles sovereignty international governance comparative sovereignty transnational governance territorial vs. personal sovereignty jurisdictional compromise sovereignty negotiations shared sovereignty ceding sovereignty sovereignty arrangements international governance dual citizenship jurisdiction rights migration policy labor mobility healthcare access social security justice system law and order defense provision people-based sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty foreign tax control status of forces agreements European Union sovereignty voluntary sovereignty agreements Seychelles sovereignty host nation sovereignty international law joint administration supranational entities Krasner 2005 citizenship rights intergovernmental cooperation sovereignty compromise
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con01a	Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, medical privacy employee confidentiality workplace discrimination HIV disclosure employment rights health information protection workplace stigma anti-discrimination laws occupational health right to privacy workplace harassment employee medical records confidential health data workplace prejudice employee autonomy workplace surveillance health status disclosure employment consequences workplace rights employee protections employee medical privacy workplace confidentiality HIV disclosure rights anti-discrimination employment health information protection employer access to medical data workplace stigma employee rights HIV occupational health privacy merit principle employment workplace prejudice medical information nondisclosure workplace harassment employee consent medical data workforce inclusion HIV South Africa HIV policy US HIV workplace law HIV workplace protections disability rights employment workplace confidentiality enforcement employee privacy medical confidentiality workplace discrimination HIV disclosure employer rights merit principle workplace harassment medical data protection employment law workplace prejudice employee rights job security occupational health privacy anti-discrimination workplace stigma personal medical information employment promotion bias health privacy laws workplace equality informed consent employer rights medical privacy employee medical confidentiality workplace HIV disclosure laws anti-discrimination employment HIV state intrusion employee privacy employee rights medical information consequences workplace HIV disclosure protection against medical discrimination at work merit principle employment law career impact of HIV disclosure co-worker prejudice HIV workplace handling sensitive medical data workplace privacy laws HIV status workplace harassment HIV positive legal protections employee health privacy nondisclosure agreements medical information HIV workplace stigma mitigation employee consent medical information workplace confidentiality HIV status employment law medical nondisclosure South Africa HIV employment policy US HIV workplace law employee autonomy health disclosure enforcing medical privacy employee confidentiality workplace discrimination HIV disclosure employee rights merit principle workplace stigma health information protection employment law workplace harassment manager obligations non-disclosure policies career impact of illness workplace prejudice ADA compliance medical information ethics occupational health privacy anti-discrimination laws South Africa HIV policy privacy enforcement employee autonomy sensitive health data workplace bias health disclosure consequences legal rights of employees employee medical privacy employer access to health records workplace HIV disclosure discrimination due to health status merit principle in employment employee confidentiality rights workplace stigma HIV workplace harassment due to illness employer legal obligations medical information non-disclosure policies medical status employee rights health confidentiality state intrusion medical privacy workplace prejudice medical conditions employment law HIV anti-discrimination workplace policies promotion and illness discrimination US HIV workplace law South Africa HIV employment policy privacy vs workplace safety managing confidential health information employee privacy medical confidentiality workplace discrimination HIV disclosure merit principle employment rights workplace prejudice workplace harassment medical information right to privacy job performance workplace stigma workplace rights employee autonomy nondisclosure workplace equality health information protection workplace promotion employee protection unfair dismissal health status privacy management obligations workplace policy confidentiality enforcement South Africa HIV policy US HIV life expectancy medical non-disclosure worker rights prejudice in the workplace employment law employee rights to privacy protected health information workplace ethics anti-discrimination laws employee medical privacy workplace confidentiality employer rights employee rights medical information disclosure HIV workplace discrimination workplace harassment merit principle employment health information nondisclosure employee health data protection workplace prejudice employee dismissal risks workplace promotion barriers stigma in the workplace mandatory health disclosure occupational health privacy manager confidentiality obligations workplace legal protections South Africa HIV workplace policy U.S. HIV life expectancy health condition discrimination privacy law employment ADA medical information workplace ethics health status nondiscrimination employee trust confidentiality occupational health law consent to disclose medical information human resources privacy workplace inclusion HIV employee privacy medical confidentiality workplace discrimination HIV disclosure workplace rights medical information protection merit principle workplace prejudice employee autonomy job security promotion prospects workplace harassment employer obligations privacy laws anti-discrimination laws occupational health South Africa HIV policy workplace stigma confidential health information employment law human rights employee consent health information regulation ADA compliance workplace inclusion employee privacy medical confidentiality workplace discrimination HIV disclosure laws employment rights occupational health data workplace prejudice disability rights workplace harassment employer obligations workplace accommodations patient confidentiality nondisclosure policies medical information protection informed consent workplace stigma human rights in employment anti-discrimination law workplace ethics privacy law occupational privacy workplace equality health information privacy HIV workplace policy employee protection
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con03a	There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu accountability mechanisms alternative accountability transparency without free press Rwanda governance Umushyikirano national dialogue public official scrutiny direct citizen engagement restricted media non-media accountability public forums Rwanda community oversight government transparency Africa anti-corruption Rwanda governance models civic participation performance assessment policy-making engagement alternative media institutional transparency open government Rwanda participatory governance corruption prevention mechanisms East Africa governance freedom of speech alternatives alternative accountability mechanisms government transparency Rwanda accountability without free press national dialogue Umushyikirano public official scrutiny Rwanda citizen engagement Rwanda direct democracy Rwanda government performance evaluation Rwanda transparency international Rwanda restricted press alternatives public forums Rwanda anti-corruption Rwanda political accountability African countries freedom of speech Rwanda non-media accountability civil participation Rwanda public policy dialogue transparent governance Rwanda least corrupt East Africa press freedom limitations Rwanda grassroots accountability government accountability alternatives to free press Rwanda governance public forums Umushyikirano citizen engagement anti-corruption measures transparency mechanisms direct democracy public cross-examination performance assessment restricted media freedom of speech alternatives law equality non-media accountability African governance transparency rankings corruption control participatory policy-making inclusive governance community oversight public scrutiny open government government transparency initiatives citizen oversight small country governance non-press accountability structures accountability alternatives Rwanda non-press accountability mechanisms accountability without free press national dialogue Rwanda Umushyikirano process public scrutiny Rwanda citizen engagement Rwanda direct government questioning public official cross-examination transparency Rwanda least corrupt country East Africa government transparency mechanisms Africa restricted press accountability alternatives to freedom of the press government oversight Rwanda citizen empowerment Rwanda participatory governance Rwanda performance assessment officials Rwanda African governance models combating corruption Rwanda non-media government accountability community forums government Rwanda policy making citizen input Rwanda role of free press in accountability effectiveness of Umushyikirano measuring government accountability accountability mechanisms non-media accountability public forums Rwanda Umushyikirano government transparency Rwanda citizen engagement policies alternative accountability models direct citizen participation press freedom alternatives East Africa corruption rankings Rwanda governance public scrutiny government officials freedom of speech Rwanda inclusive policy making transparency best practices African governance comparison anti-corruption Rwanda participatory governance law accountability Rwanda media restrictions and accountability accountability without free press alternatives to free press in accountability Rwanda transparent governance Umushyikirano national dialogue public examination of officials Rwanda citizen engagement Rwanda accountability mechanisms Rwanda restrictions on press Rwanda government transparency East Africa anti-corruption strategies Rwanda direct citizen-government engagement non-media accountability practices effectiveness of restricted press transparency without media freedom East Africa governance comparison institutional accountability Rwanda governance models Africa civic participation Rwanda corruption control mechanisms measuring accountability beyond free speech accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency anti-corruption East Africa government accountability legal equality national dialogue Umushyikirano public forum citizen engagement policy making government performance ministerial accountability Prime Minister scrutiny direct democracy restricted press alternative accountability mechanisms transparent government systems institutional transparency African governance corruption prevention civic participation public examination open governance inclusive policy processes Rwanda governance model accountability free press Rwanda governance freedom of speech alternative accountability mechanisms national dialogue Umushyikirano public forums citizen participation ministerial accountability performance assessment transparency anti-corruption Rwanda East Africa governance restricted press direct citizen engagement policy making Rwanda inclusive government public cross examination good governance Africa media independence Rwanda success factors civil society Rwanda open government forums civic participation government scrutiny accountability mechanisms alternatives to free press national dialogue Rwanda Umushyikirano forum government transparency Rwanda public official scrutiny Africa citizen participation in governance corruption control Rwanda direct accountability forums freedom of speech alternatives press restrictions Africa Rwanda governance model public engagement Rwanda policy making citizen input East Africa corruption comparison transparent institutions Africa performance assessment officials Rwanda inclusive governance mechanisms accountability mechanisms government transparency alternative accountability models non-press accountability initiatives public forums Rwanda Umushyikirano effectiveness direct citizen engagement anti-corruption Rwanda governance without free press freedom of speech alternatives East Africa transparency public official scrutiny law equality Rwanda civil society participation policy-making engagement Rwanda governance model transparency international Rwanda African governance comparison corruption prevention strategies citizen-government interaction media restrictions Rwanda
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con01a	"Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Catholic Church contraception Church teachings non-abortive contraception barrier methods Catholic priests Catholic nuns Church stance public opinion laity views religious dissent doctrine England and Wales survey support for contraception Catholic laity religious authority birth control papal ruling clerical opinion HIV/AIDS reproductive rights Church reform policy divergence moral theology contraception debate sexual health church hierarchy modern Catholicism pastoral care Catholic Church contraception policy Catholic laity views contraception Catholic priests opinion contraception Church teaching contraception dissent barrier contraception support contraception and Catholic doctrine contraception priest poll England Wales nuns support contraception non-abortive contraceptives Catholicism Church listen congregation contraception Catholic opinion surveys clergy attitudes contraception contraception church debate contraception dissent Catholic hierarchy contraception church reform Catholic Church contraception Church teachings birth control Catholic laity contraception attitudes Catholic priests support contraception nuns contraception support Church policy contraception barrier contraception Catholic dissent within Catholic Church contraceptive use among Catholics Catholic Church public opinion contraception poll Catholic priests Church response contraception debate modernization Catholic doctrine Catholic hierarchy contraception reproductive rights Catholics Catholic HIV/AIDS prevention Church policy change contraception Catholic social teaching contraception Catholic Church contraception stance Catholic laity contraceptive use Catholic priests contraception support nuns contraception views barrier contraception Catholicism Catholic dissent contraception Church listening to members contraception Catholic opinion contraception contraception poll Catholic priests England Wales Catholic survey priest support non-abortive contraception Church contraception debate Catholic teachings contraception contraception ruling Catholic response internal Church contraception debate Catholic Church contraception Church teachings Catholic laity priest opinions nuns support barrier contraception poll statistics Catholic priests England and Wales church stance religious dissent clergy views Church authority congregation views non-abortive contraception pastoral care Church reform religious opinion surveys adherence to doctrine catholic church contraception stance catholic views on contraception disagreement with church contraception teachings catholic priest opinions contraception church members contraception views contraception and catholicism statistics contraception support among nuns catholic church and barrier contraception catholic response to hiv aids church listening to members surveys catholic contraception catholic church modernization contraception debate catholic church catholic public opinion contraception contraception teachings opposition Catholic Church contraception Church teaching barrier contraception priests nuns Catholic laity Church opposition religious dissent contraception poll England Wales Catholic clergy opinions laity views Church authority birth control non-abortive contraception Church doctrine Vatican stance parishioner views priest survey religious ethics Roman Catholicism clerical attitudes reproductive health sexual ethics faith and contraception HIV/AIDS public opinion Church reform Catholic Church contraception Church stance contraception Catholic laity contraception views priests nuns contraception support barrier contraception Catholicism Church teachings contraception dissent Catholic contraception statistics clergy contraception opinions contraception Church doctrine debate reproductive health Catholic Church Catholicism modern contraception Catholic hierarchy contraception Catholic public opinion contraception contraception and religious authority Church response contraception dissent progressive views Catholic contraception Catholic Church contraception Church teachings laity opinions Catholic priests views nuns support barrier contraception Church stance religious dissent contraception poll England and Wales Catholic Church reform contraception attitudes faithful opinions clergy dissent Church authority religious contraception debate Church policy change contraception advocacy Catholicism and modernity Catholic Church contraception Church teachings Catholic opinion barrier contraception priests' views nuns' support Church dissent England and Wales priests Church policy poll results religious authority non-abortive contraception Church reform Catholic laity contraception debate religious rulings contraception support Church hierarchy HIV/AIDS public opinion clergy opinion Vatican stance theology of contraception church reform movements"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con02a	Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. ISPs monitoring data filtering illegal content unwanted content user preferences net neutrality parental controls content blocking IP address net nanny software internet regulation internet censorship religious content customer choice content access digital rights freedom of choice online privacy website blocking content moderation lawful access content control internet safety compliance digital piracy movie streaming child protection ISPs monitoring illegal data unwanted content user control content filtering parental controls net nanny content blocking internet censorship net neutrality user choice tailored internet service family internet safety child protection online religious ISP freedom of choice online ISP content policies online piracy prevention legal compliance internet custom ISP services access restrictions internet regulation ISP monitoring content filtering net neutrality parental controls IP address blocking illegal data unwanted content user preferences user-requested filtering Internet censorship freedom of choice digital rights online safety content removal network management religious filtering network-level blocking illegal websites content access control data privacy content moderation user empowerment pay-per-view restrictions ISP monitoring user data benefits ISP parental control options ISP data filtering for illegal content customizable ISP content restrictions exceptions to net neutrality for user preferences religious ISP content management ISP role in content legality ISP ability to block unwanted internet traffic consumer choice in ISP content filtering net neutrality and specialized ISP services ISP support for law enforcement ISP tools for parental oversight advantages of ISP-managed content restrictions user-requested ISP data blocking ISP responsibility for online safety ISP monitoring data filtering illegal content removal user consent IP address control net nanny software parental controls internet censorship customized ISP services religious ISP options user freedom of choice net neutrality debate child safety online blocking streaming services internet access regulation ISP compliance internet law enforcement online privacy content blocking technology ethical internet usage access restriction user-oriented filtering digital rights consumer internet preferences site blocking ISP user-controlled monitoring parental controls internet ISP net neutrality debate ISP blocking illegal content customized internet filtering ISP content moderation policies ISP religious content filtering user-requested ISP restrictions ISP delivery of tailored services opt-in ISP monitoring ISP response to consumer preferences ISP versus net neutrality parent-managed internet access ISP compliance with law internet freedom of choice ISP filtering unwanted data ISP protection against illegal sites ISP user-driven content blocks ISP versus net nanny software ISP service customization ISP ability to block specific content ISP and digital rights content control by ISP ISP legal compliance enforcement ISP role in ISP monitoring data filtering illegal content unwanted data user preferences content blocking parental controls net nanny software internet censorship child safety online homework protection digital rights net neutrality freedom of choice religious ISPs tailored broadband service customization content restriction digital law compliance website blocking legal obligations content moderation access control internet safety movie blocking pirated content prevention unpleasant sites safe browsing customer requests service differentiation online security ISP policies ISP monitoring data filtering illegal content removal unwanted data parental controls net nanny alternatives user-requested filtering IP address monitoring customized internet services religious ISP services net neutrality debate freedom of choice internet digital parenting tools internet law compliance website blocking ISP content control child internet safety tailored broadband services web content regulation online censorship privacy concerns internet freedom user-driven content filtering ISP role legality open internet policy ISP monitoring data filtering user control content blocking parental controls net neutrality debate user choice illegal content unwanted data religious content filtering freedom of choice internet safety ISPs legal compliance content restrictions network management consumer preferences digital rights service customization online child protection piracy prevention ISP monitoring content filtering user customization parental controls net neutrality data privacy illegal content content blocking user preferences digital rights freedom of choice service differentiation content regulation customer protection censorship law enforcement content moderation parental software network management user consent
test-international-aghwrem-pro02a	Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. democracy democratization political reforms civilian government constitutional change elections governance transition human rights Aung San Suu Kyi military rule political prisoners reconciliation reform process government institutions electoral process human rights commission political liberalization international relations US foreign policy EU relations gradual transition policy reassessment Myanmar reforms civil liberties political change governance structure democratization efforts political participation government accountability peaceful transition democratic transition civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi political reforms constitutional changes elections governance reforms human rights commission reconciliation liberalization democratization military junta limited engagement policy international relations US Myanmar relations EU Myanmar relations political institutions governance structure political liberalization transitional government Myanmar reforms democracy promotion post-military rule policy reassessment gradual political change political development Myanmar democracy political reform civilian government governance transition constitutional changes elections democratization democratic institutions Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest release human rights commission reconciliation government reforms US relations EU relations foreign policy limited engagement regime change gradual change international relations political liberalization civil society military junta human rights policy reassessment democratization process political transition new government Southeast Asia politics Myanmar political reforms Myanmar democratic transition Myanmar governance changes Myanmar new constitution Myanmar civilian government Myanmar elections impact Aung San Suu Kyi political role Myanmar human rights commission Myanmar democratic institutions Myanmar military rule end Myanmar gradual reforms Myanmar engagement with US Myanmar engagement with EU Myanmar foreign policy reassessment Myanmar policy change implications Myanmar democratization challenges Myanmar reconciliation government Myanmar international relations Myanmar reform timeline Myanmar political landscape Myanmar political transition Myanmar democratisation Myanmar governance reforms Myanmar new constitution Myanmar elections civilian government Myanmar Myanmar democratic institutions Aung San Suu Kyi release Myanmar human rights commission Myanmar reform pace US Myanmar relations EU Myanmar relations Myanmar gradual change Myanmar limited engagement policy Myanmar international relations Myanmar policy reassessment Myanmar democratic progress Myanmar governance structure Myanmar reconciliation Myanmar political reforms Myanmar political reforms Myanmar democratization process Myanmar new constitution Myanmar civilian government Myanmar elections Aung San Suu Kyi release Myanmar human rights commission Myanmar governance changes Myanmar democratic institutions Myanmar reconciliation policies Myanmar reform pace Myanmar US relations Myanmar EU engagement reassessment of Myanmar policy Myanmar limited engagement policy Myanmar military dictatorship end Myanmar political transition Myanmar international relations Myanmar domestic reforms Myanmar policy evaluation Myanmar military rule military junta democratization political reforms 2010 elections civilian government governance transition democratic institutions Aung San Suu Kyi political prisoners house arrest release human rights human rights commission constitutional reforms reconciliation political liberalization gradual reforms Western expectations US engagement EU relations foreign policy policy reassessment international relations limited engagement political transition civil liberties governance structure Southeast Asia transitional government political change Myanmar democratization Myanmar political reforms Myanmar governance change Myanmar new constitution Myanmar elections Myanmar civilian government Myanmar military dictatorship end Myanmar democratic institutions Aung San Suu Kyi release Myanmar human rights commission Myanmar reform progress Myanmar US relations Myanmar EU relations Myanmar gradual change Myanmar international engagement Myanmar policy reassessment Myanmar reconciliation Myanmar democratic transition Myanmar governance improvement Myanmar political structure Myanmar political reform democratization civilian government new constitution elections governance transition democratic institutions Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest release reconciliatory government human rights commission reform pace US Myanmar relations EU Myanmar relations foreign policy reassessment military junta history political liberalization limited engagement policy gradual change international response democratic framework Myanmar civil society Myanmar political reforms democratic transition civilian government new constitution democratic institutions elections Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi release human rights commission Myanmar reconciliation politics gradual reform Myanmar international relations Myanmar US Myanmar policy EU Myanmar policy democratization progress governance changes military to civilian transition Southeast Asia democracy Myanmar foreign policy policy reassessment Myanmar post-dictatorship Myanmar
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro01a	Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 criminal prosecution victim justice accountability mass atrocity transitional justice reconciliation alternatives impunity international criminal law war crimes crimes against humanity UN Genocide Convention perpetrators judicial accountability post-conflict justice reparations restorative justice deterrence peace of mind for victims legal redress Colombia transitional justice Bosnia and Herzegovina prosecutions Guatemala justice human rights law international tribunals victim rights criminal responsibility punishment for atrocity court proceedings truth and reconciliation future prevention of crimes accountability criminal justice legal redress transitional justice retributive justice international law war crimes trials victim rights impunity post-conflict justice truth commissions reconciliation alternatives restorative justice crimes against humanity punishment deterrence peacebuilding United Nations International Criminal Court humanitarian law mass atrocity offender prosecution justice mechanisms state responsibility judicial proceedings accountability justice victim rights criminal prosecution international criminal law impunity reconciliation transitional justice war crimes crimes against humanity genocide United Nations Genocide Convention restorative justice punitive justice perpetrators post-conflict societies deterrence peacebuilding human rights violations legal redress survivors retributive justice legal accountability international tribunals Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala mass atrocity criminal responsibility criminal trials truth commissions victims justice prosecutions prosecutions vs reconciliation perpetrators accountability power retention after crimes justice in Bosnia Colombia Guatemala UN Genocide Convention 1948 prosecutions victims rights prosecutions recurrence of crimes prosecutions mass atrocity prosecution necessity international criminal justice victims preventing future atrocities prosecution Mark J. Osiel Why Prosecute Payam Akhavan Beyond Impunity Human Rights Quarterly prosecutions American Journal of International Law atrocity prevention prosecution peace of mind victims prosecution vs impunity transitional justice prosecution crime deterrence prosecutions legal obligation prosecute atrocities victims' rights prosecutions transitional justice accountability impunity international criminal justice United Nations Genocide Convention reconciliation post-conflict justice Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala mass atrocity offenders justice mechanisms peacebuilding retributive justice deterrence power retention Osiel Mark J. Akhavan Payam Human Rights Quarterly American Journal of International Law victim justice legal prosecution mass atrocity accountability transitional justice reconciliation vs prosecution international criminal law United Nations Genocide Convention post-conflict justice power retention by perpetrators ending impunity peace of mind for victims prevention of future crimes human rights enforcement justice in Bosnia justice in Colombia justice in Guatemala role of international courts survivor justice rights prosecution deterrence upholding human rights prosecution victims justice accountability reconciliation impunity perpetrators transitional justice Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 human rights mass atrocity international criminal law punishment legal accountability restorative justice criminal responsibility peace of mind prevention crime deterrence prosecution necessity post-conflict justice war crimes crimes against humanity reparations Mark Osiel Payam Akhavan Human Rights Quarterly American Journal of International Law prosecution of offenders justice for victims mass atrocity accountability international criminal justice reconciliation vs prosecution Bosnia Herzegovina prosecutions Colombia transitional justice Guatemala impunity United Nations Genocide Convention victims’ rights crime deterrence post-conflict justice Osiel mass atrocity Akhavan impunity transitional justice failures accountability for crime human rights prosecution peace of mind for victims prevention of future atrocities offender punishment international law enforcement prosecution effectiveness justice system reform power retention by perpetrators truth vs justice prosecution victims' rights accountability transitional justice reconciliation impunity United Nations Genocide Convention international criminal law mass atrocity post-conflict justice restorative justice war crimes Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala criminal justice human rights violations victim restitution perpetrator accountability deterrence legal redress truth commissions international tribunals reparations peacebuilding prevention of future atrocities victim justice accountability international criminal law mass atrocity prosecution transitional justice reconciliation alternatives impunity human rights United Nations Genocide Convention post-conflict justice punitive justice power retention by perpetrators deterrence victim rights restorative justice international tribunals war crimes trials Bosnia and Herzegovina justice Colombia transitional justice Guatemala prosecutions Mark Osiel Payam Akhavan retributive justice prevention of future atrocities
test-international-atiahblit-con01a	Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. parental involvement home-based learning family education adult education adult literacy community education parental training home tutoring inclusive education lifelong learning education policy educational access parental support intergenerational learning household education basic skills courses nationwide education programs education outreach parental engagement community-based programs non-formal education universal education education inclusion early childhood learning educational equity education advocacy child participation family literacy supporting parents educational empowerment home-based education parental involvement adult education adult literacy community education family learning parent training household education intergenerational learning lifelong learning adult basic education parental support programs inclusive education community outreach nationwide education access education policy informal education adult numeracy adult English classes science education for adults support for parents education equity educational participation universal education strategies non-formal education home-based learning parental involvement adult education adult literacy family engagement parent training lifelong learning intergenerational learning household education community education inclusive education universal literacy basic skills training family literacy programs education equity home-school partnership parent support educational outreach community participation rural education access early childhood education continuing education social inclusion non-formal education parent-teacher collaboration home-based education programs adult literacy training parental involvement in education community learning initiatives inclusive education strategies nationwide educational access family-oriented educational support bridging school-home learning adult education for parents intergenerational learning basic skills courses for adults community-based adult training enhancing parental educational support promoting education awareness expanding education beyond schools fostering home learning environments promoting lifelong learning empowering communities through education supporting children's education at home integrated family education programs home-based education parental involvement adult literacy family learning nationwide educational access universal primary education adult education programs parent training community education lifelong learning intergenerational learning household education support educational empowerment basic skills courses inclusive education educational outreach home schooling support parental guidance in education bridging home and school accessible education for all home-based education parental involvement adult education lifelong learning community education programs family literacy adult literacy courses support for parents universal primary education inclusive education policies intergenerational learning teacher training for parents home teaching strategies household educational support nationwide education access adult basic skills training promoting school attendance educational benefits awareness community engagement out-of-school learning bridging home and school foundational skills for adults capacity building for parents reaching underserved populations educational equity educational outreach programs teaching at home parental involvement universal primary education education policy home-based learning adult education adult literacy parental training nationwide education access community education lifelong learning family learning intergenerational learning basic skills training adult basic education maths education English literacy science education school participation educational equity inclusive education family support household education education for parents adult learning programs education benefits household decision-making community engagement education outreach educational inclusion population-wide education parent education programs home-based learning family involvement in education adult literacy classes community education initiatives lifelong learning parental engagement support for home teaching basic skills training for adults education access for all intergenerational learning homeschooling support nationwide education programs adult basic education education policy expansion family literacy community-based education inclusive education strategies educational support at home parental training courses education benefits awareness universal literacy education for parents and caregivers home-based learning parental involvement adult education family literacy universal education adult training programs lifelong learning education access community education basic skills training educational equity parent-child learning inclusive education household education nationwide literacy programs intergenerational learning parent education courses home-school collaboration foundational skills primary education access home-based education parental involvement adult education lifelong learning community education educational equity family learning intergenerational learning parental training educational access inclusive education basic skills training literacy programs numeracy programs science education education policy educational outreach parental support child development teacher training educational participation educational attainment educational motivation universal education nationwide programs
test-education-ughbuesbf-con02a	Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ higher education funding university tuition fees educational resource allocation state funding efficiency university bureaucracy public expenditure on education unprofitable academic programs moral hazard in education student motivation cost of education degree market saturation degree inflation education quality university research output education reform funding models education policy educational investment student accountability public versus private education funding university tuition fees higher education funding opportunity cost bureaucratic inefficiency moral hazard degree inflation resource allocation state funding public vs private education cost-sharing models labor market outcomes education policy reform student motivation course profitability overqualification market saturation education economics government expenditure performance-based funding student incentives higher education funding tuition fees cost-benefit analysis public expenditure efficiency university bureaucracy resource allocation unprofitable courses moral hazard student motivation degree saturation labor market outcomes credential inflation educational policy reform higher education sustainability government budget allocation free versus paid education university quality assessment student incentives taxpayer burden opportunity cost free university education disadvantages inefficiency of free higher education arguments against free university education university funding allocation problems university bureaucracy costs tax money and education funding unprofitable university courses state-funded education inefficiencies moral hazard in free education student motivation free tuition degree market saturation value of university degrees impact of free degrees on job market tuition fees efficiency university resource allocation higher education finance reform free tuition economic impact public vs private higher education funding free higher education opportunity cost quality of university research funding free university education labor market effects Chapman 2001 higher education finance free university education state resource allocation university bureaucracy tax money inefficiency funding unprofitable courses moral hazard students education benefits student engagement degree market saturation degree value education fees resource efficiency university funding models best educated students research output higher education reform Chapman 2001 public policy education economics higher education debate free university education inefficiency resource allocation higher education university bureaucracy costs unprofitable university courses funding moral hazard free education student accountability higher education degree market saturation university degree devaluation university fees efficiency higher education finance reform Chapman 2001 higher education public funding university education education economics university policy debate free education civil servant university costs free university education higher education funding state resource allocation government spending education policy tax waste university bureaucracy public sector inefficiency unprofitable academic courses moral hazard in education tuition fees educational incentives student motivation degree inflation labor market saturation degree value higher education reform university finance education economics public vs private funding cost-benefit analysis education access Chapman 2001 Australian higher education educational outcomes resource optimization university accountability student contribution education system sustainability free university education disadvantages public funding inefficiency university bureaucracy costs resource allocation in higher education unprofitable university courses moral hazard in student funding degree market saturation overqualification problem university tuition fees advantages higher education reform Chapman Bruce higher education cost-benefit of free education state funding in universities higher education policy debate student accountability university education economic impact educational credential inflation efficiency in public spending tuition fee policy Australian higher education finance free university education state resource allocation education funding efficiency university bureaucracy public spending on education unprofitable university courses moral hazard in education student incentives degree market saturation credential inflation returns to higher education education cost-sharing university fees higher education reform educational resource management education policy evaluation Chapman higher education finance government funding university labor market outcomes efficient education funding educational productivity public vs private education funding tuition impact on quality higher education access economic effects of free university education higher education funding university tuition fees resource allocation opportunity cost public finance efficiency bureaucratic overhead unprofitable academic programs moral hazard students cost-benefit analysis degree inflation labor market saturation economic impact of education performance-based funding university accountability education policy reform state budget allocation student motivation public vs private education educational outcomes higher education economics
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con03a	It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, terrorism government policy violent influence security measures civil liberties surveillance society freedom societal change anti-terrorism strategies airport security public safety authoritarianism national security loss of freedom counterterrorism privacy social impact policy change terrorist objectives fear risk society democratic values human rights public perception radicalization resilience terrorism terrorist goals government policy civil liberties security measures freedom surveillance society influence by violence loss of freedoms societal change airport security public safety counterterrorism fear national security rights erosion democratic values social impact anti-terrorism policy response security vs freedom social consequences liberty public perception government response shaping society privacy rights terrorism government policy civil liberties security measures airport security surveillance society freedom societal change national security public safety counterterrorism loss of freedoms influence of terrorism terrorist objectives impact on society privacy democratic values homeland security fear public response anti-terrorism policies Steve Symanovich Washington Business Journal security vs freedom social impact of terrorism letting the terrorists win meaning impact of terrorism on government policy terrorism and civil liberties effects of increased security measures airport security and personal freedom surveillance society implications loss of freedom due to terrorism psychological impact of terrorism government response to terrorist threats balancing security and liberty historical examples of terrorism influencing policy anti-terrorism legislation consequences terrorism and social change combating terrorism without losing freedoms public perception of anti-terror laws living under constant terrorist threat trade-off between liberty and security terrorism shaping societal norms ethical considerations of counterterrorism terrorism's influence on national identity terrorism government policy violent influence societal change freedom security measures airport security surveillance society civil liberties policy response national security personal freedoms democratic values counterterrorism societal impact loss of freedom influence of terrorism public safety policy consequences terrorism response counterterrorism policies civil liberties airport security measures surveillance society terrorism and government response freedom versus security impact of terrorism on society domestic policy changes after terrorism balancing safety and rights loss of freedoms due to terrorism government policy and terrorist goals influence of terrorism on governance effects of increased security societal response to terrorism anti-terrorism laws terrorism and public policy resilience against terrorism normalization of security measures post-9/11 policy changes psychological impact of terrorism counterterrorism civil liberties government policy national security societal values freedom security measures surveillance airport security public safety terrorism policy change societal impact liberty vs security public fear democracy resilience social cohesion civil rights societal response freedom to travel terrorist objectives public discourse Washington Business Journal Steve Symanovich anti-terrorism legislation balancing security and freedom post-9/11 loss of freedoms anti-terrorism policies terrorism and civil liberties government policy terrorism security vs freedom national security measures airport security debate surveillance society counterterrorism effectiveness terrorism and public policy terrorism influence government freedom vs safety societal change due to terrorism terrorism and democracy public response terrorism rights restrictions terrorism impact of terrorism on society terrorism policy consequences balancing liberty and security fear and policy change terrorism and political change counterterrorism civil liberties government policy national security surveillance society airport security freedom of movement societal impact personal freedoms policy change security measures influence of terrorism balancing security and freedom anti-terrorism strategies loss of freedoms democracy public safety risk management human rights political response terrorism goals societal resilience social consequences ethical implications Steve Symanovich Washington Business Journal counter-terrorism civil liberties government policy surveillance society airport security freedom vs security terrorism impact national security policy change social consequences loss of freedoms public safety civil rights government response terrorism influence anti-terrorism measures privacy security measures societal change public fear
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro03a	The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. Philippine values social harmony respect for family reproductive health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex psychological barriers teen pregnancies out-of-wedlock pregnancies abortion laws democracy corruption graft political divisiveness political bribery legislative process pork barrel presidential agenda parliament voting family values cultural values moral values Filipino traditions teenage sexuality sexual morality government ethics lawmaking controversy political incentives public policy Filipino society Reproductive Health bill Philippine values social harmony respect for family contraception controversy teen pregnancies premarital sex family values abortion laws Philippines political divisiveness democracy in Philippines anti-corruption legislative bribery pork barrel politics presidential agenda Philippines parliament vote-buying Filipino cultural values unintended consequences contraception public health ethics political corruption Philippines religious perspectives reproductive health sexual morality Philippines government influence policy moral implications contraception traditional Filipino values Philippine values social harmony family respect Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex teen pregnancy out-of-wedlock pregnancy abortion laws democracy corruption graft political divisiveness bribery pork barrel legislative influence presidential agenda parliament moral values cultural values Filipino traditions Catholic Church ethics family planning unintended consequences legislative process public policy government ethics reproductive rights teenage sexuality cultural conflict religious beliefs Philippine values and reproductive health bill reproductive health bill and social harmony effect of contraception on premarital sex Philippines teen pregnancy statistics after reproductive health bill abortion laws in the Philippines respect for family and reproductive health legislation corruption in Philippine politics reproductive health bill pork barrel politics Philippines presidential agenda reproductive health bill social consequences of reproductive health legislation Philippines bribery cases in Philippine congress reproductive health bill moral values and government policies Philippines catholic influence reproductive health bill democracy and reproductive health bill Philippines political divisiveness over reproductive health bill arguments against reproductive health bill harmony respect unintended consequences of access to contraception Philippines Philippine values social harmony respect for family Reproductive Health bill contraception premarital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out of wedlock pregnancies abortion laws political division democracy anti-corruption graft bribery pork barrel politics presidential influence parliamentary votes legislative threats constituency programs moral values Filipino culture ethics in politics legislative process reproductive rights societal impact value conflict Reproductive Health bill controversy Philippine values social harmony respect for family contraception impact pre-marital sex casual sex consequences teen pregnancies pregnancies out of marriage abortion legality Philippines democracy support Philippines corruption and graft Philippines political divisiveness Philippines pork barrel politics bribery in parliament legislative manipulation Philippines presidential agenda RH bill social cohesion Philippines teen sexual behavior legislative coercion opposition to contraception moral values Philippines family values debate Filipino cultural norms Parliament bribery allegations reproductive rights Philippines Philippine values social harmony respect for family reproductive health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex sexual activity teen pregnancies out-of-wedlock pregnancies abortion laws Filipino culture democracy anti-corruption graft political divisiveness bribery pork barrel politics presidential agenda legislative pressure lawmaking in the Philippines Filipino morality traditional values political ethics government influence policymaking church views family planning cultural norms social cohesion morality debates Philippine values social harmony family respect Reproductive Health bill contraception controversy premarital sex teen pregnancy out-of-wedlock pregnancy abortion laws Philippines democracy support anti-corruption pork barrel politics political bribery Philippines legislative ethics presidential agenda Reproductive Health values education Philippines Filipino cultural values political divisiveness Philippines Congress moral arguments contraception unintended consequences contraception youth sexual behavior Philippines Philippine RH bill reproductive health contraception Filipino values social harmony family respect premarital sex casual sex teen pregnancy out-of-wedlock pregnancy abortion laws Philippines democracy Philippines corruption graft political division pork barrel government bribery presidential agenda Filipino culture legislation debate morality public opinion Philippines Philippine values social harmony respect for family Reproductive Health bill contraception teen pregnancy casual sex pre-marital sex unintended consequences abortion laws Philippines democracy in Philippines corruption graft political division pork barrel legislative bribery presidential agenda Filipino culture moral values political ethics policy debate public opinion parliament Philippines reproductive rights family planning cultural impact sexual behavior youth behavior political influence voter coercion public health policy
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. degree value academic integrity university reputation admission standards academic rigour elite universities critical thinking creative skills free thinking western education exclusivity plagiarism impartiality graduate outcomes educational standards institutional prestige international campuses employer expectations educational quality accreditation academic credentials educational ranking global recognition scholarly excellence reputation management degree value academic standards university reputation employer expectations degree credibility elite universities western education academic rigor admission standards graduate outcomes critical thinking creativity free thinking academic integrity plagiarism impartiality reputation management educational quality university prestige graduate skills authority challenge exclusivity government policy cross-border education Asian campuses degree recognition educational standards academic excellence university ranking diploma value degree value degree integrity degree reputation academic standards academic rigour degree prestige elite universities western universities employer expectations admissions standards graduate outcomes academic credibility reputation management impartiality plagiarism academic honesty free thinking creativity critical thinking educational quality degree recognition graduate employability academic exclusivity international campuses transnational education western education global degree standards educational reputation higher education quality academic trust degree devaluation value of degrees expansion significance of university degree meaning of elite university degrees critical thinking in higher education role of creativity in university education employer expectations of graduates degree as more than credential university admission standards impact academic rigour in elite universities reputation management in universities avoiding academic plagiarism impartiality in higher education creativity and free thinking in university degree devaluation risks government influence on degree value creative skills in western education impact of international campuses on degree value western universities in Asia global reputation of university degrees standards for recognizing creativity maintaining exclusivity in higher education degree value academic integrity degree reputation elite universities admission standards academic rigour graduate exclusivity critical thinking creativity in education free thinking degree devaluation western education government influence plagiarism impartiality international campuses employer expectations university standards academic credibility reputation management global education standards degree value academic integrity reputation preservation western universities standards critical thinking creativity in education admissions exclusivity academic rigour degree recognition university reputation management plagiarism prevention impartiality in academia value of elite degrees educational credential inflation global degree standards government impact on education employer expectations degrees graduate employability Asian campuses degree value western education impact degree value academic standards employer expectations elite universities admission criteria academic rigour graduate exclusivity university reputation impartiality plagiarism prevention creativity free thinking critical thinking academic integrity Western-style education government policy graduate skills Asian campuses educational quality degree credibility degree value degree reputation university admission standards academic rigor elite universities western universities graduate outcomes degree recognition academic integrity plagiarism impartiality creative skills critical thinking free thinking university exclusivity educational standards international campuses Asian campuses degree devaluation global employability university reputation education quality employer expectations admissions criteria academic standards degree credibility university branding graduate skills higher education quality government policy education degree value degree reputation academic standards university exclusivity admission standards academic rigour elite western universities critical thinking creativity free thinking academic integrity plagiarism impartiality graduate outcomes global recognition university credibility educational standards degree devaluation academic reputation higher education quality skills recognition creative skills critical skills western education international universities graduate employability degree value academic standards university reputation critical thinking academic integrity elite universities admission criteria academic rigour creativity free thinking plagiarism impartiality graduate skills western education global recognition educational quality employer expectations university exclusivity academic reputation educational outcomes
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro04a	Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian displacement land confiscation settlement expansion security zones military presence restricted movement separation barriers roadblocks Palestinian rights human rights violations land takeover protected roads security policies economic impact settlement removal occupation United Nations reports humanitarian impact settlement infrastructure settlement security settlement impact Israeli-Palestinian conflict Israeli military settlement protection Palestinian livelihoods barriers to movement international law demographic changes Israeli settlements Palestinian displacement land confiscation West Bank settlement expansion military presence separation barrier settlement roads Palestinian rights house demolitions settlement security Israeli occupation humanitarian impact settlement policy Israeli-Palestinian conflict restricted movement Israeli military zones settler violence settlement outposts international law United Nations reports territorial fragmentation settlement infrastructure forced evictions apartheid human rights violations Israeli settlements West Bank land confiscation Palestinian displacement occupation settlement expansion security zones military presence bypass roads separation barrier settlement infrastructure restricted movement human rights international law livelihood disruption forced removals settlement outposts settler violence annexation two-state solution humanitarian impact United Nations peace process territorial fragmentation settlement removal Israeli settlements impact displacement of Palestinians settlement expansion consequences military presence in West Bank roads for settlements separation barriers Palestinian land loss security measures in settlements livelihoods of Palestinian communities humanitarian impact Israeli policy United Nations settlement report removal of settlements solution proportional land takeover settlement-induced hardship Israeli control of West Bank separation infrastructure effects settlement security needs Palestinian community rights settlement impact on daily life Israeli settlement protection apparatus barriers to Palestinian movement occupation consequences settlement policy repercussions Israeli settlements Palestinian land loss settlement expansion military presence security barriers road construction West Bank displacement humanitarian impact OCHA reports separation wall restricted movement land confiscation resource allocation settlement legality human rights United Nations CBS News settlement removal livelihoods occupation policies Palestinian rights protected roads settlement security impact on communities settler population land proportionality Israeli policies international law Middle East conflict Israeli settlements Palestinian land confiscation West Bank displacement settlement expansion impact humanitarian consequences settlement security policies Palestinian community rights Israeli military presence settlement road construction separation barriers livelihood disruption Palestinians settlement removal solution United Nations OCHA report Israeli settlement statistics West Bank land control settlement infrastructure Palestinian territory fragmentation settlers impact Palestinians contested territories Israeli-Palestinian conflict Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian displacement land confiscation security barriers military presence restricted movement settlement expansion settler roads Palestinian rights humanitarian impact occupation separation wall settlement protection Israeli military expropriation Palestinian livelihoods checkpoints United Nations reports human rights annexation illegal settlements settlement removal land takeover buffer zones settlement infrastructure Israeli settlements Palestinian land displacement West Bank settlements settlement expansion settlement security Israeli occupation Palestinian communities settlement impact separation barriers land confiscation military presence settlement roads restricted movement Palestinians humanitarian impact settlement policy United Nations reports settlement infrastructure settlement protection Israeli-Palestinian conflict land annexation settlement walls electric fences territory control CBS News report settlement-induced hardship settlement removal peace process settlement livelihoods settlement isolation demographic impact occupation policies Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian displacement land confiscation settlement expansion security barrier military presence roadblocks restricted movement humanitarian impact separation wall settlement roads economic impact international law land takeover forced eviction settlement protection occupied territories human rights apartheid colonization land loss settler violence peace process two-state solution Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian displacement land confiscation settlement expansion security barrier military presence roadblocks human rights separation wall occupation settlement impact Palestinian livelihoods land takeover United Nations reports humanitarian impact settlement removal settlement policy settlement security CBS News OCHA settlement roads annexation forced relocation Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlement fences settlement fields settlement construction settler violence Palestinian communities territorial fragmentation
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro05a	"It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) compulsory voting voter turnout special interest groups lobby groups political influence policy making electoral outcomes minority influence voting system democratic process electorate participation political organization agricultural subsidies voter mobilization election fairness majority rule political lobbying policy bias electoral manipulation civic duty representative democracy legislative impact voter engagement political representation voting behavior government accountability compulsory voting voter turnout electoral participation special interest groups lobby groups political influence policy making voter mobilization minority influence electoral fairness representativeness democratic process election outcomes political power interest group politics public opinion voter apathy political engagement legislative subsidies agricultural lobby political representation democratic legitimacy electoral manipulation civic duty voting behavior compulsory voting special interest groups voter turnout electoral influence lobby groups election integrity voting participation minority influence agriculture subsidies political process policy making lobbying power democratic representation voter apathy organized interests voting rights policy bias election manipulation democratic legitimacy electoral fairness group influence political lobbying proportional representation public interest majority rule compulsory voting effects special interest group influence compulsory vs voluntary voting election fairness benefits voter turnout impact lobbying and policy outcomes minority influence in elections agricultural lobby power European farm subsidies politics US agricultural subsidies organized interest groups disadvantages representativeness of compulsory voting democracy and special interests reducing lobbyist power compulsory voting examples worldwide political mobilization and turnout overcoming voter apathy lobby group election manipulation policy representation disparity subsidized sectors political clout compulsory voting voting turnout special interest groups political influence election outcomes lobby groups voter participation minority interest control agricultural subsidies policy making lobbying power voter mobilization electoral integrity European politics American politics voting system reform democratic representation voter apathy minority rule prevention electoral manipulation pressure groups compulsory voting benefits special interest groups influence compulsory vs voluntary voting voter turnout effects lobby group political power agricultural subsidies politics influence of minority groups in elections electoral system fairness political process manipulation organized voting groups democratic representation policy making and special interests voting behavior impact compulsory voting special interest groups electoral influence voter turnout lobby groups policy making agriculture subsidies European politics American politics minority influence political organization voter behavior democratic participation electoral process political outcomes representative democracy election integrity advocacy groups campaign influence voter engagement voting system public will voting motivation legislative lobbying compulsory voting voter turnout special interest groups electoral influence lobbying power policy making agricultural subsidies minority influence political participation democratic representation election manipulation voter apathy organized voting blocs interest group politics electoral reform democracy enhancement minority lobbying majority rule voting laws public policy impact compulsory voting special interest groups political influence voter turnout lobbying election outcomes minority influence voting systems policy making agricultural subsidies European politics American politics democratic participation electoral fairness political organization voter engagement lobby group power election manipulation representativeness democratic legitimacy voting reform public policy voter apathy compulsory voting voter turnout special interest groups electoral manipulation lobbying influence policy making minority influence election fairness democratic representation political participation voter apathy agricultural subsidies European politics American politics lobbying power voter engagement political process electoral integrity organized interest groups political lobbying"
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con02a	North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea unresolved conflict international security provocations missile launch conflict zone United Nations genocide prevention collective security Northeast Asia frozen conflict shooting war historical conflicts Korean War regional powers Imjin War China Japan Russia USA crisis escalation peacekeeping security threats incident response diplomatic intervention nuclear proliferation international law peace settlement preventive diplomacy North Korea unresolved conflict frozen conflict provocation missile launch April 2012 Northeast Asia international security United Nations genocide prevention Rwanda peacekeeping conflict escalation regional stability Imjin war China Japan USA Korean War Russo-Japanese conflict collective security international response breach of peace crisis management military tensions diplomatic intervention potential war conflict resolution global security threat prevention historical conflicts East Asia power dynamics multilateral engagement security council peace enforcement arms proliferation deterrence cross-border tensions North Korea unresolved conflict Korean Peninsula nuclear weapons missile tests international security United Nations genocide prevention conflict resolution frozen conflict Northeast Asia Imjin War Sino-Japanese War Korean War collective security regional stability China Japan USA Russia military provocations escalation peacekeeping international intervention security council preventive diplomacy humanitarian crisis human rights nuclear proliferation deterrence diplomatic engagement historical conflicts North Korea unresolved conflict explanation North Korea international response significance of failed missile launches North Korea United Nations role in North Korea United Nations genocide prevention historical conflicts over Korea foreign intervention in Korean wars risk of escalation in North Korea collective security in Northeast Asia lessons from Rwanda for North Korea potential genocidal risks North Korea obligations under Article 1 United Nations prevention of major wars in Asia international peace and security North Korea impact of North Korean provocations necessity of international engagement Korea regional stability Northeast Asia roles of China USA Russia Japan in Korean conflict historical parallels Korea conflict preventive measures UN Korean North Korea conflict unresolved conflicts conflict escalation Korean Peninsula failed missile launch 2012 international security United Nations intervention genocide prevention Rwanda comparison frozen conflict collective security measures conflict resolution Imjin War Sino-Japanese War Korea Korean War 1950-1953 US-China relations Russia-Japan involvement Northeast Asia security provocation response major power interests regional stability historical conflicts Korea risk of war UN peacekeeping international response triggers for escalation East Asian geopolitics North Korea conflict resolution United Nations role in North Korea Northeast Asia security international response to North Korea history of wars in Korea potential for escalation in Korean Peninsula genocide prevention United Nations failed missile launches North Korea frozen conflict Korea collective security measures power rivalry in Northeast Asia Korean War implications UN peacekeeping missions prevention of war in East Asia lessons from Rwanda genocide threat assessment North Korea diplomatic efforts Korean Peninsula regional security alliances historical conflicts in Korea military provocations North Korea United Nations Charter Article 1 settlement of international disputes superpower involvement in Korea risk of large-scale North Korea unresolved conflict provocations missile launch April 2012 conflict zone international security genocide Rwanda United Nations peacekeeping collective security threats to peace settlement of international disputes frozen conflict shooting war Imjin War China Japan Korean War 1950-53 USA Russia Northeast Asia escalation regional stability military incidents international reaction potential spark genocide prevention great power involvement historical conflicts conflict resolution United Nations Charter Article 1 security council Pyongyang nuclear weapons denuclearization sanctions diplomacy North Korea conflict unresolved conflicts international security Northeast Asia United Nations intervention failed missile launch April 2012 provocation responses genocide prevention lessons from Rwanda frozen conflicts international peace collective security Imjin War Sino-Japanese War 1894-1895 Korean War 1950-53 US-China relations Russia-Japan interventions conflict escalation war prevention strategies regional security security dilemmas United Nations charter international disputes peacekeeping measures global security threats conflict resolution potential war zones diplomatic intervention nuclear North Korea humanitarian crises historical conflicts Korea North Korea unresolved conflict conflict zone provocations missile launch April 2012 United Nations genocide Rwanda international peace security collective measures prevention removal of threats settlement of disputes breach of peace frozen conflict shooting war Imjin War China Japan Korean War 1950-53 USA Russia Northeast Asia regional security escalation international intervention diplomacy peacekeeping deterrence global security military alliances historical conflicts UN resolutions East Asia stability nuclear threats humanitarian crisis conflict prevention conflict resolution peace process military tensions North Korea unresolved conflict frozen conflict conflict zone missile launch April 2012 provocations United Nations international peace security genocide prevention Rwanda collective security international disputes Northeast Asia Imjin war China-Japan conflicts Korean War USA involvement Russia shooting war escalation response strategies security council regional stability peacekeeping conflict resolution military alliances deterrence diplomatic efforts historical conflicts potential flashpoints East Asia security threat assessment international intervention superpower involvement nuclear threat arms proliferation humanitarian crisis geopolitical tensions prevention measures
test-politics-glghssi-pro01a	Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scottish history devolution Scottish identity political interests Scotland Scottish tradition Scottish legal system Scottish education system policy differences free elderly care Scotland abolition of tuition fees Scotland success of devolution UK public opinion devolution Scottish distinctiveness The Union Scottish-British relations Scottish autonomy history of devolution Scotland public policy Scottish government Scotland-England comparison Scottish polls devolved powers Scottish devolution Scottish independence Scottish identity Scottish history Scottish nationalism Scottish Parliament Scotland-UK relations Scottish legal system Scottish education system Scottish policy differences free elderly care Scotland abolition of tuition fees Scotland Scottish governance Scottish tradition UK devolution public opinion Scotland Scottish self-governance Scottish distinctiveness post-devolution Scotland Scotland Union history Scottish political agenda Scottish devolution national identity political interests separate legal system education system Scottish Parliament self-governance UK union devolution success social policy free elderly care tuition fee abolition distinct policy agenda Scottish history Scottish tradition public opinion British support autonomy constitutional change Scottish independence regional governance Scottish distinctiveness post-devolution public services Scotland referendum legislative powers Scottish devolution history Scotland political interests post-devolution Scotland distinct legal system Scotland distinct education system Union 300th anniversary Scotland Scotland unique policy agenda free elderly care Scotland abolition of student tuition fees Scotland Scotland identity within UK Scottish tradition vs England devolution success statistics UK public opinion Scottish devolution Scottish autonomy effects Scotland-England policy differences Scotland’s role in the Union future of Scottish devolution Scottish devolution Scotland political identity Scottish history Scotland-UK relations Scottish legal system Scottish education system Scottish distinctiveness devolution success free elderly care Scotland Scottish tuition fees abolition public opinion devolution Scotland policy agenda Union history Scotsman poll devolution Scottish national identity Scotland governance post-1999 Scotland Scottish policy differences UK devolution impact Scottish autonomy Scottish devolution Scotland political identity history of Scottish union Scotland distinct policies Scottish legal system Scottish education system free care for elderly Scotland abolition of tuition fees Scotland Scottish Parliament achievements public opinion Scotland devolution success of Scottish devolution Scottish national identity UK constitutional history comparison Scotland England policy differences Scotland England Scottish social policy Scotland devolution Scottish history Scottish identity Scottish politics The Union Scottish legal system Scottish education system free care for the elderly abolition of tuition fees Scottish policy Scottish autonomy UK devolution Scottish independence Scottish distinctiveness Scottish tradition Scottish nationalism devolution success British support for devolution Scottish governance political divergence devolution referendum cultural identity Scotland Scottish-British relations Scottish government public opinion Scotland Scottish devolution Scotland history Union Act 1707 Scottish political identity Scottish legal system Scottish education system post-devolution policy free elderly care Scotland Scottish tuition fees abolition Scotland vs England traditions Scotland policy differences public opinion devolution success of Scottish devolution Scottish national identity Scottish Parliament Scottish distinctiveness devolution approval UK benefits of devolution Scotland Scottish autonomy Scotsman poll devolution constitutional history Scotland Scottish devolution Scottish independence Scottish identity Scottish legal system Scottish education system Scottish Parliament Scottish policy agenda free care for elderly Scotland abolition of tuition fees Scotland history of Scotland-UK union Scotland-England differences success of devolution Scotland public opinion Scottish devolution distinct Scottish culture Scottish nationalism UK constitutional history Scotland political history Scottish public services Scotsman poll devolution Scottish governance Scotland-UK relationship Scottish devolution Scottish independence Scottish history distinct Scottish identity Scottish legal system Scottish education system political differences Scotland England Scottish policy agenda free elderly care Scotland student tuition fees Scotland Scottish autonomy UK devolution success public opinion devolution Scottish Parliament The Scotsman poll unionism Scotland Scottish nationalism Scotland-England comparison British constitutional history devolution effects Scotland Scottish governance
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ wildlife trafficking anti-poaching strategies terrorist financing illegal ivory trade rhino horn trafficking wildlife crime conservation enforcement terrorist organizations al-Shabaab funding LRA funding Janjaweed activities Africa security endangered species protection illicit wildlife trade wildlife law enforcement transnational crime counterterrorism measures wildlife conservation animal protection laws African stability Westgate attack criminal networks wildlife trade disruption international wildlife regulations funding terrorism wildlife trafficking terrorism financing illegal ivory trade endangered species protection terrorist organizations Al-Shabaab funding Lord’s Resistance Army ivory Janjaweed poaching anti-poaching strategies wildlife crime Africa security counter-terrorism wildlife conservation enforcement illicit wildlife trade wildlife protection policies environmental crime African terrorism terrorist group funding sources California ivory ban rhino horn trade illegal animal products wildlife law enforcement transnational crime security and conservation CITES wildlife trafficking networks wildlife trafficking illegal wildlife trade terrorist financing counterterrorism ivory smuggling horn trafficking endangered species protection anti-poaching measures armed groups African security natural resource exploitation wildlife crime environmental security conservation enforcement insurgent funding global security Westgate attack Al-Shabaab funding LRA funding Janjaweed activities ivory black market law enforcement collaboration wildlife protection policies regional stability militancy in Africa UN wildlife resolutions poaching terrorism connection ivory trade terrorist funding wildlife trafficking and terrorism terrorist groups animal poaching funding terrorism through wildlife crime anti-poaching counter-terrorism protecting endangered species terrorism Al-Shabaab ivory trade LRA wildlife crime Janjaweed poaching funding Westgate attack ivory funding impact of poaching on terrorism reducing terrorist funding wildlife protection illegal animal trade security combating wildlife crime Africa African stability poaching environmental crime extremism stricter animal protection terrorism illicit wildlife trade Africa terrorism wildlife law enforcement wildlife trafficking terrorism financing anti-poaching measures endangered species protection ivory trade horn trade terrorist group funding Al-Shabaab wildlife trade Lord’s Resistance Army poaching Janjaweed ivory trafficking African security counter-terrorism wildlife wildlife crime prevention financial networks terrorism illegal wildlife trade Africa law enforcement animal protection elephant poaching terrorism environmental crime wildlife conservation terrorism link Westgate mall attack funding poaching and terrorism ivory trade terrorism funding animal protection to counter terrorism terrorist organizations wildlife trafficking Al-Shabaab ivory trade Lord’s Resistance Army poaching Janjaweed illegal wildlife trade funding terrorism through poaching reducing terrorist income Africa wildlife crime terrorism Africa anti-poaching terrorist financing illegal horn trade funding terrorism strengthening wildlife laws terrorism impact animal protection on terrorism links between poaching and terrorism Westgate attack ivory trade elephant poaching terrorism combating wildlife trafficking terrorism reducing terrorism through conservation African terrorism wildlife trade wildlife trafficking illegal ivory trade rhino horn trade terrorist financing armed groups counter-poaching anti-trafficking efforts endangered species protection wildlife crime transnational crime organized crime Al-Shabaab funding Lord’s Resistance Army financing Janjaweed poaching conservation and security Africa terrorism wildlife law enforcement biodiversity and security natural resources and conflict funding terrorism through poaching terrorism prevention strategies elephant poaching ivory smuggling illegal wildlife markets environmental crime African security wildlife conservation measures poaching and terrorism wildlife trafficking funding terrorism ivory trade terrorist financing anti-poaching measures Africa endangered species protection terrorism Al-Shabaab ivory trade Lord’s Resistance Army illegal wildlife trade Janjaweed animal poaching wildlife crime counter-terrorism elephant poaching and terrorism illegal horn trade terrorism links terrorist groups wildlife trafficking combating wildlife trafficking terrorism ivory smuggling terrorist operations Westgate attack wildlife trafficking anti-poaching funding terrorism Africa terrorism wildlife link animal trafficking wildlife crime terrorist financing ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab funding LRA funding Janjaweed funding poaching and terrorism anti-poaching measures endangered species protection organized crime counterterrorism funding wildlife conservation illicit trade Africa anti-trafficking policy Kenya Westgate attack African security transnational crime wildlife law enforcement CITES military intervention poaching conservation and security illegal wildlife market funding terrorist groups eco-crime terrorism Africa ivory smuggling anti-terrorism strategy elephant poaching wildlife crime illegal wildlife trade anti-poaching efforts ivory trafficking horn trade terrorist financing counter-terrorism endangered species protection transnational crime conservation law enforcement wildlife protection policies ivory ban bushmeat trade organized crime networks international wildlife smuggling African security terrorism funding sources wildlife trafficking and terrorism Al-Shabaab funding Lord’s Resistance Army income Sudanese Janjaweed poaching funding terrorist operations elephant poaching Westgate attack financing wildlife conservation and security link between poaching and terrorism
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro05a	When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, labour standards developing countries developed countries global economy competitiveness race to the bottom outsourcing fair trade ethical trade international labor rights worker exploitation sweatshops global supply chains labor regulation wage competition job loss labor market economic globalization trade policy labor law enforcement consumer ethics responsible sourcing living wage working conditions labor unions labor protections corporate social responsibility globalization effects labour standards developing countries global competitiveness race to the bottom outsourcing fair trade ethical consumption worker rights global South global North job loss economic impact sweatshops international trade policy labour rights supply chain ethics living wage labor exploitation fair labor practices trade agreements globalization corporate responsibility child labor workforce conditions minimum wage labor market social sustainability international labor law ethical sourcing wage competition labour standards developing countries global competitiveness race to the bottom outsourced labour ethical trade fair trade working conditions labour rights global economy trade regulations worker exploitation globalization wage depression labour protection employment outsourcing economic inequality consumer responsibility supply chain ethics international labour laws race to the bottom developing countries global impact of poor labour standards effects of labour competition higher labour standards benefits developed countries outsourcing jobs fair trade ethical guarantees consumer demand for fair trade global labour rights international trade and labour standards improvement of global labour conditions impact of fair trade labels economic consequences of poor labour practices pressure to lower labour standards competition and worker rights developed countries and fair trade global South labour conditions labour outsourcing consequences ethical sourcing in global trade raising global labour standards consumer influence on labour practices labour standards developing countries race to the bottom global economy competitiveness outsourcing fair trade ethical quality worker rights global South global North job loss labor rights labor policies international trade economic pressure living wage sweatshops ethical consumption trade regulation fair labor practices international labor standards labor market competition globalization supply chain ethics race to the bottom global labour standards outsourcing and competitiveness impact on developed countries ethical consumption fair trade certification improving working conditions labor rights in developing countries global workforce displacement consumer responsibility benefits of higher labor standards international labor regulations ethical trade global supply chains labor exploitation economic pressure on wages fair labor practices globalization and employment corporate social responsibility labor market competition poor labour standards developing countries labour competition global economy race to the bottom outsourcing worker exploitation global South global North job loss ethical trade fair trade consumer behavior labour regulations international labor rights labor rights forum trade rules competitive pressure ethical sourcing labor standards improvement labour standards developing countries race to the bottom global economy competitive pressure outsourcing job loss global North global South ethical trade fair trade consumer behavior trade policies labor rights economic impact wage disparity labor regulations supply chain ethics international trade regulatory standards poverty alleviation worker exploitation fair labor practices social responsibility ethical consumption labour standards developing countries competitiveness global economy race to the bottom outsourcing global South global North job loss fair trade ethical sourcing labor rights international trade economic impact worker protections supply chain wage standards corporate social responsibility globalization trade policy labour standards developing countries race to the bottom global economy competitiveness outsourcing worker rights fair trade ethical consumption global South job loss developed countries trade regulations labor exploitation sweatshops decent work international labor laws wage competition ethical sourcing supply chains labor market economic inequality corporate responsibility globalization living wage
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con03a	The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. previous convictions character evidence jury prejudice acquittals disclosure prior misconduct judicial bias criminal trials prosecution tactics evidentiary standards defendant rights similar fact evidence prejudicial effect jury decision-making risk of unfair trial sexual offence allegations wrongful convictions criminal justice fairness legal safeguards jury instructions propensity evidence character evidence prior convictions jury prejudice acquittals disclosure past conduct admissibility criminal trial fairness probative vs prejudicial evidence bad character evidence previous offences jury bias studies similar fact evidence sexual offence trials criminal justice reforms jury decision-making evidence law propensity evidence safeguarding defendants' rights wrongful conviction risk jury instructions legal safeguards judicial discretion prosecution tactics evidentiary standards previous convictions character evidence jury prejudice unfair trial acquittals past conduct criminal history propensity evidence wrongful conviction judicial bias prejudicial information fair trial rights sexual offence allegations prosecutorial misconduct evidentiary standards jury influence criminal justice innocence presumption legal safeguards prior bad acts evidence admissibility recidivism constitutionality due process exculpatory evidence judicial discretion previous convictions jury prejudice disclosure of prior convictions court impact effect of acquittal disclosure on verdicts past conduct evidence legal implications character evidence in criminal trials jury bias from prior offenses impact of conviction history on sentencing revealing acquittals in court proceedings studies on jury decision-making prejudice from sexual offense allegations prosecution use of past behavior legal safeguards against character prejudice dangers of untried conduct in trials risks of admitting previous accusations prior bad acts evidence and fair trial The Economist jury prejudice study juror susceptibility to prior conviction evidence influence of bad character evidence on juries comparative conviction rates previous convictions disclosure character evidence jury prejudice acquittals past conduct criminal trials jury verdicts prior offenses judicial bias sexual offences evidence admissibility past behaviour prosecution tactics defendant rights court bias juror decision-making evidence exclusion prejudice in court studies on juries blackening character legal dangers criminal justice jury bias prior conviction impact acquittal disclosure legal safeguards dangerous motion unfair trials impact on conviction rates judicial fairness previous convictions disclosure in court admissibility of prior bad acts prejudicial evidence in trials jury bias previous offences character evidence legal risks acquittals mentioned in court impact of past conduct on jury decisions prosecution use of defendant's history legal safeguards for defendants jury susceptibility prejudice sexual offence case jury bias previous behaviour admissibility unjust character blackening in court risk of wrongful conviction evidence rules criminal trials reputational damage by past allegations jury decision influence by background protecting defendant's rights psychological studies jury verdicts legal precedent on prior convictions previous convictions disclosure character evidence jury prejudice acquittals in court past conduct prior bad acts similar fact evidence sexual offence allegations uncharged misconduct prejudicial evidence probative vs prejudicial prosecution tactics defendant character assassination jury decision-making criminal justice fairness evidence admissibility judicial safeguards wrongful conviction risk impact on verdict legal safeguards defendant rights criminal trials reputation harm impartial jury evidence standards jury bias legal prejudice exoneration judicial discretion UK criminal law jury research previous convictions disclosure prejudicial evidence character evidence acquittals in court jury bias wrongful prejudice propensity evidence bad character evidence safeguarding defendants’ rights fair trial concerns similar fact evidence past conduct in trials sexual offences prejudice impact on jury verdicts conviction likelihood evidence admissibility criminal justice system jury impartiality risk of unfair trial balancing probative and prejudicial value legal safeguards prosecution tactics judicial discretion jury instructions on prior convictions rehabilitation versus punishment legal reforms on evidence criminal record disclosure admission of acquittals public perception of defendants impact of media previous convictions disclosure character evidence jury prejudice acquittals in court admissibility of past conduct sexual offence accusations defendant reputation evidence standards impact on verdicts judicial fairness jury bias studies unfair prosecution tactics criminal record influence court trial procedures legal safeguards probative vs prejudicial evidence risk of wrongful conviction procedural justice UK legal system criminal justice reform character evidence jury prejudice prior bad acts evidence admissibility prejudicial effect probative value judicial discretion criminal trials propensity evidence legal safeguards fair trial wrongful conviction judicial instructions sexual offence trials bias in juries acquittals disclosure prior misconduct recidivism evidence jury decision-making impact of prior convictions criminal justice ethics jurisprudence due process criminal procedure exclusionary rules
test-politics-dhwem-pro05a	PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. private military companies PMC mercenary forces security contractors nation state security weak states small wars military outsourcing security providers conflict zones third-party security government stabilization coup prevention local mercenaries rapid deployment Jack Straw military privatization armed security state sovereignty non-state actors security guarantees stabilization operations privatized military services local knowledge geopolitical stability security sector reform post-conflict security warlord alternatives Private Military Companies PMCs mercenaries security contractors private security outsourced military services conflict zones weak states fragile governments security provision government stability coup prevention military outsourcing small wars local mercenaries security guarantees international intervention military privatization Jack Straw The Economist security force effectiveness local recruitment security sector reform non-state armed actors state sovereignty warlord alternatives peacekeeping protection services cost-effective security military contractors post-conflict stabilization private military companies PMCs mercenary forces security contractors outsourced military services private security firms conflict zones weak states state security security guarantees coup prevention local recruits local knowledge British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw small wars military outsourcing protection services government stability ethnic conflict warlords state sovereignty international security military intervention rapid deployment cost-effective security private military companies role mercenaries in weak states advantages of hiring PMCs PMCs vs national armies security in fragile states Jack Straw mercenaries quote PMCs reducing coups local mercenaries benefits legitimacy of PMCs short-term security guarantees private security forces in conflict utility of mercenaries in stabilization use of PMCs by developing nations PMC role in political transition mercenaries and ethnic neutrality local knowledge in private security PMCs cost-effectiveness prevention of warlord influence PMCs and state building ethical considerations of mercenary use Private Military Companies PMCs mercenary forces private security weak states small wars security outsourcing Jack Straw modern warfare post-conflict stabilization government security local mercenaries coup prevention short-term security security guarantees warlord alternatives ethnic conflict military privatization conflict zones stabilization forces local intelligence security sector reform British foreign policy international security security contractors privatized military services private military companies benefits of PMCs mercenaries in weak states security guarantees legitimacy of mercenaries Jack Straw mercenaries state reliance on mercenaries role of private security stability in fragile states post-conflict security local mercenary recruitment cost advantages of mercenaries local knowledge in security alternatives to state armies mercenaries vs. warlords small wars security solutions coup prevention measures ethnicity and security forces British policy on mercenaries The Economist 2002 mercenaries security sector reform outsourcing military services private military companies PMCs mercenaries security contractors private security national armies weak states small wars state security British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw conflict resolution military outsourcing coup prevention government stability local mercenaries foreign intervention security provision warlords ethnic conflict short-term security security guarantees military unity defense services local knowledge geographic intelligence political stability local recruits The Economist 2002 security services transportation cost reduction Private Military Companies PMC benefits mercenary services weak states security small wars solutions Jack Straw PMCs legitimacy mercenaries government protection options security outsourcing post-conflict stabilization local mercenary recruitment advantages of mercenaries coup prevention military privatization state security strategies security guarantees non-state military actors military logistics savings political stability services conflict intervention The Economist PMCs reducing military costs local knowledge advantages mercenaries vs warlords ethnic conflict security security force readiness privatized military forces Private Military Companies PMC benefits mercenary forces security outsourcing weak states security small wars British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw legitimate role of mercenaries government stability short term security guarantees alternative to warlords ethnic conflict resolution coup prevention local mercenary recruitment local knowledge advantage transportation cost reduction rapid military deployment local political insight security privatization state-building challenges post-conflict security military contractors conflict zones third-party security forces international intervention military logistics The Economist 2002 private military companies PMCs mercenaries security services state security national armies conflict zones weak states small wars Jack Straw intervention government stability warlords ethnic conflict short term security coup prevention local mercenaries operational costs military outsourcing security guarantees The Economist 2002 local knowledge geopolitical stability military privatization security sector reform foreign intervention
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro01a	Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, elections no elections sham elections electoral integrity government legitimacy manipulation of results voter suppression political honesty public trust authoritarian regimes democratic processes electoral fraud political participation government transparency citizen engagement electoral manipulation popular sovereignty regime stability contract theory voter disenfranchisement comparative government election legitimacy trust in government China government trust Zimbabwe election state-citizen relationship democratic legitimacy undemocratic practices power structures political accountability sham elections electoral fraud authoritarian regimes trust in government electoral manipulation democracy political legitimacy voter suppression electoral integrity public trust undemocratic governments election rigging government transparency political participation political contract legitimacy crisis governance political disenfranchisement China government trust Zimbabwe elections state honesty absence of elections political engagement government accountability electoral credibility government-citizen relations elections sham elections honest government electoral integrity political legitimacy voter suppression democratic process government trust authoritarian regimes public perception political participation electoral manipulation China government trust Zimbabwe elections citizen-government contract legitimacy of power election credibility political accountability democracy vs authoritarianism trust statistics election outcomes political transparency election legitimacy sham elections vs no elections government honesty trust in government political legitimacy public perception of elections election manipulation authoritarian regimes elections impact of sham elections government-citizen trust non-democratic governments Zimbabwe election controversy China's trust in government global trust in government comparing electoral systems consequences of election rigging voluntary political contracts honest authoritarianism political participation citizen disenfranchisement election legitimacy electoral integrity sham elections authoritarian regimes voter suppression electoral fraud public trust government political transparency Zimbabwe elections Chinese government trust democracy political participation election manipulation government accountability public perception comparative politics voter disenfranchisement international election monitoring propaganda contract theory government political cynicism voting rights regime legitimacy global trust statistics Reuters Zimbabwe The Guardian government trust no elections vs sham elections election legitimacy democratic process government trust electoral manipulation political honesty authoritarian regimes public perception of elections Zimbabwe 2013 election China government trust consequences of sham elections voter disenfranchisement government transparency political accountability international views on elections fake elections effects choice in governance trust between people and government impact of election fraud relation between elections and trust effects of not holding elections elections sham elections electoral integrity voter suppression election fraud political legitimacy government trust authoritarian regimes democracy Zimbabwe elections ZANU-PF citizen participation transparency election manipulation public perception legitimacy crisis contract theory China government trust comparative politics political honesty political deception voter disenfranchisement election results international observers political accountability sham elections election legitimacy electoral fraud government transparency authoritarian regimes political trust China government trust statistics Zimbabwe 2013 election democracy vs autocracy citizen participation manipulated elections public perception of elections political honesty government legitimacy state propaganda election manipulation techniques media coverage of elections ZANU-PF comparative trust in governments undemocratic regimes fake elections political systems comparison electorate disenfranchisement electoral integrity impact of sham elections trust and governance election integrity sham elections electoral fraud voter suppression government legitimacy political trust authoritarian regimes Zimbabwe election democracy vs autocracy public perception manipulated elections honest governance voter rights political participation electoral manipulation civic engagement government transparency international election monitoring China government trust comparative politics headline analysis suppressed democracy electoral ethics authoritarianism electoral legitimacy sham elections political trust electoral manipulation government transparency voter suppression public perception democratic legitimacy electoral fraud political participation government accountability China political trust Zimbabwe elections comparative politics trust in government citizen-government relations regime legitimacy governance models election integrity
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con02a	Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, power shift global power dynamics geopolitical influence Eastern ascendancy East Asia rise China foreign policy India global role geography and politics UK geopolitical importance UK-EU relations China's global strategy Xi Jinping statements China-UK relations EU significance US-Europe relations Atlantic alliances island nations and politics international attention East China-EU cooperation Britain-European integration shifting alliances power shift global power dynamics East Asia influence geopolitical geography UK foreign policy island nation effect EU integration China-UK relations rising Asian powers China foreign policy India global role Europe declining influence US-Europe relations strategic alliances Xi Jinping EU statement Britain global relevance UK-EU cooperation China-Europe ties international focus shift post-Brexit geopolitics geopolitics power shift East Asia rising powers China India UK foreign policy geography island nations European Union EU international relations China-UK relations China-EU relations Xi Jinping United States global influence strategic importance Britain-Europe relations British foreign policy regional power global power shift international attention Asia-Pacific multipolar world power shift to the East geopolitical influence of geography UK island status and European relations East Asia rising powers China India global influence UK geographic relevance decline UK need for European alliance China UK EU relations Xi Jinping Britain EU statement US decreased interest in Europe China's view on EU unity Britain's foreign policy East Asia global power shift East Asia China Britain economic ties Europe foreign policy East Asia impact international focus shifting East Asia Britain compensating with Europe China EU deepening development United States Europe foreign relations UK US alliance declining importance power shift East geopolitics East Asia geography nation influence UK foreign policy island nation impact Europe integration UK China rising power India emerging power China-UK relations China-EU relations Xi Jinping EU statement US Europe policy Britain international relevance South China Morning Post China UK European Union unity US-UK alliance Britain geopolitical strategy global power transition Asia increasing influence Western relevance decline UK compensating Europe China global diplomacy power shift East rising powers Asia geography influence foreign policy UK island status Europe UK European Union relations China India global influence Xi Jinping UK visit China EU ties United States Europe interest decline Britain China relations geopolitical balance Asia international attention East Asia UK compensating geography global power dynamics China’s view on EU Britain’s role in EU transatlantic relations foreign policy geography Europe diminishing importance UK US alliance strategic interests UK Europe Asia power shift East Asia geopolitics geographic influence national position foreign policy UK island nation European project international focus China India rising powers global influence UK-Europe relations geographic importance China-UK relations Xi Jinping China-EU ties United States transatlantic relations Britain-America alliance world power dynamics state visit EU unity international alliances global politics regional influence foreign relations Europe’s decline Asia’s rise geopolitical power shift rise of East Asia China foreign policy India's global influence UK's geopolitical strategy UK-EU relations European integration Sino-Europe relations Xi Jinping diplomacy US-Europe alliance island nation strategy China-UK relations Brexit implications UK foreign policy multinational alliances regional influence Asia Britain's global role geostrategic importance transatlantic relationships China economic influence India economic rise international attention East shifting global power foreign policy adaptation global geopolitical trends power shift global power dynamics East Asia rise China-India influence geopolitical geography UK foreign policy UK island status European Union importance international attention East China-UK relations Xi Jinping EU stance US-Europe relations Britain global position China-EU ties shifting alliances global influence geography international relations Asia EU integration China soft power global geopolitics UK-China diplomacy geopolitics power shift East Asia China India UK foreign policy geography influence island nation European Union EU membership China-UK relations China-EU ties Xi Jinping US foreign policy transatlantic relations Britain global role international power balance Asia rising powers strategic alliances global influence regional integration foreign policy strategy
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con01a	Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. cybersecurity cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism attribution state responsibility Estonia cyber attack GhostNet international law cyber warfare false flag operations state-sponsored hacking Russia China digital forensics cyber attribution challenges geopolitical tensions cyber retaliation transnational cyber crime social activism hacker groups state denial computer compromise cyber conflict civil liability in cyberspace cyber attacks non-state actors attribution cyberterrorists hacktivists false flag operations state-sponsored cyber attacks Estonia cyber attack 2007 GhostNet China cyber espionage plausible deniability attribution challenges cyber attribution cybercrime international law cyberwarfare cyber retaliation state responsibility cyber conflict digital forensics global cyber threats cyber attack attribution difficulties anonymity in cyberspace cybersecurity attribution advanced persistent threats cybercrime non-attribution false flag operations digital forensics cyberwarfare proxy actors cyberespionage information warfare transnational hacking groups cyber defense state-sponsored attacks digital activism hacktivism cyberterrorism attribution challenges international law cross-border cyber attacks plausible deniability cyber deterrence digital sovereignty cyber retaliation geopolitical tensions supply chain compromise botnets malware campaigns cyber norms collective responsibility cyber attacks attribution challenges non-state actors cyber attacks state-sponsored vs non-state cyber attacks cyberterrorism examples hacktivist activities Estonia 2007 cyber attack explanation GhostNet cyber espionage case attribution problems in international cyber attacks difficulties in retaliation for cyber attacks state responsibility in cyber warfare cyber attack false flag operations global distribution of cyber attack origins international law and cyber attacks proving state involvement in cyber incidents cyber attacks and misattribution risks hacktivism and international security anonymous cyber attackers challenges in assigning blame for cyber operations cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists state attribution Estonia cyber attack 2007 Russia GhostNet China Tibetan authorities cyber attribution challenges cyber warfare international law cyber retaliation false flag operations digital forensics nation-state vs non-state cybercrime state responsibility cyber conflict global cyber threats non-state cyber actors cyberterrorists hacktivists attribution challenges state-sponsored vs. independent attacks cyber attack case studies Estonia 2007 cyber attack Russia cyber accusations GhostNet cyber operation China cyber attacks cyber attack attribution international cyber conflict cyber attack retaliation cyber law and state responsibility citizen vs. state cyber crimes cyber warfare examples hacker motivations false flag cyber operations cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists social activists Estonia cyber attack 2007 Russia attribution state responsibility GhostNet China Tibetan authorities global cyber threats cyber attribution challenges retaliation international law cyberwarfare state-sponsored attacks cyber security digital activism plausible deniability cyber espionage global cybersecurity cyberattack origins cross-border cybercrime cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivists state attribution Russia-Estonia cyber attack GhostNet China cyber attack cyber attack attribution cyber warfare international cyber law state responsibility cyber activism social hacking cyber security cyber conflict digital forensics state versus non-state cyber attacks cyber attack retaliation attribution challenges false flag cyber operations cyber espionage global cyber threats transnational cyber attacks cyber policy information warfare cybersecurity attribution cybercrime state-sponsored cyber attacks cyberwarfare nation-state actors non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism digital evidence international law Estonia cyber attack GhostNet false flag operations cyber attribution challenges cyber policy diplomatic response cyber operations cyber norms cyber diplomacy internet security global cyber threats cyber retaliation hacker groups information warfare security breaches cybersecurity cyberwarfare non-state actors cyberterrorism hacktivism attribution cyber attribution state-sponsored attacks Estonia cyber attack GhostNet information warfare cyber deterrence cyber law international relations digital forensics cyber espionage state responsibility false flag operations proxy actors cyber retaliation cyber conflict cybercrime transnational threats cyber norms cyber sovereignty digital activism cyber policy
test-society-asfhwapg-con01a	Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 patent law drug pricing healthcare affordability access to medicine intellectual property government regulation public health policy Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer testing diagnostic monopoly exclusive rights expensive therapies access barriers equity in healthcare genetic patenting medical monopolies universal healthcare tax-funded health system social justice biomedical ethics patent litigation cost of diagnostics healthcare legislation affordability policies IP reform medical innovation price regulation compulsory licensing patients’ rights gene patents patent laws drug pricing healthcare affordability access to medicine government regulation universal healthcare compulsory licensing pharmaceutical monopolies Myriad Genetics diagnostic test patents intellectual property rights patient access social justice healthcare equity public health policy patent reform gene patenting biotechnology patents health disparities affordable diagnostics legal frameworks exclusive rights medical innovation generic competition healthcare costs orphan drugs state responsibility essential medicines healthcare for the poor patent barriers patent law drug pricing healthcare affordability access to medicines intellectual property rights medical monopolies diagnostic testing government regulation public health policy social justice bioethics compulsory licensing healthcare equity pharmaceutical patents innovation vs access Myriad Genetics gene patenting cost barriers universal healthcare patent reform benefit sharing clinical testing accessibility patient rights research foundation antitrust laws healthcare disparity patent laws healthcare costs patenting and drug affordability government intervention in patent law ethical issues in medical patents Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer test controversy access to healthcare and intellectual property alternatives to patented diagnostic tests price regulation of patented medical tests state role in healthcare accessibility public benefit vs private profit in healthcare patent monopolies in medicine comparison of global patent laws in healthcare compulsory licensing for medical tests impact of patents on healthcare equity DNA patents and legal precedents second opinions and patent restrictions policies for affordable healthcare diagnostics case studies on medical patent disputes intellectual property rights vs patient rights landmark court patent law healthcare cost access to medicine intellectual property drug pricing medical patents biotechnology patents genetic testing Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer healthcare inequality government regulation public health policy affordable diagnostics patent exclusivity patient rights compulsory licensing social justice access to healthcare patent reform pharmaceuticals tax-funded healthcare universal healthcare ethical issues in patenting DNA patenting court rulings on patents patenting and healthcare costs drug affordability access to medical diagnostics government responsibility in healthcare patent laws and public health Myriad Genetics case ovarian cancer test patents exclusive rights and healthcare inequality public vs private healthcare benefits intellectual property in medicine impact of patents on poor communities alternatives to patented diagnostics state-funded healthcare systems patient access to medical innovations DNA patenting controversy legal cases on genetic testing high cost of medical tests equitable healthcare legislation healthcare monopolies ethical issues in medical patenting patents intellectual property drug pricing healthcare access healthcare inequality pharmaceutical costs genetic testing Myriad Genetics diagnostic patents ovarian cancer test affordability healthcare policy government regulation public health access to medicine biotechnology patents exclusive rights patent law social justice medical innovation university research tax-funded healthcare monopolies patient rights second opinions healthcare ethics DNA patents legal rulings information vs. property biotechnology law public good patent law drug pricing healthcare affordability intellectual property access to medicine Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer testing genetic testing patents pharmaceutical monopolies public health policy government intervention healthcare medical test accessibility healthcare inequality universal healthcare tax-funded healthcare diagnostics cost exclusive licensing second opinion restrictions DNA patent ruling healthcare legislation medical innovation ethics compulsory licensing generic drug production social justice healthcare medical patent reform profit vs public good biotechnology patents healthcare for the poor IP rights reform affordable diagnostics patent barriers state responsibility healthcare patent law drug pricing healthcare affordability access to medicines intellectual property pharmaceutical patents public health policy monopoly pricing government regulation genetic testing Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer diagnostic test patents healthcare inequality universal healthcare tax-funded healthcare social justice legal reform medical innovation biosimilars patent exclusivity affordable diagnostics gene patents patient access second opinion restrictions patent laws drug affordability healthcare access intellectual property pharmaceutical pricing government intervention social justice medical patents Myriad Genetics cancer diagnostics access to medicines health equity exclusive patents biomedical innovation public health policy cost of diagnostics universal healthcare genetic testing patent controversy compulsory licensing TRIPS agreement patient rights legal reform affordable healthcare research monopolies
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia social media online activism digital democracy political mobilization protest organization internet freedom civic engagement citizen empowerment Arab Spring democratic participation online petitions public opinion collective action government accountability information dissemination community building political dissent policy change grassroots movements social change political communication civil society digital advocacy e-democracy online campaigns digital platforms network society freedom of expression social movements Facebook influence political networks Facebook democracy social media online activism protest organization Arab Spring Egypt Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests western democracies government dissent digital petitions online campaigns Avaaz.org civic engagement political mobilization collective action regime change public opinion internet activism collective voice policy change social networks liberal democracy citizen empowerment crowd mobilization policy opposition online political engagement massive protests social change social media democracy civic engagement political mobilization protest organization online activism digital petitions government accountability public opinion internet freedom information dissemination Arab Spring autocracies western democracies political dissent mass communication collective action Avaaz.org policy change citizen empowerment networked society political participation online communities grassroots movements regime change public discourse Facebook impact on democracy social media and political activism Facebook and protest organization Facebook in autocracies social networks empower citizens role of Facebook in Arab Spring Brazil social media protests Turkey activism Facebook Facebook in Western democracies Facebook as megaphone for dissent online petitions Facebook Avaaz.org Facebook campaigns Facebook and government accountability social networks and democratic engagement Facebook fosters collective action online safe spaces for activists Facebook amplifies public opinion Facebook and citizen mobilization Facebook protest coordination social media government opposition Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies political organization online protests government opposition digital activism civic engagement Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests online petitions Avaaz.org internet mobilization population empowerment government dissent citizen voice collective action public opinion social media impact online advocacy mass communication protest organization digital safe space grassroots movements political awareness online campaigns Facebook and democracy social media political impact Facebook protest organization Arab Spring social networks Facebook government dissent online activism platforms Avaaz.org Facebook petitions Facebook role in autocracies social media civil movements Facebook megaphone for public opinion Facebook democratic engagement social networks democracy benefits social media and regime change Facebook grassroots mobilization online petition social sharing Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies civil society democratic participation political mobilization government transparency online activism protest organization regime change oppressive regimes Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests collective action public opinion dissent citizen engagement petitions online petition Avaaz.org political campaigns civic engagement political expression digital megaphone grassroots movements freedom of assembly government accountability internet activism social media influence mass mobilization policy opposition digital activism population empowerment social change political voice online organizing digital safe house Facebook democracy social media activism online political mobilization internet and democratic process social networks and social change digital dissent online protests autocracy overthrow democratic participation Facebook Facebook civic engagement social media petitions online grassroots movements Arab Spring Facebook Brazil protests social media Turkey protests Facebook Western democracy Facebook Facebook community organizing political communication social networks Facebook opinion formation Avaaz petition Facebook government accountability social media Facebook freedom of expression digital safe havens social media revolution collective action online Facebook policy criticism Facebook civic discourse Facebook democracy social networks democratic process online activism protest organization oppressive regimes Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests government policies citizen mobilization online petitions Avaaz.org civic engagement freedom of expression digital advocacy social media influence political movements public opinion collective action internet campaigns political dissent government accountability mass communication petition sharing grassroots movements civil society policy change digital megaphone Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies oppressive regimes online protests political mobilization civic engagement social media activism Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests western liberal democracies government accountability online petitions Avaaz digital activism public opinion grassroots movements political dissent collective action citizen empowerment social change government transparency digital communication political participation internet freedom mass mobilization"
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro04a	Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. sexual violence media influence gender stereotypes psychological conditioning arousal addiction rape culture objectification aggression media effects sexual aggression desensitization youth exposure adolescent sexuality pornography addiction media responsibility sexualization sexuality education socialization gender roles rape myth master-slave dynamic misogyny sexual abuse violent media compulsive behavior feminist critique pornography and violence sexualization of violence media effects porn-induced aggression violent sexual media rape culture gender stereotypes in porn psychological impact of pornography porn consumption effects sexual arousal and violence adolescent porn exposure media-induced misogyny normalization of abuse sexual violence portrayal impact on relationships feminist critique of pornography porn and sexual development media influence on youth compulsive sexual behavior porn and rape myths pornography eroticisation violence media influence sex sells arousal psychological effects harmful associations sexual violence rape culture portrayal of women torture biological excitement abuse intense pleasure personal relationships master-slave dynamic compulsive behavior Ted Bundy youth exposure teenage guidance internet pornography first exposure age stereotyping indoctrination feminist criticism addiction sexual aggression societal impact entertainment media gender roles feminist theory cultural conditioning desensitization sexualization of violence pornography and violence connection psychological effects of pornography media influence on aggression pornography and sexual conditioning impact on adolescent sexuality eroticisation of abuse portrayal of women in pornography pornography and gender stereotypes pornography and addiction pornography and real-life violence rape culture and pornography sexual violence in media pornography's influence on relationships master-slave dynamic in pornography early exposure to pornography pornography as sexual education correlation between porn consumption and crime effects of explicit media on youth feminist critiques of pornography pornography and compulsive behavior pornography violence eroticization media influence sex sells psychological effects conditioning rape portrayal women's treatment torture sexualization arousal addiction abuse-pleasure link master-slave dynamic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy youth exposure teenage sex education porn addiction early exposure feminist criticism sexual stereotypes sexual aggression porn and violence sexual pleasure psychology porn's impact on relationships media psychology effects on adolescents feminist theory sexual socialization internet porn statistics pornography and violence media influence on violence psychological effects of pornography eroticizing violence pornography and rape culture sexual arousal and aggression impact of violent pornography pornography addiction media conditioning pornography and gender stereotypes sexual socialization through media effects on teenage viewers pornography and relationships porn exposure age statistics sexual violence in media feminist critiques of pornography Ted Bundy pornography master-slave dynamics compulsive sexual behavior media indoctrination and sex harmful effects of porn porn and misogyny depiction of women in pornography societal impact of pornography pornography eroticisation violence media influence incitement stereotypes indoctrination sex sells arousal entertainment psychological effects harmful associations conditioning rape portrayal torture treatment of women biological excitement abuse pleasure personal relationships master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy pornography consumption teenagers sexual development sexual guidance internet porn exposure early exposure feminist critique feminist porn media studies sociological impact psychological conditioning addiction gender representation misogyny youth impact media criticism sexualization of violence sexual pleasure A pornography and violence sexual media influence psychological effects of porn porn and sexual aggression porn addiction sexual arousal and violence media conditioning rape culture in pornography female objectification torture depictions in porn porn and relationship dynamics master-slave dynamic compulsive rapists and porn youth exposure to pornography porn and adolescent development pornographic stereotypes sex education and porn gender violence in media feminist critique of porn pornography and socialization internet porn exposure age sexual exploitation in media harmful associations in porn violent fantasies in pornography pornographic media impact misogyny in pornography pornography media influence violence eroticisation psychological effects sexual arousal addiction gender stereotypes objectification rape culture media portrayal violent imagery compulsive behavior sexual conditioning master-slave dynamic adolescent exposure youth development sexual guidance internet porn early exposure feminist critique gender roles sexualization anti-pornography arguments societal impact media studies harmful content sexual exploitation misogyny sexism psychological harm porn consumption sexual attitudes academic research violence normalization sexual aggression desensitization youth psychology sexual behavior consent education media effects pornography aggression eroticised violence sexual violence media influence psychological impact sexual arousal gender stereotypes sexual conditioning rape portrayal women's representation sexualization compulsive behavior youth exposure adolescent sexuality sexual aggression master-slave dynamic serial offenders pornography addiction feminist critique sexual ethics entertainment vs arousal sex education Internet porn exposure age societal impact
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro02a	Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Seychelles small island nations climate change land relocation threatened existence national displacement population resettlement host countries Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar territorial size comparison land availability island vulnerability rising sea levels climate refugees environmental migration international cooperation geographic relocation climate adaptation loss of homeland Seychelles climate change sea level rise island relocation land availability resettlement host countries migration small island nations environmental refugees Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar territorial comparison relocation challenges adaptation strategies threatened nations international aid land donation migration policy geographic size population displacement vulnerable countries global warming impacts land scarcity climate change rising sea levels island nations land relocation population displacement environmental refugees Seychelles geography resettlement host countries land availability African countries territorial comparison Kenya land area climate impact adaptation strategies relocation challenges sovereign states regional cooperation migration solutions international aid Seychelles climate change relocation land availability for Seychelles relocation countries accepting climate refugees Seychelles population relocation options resettlement for small island nations Kenya land comparison with Seychelles host countries for threatened island nations climate change impact on small nations African nations giving land to Seychelles solutions for sinking island countries relocation feasibility for Seychelles Seychelles size compared to cities land mass of Indian Ocean nations international support for Seychelles relocation climate migration African states Seychelles relocation to mainland potential host countries for Seychelles threatened island resettlement programs land offer to Seychelles by neighboring countries climate refugee relocation strategies Seychelles climate change small island nations land relocation country relocation rising sea levels climate refugees host countries land availability Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar population displacement geographic size comparison environmental migration vulnerable nations island preservation adaptation strategies international cooperation territory donation global warming impact resettlement policies regional assistance habitat loss government negotiation Seychelles climate change impact Seychelles relocation options small nations threatened by climate change land availability for Seychelles relocation climate refugees Seychelles nearby countries for Seychelles relocation Kenya land size compared to Seychelles Madagascar land for climate refugees Seychelles land scarcity African countries resettlement international climate relocation solutions climate migration policies Seychelles population displacement Seychelles environment threat solutions for small island nations climate change Seychelles small nation climate change land relocation island nations geographic size comparison Washington D.C. size climate refugees host countries Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability resettlement regional capacity environmental migration territorial relocation population displacement national survival international aid climate risk environmental threats regional geography land resources adaptation strategies Seychelles climate change small island nations land relocation country size comparison Washington D.C. size Africa neighboring countries Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability environmental threat climate refugees relocation feasibility habitable land displacement solutions rising sea levels climate adaptation international aid global warming impacts land donation geographical comparison nation relocation population resettlement climate crisis small nation survival Seychelles climate change relocation small island nations land availability Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land donation climate refugees resettlement rising sea levels threatened nations island displacement environmental migration adaptation strategies territorial solutions African countries land area comparison international cooperation Seychelles climate change small island nations land relocation country size comparison Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar island vulnerability climate refugees environmental migration resettlement options territorial expansion land availability adaptation strategies
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con04a	Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 media influence jury impartiality trial by media witness reliability media interference public perception court publicity judicial integrity televised trials verdict distortion witness intimidation juror bias sentencing manipulation media interviews jury decision-making courtroom cameras legal ethics trial fairness public opinion judicial process media influence on trials impact of media coverage on witnesses juror bias media public perception of court cases trial by jury media effects witness reliability media juror decision making media cameras in court consequences high-profile trial media coverage O. J. Simpson trial media impact press interference trials jury impartiality media exposure witness interviews newspapers legal system media exposure courtroom publicity effects media distortion of trial outcomes trial cancellation media judicial response media interference social pressures jurors witnesses public opinion trial outcomes trial fairness media influence witness tampering juror impartiality trial by media prejudicial publicity courtroom cameras judicial integrity public perception sentencing bias O. J. Simpson trial witness reliability jury misconduct trial cancellation media interviews legal ethics public pressure verdict distortion witness memoirs criminal justice system American jury system media influence on juror impartiality impact of televised trials on witness behavior effects of public scrutiny on jury decisions dangers of media coverage in criminal trials consequences of witness interviews for trial integrity jury sentencing and public opinion incentives for witnesses to distort testimony jurors writing memoirs after trials public pressure on criminal sentencing comparison of jury trials in America risks of cameras in court on fair trial historical cases of trials affected by media balancing judiciary integrity and press freedom manipulation of court proceedings for media attention ethical concerns over court case publicity media influence trial fairness jury impartiality witness reliability media coverage trial by jury televised trials public perception jury verdict witness testimony media interference jury bias public opinion courtroom cameras trial integrity high-profile trials witness intimidation juror motivation sentencing influence judicial process media influence on jury trials witness testimony reliability media coverage and judicial process effects of cameras in courtrooms trial by jury media impact public perception justice system witness juror media interviews judicial impartiality media courtroom publicity risks high-profile cases media coverage O.J. Simpson trial media effects jury sentencing public pressure influence of media on verdicts cancellation of trials due to media incentives for witness juror behavior courtroom transparency vs. media dangers of televised trials media circus court cases protecting trial integrity from media societal impact on court proceedings media influence trial publicity witness reliability juror impartiality judicial integrity trial by media cameras in court trial fairness jury decision-making public perception media coverage court transparency media interviews verdict distortion public pressure judicial interference sentencing bias high-profile cases O. J. Simpson trial jury misconduct witness intimidation prejudicial publicity legal ethics media circus trial cancellation criminal justice system public opinion memoirs televised trials justice system credibility media influence on trials jury impartiality witness bias trial by media cameras in court media coverage impact juror misconduct witness integrity public perception of justice sensationalism in courts media circus in trials cancelled trials due to media incentives of jurors incentives of witnesses televised trials O.J. Simpson trial media effects judicial safeguards sentencing influence by media prejudicial publicity safeguarding fair trials criminal justice and media legal system transparency press interviews and trials effects of memoirs by jurors witness credibility and media societal pressure on jurors ethics in courtroom reporting media influence trial by jury witness reliability juror impartiality courtroom cameras public perception judicial fairness media coverage verdict distortion sentencing bias witness intimidation juror decision-making legal ethics trial integrity pretrial publicity trial manipulation sensationalism high-profile cases public pressure criminal justice system media influence trial fairness jury bias witness credibility public perception jury tampering televised trials court transparency media coverage effects judicial impartiality sentencing outcomes courtroom cameras juror memoirs witness interviews American legal system public opinion pressure trial by media media circus jury decision-making case publicity
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con02a	The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 HIV discrimination workplace discrimination HIV stigma AIDS prejudice HIV workplace policies HIV-positive employee rights medical confidentiality HIV workplace disclosure social discrimination HIV-related violence HIV privacy rights HIV social exclusion HIV ignorance HIV misinformation HIV-positive mental health HIV-positive family reactions compulsory HIV disclosure HIV-positive workplace safety HIV-positive legal protections anti-discrimination laws HIV discrimination HIV stigma workplace discrimination AIDS prejudice HIV-positive worker rights compulsory HIV disclosure HIV privacy HIV-related violence HIV-positive status confidentiality HIV in the workplace HIV transmission myths HIV and employment stigma reduction HIV social consequences HIV discrimination UK health-related workplace discrimination HIV-positive employee protection HIV mental health impacts HIV disclosure risks anti-discrimination laws HIV HIV discrimination workplace stigma HIV-positive rights AIDS stigma privacy violation HIV disclosure employment law HIV-related prejudice workplace policy HIV confidentiality social exclusion compulsory disclosure medical privacy workplace harassment antidiscrimination policy fear of transmission HIV-positive workers legal protection HIV awareness workplace safety HIV/AIDS education social attitudes prejudice against HIV HIV-positive employees workplace inclusivity HIV workplace discrimination impact of disclosure on HIV-positive employees stigma against HIV/AIDS sufferers consequences of compulsory HIV status disclosure privacy rights for HIV-positive workers prejudice in workplace policies for HIV effects of ignorance about HIV transmission social and family reactions to HIV status institutionalized discrimination against HIV-positive individuals excessive workplace precautions HIV fear-driven HIV policies impact of mandatory HIV disclosure laws violation of HIV-positive workers' privacy mental health effects of HIV stigma legal protections for HIV-positive employees combating HIV-related workplace ignorance supporting HIV-positive workers societal attitudes towards HIV/AIDS consequences of workplace HIV stigma human rights and HIV discrimination HIV stigma workplace discrimination HIV-positive rights HIV confidentiality HIV-positive disclosure HIV workplace policy AIDS prejudice privacy rights HIV mandatory disclosure HIV HIV-positive employment HIV and privacy social stigma HIV HIV workplace safety HIV-positive social impact unsubstantiated HIV fears medical privacy laws anti-discrimination HIV institutionalised prejudice HIV HIV-positive violence risk UK HIV statistics health information privacy HIV/AIDS public perception HIV and employment law Pebody 2009 HIV workplace discrimination HIV-positive employee rights AIDS stigma at work HIV confidentiality prejudice against HIV-positive workers compulsory HIV disclosure risks privacy loss HIV-positive effects of ignorance on HIV sufferers workplace HIV disclosure consequences HIV-related social stigma HIV status discrimination statistics UK effects of prejudice HIV/AIDS HIV-positive workplace shunning unnecessary precautions HIV workplace fear of HIV status disclosure institutionalised HIV stigma protecting HIV-positive worker rights ignorance prejudice HIV discrimination workplace discrimination HIV-positive workers AIDS stigma HIV status disclosure privacy rights compulsory disclosure social stigma workplace prejudice medical confidentiality fear of transmission unnecessary precautions HIV-related violence shunning ill-treatment HIV/AIDS social impact UK HIV workplace statistics HIV-positive employee rights HIV confidentiality breach HIV discrimination workplace HIV stigma HIV-positive employee rights HIV privacy issues HIV status disclosure laws medical confidentiality HIV prejudice against HIV-positive workers social consequences HIV status HIV workplace policy HIV-related violence HIV shunning AIDS workplace discrimination HIV misinformation casual transmission fear HIV status confidentiality employment law HIV HIV-positive workers' protection anti-HIV bias occupational health HIV HIV prejudice UK stigma and HIV/AIDS HIV and workplace safety legal protection HIV status HIV-positive disclosure repercussions discrimination consequences HIV HIV discrimination workplace stigma HIV-positive employee rights medical privacy AIDS-related prejudice compulsory disclosure HIV stigma UK HIV workplace policy social consequences HIV HIV confidentiality HIV-positive mental health HIV status protection workplace harassment HIV HIV misinformation public health ethics HIV-positive legal rights HIV-related violence anti-discrimination law HIV HIV awareness education HIV fear workplace HIV stigma workplace discrimination HIV disclosure HIV-positive workers AIDS prejudice privacy rights HIV-related violence casual transmission fears HIV workplace policy anti-discrimination laws medical confidentiality HIV awareness public health ethics social exclusion legal protections HIV education stigma reduction patient confidentiality HIV-related unemployment social support human rights occupational health HIV epidemic UK HIV statistics
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con02a	In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. Catholic Church contraception barrier methods condoms HIV prevention AIDS epidemic Africa South America public health religious influence moral responsibility UNAIDS sub-Saharan Africa HIV/AIDS statistics church teachings sexual health education papal stance transmission rates global health policy faith and health social responsibility family planning mortality rates reproductive rights faith-based organizations HIV transmission public opinion condom ban religion and health disease prevention AIDS mortality Catholic Church HIV AIDS Catholic Church contraception policy Catholic Church condom ban Catholic Church responsibility for public health Catholic doctrine and HIV transmission sub-Saharan Africa HIV Catholicism South America AIDS Catholic perspective UNAIDS HIV statistics Catholic countries Catholic Church influence AIDS epidemic religious opposition to contraception Catholic impact HIV prevention moral responsibility Catholic Church AIDS ethical debate contraception Catholicism Church teachings and public health Catholic bishops AIDS crisis response Catholic social teaching and health religious authority HIV epidemic critique Catholic stance barrier methods Catholic Church human rights HIV Catholic policy and global health crises Catholic Church contraception policy HIV/AIDS prevention Africa South America barrier methods condom use Church influence public health UNAIDS statistics moral responsibility religious teachings sexual health epidemic mortality rates Church authority ethical obligation disease transmission abstinence sex education population health reproductive rights Church doctrine AIDS epidemic global health Catholic ethics Vatican policy harm reduction healthcare access developing countries faith-based organizations Catholic Church contraception policies HIV/AIDS statistics Africa South America Catholic Church responsibility promote life condom use Catholic ban Catholic Church and AIDS deaths UNAIDS global report findings barrier contraception Church teachings Catholic influence HIV rates religious opposition safe sex Church policy influence public health Catholic sexual ethics AIDS moral duty to prevent deaths Catholicism Catholic stance population welfare sub-Saharan Africa HIV Catholic Church authority and AIDS epidemic Catholic power public health impact survey AIDS HIV 2009 Catholic teaching human life protection religion condoms Africa South America ethical obligations Church HIV Catholic Church contraception policy HIV/AIDS Africa South America public health condom use religious influence UNAIDS survey 2009 sub-Saharan Africa AIDS mortality epidemic faith and health barrier methods moral responsibility social impact population welfare Church doctrine opposition arguments global health disease prevention ethical debate sexual health education religious authority human rights reproductive health HIV transmission Catholic doctrine birth control controversy Catholic Church HIV AIDS policy Catholic Church condom stance Catholic countries AIDS prevalence Catholicism sexual health responsibility Catholic Church contraception ban HIV prevention religious influence Catholic teachings public health Catholic opposition to barrier methods Catholic Africa AIDS crisis Catholic South America HIV statistics UNAIDS Catholic country data Church responsibility promote life Catholic doctrine contraception impact religious authority and HIV transmission Catholic influence on sexual behavior Church stance global health outcomes AIDS mortality Catholic regions HIV transmission religious teachings contraception prohibition health consequences Catholic social responsibility. Catholic Church contraception barrier methods condom use HIV transmission AIDS epidemic sub-Saharan Africa Latin America public health policy religious doctrine moral responsibility Catholic teachings UNAIDS statistics mortality rates preventable deaths sexual health ethical responsibility reproductive rights influence on population global health crisis epidemic control church stance Vatican policy community welfare faith-based opposition health education Catholic Church contraception stance HIV/AIDS epidemic Africa HIV/AIDS epidemic South America barrier contraception Catholicism condom ban Catholic Church Catholic responsibility public health Catholic Church AIDS prevention Catholic doctrine contraception Catholic influence HIV prevention UNAIDS HIV statistics Catholic Church power population health religion and HIV/AIDS Church opposition condoms Catholic ethics life promotion public health religion conflict Catholic teachings reproductive health sub-Saharan Africa HIV rates Catholic impact HIV spread Catholic social responsibility Catholic Church sexual ethics AIDS mortality religious influence Catholic moral teachings contraception faith-based public health policies religious opposition condom use Catholic Church policy contraception ban HIV/AIDS prevention Africa South America barrier methods condom use public health religious influence AIDS mortality UNAIDS statistics ethical responsibility sexual health education church authority epidemiology disease transmission global health HIV infection rates mitigation strategies humanitarian response moral doctrine reproductive rights community health faith-based organizations health policy doctrine versus health church criticism sub-Saharan Africa public awareness faith and health Catholic Church responsibility promote life AIDS HIV sub-Saharan Africa South America condom use contraception barrier methods church doctrine public health mortality UNAIDS ethical responsibility religious influence HIV prevention sexual health policy critique humanitarian duty health education population welfare global health moral responsibility church authority epidemic response
test-education-ughbuesbf-con01a	The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, university tuition public spending tertiary education costs state budget sustainable education funding education policy welfare state entitlement programs cost-benefit analysis essential services fiscal responsibility government expenditure OECD education statistics higher education reform free university debate public goods tax burden education affordability alternative funding models private contributions income-based repayment social equity economic sustainability user-pays principle public versus private goods higher education funding universal free university education state education expenditure sustainability of free education cost of tertiary education public spending on education education system reform financing higher education tuition fees debate education affordability OECD education statistics essential vs non-essential services citizen entitlement welfare state government budget constraints education policy university access public vs private education economic impact of free education education and national wealth higher education funding public expenditure tertiary education costs government budget student tuition fees education policy universal healthcare pension systems welfare state sustainability national budgets GDP education spending privatization of education access to education essential vs non-essential services state-funded services cost-benefit analysis financial sustainability public vs private funding equitable access education entitlement OECD education statistics social welfare funding economic impact education reform funding models fiscal responsibility cost of universal university education sustainability of free higher education economic impact of free university OECD spending on tertiary education alternatives to free university government spending on education funding models for higher education essential vs non-essential state services education and state budgets university education affordability education entitlement debate free education and state bankruptcy global perspectives on higher education funding primary vs tertiary education funding university access policies pay-for-service in higher education responsible citizenship without university public funding limits education policy reforms sustainable education systems universal free university education education expenditure tertiary education OECD GDP spending on education state funding sustainable education funding universal healthcare costs welfare state sustainability public vs private education funding essential vs non-essential services entitlement to education social policy reform higher education affordability economic impact of free education pension system burden primary and secondary education access educational entitlement debate government budget allocation student tuition fees public expenditure on education cost-benefit analysis of higher education education system reform national wealth distribution economic sustainability fiscal responsibility in education universal free university education cost sustainability of free tertiary education state expenditure on higher education OECD education spending statistics GDP spent on university education universal healthcare and education burden financial impact of public pensions affordability of welfare state free vs paid university debate essential vs non-essential state services education entitlement debate alternatives to free higher education funding models for universities economic impact of universal benefits balancing government budgets long-term national debt and social services reforms in public education funding higher education access vs cost privatization of university education sustainability of welfare programs cost of free university education state budget impact universal healthcare funding welfare state sustainability tertiary education expenditure OECD education spending government financial strain education funding models public service affordability entitlement to higher education essential vs non-essential services primary and secondary education access user-pays model financial burden on state sustainability of public goods higher education affordability education policy funding reforms economic impact of education subsidies privatization of university costs social impact of educational access government spending priorities education system restructuring free vs paid university education universal university education cost sustainable higher education funding impact of free university on state budget OECD tertiary education expenditure public spending tertiary education affordability of free higher education education entitlement debate primary vs tertiary education funding free higher education drawbacks state provision of non-essential services education and national survival public vs private university costs alternatives to universal free university higher education policy reform economic impact of free university free vs paid university models tertiary education sustainability university education as entitlement global higher education funding comparisons budgetary pressures from education systems universal free university education higher education funding public expenditure state budget OECD education spending tertiary education costs education policy sustainable education systems cost-benefit analysis education entitlement student fees education reform welfare state government spending non-essential services primary education access secondary education access citizen responsibilities public vs private education economic impact access to education social equity education affordability austerity measures public finance education and GDP universal free university education cost-benefit analysis public expenditure state funding sustainability higher education affordability GDP education spending OECD data tertiary education costs entitlement debate essential vs non-essential services primary vs tertiary education financial burden government budget constraints student fees education policy reform welfare state sustainability means-tested education support university funding models education access social equity tax implications public goods economic impact privatization of higher education
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con02a	Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Rwanda priorities economic development emerging democracy post-genocide healing national vision government programs Ubudehe freedom of speech press restrictions state resource management foreign investment labor issues protest suppression rights versus economy Paul Kagame citizen participation development policies prosperity free expression press freedom socioeconomic transformation governance public policy national unity community development Rwanda priorities economic development Rwanda emerging democracy post-genocide Rwanda government development programs Ubudehe freedom of speech Rwanda press freedom Rwanda investor confidence Rwanda state resource management labor rights Rwanda human rights Rwanda Kagame policies prosperity vs freedom community-level development Rwanda developmental authoritarianism national transformation Rwanda political trade-offs Rwanda citizen participation Rwanda public debate restrictions democratic governance Rwanda economic development Rwanda government priorities emerging democracy post-genocide recovery Vision 2020 free speech press freedom development programs Ubudehe resource management foreign investment citizen participation industrialization community-level development policy choices human rights prosperity authoritarianism governance public opinion social transformation Kagame economic reforms sustainable growth investor confidence poverty reduction political stability Rwanda economic development priorities freedom of speech in Rwanda press freedom and economic growth post-genocide Rwanda democracy Ubudehe government program balancing rights and economy Rwanda Kagame development policies investor confidence Rwanda restricting free speech for development Rwanda Vision 2020 goals managing resources Rwanda community-level development Rwanda prosperity versus rights Rwanda economic transformation Rwanda government participation Rwanda state control versus freedom Rwanda freedom versus stability Rwanda labor issues Rwanda foreign investment Rwanda Rwanda social programs Rwanda economic development emerging democracy governance freedom of speech press restrictions post-genocide recovery policy priorities government programs Ubudehe resource management investment climate labor rights state control political stability community development prosperity versus rights Vision 2020 political participation developmental state public opinion Kagame national healing national priorities investor relations protest management media freedom state-led development Rwanda economic development Rwanda government priorities free speech restrictions Rwanda press freedom Rwanda Rwanda democracy challenges Ubudehe development program Kagame policies vision 2020 Rwanda investment climate Rwanda human rights vs economic growth Rwanda freedom of expression Rwanda emerging democracies Africa post-genocide recovery Rwanda community development programs Rwanda Rwanda resource management state control Rwanda investor confidence Rwanda labor rights Rwanda Rwanda political strategy prosperity vs rights Rwanda Rwanda economic development emerging democracy post-genocide government priorities Vision 2020 national healing freedom of speech press restrictions state resources investment climate political stability Ubudehe program citizen participation government policies rights versus economy Kagame leadership prosperity international investors governance civil liberties social transformation reconstruction community development national unity policy trade-offs development strategies political debates investor confidence labor rights resource management social cohesion Rwanda development priorities economic transformation Rwanda government-led development Rwanda Ubudehe program Rwanda freedom of speech restrictions democracy vs economic growth Rwanda Vision 2020 Kagame economic policy press freedom Rwanda investor climate Rwanda community development programs Rwanda post-genocide Rwanda governance resource management Rwanda civil liberties vs development participatory development Rwanda human rights Rwanda economic policies in emerging democracies Kagame leadership style political stability Rwanda Rwanda social programs Rwanda economic development government priorities Rwanda emerging democracy Rwanda post-genocide Rwanda recovery Ubudehe program restricted freedom of speech Rwanda press freedom Rwanda state resource management foreign investment Rwanda community development Rwanda political stability Rwanda rights versus economy Kagame development policies social cohesion Rwanda citizen participation Rwanda governance Rwanda sustainable growth Rwanda human rights trade-off development versus democracy national healing Rwanda Rwanda economic development government priorities Rwanda freedom of speech Rwanda press freedom Rwanda Ubudehe program post-genocide recovery Rwanda Kagame development policy investor climate Rwanda community development Rwanda rights versus economy Rwanda state resource management Rwanda public participation Rwanda political stability Rwanda restricted civil liberties Rwanda social transformation Rwanda national healing Rwanda democracy in Rwanda
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con02a	The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 civil liberties human rights anti-terrorism laws policing powers authoritarianism government surveillance abuse of power presumption of innocence habeas corpus rule of law minority rights racial profiling historical repression Japanese-American internment surveillance state privacy rights democratic principles public tolerance state overreach unintended consequences constitutional protections due process security vs liberty social justice discrimination collective memory slippery slope totalitarianism principled opposition legal safeguards individual rights civil liberties slippery slope totalitarianism authoritarianism anti-terrorism laws policing powers security vs liberty presumption of innocence habeas corpus due process government overreach historical abuses minority persecution Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-American internment WWII civil rights state repression human rights violations national security good intentions injustice public tolerance surveillance racial profiling legal protections constitutional rights civil rights history mass surveillance abuse of power civil liberties individual rights slippery slope totalitarianism anti-terrorism laws policing powers principled stand public tolerance presumption of innocence habeas corpus state repression minority rights abuse of power government overreach security vs. freedom historical injustices government abuses racial profiling wrongful imprisonment loss of rights persecution of minorities due process constitutional protections national security civil rights violations historical parallels legal safeguards public accountability discrimination mass surveillance loss of individual liberty and slippery slope dangers of increased anti-terrorism legislation overreach of policing powers historical abuses of civil liberties presumption of innocence and habeas corpus rights security versus civil liberties debate minority group victimization under security laws historical parallels with Japanese-American internment balancing security and freedom principled stand against erosion of liberty unintended consequences of good intentions in law thin edge of the wedge argument abuses of power in democratic societies historical lessons from World War II repression public tolerance for government surveillance negotiating fundamental rights in security context impact of anti-terrorism measures on minority communities individual liberty civil liberties slippery slope totalitarianism authoritarianism anti-terrorism legislation policing powers principled stand abuse of power presumption of innocence habeas corpus human rights government overreach state power minority rights ethnic profiling historical injustice Japanese-American internment World War II repression security vs. freedom civil rights constitutional rights minority victimization surveillance state public tolerance rights erosion legislative abuse social justice discrimination xenophobia civil liberties erosion anti-terrorism laws critique overreach of policing powers slippery slope argument totalitarianism warning principled stand for freedom presumption of innocence defense habeas corpus importance historical abuses comparison minority groups victimization lessons from World War II repression security vs. liberty debate risks of well-intentioned policies abuse of legal systems discriminatory law enforcement historical injustices in America expansion of government surveillance civil rights protection unchecked state power balancing security and freedom individual rights civil liberties authoritarianism government overreach surveillance anti-terrorism laws police powers rule of law presumption of innocence habeas corpus human rights minority groups racial profiling historical injustice state repression World War II internment discrimination constitutional protections public tolerance security vs freedom due process legal safeguards wrongful detention executive power slippery slope argument civil rights abuses good intentions unintended consequences historical parallels social justice ethnic persecution individual liberty civil liberties slippery slope totalitarianism anti-terrorism legislation government overreach policing powers security vs freedom presumption of innocence habeas corpus human rights minority rights surveillance state abuse of power historical injustices state repression World War II internment Japanese-American internment discrimination constitutional rights due process authoritarian government racial profiling national security rule of law public tolerance government accountability unintended consequences civil rights violations fear and security incremental erosion of rights civil liberties personal freedom totalitarianism anti-terrorism laws over-policing police powers human rights presumption of innocence habeas corpus state repression minority persecution historical injustices Japanese-American internment Muslim discrimination Arab-American profiling public tolerance abuse of power government overreach security vs liberty legislative abuse authoritarianism civil liberties surveillance state government overreach anti-terrorism laws policing powers human rights presumption of innocence habeas corpus constitutional rights minority persecution historical injustices slippery slope argument authoritarianism security versus freedom state abuse racial profiling discrimination post-9/11 policies due process public tolerance civil rights erosion legislative safeguards mass surveillance historical parallels counter-terrorism measures
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro02a	The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, prosecution accountability justice legal outcomes war crimes atrocities rule of law international law legal responsibility court convictions peace vs justice powerful offenders judicial systems retributive justice transitional justice legal norms international tribunals historical accountability post-conflict healing forgiveness vs prosecution legal consequences human rights violations legal precedent crime deterrence criminal accountability prosecution of offenders international criminal law justice for atrocities war crimes trials holding leaders accountable rule of law transitional justice post-conflict prosecution legal redress crime deterrence accountability mechanisms reparative justice atrocity crimes prosecution universal jurisdiction crimes against humanity peace vs justice legal responsibility ending impunity victim healing prosecuting offenders justice accountability powerful individuals rule of law international norms war crimes human rights violations legal prosecution criminal conviction atrocity crimes legal accountability judiciary criminal justice reparations crimes against humanity transitional justice peace vs justice international tribunals healing process reconciliation historic crimes legal consequences post-conflict justice forgiveness deterrence prosecuting offenders for horrific crimes justice through prosecution accountability for powerful offenders international norms prosecution standard prosecution vs peace process law courts atrocity convictions impact of legal prosecution on healing legal accountability post-conflict prosecution and prevention of grudges effectiveness of judiciary in atrocity trials prosecution when law is absent holding leaders accountable law vs international norms prosecution as deterrence healing after prosecution justice for victims of atrocities prosecuting offenders justice crime accountability powerful individuals rule of law international norms war crimes judicial conviction atrocity prosecution criminal prosecution post-conflict justice transitional justice historical crimes legal deterrence healing after atrocities law and morality legal standards crimes against humanity judicial independence peace versus justice prosecution of leaders legal precedents survivor justice collective healing international law victims' rights war crimes tribunals forgiveness versus prosecution transitional societies prosecuting offenders justice in war crimes accountability for powerful international criminal norms prosecution of atrocities legal prosecution and healing role of judiciary in crimes importance of legal accountability prosecuting crimes against humanity convicting powerful criminals justice versus peace impact of prosecution on reconciliation rule of law after conflict legal consequences for war crimes international legal standards court conviction and healing ending impunity restorative justice in atrocities legal response to horrific crimes holding leaders accountable prosecuting offenders justice just outcome accountability powerful individuals peace rule of law equality before the law international norms crime prosecution judiciary atrocity convictions healing process forgiveness law courts legal accountability war crimes transitional justice post-conflict justice impunity historic crimes legal standards human rights social reconciliation criminal responsibility Stanford Law Review Dallas Holocaust survivors Nazi prosecution legal precedents retributive justice prosecuting offenders justice for horrific crimes accountability for powerful offenders international law prosecution war crimes prosecution holding criminals accountable rule of law post-conflict justice legal prosecution of atrocities international criminal justice judicial conviction of war criminals legal redress for victims healing through justice historical crime prosecution transitional justice international norms for prosecution equitable justice system legal accountability peace and justice balance prosecuting human rights violations prosecution justice accountability legal responsibility criminal justice rule of law international law war crimes human rights accountability for power transitional justice atrocity prevention post-conflict reconciliation deterrence legal norms judicial process peace versus justice victim healing historical grievances legal standards prosecution of leaders restorative justice conviction international tribunals legal precedent universal jurisdiction prosecution justice criminal accountability international law atrocity crimes legal proceedings war crimes powerful offenders rule of law legal norms judiciary conviction peace and justice forgiveness transitional justice reconciliation post-conflict healing legal standards crime deterrence accountability for leaders crime and punishment law and order historic crimes survivors crime prevention law enforcement
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See labor force participation gender equality women's rights workplace rights reproductive sphere productive sphere gender norms male breadwinner public space access cultural ideologies community organizations legal representation African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers labor movements gender roles equal employment opportunity social norms policy change economic empowerment gender discrimination women's empowerment labor market advocacy labor rights gender mainstreaming female labor force participation women's employment rights gender equality in the workplace women's economic empowerment breaking gender norms women's public sphere access women's legal representation labor rights advocacy domestic workers' rights African women workers women community organizations gender-responsive labor policies challenging male breadwinner model women's role in productive sector feminist labor movements regional domestic worker networks gender and labor laws workplace gender parity women-led labor unions social norms and female employment women’s empowerment gender equality workforce participation female employment labor rights gender norms women in the workplace productive sphere reproductive sphere equal pay workplace discrimination maternity leave gender wage gap social norms women’s organizations legal representation domestic workers African labor rights labor unions women’s movements policy advocacy human rights community organizations gender justice sustainable development. labour participation and gender rights challenges to traditional gender roles women's economic empowerment women's rights in the workplace impact of female labour force participation domestic workers rights Africa African Regional Domestic Workers Network declaration labour rights organizations for women changing gender norms in employment public space access for women women’s labour movements gender equality and labour laws community lawyers for women's rights representation of female workers advocacy for domestic workers impact of labour participation on gender norms male breadwinner model challenges gender norms and economic participation rights of female domestic workers regional advocacy networks for labour rights equal opportunity in employment conferences on women's women’s employment gender equality workplace rights female labor force economic empowerment gender norms cultural barriers public sphere access women’s organizations domestic workers labor rights community advocacy African Regional Domestic Workers Network social change gender roles equal opportunity women’s representation reproductive vs productive work legal protection women’s movements international declarations labor unions workforce participation gender justice policy reforms women's labor rights gender equality in the workplace female workforce participation breaking gender stereotypes women's economic empowerment reproductive vs. productive roles women's access to public space challenging male breadwinner norms community legal support for women African Regional Domestic Workers Network rights of domestic workers gender norms in labor women-led labor organizations labor force gender diversity advocacy for women workers women's labor movements Africa empowering female domestic workers social impacts of women working labor laws for gender equality women's rights activism in labor labor force participation gender equality women's rights equal pay workplace diversity economic empowerment gender norms reproductive rights productive labor public sphere male breadwinner community lawyers advocacy organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers rights labor rights employment opportunities social change gender roles legal representation workers' conferences grassroots activism gender mainstreaming women's empowerment policy change cultural norms gender discrimination women's labor market integration labour participation gender equality gender rights women's workforce participation labor force cultural norms gender norms female employment reproductive sphere productive sphere male breadwinner women’s empowerment workplace rights equal work rights public space access women's organizations community lawyers domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network women’s representation labor rights advocacy workplace discrimination gender-based barriers feminist movements policy change gender mainstreaming inclusive labor policies women’s rights conferences domestic work conditions labor law reform information sharing activist networks gender equality women's rights workforce participation employment equity female empowerment gender norms cultural barriers male breadwinner model reproductive versus productive roles workplace inclusion community advocacy legal representation domestic workers' rights labor organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network labor law gender-based discrimination public sphere access labor activism gender justice women empowerment gender equality workforce inclusion women's rights gender norms cultural barriers labor market female employment economic participation domestic workers social change public sphere access gender-based discrimination women's organizations legal advocacy African labor movements community representation workplace rights gender policy women in leadership human rights labor rights policy reform social justice intersectionality gender mainstreaming
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 bargaining tool negotiation leverage material investment cultural investment academic freedom legislative reform free press democratic rights university autonomy freedom of speech academic rights political repression prisoner of conscience government censorship Western universities international collaboration educational standards Singapore government academic restrictions human rights freedom of expression global partnerships institutional requirements higher education policy government influence Yale-NUS Vincent Cheng Chia Thye Poh public discourse intellectual freedom bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedom free speech freedom of the press democratic rights Western universities graduate access censorship political prisoners Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng government intervention university autonomy Singapore academic freedom educational reform academic rights international education policy institutional independence foreign universities Singapore human rights freedom of expression academic collaboration legislative influence press freedom academic restrictions scholarly exchange political opposition education and democracy bargaining tool leverage negotiation tactic political investment academic freedom university autonomy free speech press freedom democratic rights human rights legislative reform cultural diplomacy foreign investment education policy international universities Singapore government academic restrictions censorship intellectual freedom government intervention higher education standards global academic partnerships institutional independence material investment as bargaining chip cultural investment to secure rights cultural investment and academic freedom using investment to influence legislation free speech and university partnerships western universities insist on academic freedom academic rights as negotiation leverage Singapore government and academic freedom cases Chia Thye Poh prisoner of conscience Vincent Cheng barred from speaking impact of government actions on university life university collaboration conditions Yale-NUS academic freedom requirements international universities negotiating academic rights prerequisites for western university campuses abroad leveraging education investment for policy change higher education and democratic values academic freedom in international partnerships government policy and foreign university operations bargaining for freedom of expression bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedom free speech free press democratic engagement university autonomy Western universities legislative reform prisoners of conscience political opposition censorship Singapore government Yale-NUS educational reform Vincent Cheng Chia Thye Poh human rights academic rights international collaboration academic exchange higher education policy governmental influence knowledge transfer academic partnership university governance academic freedom free speech in universities cultural investment impact bargaining chip international relations university-government relations higher education rights Singapore academic restrictions press freedom in education Yale Singapore partnership political influence on academia material vs cultural investment Western university standards freedom of expression legislative bargaining education policy Singapore prisoners of conscience academia university operation requirements Chia Thye Poh case Vincent Cheng academic freedom global university expansion democratic speculation academia bargaining chip material investment cultural investment legislative change academic freedom free speech free press democratic participation university autonomy prisoner of conscience Chia Thye Poh political opposition Vincent Cheng academic rights western universities Singapore government university operations academic standards legislative impact government intervention freedom of expression student rights international education education policy higher education institutional values educational reform Western Europe censorship political repression democratic values NUS Yale graduates foreign institutions access to knowledge academic discourse bargaining chip cultural investment material investment academic freedom free speech university autonomy press freedom democratic values foreign universities legislative reforms educational policy Western universities Singapore government prisoner of conscience Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng censorship public discourse academic rights international partnerships liberal education Yale Singapore university governance civil liberties freedom of expression political opposition cross-cultural collaboration higher education policy human rights governmental interference university operations educational exchange global standards bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedom free speech university autonomy western universities government restrictions Singapore legislation press freedom democratic values prisoner of conscience Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng censorship political opposition higher education policy international partnerships educational reform human rights academic rights decision-making power cross-cultural exchange governance compliance standards university operations academic freedom cultural investment material investment bargaining power legislative influence free speech press freedom democratic engagement university autonomy academic rights political opposition government intervention Singapore higher education international universities Yale in Singapore restrictions on speech prisoner of conscience Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng censorship transnational education university-government relations Western university standards campus activism scholarly exchange
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro01a	People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. right to justice public access court transparency open courts public gallery judicial proceedings court observation Supreme Court access House of Lords judiciary court broadcasting trial accessibility remote court access court livestreaming democratization of justice legal transparency justice system openness court media coverage trial publicity fair access to courts judicial openness civic engagement government accountability legal system reform closed trials Guantánamo Bay trial democratic principles judicial fairness access barriers legal rights justice for all access to justice court transparency public gallery access judicial transparency open courts Supreme Court access livestream court proceedings remote court viewing democratic proceedings citizen access to courts public right to observe trials court proceeding accessibility fair access to justice court openness justice system transparency judicial openness legal transparency right to attend court virtual court access openness in judiciary open justice court transparency public access live streaming courts televised trials judicial accountability courtroom observation media access courts virtual court attendance legal transparency right to observe trials remote public gallery access to legal proceedings judicial openness court broadcasting trial accessibility civic engagement courtroom judicial process transparency fair trial access democracy courts right of access to justice public access to court proceedings transparency in the judiciary benefits of court broadcasting remote access to judicial processes barriers to attending court impact of live streaming trials improving court accessibility open justice system democratizing court access costs of attending court public gallery limitations media coverage of closed trials transparency versus security in trials technology and court transparency online streaming of courts public engagement in legal processes case for televised courts fairness in judicial access comparison UK US court transparency access to court for remote populations democratic values courtroom access access to justice open court principle public gallery court transparency court accessibility remote court viewing live streaming courts judicial transparency public legal rights democratic proceedings legal system transparency fair trial access court broadcasting legal accountability civic engagement judicial openness court modernization media coverage of trials digital court access right to observe trials right of access to justice open courts public gallery court access live streaming court proceedings remote court access transparency in judiciary court trial public attendance democratic accountability courts barriers to court attendance judicial openness court broadcasting UK Supreme Court live streaming US benefits of open justice public monitoring of trials court proceedings accessibility fairness in legal process televised court cases access to legal proceedings judicial transparency equality in court access right of access to justice open courts court transparency public gallery judicial committee House of Lords Supreme Court public access court proceedings remote viewing televised trials live streaming democratic process judicial transparency open justice public oversight court openness legal accessibility media coverage closed trials Guantanamo Bay trials justice system public participation court attendance barriers national access legal democracy court observation court openness judicial accountability public access to justice transparency in court proceedings live streaming of trials remote court viewing access to judicial process open justice court transparency televised court hearings courtroom public gallery democratic access to courts barriers to court access remote access to legal proceedings media coverage of trials Guantánamo Bay trial transparency fair trial access justice system openness digital courtrooms judicial transparency legal system accessibility public right to witness trials access to justice court transparency public court proceedings judicial transparency live streaming courts open justice courtroom broadcasting civic engagement legal system accessibility democratic accountability court transparency initiatives public gallery rights fair trial access national court access Supreme Court visibility House of Lords judicial committee trial media coverage Guantánamo Bay trials open government legal reforms court observation courtroom access remote court attendance judicial openness civic rights legal transparency access to justice court transparency public access to courts live court streaming judicial transparency open justice remote court viewing courtroom broadcasting right to observe trials public gallery courts democratizing justice media access to courts Supreme Court transparency open government judicial accountability digital court access virtual court attendance fair trial access court proceedings online legal transparency
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con01a	Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . data caps ISP incentives bandwidth allocation data pricing models net neutrality tiered data plans usage-based billing European Commission regulations consumer choice mobile data capacity network management transparent data policies broadband provision fair usage digital infrastructure high-data users low-data plans telecommunications policy network transparency user demand management ISP incentives data capacity expansion bandwidth provisioning data pricing models European Commission net neutrality mobile broadband low data usage plans network transparency data consumption optimization tiered pricing internet service differentiation consumer choice in data plans broadband infrastructure investment network resource allocation data traffic management fair usage policies broadband market regulation telecommunications policy dynamic bandwidth allocation customer-centric ISP services data caps data pricing models bandwidth allocation ISP revenue models data consumption bandwidth management net neutrality fair usage policy tiered data plans European Commission regulations mobile data usage usage-based billing data provision incentives consumer choice internet traffic management low data use plans unlimited data plans network transparency broadband capacity data throttling digital divide ISP incentives data capacity expansion data provision pricing models bandwidth vs data plans consumer choice in ISP plans net neutrality measures Europe mobile data pricing differentiated data usage plans transparency in ISP data management European Commission internet regulation low-data user plans heavy data user incentives ISPs and network upgrades equitable internet access alternative ISP revenue models bandwidth management strategies fair usage policies regulatory compliance ISPs consumer data rights ISP competition encouragement ISP incentives data capacity bandwidth provision data-based pricing net neutrality European Commission policies transparent data practices low data use plans mobile data usage fixed broadband network management user-centric pricing network congestion digital infrastructure data consumption patterns fair usage policies subscriber segmentation dynamic bandwidth allocation telecommunications regulation consumer choice high-capacity users low-capacity users transparency requirements price differentiation ISP revenue models legal frameworks internet service competition EU digital single market network transparency provision incentives Pinsent Masons Out-Law.com data gluttons broadband affordability mobile versus ISP incentives data capacity expansion bandwidth vs data provision ISP revenue models European Commission net neutrality data usage pricing low data use plans mobile data provision ISP transparency network management consumer data needs fast data delivery affordable data plans data-heavy users data-light users fair pricing strategies net neutrality regulations broadband capacity ISP pricing strategies network optimization telecommunications policy incentivize ISPs data capacity bandwidth provision Internet Service Providers data pricing models usage-based billing net neutrality data plans mobile data European Commission network management consumer choice data caps broadband infrastructure resource allocation fair usage policy transparent pricing mobile broadband fixed-line broadband high-speed internet differentiated pricing network transparency digital inclusion ISP competition regulatory measures user demand quality of service data consumption network congestion subscriber options low data plans heavy data users light data users telecom regulation policy incentives flexible pricing ISP incentives data capacity expansion data provision business model bandwidth vs data European Commission net neutrality ISP transparency low data usage plans mobile data consumption network management differentiated pricing consumer data habits Skype vs traditional calls fair usage policy broadband infrastructure digital inclusion regulatory compliance net neutrality measures data gluttons data dieters smart device usage telecom regulation internet traffic management EU digital policy consumer choice internet plans mobile vs fixed broadband OTT services impact ISPs data capacity bandwidth data provision incentivisation pricing models consumer choice data caps net neutrality European Commission mobile data broadband tiered pricing subscription plans user demand network management low data usage high data usage transparency Internet regulation infrastructure investment digital economy quality of service network congestion consumer protection legal framework Pinsent Masons Out-Law.com telecommunications market competition data-driven incentives ISP incentives data capacity bandwidth pricing net neutrality European Commission data provision bandwidth allocation fair usage policies low data plans mobile data usage tiered pricing broadband regulation consumer choice traffic management capacity-based billing transparency requirements legal frameworks internet service providers data consumption telecommunication policy regulatory measures
test-international-aghwrem-pro03a	There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) diplomatic engagement regional stability disengagement strategies reengagement benefits Myanmar natural resources economic development trade liberalization developmental aid local economy growth legal reforms anti-corruption measures US-EU relations constructive diplomacy transparency initiatives human rights improvement civilian government democratic reform international cooperation sanctions removal business framework strengthening foreign investment governance reform accountability international pressure developmental partnerships resource management diplomatic engagement Myanmar Southeast Asia regional diplomacy conflict resolution peacebuilding US policy EU policy international relations economic development trade liberalization sanctions removal developmental aid foreign investment resource management natural resources forest products minerals gems anti-corruption legal reform regulatory framework business environment transparency governance human rights democratic reform political transition civilian government external influence US-Myanmar relations EU-Myanmar relations India-Myanmar trade China-Myanmar relations accountability economic stimulus international cooperation human rights advocacy democratic transition regional stability constructive diplomatic engagement regional stability Myanmar diplomacy natural resource management trade liberalization developmental aid economic reform legal framework anti-corruption US-Myanmar relations EU-Myanmar relations transparency government accountability human rights democratic reform civilian government international cooperation business investment sustainable development democracy promotion economic stimulus foreign policy constructive engagement regional development diplomatic progress in Myanmar Myanmar disengagement strategies reengagement benefits in Southeast Asia natural resources in Myanmar Myanmar trade restrictions removal developmental aid in Myanmar economic development Myanmar legal business framework Myanmar reducing corruption Myanmar US-EU Myanmar diplomacy Myanmar government transparency Myanmar human rights improvements democratic reform Myanmar US EU support democratic Myanmar international confidence building Myanmar economic stimulus Southeast Asia foreign aid Myanmar trade expansion Myanmar constructive diplomacy Myanmar long-term development Myanmar promoting democracy in Myanmar civilian government reforms Myanmar opportunities for change Myanmar China Myanmar relations India Myanmar trade deals resource-driven economic growth diplomatic progress regional disengagement regional reengagement Myanmar natural resources Myanmar trade restrictions developmental aid economic stimulus legal framework development business climate improvement anti-corruption strategies US-EU Myanmar relations transparency in government human rights Myanmar democratic reform Myanmar civilian government Myanmar international confidence building economic development Southeast Asia foreign investment Myanmar democracy promotion trade liberalization mineral exports Myanmar forest products Myanmar developmental policy recommendations governance reform sanctions removal Myanmar international engagement rule of law Myanmar US foreign policy Myanmar EU foreign policy Myanmar China Myanmar relations diplomatic progress regional disengagement regional reengagement Myanmar natural resources Myanmar economic development removing trade restrictions Myanmar developmental aid Myanmar US EU Myanmar relations transparency in Myanmar government reducing corruption Myanmar human rights Myanmar democratic reform Myanmar economic stimulus legal framework foreign investment Myanmar business environment Myanmar civilian government Myanmar international aid Myanmar trade ties India Burma US EU democratic support Myanmar government confidence accountability in Myanmar promoting democracy Myanmar transparency incentives human rights violations Myanmar regional stability Southeast Asia diplomatic progress regional stability disengagement reengagement positive influence Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy economic stimulus legal framework business framework corruption reduction US-Myanmar relations EU-Myanmar relations international confidence constructive engagement government transparency human rights systematic violations civilian government democratic reform political transition development aid trade liberalization foreign investment governance institutional reform democracy promotion international cooperation accountability state relations economic development multilateral relations sanctions removal sustainable growth rule of law diplomatic engagement Myanmar economic development US Myanmar relations EU Myanmar policy Myanmar trade liberalization natural resources Myanmar developmental aid Myanmar anti-corruption Myanmar legal reforms Myanmar business environment Myanmar transparency Myanmar government human rights Myanmar democratic reform Myanmar civilian government Myanmar international aid Myanmar economic stimulus Myanmar Myanmar trade restrictions forest products Myanmar minerals Myanmar gems Myanmar India Myanmar trade China Myanmar relations accountability Myanmar US EU diplomacy Myanmar constructive diplomacy Myanmar democracy promotion Myanmar governance reforms Myanmar ASEAN diplomacy Myanmar sanctions Myanmar positive reengagement Myanmar regional stability Southeast Asia diplomatic progress regional stability Myanmar disengagement reengagement natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic development legal framework business environment corruption reduction US foreign policy EU foreign policy government transparency human rights democratic reform civilian government international relations trade expansion economic stimulus political reform humanitarian aid accountability governance democracy promotion bilateral relations sanctions removal international cooperation sustainable development investment opportunities social welfare democracy building diplomatic engagement Myanmar regional cooperation trade liberalization developmental aid natural resources economic development legal reform business environment anti-corruption US foreign policy EU foreign policy government transparency human rights democratic reform civilian government international relations foreign investment economic stimulus political reform international aid humanitarian assistance state relations democracy promotion accountability Southeast Asia trade agreements Myanmar economy constructive diplomacy sanctions removal
test-society-simhbrasnba-con01a	We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. asylum refugee protection humanitarian obligation persecution refugee policy moral responsibility international law human rights genocide Holocaust Jewish refugees refugee crisis democratic values developed nations global displacement torture sanctuary safe haven non-refoulement immigration policy forced migration historical lessons refugee admissions international solidarity resettlement refugee rights wealth disparity protection mechanisms post-war responsibility global humanitarianism trauma survivors refugee protection asylum policy humanitarian responsibility international law refugee crisis moral obligation human rights persecution relief global displacement migration policy genocide prevention Holocaust history historical refugee responses sanctuary safe haven resettlement programs non-refoulement resettlement quotas asylum seekers displaced persons international solidarity refugee conventions democratic values migrant rights humanitarian aid resettlement commitments refugee integration persecuted minorities forced migration asylum jurisprudence asylum refugee protection humanitarian duty international law persecution human rights genocide prevention moral responsibility Jewish refugees Holocaust history democratic nations developed countries safe haven refugee policy forced migration torture survivors religious persecution political asylum refugee resettlement historical lessons Nazism immigration policy global protection wealth and security national obligation duty to help refugees asylum principles today global persecution statistics history of refugee denial Jewish refugees World War II U.S. and U.K. refugee policies lessons from Nazism era international refugee obligations moral responsibility to asylum seekers protection of persecuted minorities current refugee crises developed nations refuge capacity international refugee law Holocaust refugee history Dominican Republic and Jewish refugees failures in historic refugee protection moral obligation of democracies reasons for refugee persecution consequences of turning away refugees improving modern asylum systems asylum refugee policy humanitarian protection persecution international law human rights moral obligation democratic countries Holocaust refugees Nazism historical failures Jewish refugees Dominican Republic refugee resettlement developed nations wealth and security global displacement protection principles state responsibility genocide prevention immigration policy international solidarity torture right to asylum forced migration ethical responsibility historical precedents migrant rights international response sanctuary safe haven asylum principles refugee protection moral obligation refugees democratic countries asylum Jewish refugee history Holocaust refugee policy international refugee response developed nations asylum lessons from Nazism refugees global persecution refugees wealth and security asylum historical refugee failures Dominican Republic Jewish refugees modern asylum obligations protecting persecuted minorities comparative asylum policies asylum refugees persecution humanitarian protection international law moral obligation democratic nations refugee policy Jewish refugees Holocaust genocide Nazism United States United Kingdom Dominican Republic refugee history developed countries wealth security sanctuary human rights displacement torture conviction principles international responsibility immigration policy resettlement global crisis historical precedents refugee acceptance refugee rejection World War II post-Holocaust lessons learned asylum policy refugee protection persecuted minorities moral obligation humanitarian intervention genocide prevention Holocaust refugees international refugee law democratic responsibility Jewish refugees Dominican Republic asylum Nazism refugee crisis developed nations refugees contemporary persecution asylum ethics displaced persons history global refugee crisis World War II refugees state responsibility human rights migration policy safe haven nations refugee acceptance history refugee moral lessons international protection regimes asylum refugee protection international law human rights persecution Holocaust genocide moral obligation humanitarian response democratic nations immigration policy displacement resettlement safe haven global responsibility Jewish refugees Nazism Dominican Republic United States refugee policy UK refugee policy historical lessons refugee crisis developed countries migration torture death refugee acceptance wealth and security global persecution conviction-based persecution asylum seekers refugee protection humanitarian responsibility international law refugee policy moral obligation human rights global persecution refugee crisis Holocaust refugees Nazism Jewish refugees genocide prevention developed countries displaced persons immigration policy refugee resettlement torture victims democratic values immigration history refugee admission international solidarity safe haven migration ethics asylum rights
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con01a	"North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers irresponsible behavior missile tests international sanctions United States National Security Council ballistic missile technology Resolution 1874 DPRK international norms provocative actions China Russia missile range Asia US bases security threat regional stability nuclear weapons WMD proliferation global security military tensions arms race denuclearization diplomatic engagement security council international law rogue states authoritarian regime Kim Jong-un North Korean military East Asia US foreign policy UN resolutions nuclear tests isolationist policy sanctions enforcement strategic North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers irresponsible behavior international sanctions United States National Security Council missile tests Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology international norms provocative actions regional security China Russia missile range Asia US military bases DPRK noncompliance nuclear weapons denuclearization security dilemma international relations WMD proliferation missile defense Kim Jong-un regime stability international response escalation security policy DPRK nuclear proliferation ballistic missile tests international sanctions military threat strategic stability regional security deterrence power projection East Asia US foreign policy China-North Korea relations Russia-North Korea relations United Nations Security Council Resolution 1874 WMD nonproliferation rogue states international norms provocative actions missile technology global security arms control geopolitical tensions defense policy alliance systems US military bases strategic deterrence coercive diplomacy authoritarian regimes international response North Korea international relations North Korea strategic threat North Korea irrational regime analysis North Korea missile tests response US policy on North Korea China North Korea border security Russia North Korea threat perception North Korea violation of UN resolutions North Korea Resolution 1874 implications Irresponsible behavior North Korea North Korea Asia security North Korea engagement strategies North Korea sanctions effectiveness North Korea US military bases North Korea ballistic missile program Regional security North Korea Preventing North Korea escalation International community response North Korea North Korea great powers threat Deterring North Korean provocations North Korea strategic threat irrational regime irresponsible behavior missile tests international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology international norms China Russia US bases Asia security provocative actions DPRK regional security nuclear weapons missile range proliferation deterrence geopolitics military escalation diplomatic engagement nonproliferation East Asia United States policy international response security alliances military strategy North Korea diplomacy sanctions enforcement North Korea nuclear threat North Korea missile tests North Korea international sanctions North Korea ballistic missile technology North Korea Resolution 1874 North Korea US foreign policy North Korea China relations North Korea Russia relations North Korea security threat North Korea irresponsible regime North Korea international relations North Korea Asia security North Korea strategic instability North Korea regional threat North Korea provocative actions North Korea diplomatic engagement North Korea global security North Korea military capabilities North Korea United Nations North Korea US military bases North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers irresponsible behavior international sanctions ballistic missile technology missile tests United States National Security Council provocative actions international norms Resolution 1874 missile programme Asia security China Russia US military bases long-range missiles international law nuclear threat regional stability diplomacy denuclearization global security United Nations DPRK international response nonproliferation military escalation deterrence sanctions enforcement North Korea nuclear threat North Korea ballistic missiles US-North Korea relations North Korea-China border North Korea-Russia relations North Korea international sanctions North Korean provocations North Korea international law violations Resolution 1874 North Korea missile tests North Korea strategic threat North Korea Asia security North Korea regional stability North Korea US military bases North Korea irresponsible regime North Korea proliferation North Korea military capabilities North Korea global security North Korea diplomacy North Korea deterrence strategy North Korea strategic threat irrational regime international security missile tests ballistic missile technology international sanctions Resolution 1874 United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor provocative actions regional stability Asia security China-North Korea relations Russia-North Korea relations international norms nuclear weapons US military bases nonproliferation DPRK irresponsible behavior great power competition security dilemma East Asia United Nations nuclear deterrence military escalation peace negotiations diplomatic engagement nuclear weapons ballistic missiles sanctions international relations China-North Korea relations Russia-North Korea relations US military bases missile defense proliferation United Nations Security Council rogue states deterrence Asia-Pacific security regional stability escalation diplomacy arms control regime behavior WMD (weapons of mass destruction) provocations security dilemma East Asia security strategic threats"
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con04a	Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, sham elections electoral influence autocracy legislative elections competitive elections patronage legislative status Arab world incumbency rate local control opposition in parliament government appointments Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Myanmar political impact foreign investment law press freedom association freedom non-democratic regimes electoral outcomes regime legitimacy controlled competition international influence liberalization opposition parties Arab Spring legislative power appointment versus election electoral manipulation hybrid regimes authoritarian elections competitive authoritarianism electoral authoritarianism hybrid regimes semi-authoritarian regimes legislative elections in autocracies patronage politics legislative turnover incumbency rate controlled competition managed elections opposition participation parliamentary influence partial liberalization political liberalization democratization regime legitimation pseudo-democratic institutions power-sharing in autocracies electoral outcomes in non-democracies parliamentary minorities international influence of opposition local elections in autocracies Arab Spring elections non-democratic parliaments strategic elections electoral manipulation opposition impact limited accountability regime survival strategies authoritarian regimes electoral manipulation competitive authoritarianism legislative elections political patronage incumbency rates Arab autocracies opposition parties parliamentary influence democratization symbolic elections local governance hybrid regimes regime legitimacy political liberalization foreign investment reforms press freedom civil society institutional constraints elite competition sham elections impact competitive autocratic elections legislative elections in autocracies role of elections in dictatorships patronage and status in elections Arab world elections before Arab Spring incumbency rate in non-democracies local control through elections opposition influence in parliament impact of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma National League for Democracy parliamentary achievements foreign investment law liberalisation Myanmar press freedom legislative reforms Ellen Lust non-democratic elections Sean Turnell Myanmar economic reform competitive legislative seats autocracies predetermined autocratic leadership opposition entry parliament autocracy legislative reform under autocratic regimes influence sham elections electoral influence autocracy predetermined outcomes legislative competitiveness legislative elections political patronage legislative status Arab world elections incumbency rate local control opposition representation government appointments Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma elections Myanmar parliament minority impact international influence foreign investment law press freedom association freedom non-democratic regimes electoral outcomes Arab uprisings economic reform Ellen Lust Sean Turnell sham elections significance impact of elections in autocracies legislative competitiveness in authoritarian regimes electoral influence in non-democracies Arab world legislative incumbency rates patronage and legislative elections opposition role in autocratic parliaments local vs national elections in autocracies case studies Aung San Suu Kyi Myanmar National League for Democracy parliamentary influence international impact of opposition in parliaments liberalization in autocratic regimes foreign investment law reforms Myanmar freedom of press in authoritarian contexts Ellen Lust Arab Uprisings election analysis sham elections authoritarian regimes autocracy legislative elections legislative competitiveness incumbency rate patronage political status Arab world pre-Arab Spring government appointment opposition influence local elections parliamentary control minority impact Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Myanmar elections foreign investment law press freedom association rights non-democratic regimes regime legitimacy electoral manipulation liberalisation political reform electoral outcomes electoral impact Yale University East Asia Forum sham elections authoritarianism non-democratic regimes election impact legislative elections electoral competitiveness legislative influence patronage systems incumbency rates Arab world elections opposition in parliament controlled elections local election influence government appointments parliamentary minorities Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Myanmar elections election-driven reforms foreign investment law Myanmar press freedom liberalisation political liberalisation electoral legitimacy autocratic elections competitive authoritarianism pseudo-democracy legislature status international election impact minority party influence Arab Spring legislatures sham elections competitive authoritarianism non-democratic regimes legislative elections electoral legitimacy autocracy political patronage incumbency rates Arab Spring Arab legislatures opposition influence parliamentary entry democratization political reforms Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Myanmar parliament foreign investment law press freedom association rights electoral impact political liberalization controlled elections regime survival patron-client networks authoritarian resilience semi-competitive elections electoral manipulation comparative authoritarianism political openings opposition strategies transitional justice authoritarianism autocracy sham elections electoral competitiveness legislative elections patronage incumbency rate Arab Spring opposition parties electoral impact local governance power sharing government control National League for Democracy Aung San Suu Kyi Burma Myanmar electoral reforms foreign investment law press freedom civil society liberalization parliamentary influence non-democratic regimes East Asia Forum Ellen Lust Sean Turnell
test-international-iiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” wildlife conservation habitat destruction endangered species human encroachment agricultural expansion Africa protected areas West African lion cotton plantations food crops population decline stricter animal protection fencing conservation strategies nature reserves deforestation land use change biodiversity loss environmental impact local communities species extinction prevention habitat destruction wildlife conservation animal protection endangered species environmental preservation human-wildlife conflict deforestation agricultural expansion land use change ecosystem degradation biodiversity loss protected areas habitat fragmentation West African lion fencing conservation sustainable agriculture community involvement anti-poaching strategies conservation policy wildlife corridors reforestation ecological restoration protected reserves species recovery nature reserves wildlife conservation habitat destruction endangered species agricultural expansion Africa animal protection land use change biodiversity loss human-wildlife conflict habitat fragmentation conservation policies protected areas fencing West African lion large-scale agriculture cotton plantations population decline species extinction anti-poaching land management sustainable agriculture ecosystem restoration wildlife corridors natural reserves wildlife sanctuaries natural habitat destruction tougher animal protection measures protecting endangered species Africa impact of agriculture on wildlife conservation strategies for lions fencing wildlife reserves Africa human-wildlife conflict mitigation endangered West African lion effects of cotton plantations on biodiversity wildlife habitat loss prevention success of fenced reserves South Africa preserving natural environments from agriculture large-scale farming and wildlife decline saving endangered African animals conservation policies local communities habitat destruction animal protection endangered species biodiversity loss conservation strategies agricultural expansion Africa wildlife West African lion population decline cotton plantations food crop impact human-wildlife conflict wildlife fencing protected areas conservation success large-scale agriculture extinction prevention ecosystem preservation wildlife management sustainable agriculture human encroachment wildlife corridors nature reserves species conservation natural habitat destruction wildlife protection measures endangered animals Africa agricultural expansion impact West African lion decline conservation strategies Africa human wildlife conflict solutions large scale farming effects habitat loss fencing animal habitat preservation deforestation Africa endangered species conservation protected areas Africa cotton plantation environmental impact biodiversity loss Africa habitat restoration efforts wildlife reserves fencing anti-poaching strategies human encroachment prevention wildlife corridor protection natural habitat destruction wildlife conservation endangered species habitat loss animal protection environmental degradation habitat fragmentation agricultural expansion biodiversity loss Africa wildlife West African lion large-scale farming cotton plantations food crop agriculture human-wildlife conflict conservation strategies habitat preservation wildlife fencing protected areas anti-poaching measures ecological impact sustainable agriculture population decline extinction risk South Africa conservation ecosystem protection natural habitats destruction animal protection measures endangered species Africa habitat loss agriculture West African lion decline cotton plantations habitat impact food crop expansion wildlife fencing wildlife protection human-wildlife conflict Africa conservation strategies Africa successful animal protection South Africa solutions for habitat destruction protecting endangered animals wildlife conservation policy large scale agriculture and wildlife preserving natural habitats local communities wildlife impact extinction risk animals Africa environmental protection Africa habitat fragmentation effects anti-poaching measures wildlife reserves Africa biodiversity loss prevention natural habitat destruction environmental conservation endangered species protection agricultural expansion Africa biodiversity loss wildlife habitat loss West African lion decline cotton plantation impact food crop expansion human-wildlife conflict protected areas Africa conservation strategies anti-poaching measures fencing wildlife areas African ecosystem preservation sustainable agriculture wildlife management Africa habitat restoration extinction prevention local community involvement conservation habitat destruction endangered species wildlife protection deforestation human-wildlife conflict poaching biodiversity loss ecosystem preservation sustainable agriculture land use change protected areas anti-poaching measures wildlife corridors African wildlife national parks conservation policy community-based conservation wildlife reserves environmental impact species extinction prevention agriculture expansion habitat fragmentation rewilding human encroachment nature reserves
test-international-iighbopcc-con01a	Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. sovereignty national autonomy climate policy self-determination non-interference international relations emissions targets climate governance independent monitoring environmental regulation national commitments climate accountability state rights global climate agreements UNFCCC local enforcement climate justice policy flexibility voluntary pledges interstate relations Paris Agreement national climate action policy coordination domestic regulation climate diplomacy national sovereignty self-determination climate policy autonomy independent climate targets non-interference state governance unilateral commitments voluntary climate action international relations territorial integrity decentralized climate regulation internal affairs policy discretion climate accountability environmental sovereignty nation-state responsibility enforcement autonomy non-coercive climate agreements sovereignty national autonomy international relations self-determination climate policy global governance environmental regulation state rights non-interference climate agreements Paris Agreement independent monitoring emissions targets climate change mitigation national commitments policy enforcement diplomatic relations international cooperation multilateralism environmental sovereignty compliance mechanisms domestic policy national interests climate justice sovereign states climate policy national climate targets state sovereignty and climate change non-interference climate agreements self-regulation environmental policies independent climate commitments decentralized climate governance climate change national enforcement climate change sovereignty debate international climate intervention criticism state autonomy climate action climate policy non-compliance fairness in climate responsibility voluntary climate targets countries individual climate pledges unilateral climate action climate accountability sovereign countries climate change supranational authority climate policy domestic control opposition to global climate mandates sovereignty state autonomy climate policy international intervention self-determination national targets climate commitments environmental regulation non-interference global governance emissions monitoring treaty enforcement multilateral agreements climate justice policy harmonization national responsibility unilateral action cross-border collaboration environmental diplomacy compliance mechanisms sovereignty and climate policy national climate targets international intervention in climate policy state autonomy climate change self-regulation climate commitments climate change and non-interference independent climate monitoring state-led climate enforcement global governance climate change international climate agreements sovereignty national vs international climate action climate change burden sharing climate policy equity climate justice sovereign rights climate change diplomatic relations sovereignty autonomous governance self-determination climate policy national targets domestic enforcement non-interference international relations state independence climate change mitigation global agreements voluntary commitments treaty obligations environmental regulation compliance mechanisms policy flexibility jurisdictional authority national monitoring enforcement strategies climate diplomacy treaty negotiations cooperative frameworks collective action state accountability non-coercive agreements sovereignty international relations national climate targets climate change policy self-determination non-interference global governance climate change cooperation state autonomy environmental enforcement unilateral climate action Paris Agreement climate accountability national environmental policy climate justice multilateral agreements voluntary commitments international law climate change negotiations state rights sovereignty international relations climate policy self-determination national targets climate change mitigation non-interference international agreements environmental governance autonomy domestic policy emission targets compliance mechanisms state power global cooperation accountability enforcement mechanisms multilateralism global warming Paris Agreement environmental sovereignty national responsibility cross-border regulation supranational organizations climate justice national sovereignty climate change policy self-determination international intervention environmental regulation global governance policy autonomy compliance mechanisms state responsibility Paris Agreement climate targets decentralized governance non-interference global cooperation climate accountability international law policy enforcement voluntary commitments national interest environmental diplomacy
test-society-asfhwapg-con02a	"Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, intellectual property gene patenting research barriers innovation restriction therapeutic development open access public domain human genome scientific freedom profit motive moral responsibility Myriad Genetics BRCA genes affordable testing university research patent litigation medical accessibility biotechnology patents ethical considerations collaborative science governmental funding patent reform knowledge sharing treatment discovery public health impact patent restrictions research barriers therapeutic innovation genome patenting intellectual property in genomics open access research public domain genomics moral implications of patenting access to genetic testing BRCA gene patents Myriad Genetics case profit vs public good drug discovery impediments academic research limitations government-funded genomics patent law in biotechnology ethics of gene ownership affordable medical treatments science policy access to healthcare innovation patent barriers intellectual property research freedom open access biomedical innovation therapeutic development restrictive licensing gene patents public domain research academic collaboration moral responsibility healthcare accessibility BRCA genes affordable screening corporate interests scientific advancement profit vs ethics genomic data sharing policy reform patent reform Myriad Genetics genomics bioethics university research technology transfer government-funded research medical breakthroughs patent thickets knowledge dissemination patents hinder scientific progress negative impact of patenting on research patent barriers to medical innovation morality of gene patents ethical concerns in genome research Human Genome Project open access profit vs public interest in biotechnology Myriad Genetics BRCA controversy university research blocked by patents facilitating affordable healthcare through open research alternatives to gene patenting government-funded research and public benefit intellectual property and medical accessibility removing profit motivation from genetic research legal cases on gene patenting Myriad gene patent lawsuit effect of patents on cancer screening costs promoting collaboration in genomics open science versus proprietary research consequences of restricting genetic discoveries patent law intellectual property research barriers therapeutic innovation genome patenting ethical considerations public domain research open access science Human Genome Project biotech patents profit vs. public good Myriad Genetics case BRCA gene patents affordable diagnostics scientific collaboration drug discovery access to healthcare research freedom patent reform university research restrictions biomedical ethics pharmaceutical monopolies knowledge sharing patent impact on innovation gene ownership patent restrictions biomedical research funding open access genome data Human Genome Project benefits ethical issues in biotechnology Myriad BRCA gene patent case public versus private genomics patent law and medical innovation access to genetic testing impact of patents on drug discovery gene patent controversy moral obligations in healthcare research barriers in genomics public health and gene patents intellectual property in life sciences patent restrictions intellectual property genome research therapeutic innovation public domain open access Myriad Genetics BRCA gene patents breast cancer screening research barriers scientific collaboration ethical considerations government-funded projects Human Genome Project profit vs. public good access to genetic testing biomedical research policy research accessibility university research limitations moral duty in science affordable treatments scientific progress patent law biomedical innovation gene ownership medical breakthroughs research freedom open-source science healthcare accessibility corporate interests patient benefit genome patenting gene patents patent law in biotechnology research barriers innovation inhibition intellectual property ethics Myriad Genetics court case BRCA gene patents public domain genome data Human Genome Project open access scientific collaboration affordable therapeutics profit vs morality in biotech patent exclusivity access to genetic testing university research restrictions biotech industry regulation biomedical research freedom therapeutic innovation patent reform genomic data sharing open science movement biotechnology ethics public health impact compulsory licensing patent pools medical research access drug discovery collaboration social responsibility in biotech legal case studies in gene patenting patent law research barriers therapeutics development genome research open science public domain genomics intellectual property ethics Human Genome Project free access innovation impediments Myriad Genetics BRCA1 patent BRCA2 patent university research restrictions medical test accessibility genetic testing costs biomedical research policy patent morality health equity scientific collaboration pharmaceutical ownership patent litigation government funded science biomedical discovery access to medicine patent reform intellectual property gene patents open access research barriers biotechnology medical innovation public domain ethical concerns access to therapeutics non-profit research commercialization patent law knowledge sharing drug development BRCA genes Myriad Genetics university research affordable testing scientific collaboration policy reform patent restrictions innovation stifling health equity technology transfer government funding bioethics license agreements healthcare access scientific progress data sharing"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con04a	We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. moral absolutism ethical standards sanctity of life zero tolerance homicide prohibition slippery slope legal boundaries ethical relativism capital punishment self-defense murder laws societal norms public safety violence deterrence human rights universal ethics moral boundaries rule of law crime prevention social contract capital punishment death penalty moral absolutism ethical standards societal safety justifiable homicide slippery slope legalization of killing moral relativism laws against killing social norms deterrence human rights sanctity of life ethical dilemmas violence in society criminal justice public safety murder laws societal values moral absolutism ethics social norms legality of killing zero tolerance moral standards social safety justifiable homicide slippery slope human rights violence prevention legal boundaries societal values ethical consistency moral philosophy crime deterrence universal prohibitions law enforcement public safety moral codes killing justification arguments against justifiable homicide reasons to outlaw all forms of killing moral implications of legalizing killing dangers of normalizing killing societal impact of accepting killing slippery slope of acceptable killing ethical dangers of situational killing consequences of permitting killing preventative benefits of absolute bans on killing moral consistency in laws against killing philosophical opposition to killing exceptions social risks of selective killing permissions safety concerns with allowable killing societal standards and killing ethical debate on killing legislation absolute moral standards ethics of killing moral relativism legal prohibition of killing societal norms slippery slope argument justifiable homicide sanctity of life moral absolutism criminal justice self-defense ethics death penalty debate violence normalization legal morality social contract utilitarianism vs deontology ethical boundaries human rights societal safety law and morality arguments against acceptable killing moral standards against killing slippery slope of justifying killing dangers of permitting killing ethical arguments on killing societal impact of legalized killing reasons to outlaw all killing fear for safety when killing is acceptable moral absolutism on killing consequences of accepted killing in society ethics morality capital punishment justifiable homicide legal standards sanctity of life slippery slope societal norms human rights crime prevention violence law enforcement murder death penalty social contract self-defense zero tolerance universal laws moral relativism public safety legal boundaries ethical absolutism killing morality ethics of killing justifiable homicide moral absolutism societal norms capital punishment self-defense ethics legal boundaries on killing moral relativism violence in society social contract theory slippery slope argument criminal justice ethics crime deterrence ethical philosophy law and morality murder legislation universal moral standards life sanctity legal prohibition of killing justifiable homicide moral absolutism ethical standards societal norms value of life slippery slope legal enforcement zero tolerance law and morality public safety moral boundaries killing prohibition societal consequences ethical implications death penalty debate violence normalization rule of law collective security human rights murder laws ethical absolutism moral relativism capital punishment euthanasia homicide sanctity of life slippery slope societal norms legal prohibition universal moral standards justifiable killing social contract crime deterrence human rights value of life law and morality moral boundaries violence in society moral philosophy rule of law
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con02a	Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. cyber attacks attribution anonymity digital forensics cyber attackers digital footprints international law proxy servers botnets state-sponsored attacks false flag operations cybercrime spam origin geographic obfuscation evidence collection cyber warfare misattribution witness testimony information warfare geopolitical tension misinformation cross-border attacks digital evidence accountability cyber espionage attribution challenges cyber attack attribution digital forensics cyber threat tracing anonymity online cybercriminal obfuscation state-sponsored cyber attacks false flag operations botnets proxy servers IP spoofing international cyber law cyber warfare evidence of cyber attacks cyber attack investigation nation-state accusations misinformation in cyber incidents supply chain attacks geopolitical cyber conflict cyber espionage digital footprints plausibly deniable attacks cross-border cybercrime identification challenges in cyberspace jurisdictional issues cyber attack responsibility hacker tactics technical attribution political attribution offensive cyber operations cybersecurity challenges cyber attribution digital forensics anonymous attacks proxy servers botnets international law state-sponsored attacks false flag operations cyber espionage cyber warfare digital evidence IP spoofing jurisdiction cybercrime attack tracing attack origin cybersecurity challenges misinformation plausible deniability geopolitics nation-state actors third-party involvement cross-border attacks attack obfuscation identity masking technical attribution cyber defense incident response attack mitigation cyber conflict cyberattack attribution challenges tracing cyberattack origins international cyber warfare attribution digital forensics in cybercrime state-sponsored cyber attacks plausible deniability in cyber operations cyber attack false flag operations difficulty of identifying cyber attackers international law and cyber warfare cyber attack source obfuscation cross-border cybercrime investigation proving cyber attack responsibility cyber attack misattribution risks impact of attribution uncertainty on international relations non-state actors in cyber attacks implications for global security cyber attack justification in conflict digital evidence reliability in cyber attribution cyber espionage and accountability technological hurdles in cyberattack tracing cyber attack attribution digital forensics cyber threat intelligence international law false flag operations anonymity online botnets proxy servers IP spoofing geopolitical tensions state-sponsored attacks evidence collection information warfare misinformation disinformation state responsibility cyber warfare network traceability cyber espionage cybercrime deceptive tactics cybersecurity challenges digital footprints cross-border attacks international relations cyber conflict spam origin gray zone conflict attack obfuscation human factors in attribution digital evidence traceability of cyber attacks cyber attack attribution digital forensics in cybercrime cyber attacker anonymity international cyber espionage state-sponsored cyber attacks cross-border cyber attacks false flag cyber operations spam origins by country challenges in cyber warfare attribution evidence in cyber warfare vs. traditional warfare misattribution in cyber incidents international cyber conflict cyber attack detection methods obfuscation tactics in cyber attacks cyber crime investigation challenges cyber diplomacy state denial in cyber incidents impact of misattribution on peace cyber attack accountability misleading cyber evidence cyber warfare legal frameworks cyber attacks traceability attribution anonymity digital forensics attackers digital tracks proxy servers international law state responsibility evidence computer security spoofing false flag operations global network malware botnets spam sources China USA accusations cyber warfare traditional warfare comparison uniforms eyewitness reports incomplete information misleading information peace threat human casualties state-sponsored attacks deniability cross-border attacks cybercrime international conflict deception cyber defense forensic challenges cyber attack attribution digital forensics cyber attack anonymity state-sponsored cyber attacks proxy servers botnets cyber attack tracing challenges international cyber law cyber warfare evidence cyber attack false flag cyber espionage cyber diplomacy cyberattack deterrence cybercrime investigation spam sources cross-border cyber attacks hacker tactics cyber conflict escalation cyber accusations international security attribution difficulties cyber threat intelligence misinformation in cyber warfare cyber peacekeeping digital footprint obfuscation cyber attack attribution cyber forensics digital evidence cyber anonymity proxy servers botnets international cyber law state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber warfare spam origin false flag operations cyber deception geopolitical cyber conflict cyber incident response digital traceability cyber attack investigation cyber threat intelligence attribution challenges global cyber security cyber espionage cross-border cyber attacks cyber deterrence cyber diplomacy identification of attackers nation-state accusations information warfare cyber peace misattribution risks cyber operations accountability cyber attribution hacker anonymity digital forensics proxy servers botnets false flags state-sponsored attacks international law cyber warfare evidence collection nation-state attribution cyber espionage digital footprint cybersecurity challenges global cybercrime IP spoofing misinformation cyber defense offensive cyber operations spam origin incident response
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro03a	A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. missile defense shield missile defense system nuclear disarmament nuclear arsenal reduction Mutually Assured Destruction MAD second-strike capability nuclear deterrence ballistic missile defense nuclear proliferation strategic arms reduction New START treaty US-Russia arms control Aegis system nuclear warhead stockpiles nuclear security nuclear strategy arms control agreements nuclear weapons policy nuclear arms accords national security ballistic missile threats first-strike prevention strategic stability arms race deterrence theory anti-ballistic missile technology nuclear arms negotiations disarmament policy defense modernization missile defense shield nuclear disarmament Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear arms reduction ballistic missile defense second-strike capability nuclear deterrence Aegis system New START treaty nuclear arsenal reduction first-strike survivability strategic stability nuclear proliferation U.S.-Russia arms control missile defense policy nuclear security warhead stockpile reduction strategic arms treaties defensive countermeasures missile interception nonproliferation nuclear risk reduction missile defense system ballistic missile defense nuclear disarmament second-strike capability nuclear deterrence arms reduction New START treaty strategic stability nuclear non-proliferation Aegis system nuclear arms control first-strike prevention warhead stockpiles reduction strategic missile defense US-Russia nuclear treaties mutual security guarantees nuclear force modernization global security architecture strategic defense initiative nuclear weapons policy missile defense shield advantages nuclear arsenal reduction missile defense vs Mutually Assured Destruction US nuclear disarmament policy ballistic missile obsolescence second-strike capacity elimination Aegis missile defense impact nuclear arms reduction treaties New START Treaty implications strategic nuclear stability missile defense and global security nuclear deterrence transformation national missile defense justification disarmament facilitation by missile defense US-Russia nuclear negotiations missile defense political feasibility strategic doctrines after missile defense nuclear proliferation and missile defense nuclear warhead stockpile reduction arms control agreements and missile defense missile defense shield nuclear deterrence Mutually Assured Destruction second-strike capability ballistic missile interception nuclear disarmament strategic stability nuclear nonproliferation Aegis system US-Russia arms control New START treaty nuclear arsenal reduction national security policy nuclear arms race missile defense effectiveness strategic missile launchers nuclear posture review US missile defense policy global security arms reduction agreements missile defense shield benefits arms reduction treaties nuclear disarmament strategies strategic missile defense systems New START implications second-strike capability Mutually Assured Destruction alternatives nuclear arsenal reduction United States missile defense policy nuclear proliferation challenges Aegis missile defense system arms control negotiations ballistic missile defense effectiveness nuclear deterrence evolution international security and missile defense disarmament and verification US-Russia nuclear agreements impact of missile defense on global security replacing MAD with missile defense missile defense and strategic stability missile defense shield missile defense system ballistic missile defense nuclear deterrence Mutually Assured Destruction second-strike capability nuclear arms reduction nuclear disarmament strategic stability nuclear proliferation Aegis system New START treaty US-Russia arms control nuclear weapons stockpiles nuclear arsenal reduction nuclear security warhead reduction national security strategic missile defense nuclear accord first-strike elimination nuclear arms treaties arms control agreements defense technology strategic doctrines nuclear force modernization missile defense shield nuclear disarmament ballistic missile defense Mutually Assured Destruction alternatives nuclear arms reduction second-strike capability strategic deterrence Aegis missile system New START treaty nuclear proliferation nuclear arsenal reduction national security policy arms control agreements missile interception technology U.S.-Russia nuclear negotiations strategic missile launchers arms race prevention non-proliferation policy nuclear threat mitigation advanced defense systems strategic stability first-strike vulnerability defense technology expansion global security dynamics warhead stockpile reduction military balance of power missile defense shield ballistic missile defense nuclear deterrence nuclear disarmament strategic arms reduction Mutually Assured Destruction second-strike capability nuclear proliferation Aegis system New START Treaty US-Russia nuclear accord nuclear arsenal reduction nuclear arms control national security nuclear policy warhead stockpiles arms race defense policy international security anti-ballistic missile systems nuclear weapons policy nuclear disarmament incentives first-strike prevention nuclear strategy defense modernization missile defense system nuclear disarmament strategic arms reduction New START treaty Aegis system nuclear deterrence ballistic missile defense second-strike capability nuclear proliferation arms control agreements United States-Russia relations national security policy Mutually Assured Destruction alternatives nuclear arsenals reduction global security nuclear weapons obsolescence defense technology warhead stockpile reduction arms race prevention
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro03a	A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: graduated response copyright enforcement copyright legislation sanctions warnings proportional punishment justice internet disconnection access restrictions download sites government sites banking sites small fines behavioral change copyright infringement consumer rights fair punishment deterrence compliance intellectual property digital rights management legal remedies graduated sanctions policy effectiveness legislative measures Barry Sookman graduated response copyright enforcement copyright legislation digital rights management three strikes policy proportional punishment internet disconnection copyright sanctions tailored penalties behavioral change copyright infringement warning system internet access restrictions fines for copyright violation justice in copyright gradual sanctions consumer rights digital copyright Barry Sookman copyright law ISP enforcement legislative fairness IP protection copyright deterrence phased penalties fair use in copyright graduated response copyright enforcement copyright legislation three-strike policy copyright infringement sanctions digital rights management internet disconnection fair punishment proportional sanctions behavioral change justice internet access restrictions fines warning system user punishment fair use legal deterrence consumer rights Barry Sookman compliance digital piracy site blocking copyright penalties internet policy repeat offenders copyright law graduated response copyright enforcement fairness in copyright penalties alternatives to internet disconnection proportional copyright sanctions tailored copyright punishment graduated response effectiveness internet copyright warnings consumer behavior copyright infringement minor fines for copyright violation limited internet restriction penalties graduated response justice copyright infringement warning system Barry Sookman graduated response three strikes copyright policy copyright graduated sanctions graduated response debate graduated response implementation copyright enforcement policy graduated response consumer rights stepwise copyright enforcement graduated response copyright enforcement copyright legislation sanctions justice fair punishment internet disconnection limited access fines consumer behavior infringement warning system proportional punishment legislative measures digital rights management copyright policy law enforcement online piracy deterrence compliance Barry Sookman graduated response copyright enforcement fair punishment tailored sanctions internet access restrictions proportional penalties consumer behavior change warning system copyright infringement consequences three strikes policy justice in copyright Barry Sookman graduated response effectiveness digital rights management copyright law graduated sanctions internet disconnection penalty fair use compliance phased enforcement copyright legislation graduated response copyright enforcement fair punishment tailored sanctions three strikes law proportional justice internet disconnection limited access download site restriction minor fines behavior modification infringement warnings consumer rights digital rights management copyright infringement policy effectiveness gradual penalties deterrence legislative measures compliance incentives judicial fairness digital copyright legislation harm reduction Barry Sookman enforcement mechanisms graduated response copyright enforcement digital copyright copyright legislation copyright infringement internet sanctions digital rights management three-strikes rule online piracy penalties proportional punishment graduated penalties consumer behaviour copyright warning system tailored sanctions digital access restrictions copyright compliance internet suspension legal responses to piracy copyright law reform creative commons ISP copyright enforcement user education copyright fair punishment Sookman graduated response adaptive legal sanctions graduated response copyright enforcement sanctions three-strikes policy digital piracy proportional punishment internet disconnection access restriction copyright infringement consumer behavior legal frameworks justice principles digital rights copyright policy deterrence warning system fair use digital content copyright compliance internet governance graduated response copyright enforcement digital copyright copyright sanctions fair punishment proportional penalties internet disconnection copyright infringement consumer rights warning system legal remedies digital piracy internet access restrictions copyright law graduated sanctions deterrence legal compliance copyright policy three-strikes rule legislative approaches online copyright protection copyright education
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con01a	Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org leadership governance Africa corruption conflict resolution infrastructure development economic policies Rwanda EDPRS economic transformation poverty reduction knowledge economy service economy anti-corruption technology adoption business environment foreign investment ease of doing business press freedom human rights government trust China development model censorship political stability policymaking institutional quality sustainable development focused leadership Africa development governance corruption conflict resolution infrastructure development leadership competence economic policy Rwanda success EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance corruption technology advancement infrastructure improvement business environment investment in Africa Rwanda business reforms ease of doing business Africa government trust press freedom freedom of speech Africa censorship China development model human rights violations Africa policy reform leadership effectiveness state-led development economic transformation Rwanda World Bank Rwanda IFC Rwanda leadership effectiveness governance development policies anti-corruption Rwanda success infrastructure improvement economic transformation EDPRS knowledge economy service economy investment climate ease of doing business technology advancement business reforms trusted government authoritarian development freedom of speech press freedom human rights China development model poverty reduction political stability Africa governance investor confidence economic growth policy implementation governance reforms focused leadership in Africa progress hindered by corruption in Africa impact of conflicts on African development poor infrastructure challenges Africa incompetent leadership Africa case studies Rwanda leadership success factors EDPRS Rwanda policy impact transition from agriculture to knowledge economy Rwanda zero tolerance to corruption Rwanda examples improved technology infrastructure Rwanda economic development Rwanda achievements ease of doing business in Africa rankings Rwanda foreign investment attraction freedom of speech and economic development Africa government trust and development outcomes China economic growth despite censorship Rwanda vs other African countries development best practices for leadership in Africa impact of governance on African development role of policies in Rwanda's transformation Rwanda governance African leadership economic development Africa anti-corruption policies infrastructure development technology progress Africa focused leadership EDPRS Rwanda poverty reduction strategies knowledge economy Africa service economy Rwanda business climate Africa investment in Rwanda World Bank Rwanda IFC Rwanda press freedom economic impact democracy vs development China economic model government trust Africa human rights and development African political leadership successful reforms Africa investor confidence Africa leadership in Africa Rwanda economic development combating corruption Africa infrastructure improvement Africa EDPRS Rwanda knowledge economy Africa service economy Africa zero tolerance corruption Rwanda business environment Rwanda foreign investment Rwanda African governance success stories economic reforms Rwanda freedom of speech economic impact government trust development China development censorship Rwanda World Bank report Rwanda International Finance Corporation business reforms Africa African leadership challenges Rwanda technology progress leadership effectiveness governance anti-corruption economic development policy implementation Rwanda success story EDPRS knowledge economy service economy infrastructure improvement technology adoption investment climate ease of doing business investor confidence poverty reduction state capacity comparative politics African development good governance government trust human rights freedom of speech media censorship policy outcomes China economic growth authoritarian development political stability public sector reform World Bank Rwanda IFC Rwanda focused leadership Africa leadership impact economic development corruption Africa development conflicts governance Africa poor infrastructure Africa Rwanda economic development Rwanda leadership model EDPRS Rwanda Rwanda knowledge economy Rwanda service economy anti-corruption Rwanda Rwanda infrastructure improvement technology advancement Rwanda ease of doing business Rwanda investment Africa press freedom economic growth governance trust economic outcomes China economic development censorship authoritarianism economic growth political stability development Africa human rights economic development leadership effectiveness governance in Africa anti-corruption strategies infrastructure development Rwanda economic transformation EDPRS Rwanda poverty reduction Africa knowledge economy Africa service economy Africa business environment Rwanda foreign investment Rwanda policy implementation Africa human rights vs economic development freedom of speech economic impact China development model authoritarian governance outcomes development indicators Africa government trust economic reforms Rwanda sustainable growth Africa leadership accountability Rwanda focused leadership Africa economic development governance anti-corruption infrastructure improvement policy implementation EDPRS knowledge economy service economy investment climate ease of doing business technology adoption trust in government human rights and economic growth limited freedom of speech media censorship comparative development China economic model effective leadership poverty reduction business reforms government accountability Africa governance models success stories World Bank International Finance Corporation
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con01a	Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. self-defense handgun ownership firearm deterrence crime prevention armed resistance legal handguns responsible gun use firearms training civilian gun rights parity of power law-abiding citizens public safety community security mugging deterrence violent crime reduction robbery prevention gun culture defensive gun use crime rate burglary deterrence concealed carry personal protection armed citizens criminal deterrence handgun normalization situational awareness panic reduction risk perception public attitudes toward guns gun legislation handgun ownership self defense laws firearm deterrence crime prevention armed resistance concealed carry gun rights community safety firearms training gun culture parity of power defensive gun use law abiding citizens crime deterrence gun normalization mugging prevention public safety gun prevalence responsible gun ownership weaponized self-defense burglary deterrence robbery prevention firearms legislation handgun accessibility personal security use of force risk assessment crime criminal deterrence factors civilian firearms fear of armed victims handgun ownership self-defense crime deterrence concealed carry firearm training armed resistance criminal deterrence public safety gun culture parity of power gun control legal handguns gun normalization burglary prevention violent crime reduction muggings armed citizens firearms legislation law-abiding citizens community safety risk assessment defensive gun use gun-related violence personal protection public policy handgun self-defense statistics handgun deterrence effect crime rates with legal handguns firearms training benefits public firearm culture citizen empowerment handgun civilian vs criminal firearms ownership handgun normalization effects armed citizen crime prevention psychological impact of handgun ownership defensive gun use handgun laws and crime handgun prevalence and public safety risk assessment for criminals fear of armed resistance handgun ownership demographics reduced panic during muggings community safety handguns self-defense gun incidents firearm parity power gun violence deterrence societal impact of handgun legalization self-defense handgun deterrence crime prevention firearm ownership gun control armed resistance community safety parity of power criminal deterrence firearm training public safety crime rates civilian armament gun legislation defensive gun use concealed carry handgun normalization mugging prevention fear of crime law-abiding citizens armed society violent crime reduction gun culture home defense risk of death citizen arrest armed confrontation panic reduction firearms education societal impact handgun ownership self defense handgun crime deterrence armed citizen empowerment legal handguns and safety community handgun normalization firearm training availability parity of power citizens criminals handgun deterrence violent crime mugging prevention armed resistance public culture handguns law abiding citizens firearms reducing panic mugging self-defense firearm efficacy social effects handgun legalization risk reduction violent encounters handgun ownership self-defense crime deterrence legal firearms armed citizens personal safety concealed carry firearm training gun culture community safety parity of power criminal deterrence gun rights public safety responsible gun use civilian armament crime prevention handgun legalization gun violence armed resistance burglaries prevention violent robbery deterrence mugging prevention defensive gun use law-abiding citizens firearms normalization panic reduction assault prevention self-protection firearms education handgun self-defense handgun deterrence concealed carry laws handgun legality armed citizen crime prevention firearm training handgun ownership community crime rates defensive gun use armed resistance gun culture civilian firearm parity burglary deterrence violent crime reduction handgun normalization mugging prevention firearms education self-defense statistics gun safety culture self-defense handgun ownership gun rights concealed carry crime deterrence firearm training armed citizens public safety gun legislation community safety criminal deterrence legal firearms violent crime prevention gun culture citizen empowerment defensive gun use firearms education armed resistance mugging prevention burglar deterrence home defense parity of power law-abiding citizens assault prevention public gun policy societal normalization of guns victim response firearm regulation peace through strength responsible gun ownership self-defense firearm ownership gun rights handgun deterrence personal safety crime prevention armed citizens concealed carry defensive gun use firearms training community safety public safety crime rates criminal deterrence burglary prevention law-abiding citizens parity of power armed resistance public culture gun normalization panic reduction victim response assault prevention gun control Second Amendment mugging deterrence violent crime reduction
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con05a	In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 security transparency operational secrecy risk informant protection intelligence services military operations information leakage operational security WikiLeaks unintended consequences interpreter safety classified information force protection counterintelligence adversary advantage troop safety information control espionage military secrecy data disclosure life endangerment operational risk national security government transparency covert actions protected identities information sensitivity military intelligence operational details Taliban retaliation counterterrorism disclosure risks operational security national security intelligence confidentiality information leakage military secrecy risk to personnel WikiLeaks impact informant protection interpreter safety counterintelligence sensitive information troop safety open government risks balance transparency security classified operations adversary advantage information control security protocols disclosure consequences Afghan informants harm from leaks government accountability limits military information sensitivity public disclosure risks ethical transparency limits security transparency operational security intelligence information leakage risk informants interpreters US forces Iraq military operations enemy advantage classified information national security WikiLeaks information warfare OPSEC tactical secrecy troop safety counterintelligence mission confidentiality sensitive information adversary exploitation harm reduction military intelligence information control military operational transparency risks transparency versus security balance dangers of transparency in intelligence protecting informant identities operational secrecy in warfare transparency and interpreter safety WikiLeaks military information risks transparency impact on military operations transparency policy limitations case studies on transparency endangering lives transparency and national defense operational details confidentiality transparency governing military spending transparency exceptions in security balancing public right to know with security transparency policies in armed conflict risk assessment of military transparency protecting sensitive operational information military leadership quotes on transparency ethical limits of transparency in war operational security military transparency intelligence services information risk WikiLeaks controversy informant safety interpreter vulnerability classified information adversary advantage military secrecy troop protection security protocols sensitive information disclosure national security risks information leakage Afghan war leaks US military operations Iraq interpreters operational details security transparency consequences operational security transparency risks intelligence confidentiality protection of informants interpreter safety Iraq military secrecy WikiLeaks consequences classified information national security information leaks balancing transparency and security safeguarding military operations sensitive data disclosure freedom of information risks impact of leaks on lives ethical transparency limits security versus openness troop protection Afghan informant danger protecting operational details security transparency operational secrecy intelligence services informant protection military operations operational security classified information risk to lives information leaks WikiLeaks troop safety Afghan interpreters information disclosure counterintelligence operational details force protection unintended consequences military ethics information security hostile actors opposition advantage media leaks strategic communication intelligence leaks national security information management military transparency policy classified operations whistleblowing leaks consequences security transparency operational secrecy military intelligence leaks classified information risks transparency in military operations WikiLeaks impact intelligence informant safety interpreter protection Iraq operational security (OpSec) transparency vs. national security risk of information disclosure information warfare military information leaks balancing transparency and security civilian risk in military transparency mask ban Iraqi interpreters consequences of intelligence leaks military operational confidentiality government secrecy military national security transparency debate operational security military secrecy information leakage intelligence protection informant safety interpreter risks US military Iraq transparency vs security WikiLeaks impact Admiral Mike Mullen Afghan civilian safety classified information risk assessment government disclosure counterintelligence data sensitivity troop protection national security privacy vs transparency unintended consequences opposition advantage media leaks ethical disclosure policy on transparency military operations security protocols operational security intelligence confidentiality information leakage risk to personnel military secrecy informant protection interpreter safety Wikileaks impact transparency risks classified information military operations disclosure security vs transparency counterintelligence battlefield secrecy information warfare civilian casualties insider threat data breach government secrecy whistleblowing consequences
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con02a	Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 second amendment right to bear arms self-defense government tyranny militia citizen resistance state monopoly on violence symbolic gun ownership constitutional rights individual liberty disarmament personal freedom state power limits armed populace political symbolism Justice Scalia firearm legislation civil liberties democratic safeguard power balance anti-tyranny American gun culture government accountability individual sovereignty gun rights advocacy Second Amendment right to bear arms gun rights armed citizenry tyranny prevention state power government overreach citizen sovereignty state monopoly on violence symbolic gun ownership political symbolism individual rights constitutional rights self-defense against state democracy and firearms militia tradition checks and balances deterrence of tyranny citizens' resistance personal liberty legal handgun ownership Justice Scalia founding fathers historical context U.S. Constitution American Revolution civil liberties state authority power balance state-citizen relationship disarmament prevention authoritarianism government accountability gun control debate firearms symbolism Second Amendment right to bear arms citizen militias self-defense state power government tyranny individual liberty constitutional rights civil disobedience symbolic resistance armed resistance checks and balances personal sovereignty monopoly on violence founding fathers gun control debate political philosophy state authority protection against oppression American revolution disarmament gun rights democratic principles political symbolism popular sovereignty Second Amendment symbolism gun rights and state power symbolic significance of handgun ownership militias and government overreach citizen self-defense against tyranny guns as checks on government authority armed populace and democracy Justice Scalia Second Amendment argument symbolic gestures in American gun culture risk of state monopoly on violence state power versus individual rights firearms as symbols of resistance impact of disarmament on liberty historical context of militias and weapons civilian arms as political statement government tyranny prevention constitutional arguments for handgun rights symbol of non-absolute state power importance of firearms in preserving individual liberty relationship between state and citizen gun Second Amendment right to bear arms symbolic resistance state monopoly on violence self-defense Justice Scalia tyranny militias disarmament state power civil liberties government overreach citizen independence constitutional rights firearm ownership U.S. gun laws checks and balances individual sovereignty historical context political symbolism Second Amendment right to bear arms symbolic resistance state monopoly on violence self-defense against tyranny gun ownership symbolism citizens vs state power Justice Scalia gun rights historical context militias firearms as political statement government overreach prevention right to self-govern citizen independence American gun culture checks on state authority constitutional rights disarmament and tyranny militia justification individual rights vs government control gun rights debate philosophical basis for gun ownership handgun symbolism right to bear arms Second Amendment state monopoly on violence citizen self-defense militia tyranny prevention Scalia oral argument state power political symbolism state-citizen relationship armed populace individual rights government overreach symbolic resistance constitutional rights disarmament civic freedom firearms legislation state authority limits American gun culture checks and balances public safety vs. liberty civilian armament self-governance democratic safeguards Second Amendment right to bear arms symbolic handgun ownership state monopoly on violence self-defense rights Justice Scalia gun argument constitutional gun rights tyranny prevention militia disarmament citizen resistance government overreach gun control debate individual liberty armed citizenry American gun culture power balance state vs. citizens disarming populace symbolic firearms subversion of rights protection against government abuse gun rights activism legal handgun ownership firearms symbolism gun rights constitutionalism Second Amendment right to bear arms symbolic meaning of handguns state monopoly on violence citizen resistance self-defense Scalia Second Amendment argument militia rights state tyranny disarmament prevention government overreach individual liberty power balance gun rights personal sovereignty US Constitution arms debate firearms ownership symbolism state vs citizen power historical context of disarmament gun control implications civil liberties state authority limits armed citizenry protection against tyranny government accountability Second Amendment right to bear arms symbolic protest state monopoly on violence militia tyranny self-defense gun rights constitutional interpretation Justice Scalia disarming citizens civilian empowerment state power limits government overreach public resistance right to resistance political symbolism American independence civil liberties state authority checks and balances firearm ownership citizen sovereignty historical precedent individual rights gun control debate arms as deterrence state subservience legitimate violence balance of power
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro03a	Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, diplomatic relations European states capital punishment death penalty human rights foreign policy UK policy abolition of death penalty promoting abolition lobbying foreign governments international goodwill international benefits foreign aid trade relations international disputes UN resources drug offenses Vietnam anti-drug aid international controversy human rights advocacy international law foreign affairs international image soft power legal norms European foreign policy humanitarian policy criminal justice bilateral relations national reputation diplomatic relations European states capital punishment death penalty human rights foreign policy abolition UK policy lobbying goodwill international relations foreign aid international trade reputation controversy United Nations UN resources drug offences executions Vietnam anti-drug aid international disputes humanitarian issues moral diplomacy conditional aid legal reforms government pressure diplomatic leverage global governance international law death penalty abolition European foreign policy human rights diplomacy UK stance international relations goodwill trade policy aid policy UN resources drug offences Vietnam extraterritorial human rights lobbying controversy human rights diplomacy sanction policy international law capital punishment abolition global justice humanitarian law legal reform European Union government policy diplomatic relations and capital punishment European states foreign policy capital punishment UK lobbying abolition death penalty human rights foreign policy international goodwill capital punishment capital punishment and bilateral aid capital punishment and trade agreements global perception death penalty controversy UN resources death penalty drug offences executions Vietnam UK foreign policy human rights diplomatic consequences capital punishment international disputes death penalty effectiveness abolition lobbying capital punishment diplomatic tools capital punishment global reputation European Union death penalty policy human rights advocacy foreign policy UK policy death penalty abolition capital punishment humanitarian issues international relations capital punishment UN anti-drug aid death penalty Reuters Vietnam drug diplomatic relations European states capital punishment death penalty human rights foreign policy UK abolition policy international goodwill foreign aid international trade global image international disputes United Nations drug trafficking Vietnam executions anti-drug aid international controversy HMG strategy government lobbying human rights advocacy international law humanitarian diplomacy UK foreign office death penalty abolition international cooperation foreign relations ethical foreign policy international sanctions state reputation European Union policy capital punishment foreign policy European states death penalty diplomacy UK lobbying abolition death penalty human rights foreign relations diplomatic impact capital punishment international law execution controversy UN drug cases Vietnam death penalty trade and aid human rights policies soft power abolition death penalty UK government death penalty strategy human rights diplomacy Europe controversy UN anti-drug aid international disputes death penalty foreign policy capital punishment consequences death penalty moral diplomacy diplomatic relations European states human rights foreign policy capital punishment death penalty UK policy abolition lobbying international goodwill foreign governments aid trade international disputes United Nations drug offences Vietnam controversy execution human rights advocacy foreign affairs international law diplomacy humanitarian concerns advocacy campaigns policy strategies global governance moral diplomacy European Union foreign aid sanctions bilateral relations multilateral relations soft power reputational benefits legal frameworks international norms capital punishment Europe death penalty foreign policy UK abolition strategy human rights diplomacy international goodwill humanitarian aid trade relations UN drug cases Vietnam diplomatic controversy executions capital punishment lobbying European Union death penalty stance global human rights campaigns foreign aid conditionality diplomatic sanctions death penalty death penalty international image human rights foreign relations death penalty abolition advocacy extradition and capital punishment international law executions Council of Europe capital punishment foreign policy death penalty impacts diplomacy European Union human rights death penalty abolition foreign policy UK policy international relations goodwill trade relations humanitarian aid soft power global image UN involvement drug offenses Vietnam international law advocacy diplomatic pressure bilateral relations sanctions human rights advocacy moral diplomacy global governance legal reform policy impact capital punishment death penalty abolition human rights foreign policy European Union United Kingdom international relations humanitarian aid trade policy diplomatic pressure lobbying global governance United Nations international law drug-related executions Vietnam controversy moral diplomacy soft power sanctions foreign aid humanitarian intervention reputation management bilateral relations multilateral negotiations
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 religious symbols government policy religious freedom discrimination equality bans on religious attire Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan sacred symbols public safety cultural sensitivity minority rights societal consequences legal implications civil liberties religious expression secularism religious neutrality diversity multiculturalism ban religious symbols religious equality religious discrimination Muslim veil ban government policy on religious symbols ban consequences Sikh Kirpan religious freedom public safety religious symbols secularism religious attire ban cultural sensitivity multiculturalism religious rights symbolic bans Quebec kirpan case government decision religious symbols public perception religious symbols religious symbol controversy legal cases religious symbols religious symbols religious freedom symbol bans government policy discrimination equality Muslim veil burqa hijab Sikh Kirpan sacred symbols public safety secularism multiculturalism religious rights legislative impact cultural sensitivity minority rights Quebec kirpan case social consequences religious accommodation public reaction religious expression policy debates religious symbols ban debate government policies on religious dress consequences of banning religious symbols equality in religious freedom discrimination from religious bans muslim veil legislation sikh kirpan controversy public perception of religious items legal cases religious symbols government stance on religious symbols impact of religious bans on society precedent effect in banning Quebec kirpan legal case balancing sacred symbols and public safety religious rights in public spaces secularism and religious symbols reasons for not banning religious attire multi-faith religious discrimination religious pluralism and law freedom of expression religion controversy over religious attire bans government intervention religious practices societal religious symbolism government regulation banning religious symbols freedom of religion Muslim veil controversy kirpan ban Quebec kirpan case discrimination equality in law secularism religious freedom public policy cultural sensitivity minority rights social consequences of bans religious dress codes interfaith comparisons civil liberties legal precedents sacred symbols Sikhism Islam legislative impact public opinion multiculturalism case studies government authority human rights law precedent cases religious accommodation religious symbols ban religious freedom government policy on religious symbols Muslim veil ban debate Sikh Kirpan controversy equality in religious treatment discrimination and religious symbols freedom of expression religion public safety and religious items legal cases religious symbols Quebec kirpan case impact of bans on society slippery slope argument ban multiculturalism and law religious rights in public spaces religious accommodation policies secularism vs religious expression incremental bans debate minority religious rights symbolism in religion government intervention religion religious symbol bans freedom of religion discrimination equality Muslim veil ban Sikh Kirpan controversy Quebec kirpan case government policy on religious symbols public safety civil liberties cultural sensitivity religious expression banning consequences minority rights legal challenges multiculturalism secularism case studies Canadian law religious accommodation precedence societal impact religious freedom court cases CBC News policy debate religious symbols ban equality in religious expression discrimination in religious policies government regulation of religious attire Muslim veil ban debate Sikh Kirpan controversy freedom of religion public safety vs religious rights multiculturalism and religious symbols secularism legal issues bans on religious clothing legal cases on religious symbols religious freedom in Canada societal consequences of bans religious accommodation laws religious symbols religious freedom government policy discrimination equality Muslim veil hijab ban Sikh Kirpan religious attire secularism public bans minority rights freedom of expression religious tolerance legal cases multiculturalism Quebec kirpan case cultural sensitivity policy consequences religious accommodation public safety civil liberties religious identity interfaith relations symbolic clothing legislative impact religious symbols freedom of religion government policy discrimination equality Muslim veil hijab burqa niqab Sikh Kirpan religious attire secularism freedom of expression minority rights cultural diversity public policy social cohesion religious tolerance legal bans societal impact constitutional rights multiculturalism religious practices civil liberties Quebec kirpan case religious accommodation human rights
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con01a	Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 cluster munitions military strategy effectiveness large troop formations armored vehicles battlefield impact aerial bombing strategic advantage cost-effectiveness replacement weapons alternative munitions banning cluster bombs operational value conflict scenarios weapon effectiveness force multiplication battlefield tactics cluster munitions military strategy battlefield effectiveness anti-armor weapons anti-personnel weapons force multiplication conventional munitions weapon alternatives military technology tactical advantages precision-guided munitions aerial bombing military doctrine ordinance effectiveness military logistics strategic bombing wartime innovation weapons development international bans armed conflict humanitarian impact legal restrictions warfare ethics cluster munitions aerial bombardment battlefield effectiveness anti-armor anti-personnel strategic weapons military tactics force multiplier cost-effectiveness alternative munitions replacement weapons prohibited weapons humanitarian impact conflict scenarios high-density targets military technology precision-guided munitions collateral damage international law arms control cluster bombs strategic value military use of cluster munitions effectiveness against armored vehicles cluster bombs and troop formations alternatives to cluster munitions banning cluster bombs consequences replacement weapons for cluster bombs cluster munitions in modern warfare cost-effective military ordinance strategic impact of cluster bombs advantages of cluster bombs cluster bombs versus precision weapons history of cluster bomb effectiveness international cluster bomb bans military reliance on cluster munitions cluster bomb alternatives in warfare cluster munitions aerial bombardment military strategy armored vehicles troop formations cost-effectiveness alternative weapons strategic advantage precision-guided munitions battlefield effectiveness international law weapon replacement collateral damage prohibited weapons humanitarian impact armed conflict kinetic weapons modern warfare combat efficiency military technology cluster bomb effectiveness strategic value of cluster munitions military use of cluster bombs alternatives to cluster bombs impact on armored vehicles effectiveness against troop formations military strategy and cluster bombs cluster munitions in modern warfare replacement for cluster bombs controversies of cluster bombs pros and cons of cluster munitions cluster bomb ban implications precision bombing alternatives humanitarian concerns cluster bombs cluster munition tactical advantages cluster bomb deployment scenarios cluster munitions military strategy battlefield effectiveness anti-personnel weapons anti-armor force multiplier aerial bombing armed conflict strategic advantage military value tactical applications weapons ban weapon replacements combat effectiveness modern warfare collateral damage area denial precision-guided munitions humanitarian concerns international law cost-effectiveness conventional bombs weapons alternatives military necessity operational impact cluster munitions military strategy air-dropped weapons anti-armor weapons force multiplier battlefield tactics alternative weapon systems airpower high-explosive ordnance cost-effectiveness anti-personnel mines strategic deterrence war ethics arms replacement counterforce capability weapon bans military efficacy conflict escalation ordnance efficiency modern warfare humanitarian concerns laws of war arms development collateral damage precision-guided munitions international treaties cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness large troop formations armoured vehicles damage bombing aircraft alternatives military tactics weapon replacement conflict scenarios munitions efficiency cost-effectiveness air-dropped weapons battlefield impact modern warfare counterarguments opposition ban consequences military strategy humanitarian concerns weapon technology force multiplication high-impact weapons international law battlefield logistics precision munitions cluster munitions military tactics strategic bombing anti-armor weapons force projection battlefield effectiveness alternative munitions weapon replacement military value conflict escalation air-delivered weapons cost-effectiveness humanitarian concerns laws of war banned weapons international treaties collateral damage smart munitions precision-guided weapons conventional arms
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. unemployment health effects wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family impact intergenerational effects social networks social capital vulnerability women employment labour market participation communication skills physical health job market reintegration economic impact social isolation unemployment stress resilience community support coping mechanisms public health unemployment consequences unemployment mental health psychological impact depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family impact generational effects social networks social capital networking skills women’s employment labour market participation communication skills physical health health effects wellbeing vulnerability re-employment downward spiral job market re-entry mental health psychological impact depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family wellbeing generational impact social networks social capital employment labour market women participation networking skills communication skills physical health vulnerability re-employment job market economic effects well-being stress stigma poverty community impact health disparities resilience effects of unemployment on mental health psychological consequences of job loss unemployment and depression rates link between unemployment and suicide unemployment and substance abuse Africa intergenerational impacts of unemployment unemployment and family wellbeing unemployment and social networks loss of social capital due to unemployment rebuilding social networks after job loss role of women in labour market participation unemployment and physical health outcomes unemployment and chronic illness risk unemployment and health inequalities Africa downward spiral of unemployment barriers to re-employment after job loss psychological impact unemployment and mental health depression anxiety suicide risk substance abuse Africa mental health intergenerational effects family wellbeing social networks social capital networking skills labour market participation women employment social vulnerability communication skills physical health effects unemployment spiral job market re-entry health disparities public health socioeconomic impacts unemployment health impacts psychological effects of unemployment mental health and unemployment unemployment depression unemployment substance abuse suicide unemployment unemployment anxiety Africa social effects of unemployment unemployment social capital unemployment and family wellbeing generational effects unemployment women labor market participation unemployment networking skills physical health unemployment breaking unemployment cycle solutions for unemployment effects reducing unemployment vulnerability unemployment and social wellbeing unemployment and communication skills labor market re-entry unemployment in Africa unemployment poverty link unemployment and social isolation unemployment and healthcare unemployment effects on families unemployment effects health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa families intergenerational impact social networks social capital networking skills vulnerability women labour market communication skills physical health downward spiral job market social exclusion economic impact employment workforce re-entry unemployment effects psychological impact of unemployment unemployment and mental health unemployment depression unemployment anxiety unemployment suicide substance abuse unemployment mental health Africa generational impact unemployment unemployment family effects loss of social networks unemployment social capital unemployment networking skills unemployment women labor market labor participation women unemployment physical health re-entering job market downward spiral unemployment unemployment vulnerability socioeconomic impact of unemployment unemployment and wellbeing unemployment stress unemployment coping strategies unemployment Africa unemployment solutions unemployment health consequences community impact unemployment unemployment mental health psychological effects depression anxiety suicide substance abuse Africa family impact generational effects social networks social capital networking skills women in labor market labor force participation communication skills physical health health status barriers to employment vulnerability re-employment job market reintegration socioeconomic impacts wellbeing downward spiral support systems employment policy psychological impact mental health depression anxiety suicide substance abuse family wellbeing generational effects social networks social capital communication skills labour market participation women employment physical health health disparities vulnerability economic consequences long-term unemployment re-employment barriers Africa public health workforce reintegration community support stigma resilience coping strategies
test-international-aghwrem-pro04a	Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. sanctions economic impact Myanmar disengagement policy regional engagement arms embargo political reform NLD influence Thailand-Myanmar relations China-Myanmar relations local manufacturers working class export restrictions import restrictions developmental aid economic disparity ruling elite poverty humanitarian consequences Western policy ASEAN diplomacy international relations economic isolation foreign investment trade barriers human rights economic sanctions effectiveness Myanmar disengagement policy sanctions arms embargo economic impact political reform NLD influence regional engagement Thailand China US policy EU policy developmental aid export restrictions import restrictions economic disparity ruling elite working class local manufacturers poverty foreign relations humanitarian impact market access economic isolation government response policy effectiveness sanctions arms embargoes Myanmar politics economic impact US policy EU policy NLD influence Thailand-Myanmar relations China-Myanmar relations regional engagement local manufacturers working class export restrictions developmental aid import bans economic disparity ruling elite poverty authoritarianism Southeast Asia international relations humanitarian impact political reform economic sanctions effectiveness foreign policy trade barriers Myanmar sanctions effect disengagement policy outcomes Myanmar economic impact Myanmar sanctions political change Myanmar external influence role of regional players Myanmar NLD Myanmar reforms ASEAN engagement Myanmar Thailand China Myanmar relations sanctions impact working class Myanmar export restrictions Myanmar US EU import bans Myanmar consequences developmental aid Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar sanctions impact on Myanmar manufacturers Western policy Myanmar evaluation humanitarian impact sanctions Myanmar alternatives to sanctions Myanmar international engagement Myanmar regime resilience Myanmar sanctions lessons from Myanmar disengagement Myanmar sanctions impact disengagement policy evaluation ASEAN engagement Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar local manufacturers sanctions working class sanctions impact US EU developmental aid Myanmar Myanmar exports restrictions Myanmar imports embargo National League for Democracy influence regional players Myanmar policy Thailand China Myanmar relations Myanmar ruling elite power humanitarian consequences sanctions sanctions effectiveness Southeast Asia Myanmar political change causes Myanmar economic isolation sanctions vs engagement Myanmar international relations Myanmar Myanmar trade policy Myanmar disengagement policy impact sanctions effectiveness in Myanmar economic effects of disengagement Myanmar political change drivers Myanmar NLD influence Myanmar politics regional engagement Myanmar Thailand and China Myanmar relations US EU sanctions Myanmar arms embargo results Myanmar impact on Myanmar working class Myanmar local manufacturers sanctions impact export restrictions Myanmar economy developmental aid effects Myanmar economic disparity Myanmar sanctions ruling elite power Myanmar humanitarian effects of sanctions Myanmar sanctions vs engagement Myanmar policy outcomes Myanmar sanctions sanctions alternatives Myanmar international influence Myanmar reforms Myanmar disengagement policy sanctions arms embargoes US EU economic impact political change National League for Democracy NLD Thailand China regional engagement economic disparity ruling elite local manufacturers working class export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions market access poverty social inequality authoritarianism humanitarian impact international relations foreign policy Southeast Asia human rights democratization economic development trade barriers Myanmar sanctions disengagement policy economic impact Myanmar political change Myanmar NLD influence regional engagement Myanmar Thailand Myanmar relations China Myanmar relations US Myanmar sanctions EU Myanmar sanctions arms embargo Myanmar developmental aid restrictions Myanmar exports restrictions Myanmar imports restrictions economic disparity Myanmar impact on working class Myanmar impact on manufacturers Myanmar power elite Myanmar policy effectiveness Myanmar sanctions harm local population disengagement policy Myanmar political change Myanmar economic impact sanctions effectiveness arms embargo Myanmar US Myanmar relations EU Myanmar relations NLD influence Myanmar Thailand engagement Myanmar China Myanmar relations regional players Myanmar sanctions impact working class Myanmar local manufacturers US EU export restrictions Myanmar developmental aid Myanmar Myanmar import restrictions Myanmar exporters economic disparity Myanmar ruling elite Myanmar Myanmar poverty sanctions unintended consequences Myanmar sanctions economic impact political reform arms embargoes NLD influence regional engagement Thailand relations China involvement social inequality developmental aid export restrictions import bans local manufacturers working class effects economic disparity ruling elite power international policy Western sanctions effectiveness humanitarian consequences Myanmar economy ASEAN approach isolation vs engagement
test-society-simhbrasnba-con02a	The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. refugee rights 1951 Refugee Convention asylum seekers international human rights law non-refoulement refugee status customary international law legal responsibility protection from persecution political asylum religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution forcible return signatory states state obligations humanitarian law UNHCR refugee protection international treaties refugee law Geneva Convention human rights obligations international refugee protection refugee rights international refugee law 1951 Refugee Convention asylum obligations well-founded fear of persecution non-refoulement international human rights law refugee protection state responsibility customary international law forced return asylum seekers political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution treaty obligations signatory duties international legal framework humanitarian law UNHCR legal protection of refugees obligations of non-signatory states asylum international refugee law 1951 Refugee Convention non-refoulement human rights customary international law refugee protection signatory states legal obligations political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution international treaties United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees refugee status Geneva Convention forced repatriation safe haven state responsibility refugee rights migration law international legal framework human rights instruments humanitarian law refugee rights international law 1951 Refugee Convention obligations legal responsibility to offer asylum protection from forcible return refugees non-refoulement principle customary law international human rights law and refugees asylum for persecution political religious ethnic social reasons implementation of 1951 Convention signatories to Refugee Convention states’ duty under international law refugees case law refugee protection enforcement of refugee rights customary international law asylum global refugee legal standards obligations of non-signatory countries refugees refugee rights 1951 Refugee Convention international law asylum seekers persecution legal obligations non-refoulement customary international law human rights law signatory states refugee protection forced return international treaties political asylum United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees state responsibilities well-founded fear protection obligations international humanitarian law refugee status legal framework international agreements refugee law jurisprudence refugee rights 1951 Refugee Convention international refugee law asylum obligations non-refoulement principle protection of refugees international human rights law legal responsibility of signatory states customary international law well-founded fear of persecution refugee status determination political asylum protection against forced return refugee protection guide refugee law enforcement United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) obligation of non-signatory countries international legal frameworks for refugees refugee legal protections humanitarian law and refugees refugee rights international law 1951 Refugee Convention asylum persecution legal responsibility signatory states non-refoulement customary international law refugee protection human rights international treaties asylum seekers well-founded fear forced return state obligations humanitarian law protection of refugees international norms United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) refugee status political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social group persecution refugee conventions international human rights law refugee rights 1951 Refugee Convention international law asylum process non-refoulement international human rights law well-founded fear persecution signatory responsibilities customary international law state obligations refugees forced return protection humanitarian protection legal status asylum seekers Geneva Convention UNHCR refugee legal framework refugee protection treaties international refugee standards obligations non-signatory states right to asylum refugee legal principles refugee human rights international refugee law compliance persecution political religious ethnic social national refugee policies refugee law 1951 Refugee Convention international human rights asylum seekers legal obligations non-refoulement persecution international treaties customary international law state responsibility political asylum refugee rights protection humanitarian law refugee status determination United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees refugee policy refugee legal framework refugee conventions international protection refugee obligations refugee rights international law 1951 Refugee Convention asylum persecution legal responsibility international human rights law non-refoulement customary international law signatory obligations refugee protection state responsibility human rights treaties humanitarian law forced migration United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR asylum procedures refugee status determination safe haven refugee law compliance international obligations protection mechanisms
test-economy-egecegphw-pro02a	The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, Heathrow expansion economic impact job creation employment growth infrastructure development UK recession British economy tourism transport links airport competitiveness European airports business investment aviation infrastructure global trade China trade India trade direct flights business opportunities business growth London tourism foreign investment airport capacity transport infrastructure runway expansion regional connectivity international business Heathrow expansion economic impact job creation London tourism transport links airport competitiveness European airports infrastructure investment recession recovery UK growth flight connections business attraction international trade aviation infrastructure business opportunities China trade India trade direct flights foreign investment third runway British economy airport employment infrastructure spending global connectivity business investment Heathrow expansion economic impact job creation infrastructure development British economy aviation infrastructure international trade transport links tourism competitiveness European airports infrastructure spending economic growth flight connections business investment China India direct flights global connectivity recession recovery UK airports airport capacity employment London tourism regional development Heathrow expansion economic benefits job creation Heathrow Heathrow tourism impact Heathrow global competitiveness Heathrow infrastructure investment UK infrastructure recession Heathrow business connectivity Heathrow flight connections trade Heathrow investment attraction China India Heathrow direct flights foreign investment Heathrow airport European competition Heathrow as global hub Heathrow support London economy Heathrow runway expansion effects Heathrow and UK economic growth aviation infrastructure business opportunities Heathrow link to new markets Heathrow and British exports Heathrow transport links tourism Heathrow airport employment statistics Heathrow’s role in UK trade Heathrow expansion UK economy job creation infrastructure investment London tourism transport links European airport competitiveness British infrastructure economic growth aviation connectivity business attraction trade with China trade with India direct international flights global business opportunities recession recovery foreign investment airport capacity third runway UK infrastructure spending Heathrow expansion economic benefits job creation Heathrow expansion Heathrow and UK tourism Heathrow infrastructure investment British infrastructure spending recession aviation infrastructure business opportunities Heathrow global trade connections direct flights China India Heathrow European airport competitiveness Heathrow business attraction transport links London economy Heathrow third runway economic impact Heathrow support for tourism industry Heathrow airport growth UK economy Heathrow expansion Heathrow jobs economic growth UK infrastructure British economy transport links tourism London airport competitiveness European airports job creation infrastructure investment aviation infrastructure business opportunities UK trade international connectivity direct flights China trade India trade global business recession recovery business investment British transport third runway air travel London economy infrastructure spending Heathrow expansion economic impact job creation UK infrastructure London tourism airport competitiveness European airports business investment aviation infrastructure flight connections recession recovery infrastructure spending global trade China business India business direct flights foreign investment British economy transport links Heathrow jobs UK growth international connectivity new business opportunities infrastructure development Chengdu flights Chongqing flights airport capacity Heathrow third runway business travel tourist trade transport infrastructure Heathrow expansion UK economy job creation aviation infrastructure transport links London tourism European airport competition British infrastructure spending economic growth business investment international trade direct flights UK China India global connectivity recession recovery third runway UK airport competitiveness business opportunities UK infrastructure development airport jobs foreign investment UK Heathrow third runway transport competitiveness tourism jobs British economy investment incentives global business hubs Heathrow expansion UK economy job creation infrastructure investment transport links tourism impact airport competitiveness European airports business opportunities aviation infrastructure British growth recession recovery international trade China business India business direct flights foreign investment London transport employment support airport connectivity
test-health-dhghwapgd-con01a	"Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: bioequivalence pharmaceutical equivalence therapeutic equivalence side effects adverse reactions drug safety drug efficacy formulation differences inactive ingredients drug absorption Wellbutrin XL antidepressants regulatory standards FDA testing generic drug recalls drug quality pharmacovigilance clinical outcomes public health impact drug manufacturing global health developing countries drug approval process market surveillance branded drugs cost-benefit analysis counterfeit drugs medication safety post-marketing surveillance drug interchangeability drug regulation generic drugs effectiveness brand name drugs safety bioequivalence issues generic drug side effects generic drug regulation Wellbutrin XL generic problems antidepressant generic risks drug safety testing chemical equivalence limitations pharmaceutical market risks drug screening costs developing world drug safety generic drugs quality control brand vs generic drug efficacy pharmaceutical regulation developing countries generic drug recalls clinical outcomes generic drugs therapeutic equivalence patient safety generics counterfeit medication risks generic drug safety bioequivalence testing brand name drug efficacy side effects comparison Wellbutrin XL generic controversy chemically equivalent drugs pharmaceutical regulation generic drug adverse reactions drug approval standards developing world drug safety drug market risks generic vs branded drugs public health and generics FDA drug approval process cost of drug screening dangerous generics medication substitution risks drug quality assurance pharmaceutical manufacturing differences therapeutic equivalence assessment generic drugs vs brand name drugs generic drug bioequivalence issues side effects of generic drugs safety of generic medications Wellbutrin XL generic controversy differences between generics and brand drugs effectiveness of generic drugs generic drug testing limitations risks of generic medications in developing countries pharmaceutical regulation and generic drugs screening costs for generic drugs brand name drug safety public health concerns generic medications generic drug adverse reactions generic drug approval process regulatory challenges of generic drugs chemical equivalence vs therapeutic equivalence dangers of counterfeit generics accessibility vs safety in pharmaceuticals cost-benefit analysis generic vs brand drugs generic drug effectiveness bioequivalence brand name vs generic safety generic drug side effects Wellbutrin XL generic controversy chemical equivalence limitations generic drug regulatory testing drug safety developing countries generic drug market risks drug screening costs generic vs brand name efficacy essential medicine access generic drug dangers pharmaceutical regulation drug approval standards generic drugs vs brand name drugs generic drug effectiveness brand name drug safety bioequivalence of generics generic drug side effects Wellbutrin XL generic issues chemical equivalence in generics generic drug regulatory testing generic drugs in developing countries screening generic drugs risks of generic drugs brand name drug approval cost of drug safety screening alternative medicine safety pharmaceutical market regulation public health and generics access to essential medicines generic drug controversy quality assurance in pharmaceuticals consumer safety generic drugs generic drugs brand name drugs drug effectiveness drug safety bioequivalence side effects drug testing Wellbutrin XL antidepressants chemical equivalence drug regulation pharmaceutical standards drug approval drug screening knock-off drugs developing world drug market drug cost drug quality patient safety medication risks FDA approval drug manufacturing drug accessibility public health essential medicines generic drugs vs brand name drugs generic drug safety bioequivalence generic drug side effects Wellbutrin XL generic controversy chemical equivalence drug safety testing drug market regulation developing world drug regulation generic drug efficacy drug screening costs pharmaceutical quality control drug approval processes brand name drug advantages generic drug risks medication adverse effects pharmaceutical standards access to essential medicines counterfeit medications drug regulation developing countries generic drugs brand name drugs drug efficacy drug safety bioequivalence side effects chemical equivalence Wellbutrin XL antidepressants adverse reactions drug regulation pharmaceutical testing drug approval generic drug risks brand drug safety drug screening developing world healthcare counterfeit drugs drug market regulation drug affordability drug quality pharmaceutical standards drug access essential medicines public health drug industry patient safety medication effectiveness drug manufacturing differences health policy bioequivalence generic drug safety brand name drugs Wellbutrin XL case generic drug side effects drug testing standards chemical equivalence regulatory oversight drug approval process drug efficacy comparison pharmaceutical manufacturing drug quality control developing world drug safety risk of counterfeit drugs cost of drug screening public health impact essential medicines access drug regulation developing countries brand versus generic effectiveness pharmacovigilance adverse drug reactions"
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con01a	Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. self-preservation moral duty religious ethics suicide ethics value of life sanctity of life duty to live justification of suicide life’s value assessment ethical decision-making suicide and religion moral philosophy individual responsibility life sacrifice comparative life value lethal self-sacrifice ethical dilemmas irreversibility of suicide preserving life moral absolutes decision-making consequences self-preservation moral responsibility duty to live value of life suicide ethics religious perspectives sanctity of life moral philosophy life preservation ethical arguments against suicide intrinsic value of life individual autonomy life’s value comparison religious duty irreversibility of suicide ethical dilemmas justifiability of suicide moral consequences moral duty to oneself sacrifice for others self-preservation moral duty suicide ethics religious belief sanctity of life value of life altruism limits moral philosophy suicide justification ethical self-preservation religious suicide views human life value life preservation duty existential ethics moral responsibility suicide morality individual life worth ethical dilemmas utilitarianism deontology bioethics intrinsic value of life religious morality anti-suicide arguments life-sacrifice ethics duty to self-preservation moral justification of suicide religious perspectives on suicide ethics of life preservation value of human life moral arguments against suicide self-sacrifice ethics life value assessment religious duty and suicide evaluating life’s worth ethical dilemmas in self-preservation morality of suicide irreversibility of suicide decisions individual vs collective value of life philosophy of life preservation moral obligations to oneself comparing value of lives justifying life-ending decisions ethical implications of suicide consequences of suicide decisions self-preservation moral duty duty to live religious ethics suicide ethics value of life sanctity of life life preservation suicide morality individual life value self-sacrifice altruism versus self-preservation ethical suicide debate religious views on suicide irreversibility of suicide weighing lives value assessment personal responsibility ethical dilemmas utilitarianism versus deontology moral philosophy existential ethics life and death ethics moral hierarchy right to die ethical decision-making self-preservation moral duty religious views on suicide ethics of self-preservation duty to preserve life arguments against suicide value of human life life preservation ethics morality of suicide religious duty to live evaluating life’s worth philosophy of self-sacrifice moral implications of suicide individual responsibility to live religious ethics on life and death justification of suicide assessing life value ethical reasoning on suicide suicide moral arguments philosophical views on self-preservation moral obligations regarding suicide self-preservation primary moral duty religious beliefs duty to preserve life suicide ethics opposition to suicide sanctity of life justification for suicide moral responsibility value of life moral philosophy ethics of self-sacrifice individual versus collective good religious morality the value of human life irreversibility of suicide moral dilemmas life and death decisions intrinsic value of life assessing worth of life consequentialism deontological ethics right to die moral justification existential value personal autonomy religious prohibition of suicide self-preservation moral duty ethics of suicide religious perspective on suicide value of life intrinsic value of life consequentialism individual versus collective ethics sanctity of life suicide morality duty to live philosophy of self-preservation utilitarianism and suicide religious ethics suicide prevention self-preservation philosophy moral decision-making existential value ethical dilemmas life valuation self-preservation moral duty ethics suicide religious beliefs sanctity of life moral philosophy duty to live value of life self-sacrifice altruism moral responsibility individual autonomy ethical decision-making existential value intrinsic worth consequentialism deontology dignity pro-life ethics euthanasia debate moral absolutism human life value religious morality justification of suicide self-harm ethics self-preservation moral duty ethics suicide religious beliefs value of life altruism self-sacrifice moral reasoning sanctity of life justification of suicide personal autonomy consequentialism virtue ethics deontological ethics individual vs collective good intrinsic value of life moral philosophy duty to oneself life preservation self-harm existentialism moral dilemmas ethical decision-making
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con02a	Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. open source risks national security threats open source vulnerabilities closed source advantages software security government cybersecurity hacking open source Linux security BSD security Microsoft software pricing proprietary software open source hacking incentives secure software development ethical hacking open source exploitation software transparency risks source code exposure open source adoption risks hacker motivation government software policy national security risks open source vulnerabilities closed source software benefits software security hacking open source code government cybersecurity Linux security BSD security proprietary software software licensing code transparency risks software attacks ethical hacking vulnerability exploitation software market strategies Windows Vista pricing software cost comparisons cybersecurity policy hacker incentives open source vs. closed source software supply chain security public sector IT security software flaw detection open source adoption risks national security open source risks cybersecurity software vulnerabilities hacking government IT security closed source advantages proprietary software Linux security BSD security code transparency software exploitation vulnerability disclosure hacker incentives software business models digital infrastructure protection threat landscape software market dynamics ethical hacking cyber defense code audit intellectual property software adoption technology policy software supply chain risk management public sector software open source software national security risks closed source vs open source security open source vulnerabilities government systems Microsoft Windows pricing developing nations hacker threats open source code security through obscurity open source Linux BSD security comparison open source code hacker incentives government adoption open source software open source platform ubiquity dangers ethical hacking open source open source software flaws open source security benefits illusion proprietary software national security open source vs proprietary government use hacking trends open source government open source code accessibility risks open source rewards for hackers software pricing negotiations governments open source and public sector policy national security open source risks software vulnerabilities cybersecurity threats government systems hacker incentives proprietary software closed source advantage software pricing Microsoft strategies code accessibility Linux security BSD platforms security through obscurity ethical hacking software flaws developing nations cyber attacks shareholder interests software markets hacking trends government negotiations software ubiquity software reward incentives attack surfaces open source disadvantages open source security risks open source versus closed source national security software government software security open source vulnerabilities hacker exploitation open source Linux security risks BSD security threats Microsoft Windows government pricing developing countries software open code risks proprietary software advantages software source code transparency governmental cyberattacks ethical hacking open source open source ubiquity dangers hacker incentives code exposure consequences closed source accountability secure software development open source in digital governance open source security risks national security threats open source vulnerabilities hacking government systems closed source software benefits software pricing strategies Microsoft Windows deals developing nations software proprietary software defense Linux security BSD security software monoculture risks source code availability software flaws discovery ethical hacking malicious hackers cyber attacks software ubiquity threat government IT security code transparency pros cons open source security risks open source vs closed source national cybersecurity threats open source vulnerabilities government software security hacking and open source Linux security myths BSD security analysis ethical hacking open source proprietary software benefits software pricing developing nations Microsoft closed source strategy open source ubiquity impact open source adoption risks software vulnerabilities exploitation hacker motivation open source software market economics closed source negotiations governments open source patch management closed source accountability national security open source vulnerabilities software security risks government cybersecurity closed source software benefits hacker targeting Linux security BSD security software market dynamics ethical hacking software pricing strategies developing nations software access Windows Vista discounts cyberattack incentives open source code exposure software flaw identification security through obscurity ubiquitous platforms secure software development hacker motivation code transparency risks public sector software choices threat landscape cyber defense strategies technology policy software procurement proprietary software advantages digital infrastructure security software vulnerability management IT risk management national security cybersecurity risks open source vulnerabilities closed source software software security hacking threats government IT security Linux security BSD security software exploits source code availability secure software development software transparency proprietary software ethical hacking software flaws cyber attacks software markets software pricing developing nations software negotiation Microsoft Windows Vista software ubiquity software target diversity shareholder accountability hacker incentives
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro04a	Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 elected mayors city profile civic leadership community representation business investment local government economic growth international promotion city branding business relations urban development decentralisation media visibility figurehead single point of contact chambers of commerce regional power government centralisation public engagement city advocacy investment attraction local autonomy economic negotiation urban governance collective action elected mayors city representation city promotion urban leadership local government profile business investment city branding economic development business relations city figurehead chamber of commerce urban governance decentralization attracting investment international city profile municipal leadership local empowerment urban policy civic engagement negotiation with businesses overcoming bureaucracy city advocacy regional development authority devolution media visibility city ambassador city economic growth community representation metropolitan leadership public sector reform city branding urban leadership city promotion business attraction international investment economic development local government empowerment civic engagement public relations urban policy decentralization business climate investment promotion urban revitalization mayoral influence community representation stakeholder engagement media visibility city image political advocacy economic growth mayors raise city profile elected mayors business investment mayors attract international attention mayors negotiate business deals mayors overcome bureaucratic hurdles mayors and chambers of commerce mayors as business figureheads single point of contact city leadership mayors increase local government profile decentralisation and mayors mayors shift power to local level mayors collective action media profile of mayors mayors champion city interests local economic growth elected mayors mayors and national government city promotion by mayors mayors business relations mayors investment opportunities mayors city branding elected mayors city profile urban leadership business investment economic growth international representation local government devolution centralisation city branding business relations chambers of commerce urban development civic advocacy public relations local empowerment community representation media profile negotiation city promotion public administration urban governance policy influence leadership visibility regional influence investment attraction government decentralization elected mayors benefits city profile elevation mayoral leadership city investment attraction business negotiation mayors overcoming bureaucratic barriers chambers of commerce mayors business relations focus single point of contact local government championing city interests decentralization local government media profile mayors collective mayoral action power shift local to central economic growth mayors urban development local governance profile investment incentives cities public perception mayors mayors community advocacy elected mayors city profile urban leadership community representation business investment city promotion international recognition economic development investment attraction negotiation with businesses bureaucratic hurdles city figurehead business relations focal point chambers of commerce local government empowerment decentralisation media profile political decentralisation local autonomy collective action power redistribution civic engagement city branding government visibility mayoral influence policy advocacy urban governance city champion public relations elected mayors city profile urban leadership local government city investment business relations economic growth civic engagement decentralisation mayoral powers public representation community advocacy city branding urban development city promotion business attraction urban governance local autonomy investment negotiation international city profile chambers of commerce city figurehead single point of contact bureaucratic barriers media presence urban policy local democracy power decentralisation city advocacy city competitiveness elected mayors city profile urban representation community leadership business investment urban development bureaucratic barriers chambers of commerce business relations city figurehead single point of contact local government visibility decentralization national government media exposure collective action urban governance economic growth civic engagement public profile policy influence city promotion urban leadership elected mayors community representation business investment economic development city branding business negotiations local government empowerment decentralization media visibility bureaucratic reform chambers of commerce urban figurehead investment attraction policy advocacy local autonomy urban governance civic engagement power devolution
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro02a	Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, school nutrition programs child nutrition school breakfast universal education compulsory schooling secondary education enrollment school meal programs student health educational access breakfast provision UNICEF education statistics child welfare school-based nutrition global education statistics feeding programs education policy public health in schools nutrition intervention primary education access equitable nutrition distribution school-based nutrition school breakfast programs child nutrition universal education compulsory schooling primary school secondary school global education access school meals educational policy student health nutritional interventions UNICEF statistics equitable nutrition school feeding childhood development educational attendance international education child welfare breakfast provision nutrition initiatives school meals free breakfast child nutrition programs universal education school feeding programs student health educational outcomes attendance rates child development poverty alleviation school-based nutrition global education UNICEF statistics secondary education access compulsory schooling primary education early childhood nutrition equitable access undernutrition prevention public health schools school breakfast programs school nutrition programs universal school meals benefits of school breakfasts impacts of school meal programs nutrition and academic performance school meal coverage worldwide education and child nutrition free school breakfast impact improving child nutrition in schools secondary school attendance and nutrition Unicef school nutrition statistics global school meal initiatives nutrition policies in schools poverty and school meal programs educational access and child health school feeding program effectiveness nutrition for primary school children school-based health interventions global statistics on school meals school breakfast programs child nutrition universal education secondary school attendance global education statistics Unicef data school meal initiatives age-based education policy nutrition intervention in schools education access worldwide primary school nutrition impact of school meals education and health developing countries school programs educational enrollment rates school breakfast programs universal education nutrition benefits of school meals impact of school breakfasts child nutrition in schools global school feeding initiatives secondary school attendance nutrition UNICEF school nutrition statistics breakfast provision in schools importance of nutrition in education worldwide school meal coverage educational outcomes and nutrition school-based nutrition interventions child health and school enrollment addressing child hunger in education school nutrition programs child health school meals breakfast in schools universal education school-age children secondary school attendance UNICEF education statistics global school nutrition education access malnutrition prevention educational policy child welfare primary education compulsory schooling student well-being poverty alleviation nutritional interventions public health in schools educational equity school nutrition programs universal school meals school breakfast programs child health and education free school meals impact of nutrition on learning global education statistics Unicef education data child malnutrition prevention secondary school attendance primary education access benefits of school meals developing countries nutrition educational outcomes nutrition school-based health interventions breakfast impact on students nutrition equity in schools education for all initiatives school feeding programs global child nutrition policies for child nutrition poverty and school meals health benefits of school breakfasts worldwide school meal programs school nutrition programs breakfast programs universal education school meal benefits child nutrition in schools global school attendance secondary school enrollment primary school nutrition impact of school meals equitable food access in schools UNICEF education statistics education policy and nutrition school-age children nutrition public health in schools international school nutrition initiatives school breakfast programs child nutrition universal education school meal benefits educational outcomes childhood health school feeding initiatives breakfast provision student attendance academic performance nutrition interventions global education statistics Unicef data childhood development malnutrition prevention school-based nutrition equitable access public health schools primary education nutrition secondary school participation
test-economy-epegiahsc-con01a	The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations developing countries industry impact economic disparity poverty multinational corporations domestic industries trade liberalization market competition government intervention foreign investment economic development poverty reduction globalization trade agreements Latin America Bolivia Haiti American corporations small businesses economic inequality fair trade trade policy agricultural impact labor impact economic sustainability industrial growth social consequences trade justice FTAA criticisms trade liberalization disadvantages impact on developing countries multinational corporations small domestic industries agricultural sector effects labor market impact poverty exacerbation economic inequality trade agreement consequences South American economies protectionism government intervention restrictions market competition imbalance industrial development challenges foreign competition Bolivia case study Haiti economic impact poverty reduction failures trade justice free trade opposition FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition American corporations multinational corporations economic disparity government aid Bolivia Haiti small domestic industries economic development poverty reduction South America trade agreement economic inequality globalization trade liberalization market access protectionism economic impact Latin America trade policy labor rights agricultural sector economic sustainability FTAA disadvantages developing countries FTAA impact on small industries FTAA effects on farmers in Latin America free trade and poverty in South America multinational corporations vs local businesses FTAA FTAA government support restrictions FTAA economic disparity FTAA consequences for Bolivia Haiti FTAA and agricultural competition FTAA and worker rights FTAA and domestic industry collapse FTAA and national economic development FTAA criticism Latin America FTAA and social inequality FTAA and sustainable development FTAA free trade agreements developing nations trade liberalization economic inequality multinational corporations small industries Bolivia Haiti agricultural workers labor competition government subsidies poverty reduction Latin America trade policy economic development domestic industry protection trade disparities American corporations South America fair trade market access globalization impacts trade justice Mary Robinson FTAA impact on developing countries free trade agreement disadvantages effects on local industries Bolivia Haiti multinational corporations vs small businesses trade liberalization and poverty protectionism in developing economies FTAA and agricultural sector trade policy South America economic inequality free trade government aid restrictions FTAA globalization effects on poor nations Latin America trade development FTAA criticism Mary Robinson free trade opinion competition domestic vs multinational free trade and poverty reduction FTAA effects on workers and farmers trade agreements and social justice FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas trade liberalization developing nations economic inequality multinational corporations domestic industries market competition trade agreements protectionism agricultural sector labor rights poverty reduction economic development government intervention subsidies Bolivia Haiti Latin America US corporations trade imbalance globalization industrial policy economic disparity trade policy unfair competition small businesses social impact export markets trade barriers South America economic sovereignty FTAA impact on developing countries FTAA disadvantages free trade and developing nations FTAA and poverty FTAA and small industries FTAA competition with multinationals trade agreements and poverty reduction FTAA impact Bolivia FTAA impact Haiti FTAA and Latin America FTAA and agriculture FTAA and local industries FTAA and workers global trade inequality multinational corporations and local economies FTAA government aid restrictions free trade and economic disparity FTAA and economic development trade liberalization effects FTAA critiques FTAA negative impact developing nations free trade trade agreements economic disparity small industries multinational corporations poverty reduction Latin America Bolivia Haiti government subsidies trade competition American corporations domestic industry survival market liberalization globalization South American economies economic development international trade trade policy trade justice agricultural impact labor rights economic sovereignty protectionism trade inequality FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing countries economic impact domestic industries multinational corporations trade agreements market competition poverty reduction economic inequality Bolivia Haiti Latin America American corporations government intervention trade liberalization agriculture labor impact globalization industrial development economic sovereignty trade policy
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con03a	Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. large-scale cyber attack cyber warfare definition act of war threshold armed aggression criteria traditional warfare comparison physical destruction violence human casualties Pentagon cyber attack standard bloodless attacks data breach impact economic damage cyber casus belli measuring cyber impact NATO Georgia cyber attack legal framework cyber warfare war justification abuse cyber conflict assessment international law cyber attacks escalation threshold cyber deterrence large scale cyber attack definition criteria for cyber act of war cyber attack threshold cyberwarfare attribution Pentagon cyber policy objective measures cyber attack economic impact cyber attacks bloodless cyber warfare NATO cyber attack response casus belli cyber attacks cyber attack damage assessment traditional vs cyber warfare proportionality in cyber conflict legal definitions cyber attacks military response to cyber aggression international law cyber warfare cyber conflict escalation cyber attack justification cyber norms state response cyber attacks large scale cyber attack cyber warfare definition casus belli in cyberspace cyber attack thresholds cyber aggression criteria cyber attack consequences economic impact cyber attacks data breach as act of war bloodless conflict digital warfare standards NATO Georgia cyber attack Pentagon cyber warfare policy cyber deterrence escalation in cyberspace cyber conflict measurement cyber attack justification international law cyber attacks proportional response cyber attacks attribution in cyber warfare psychological impact cyber attacks large scale cyber attack criteria cyber attack versus act of war cyber warfare damage assessment Pentagon cyber attack standard casus belli in cyberspace bloodless warfare implications economic impact of cyber attacks NATO assessment cyber attack Georgia 2008 difficulties measuring cyber attack impact cyber attack thresholds for war international law cyber warfare definition cyber aggression cyber attack justification for war ambiguity cyber attack scale abuse justification cyber war challenges cyber war attribution cyber conflict escalation legal response cyber attacks traditional versus cyber warfare assessing non-physical cyber damage large scale cyber attack cyber warfare definition act of war threshold cyber attack impact assessment Pentagon cyber policy traditional warfare comparison bloodless cyber attacks cyber attack casus belli economic impact of cyber attacks confidential data theft NATO Georgia cyber attack 2008 measuring cyber attack damage cyber aggression criteria justification for cyber war cyber war legal framework distinction between cyber and kinetic attacks cyber conflict escalation international law cyber attacks state response to cyber attacks cyber attack attribution proportional response cyber attacks large scale cyber attack definition act of war cyber attacks Pentagon cyber attack criteria cyber attack damage equivalence bloodless cyber attacks and warfare casus belli cyber conflict measuring cyber attack impact NATO response cyber attacks Georgia 2008 cyber attack analysis economic impact of cyber attacks cyber warfare international law thresholds for cyber war cyber attacks vs physical violence cyber attack justification for war legal frameworks cyber warfare large-scale cyber attack cyber warfare act of war armed aggression physical destruction violence loss of life threshold of conflict Pentagon cyber policy equivalence principle traditional warfare comparison bloodless conflict cyber attack impact data theft economic impact casus belli proportional response attribution of cyber attacks measuring cyber damage NATO cyber incident Georgia 2008 cyber attack legal definitions international law cyber deterrence escalation justification for war use of force hybrid warfare cyber security policy ambiguity in cyber operations rules of engagement cyber conflict assessment large scale cyber attack definition cyber warfare thresholds cyber attack act of war cyber attack legal framework cyber attack measurement cyber attack impact assessment bloodless warfare casus belli cyber attack economic impact cyber attack Pentagon cyber warfare policy NATO cyber attack assessment cyber attack international law cyber conflict escalation cyber deterrence cyber warfare ethics large scale cyber attack cyber warfare act of war Pentagon standards armed aggression traditional warfare economic impact confidential data theft bloodless conflict damage assessment NATO cyber attacks Georgia 2008 cyber incident casus belli legal definitions cyber attack impact measurement cyber conflict thresholds international law cyber war justification state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber deterrence digital espionage cyber attack attribution military response to cyber attacks proportionality in cyber attacks ethical implications cyber warfare thresholds proportionality international law jus ad bellum attribution cyber warfare definitions escalation NATO response Pentagon policy economic impact cyber deterrence sovereignty cyber norms Geneva Convention Tallinn Manual state responsibility cyber operations non-kinetic warfare hybrid warfare cyber incident impact digital infrastructure critical infrastructure attacks psychological operations legal ambiguity political consequences response criteria war thresholds cyber retaliation asymmetric warfare information warfare cyber doctrine
test-international-iiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid wildlife crime anti-poaching tactics advanced poaching methods military intervention conservation enforcement rhino horn trade South Africa wildlife protection illegal hunting technology ranger training aerial surveillance endangered species protection Asian black market wildlife trafficking high-tech poaching anti-poaching units surveillance drones smuggling prevention transnational crime poacher deterrence wildlife law enforcement advanced poaching methods anti-poaching strategies militarized conservation wildlife crime technology rhino horn trade Asian demand exotic wildlife rangers specialized training aerial surveillance poaching high-caliber rifles wildlife crime night vision poaching silencers poacher tactics helicopter poaching endangered species protection South Africa rhino poaching illegal wildlife trade interventions wildlife law enforcement conservation military tactics counter-poaching measures African rhino protection transnational wildlife crime anti-poaching strategies wildlife crime rhino conservation militarised anti-poaching units high-tech poaching rhino horn trafficking night vision technology aerial surveillance South African wildlife protection endangered species protection ranger training wildlife trafficking illegal wildlife trade conservation law enforcement poacher detection Asian demand for rhino horn advanced poaching tactics rangers vs poachers counter-poaching technology conservation militarisation poaching prevention methods anti-poaching technologies militarised anti-poaching strategies rhino horn trade Asia advanced poaching methods wildlife crime prevention aerial surveillance poaching ranger training South Africa effectiveness of militarised conservation poaching countermeasures wildlife protection law enforcement illegal wildlife trade demand for rhino horn medicine South Africa rhino poaching statistics use of drones in anti-poaching international cooperation against poaching nocturnal poaching techniques wildlife trafficking routes community involvement anti-poaching funding militarised wildlife protection success stories anti-poaching units anti-poaching strategies militarised conservation wildlife crime rhino horn trafficking endangered species protection advanced poaching technology night vision poaching helicopter poaching South Africa wildlife ranger training aerial surveillance wildlife law enforcement illegal wildlife trade Asian medicinal market conservation tactics wildlife security wildlife monitoring counter-poaching operations rhino protection armed rangers transnational poaching black market wildlife wildlife crime syndicates conservation NGOs rhino population decline poaching prevention strategies anti-poaching technology militarised anti-poaching efforts advanced poaching methods rhino protection South Africa rhino horn trade Asia night vision in poaching helicopter poaching techniques ranger training South Africa aerial surveillance poaching wildlife crime enforcement endangered species protection high-calibre rifle poaching poaching countermeasures wildlife conservation military rhino horn demand Asia WWF anti-poaching initiatives rhino poaching crisis South Africa rhino poaching statistics wildlife rangers equipment poacher detection systems wildlife crime anti-poaching military tactics advanced poaching methods rhino horn trade Asian black market night vision equipment helicopter poaching South Africa conservation ranger training aerial surveillance endangered species protection wildlife trafficking high-caliber rifles silencers militarized conservation illegal wildlife trade poacher interception law enforcement counter-poaching operations rhino protection strategies armed patrols ranger technology organized poaching syndicates advanced poaching techniques anti-poaching strategies militarized wildlife protection rhino horn trade poaching in South Africa night vision poaching aerial surveillance poaching high-calibre rifles poaching wildlife rangers training poaching and Asian market endangered animals protection poaching helicopters conservation militarization wildlife crime technology rhinoceros poaching illegal wildlife trade anti-poaching enforcement wildlife trafficking technology in poaching ranger intervention poaching militarized anti-poaching advanced poaching tactics wildlife protection strategies rhino horn black market aerial surveillance poaching anti-poaching technology South Africa wildlife crime endangered species protection rangers specialized training Asian demand rhino horn conservation law enforcement night vision poacher high-calibre rifle poaching helicopter poaching methods wildlife crime deterrence paramilitary conservation units illegal wildlife trade rhino poaching crisis WWF anti-poaching wildlife crime prevention anti-poaching strategies wildlife conservation rhino horn trade South Africa wildlife protection militarised conservation advanced poaching technology anti-poaching units endangered species protection wildlife crime ranger training night vision equipment aerial surveillance illegal wildlife trade organized poaching gangs Asian demand for rhino horn high-calibre weapons conservation law enforcement helicopter patrols poaching deterrents wildlife trafficking rhino poaching statistics
test-society-asfhwapg-con03a	"Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? gene patenting genetic ownership bioethics commodification of human life ethics of genetic engineering genetic commercialization human genome moral implications intellectual property genetics DNA patents human dignity value of human life biopiracy reproductive technology genetic auction embryo commercialization organ trade genetic material rights genetic market ethics of biotechnology genetic justice genetic privacy genetic manipulation genetic inequality reproductive ethics gene patenting human gene ownership DNA patent ethics commercialization of genes value of human life bioethics genetic commodification ownership of life patenting DNA sequences human dignity genetic material trade ethical issues genetics Ron's Angels selling human eggs selling human sperm bidding human genes genetic auction gene pricing genetic inequality biotechnology patents moral arguments gene patenting human body commodification genetic capitalism welfare impact gene patents building blocks of life genetic engineering ethics gene patenting DNA ownership bioethics human dignity genetic commodification commercialization of genes moral philosophy human welfare genetic material human rights biotechnology ethics gene therapy genetic privacy genetic engineering ownership of life legal implications patent law ethics of genetics Ron’s Angels reproductive technology genetic discrimination societal impact human body commodification biomedical ethics property rights genetic markets value of human life artificial reproduction surrogacy ethics biotechnology regulation genetic inequality patenting human genes ethics genetic ownership morality commercialization of DNA debate value of human life biotech gene patenting and human dignity bioethics of gene commercialization patents on human genetic material arguments against DNA ownership impact of gene patenting on society ethical concerns of gene commodification genetic material as property controversy Ron’s Angels ethical implications auctioning human gametes criticism commercial value of genetic traits ethical issues in new genetics monetary value of human body parts price tags on genes debate biotechnological commodification concerns gene patents human welfare human genome and intellectual property moral arguments gene patenting gene patenting human DNA ownership bioethics commercialization of genetics commodification of life genetic engineering ethics ethical implications of gene patents ownership of genetic material human dignity and patents Ron's Angels auctioning human eggs sperm market genetics and human rights monetary value of life building blocks of life genetic material as property genetic discrimination bioprospecting patent law and genetics biomedical ethics genetic commercialization consequences Andy Miah ethics value of human life genetic manipulation reproductive technology ethics gene patent ethics gene ownership morality commercialization of human genes human gene commodification DNA patent controversy welfare and gene patents ethical issues genetic patents human life value DNA patenting human life building blocks Ron's Angels gene auction bioethics gene patents moral implications gene commercialization buying and selling human genes fertility market ethics genetic material ownership debate pricing human body parts human egg sperm auction ethics DNA fragments patenting debate genetics and human dignity patent law and human welfare gene patenting DNA ownership genetics ethics human dignity commodification of life bioethics genetic material commercialization patent law human rights bodily autonomy genetic discrimination genetic engineering ownership of genetic material moral implications genome commercialization genetic privacy property rights value of human life Ron's Angels reproductive ethics auctioning genes genetic marketplace biotechnology ethics buying human genes monetary value of life reproductive commodification ethical concerns building blocks of life human genome ownership gene trading genetic diversity corporate control genetics gene patenting ethics commercialization of human genes ethical issues genetics ownership human DNA genetic material moral concerns value of human life gene patents human genome ownership debate patenting life forms biotechnology ethics Ron's Angels gene auction commodification of human life reproductive technology ethics genetic engineering morality genetic commodification bioethics human DNA intellectual property genes moral arguments against gene patents human dignity biotechnology buying selling human genes gene patent controversy gene patenting human DNA ownership ethics of gene commercialization genetic commodification value of human life bioethics ownership of genetic material commercialization of life human dignity genetic auction Ron's Angels designer babies genetic market embryo commercialization reproductive ethics genetic inequality genetic privacy patent law and genetics biotechnology ethics moral status of genes human rights and genetics genetic discrimination intellectual property and biology selling eggs and sperm genetic engineering ethics gene patenting genetic ownership ethics of gene patents DNA commercialization human dignity human rights bioethics commodification of life patent law and genetics moral implications of biotechnology genetic engineering ethics value of human life Ron's Angels assisted reproduction ethics human body as property genetic auctioning genetic material trade reproductive technology ethics legal aspects of gene patents genetic discrimination welfare and genetics ethics of human enhancement biotechnology law social impact of patenting genes"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con03a	We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. morality ethics moral intuition moral philosophy right and wrong conscience moral judgments emotional reasoning ethical theory killing murder moral feelings moral reasoning moral psychology human nature innate morality moral beliefs ethical decision-making justification of killing moral emotions moral dilemmas value judgments universal morality taboo societal norms moral consensus deontological ethics consequentialism justification of actions moral disagreement morality moral intuition ethical theory right and wrong moral feelings justification of killing moral judgment ethics moral reasoning conscience ethical dilemmas moral psychology moral philosophy perceptions of killing justifiability moral beliefs normative ethics deontological ethics intuitionism value judgments morality ethics moral intuition moral judgments right and wrong justification for killing ethical theories conscience moral feelings moral philosophy moral reasoning moral values moral psychology deontological ethics consequentialism killing morality moral disagreement normative ethics moral justification moral dilemmas why do people believe killing is wrong moral intuition about killing psychology of moral judgment killing emotional response to killing wrongness moral theories vs feelings about killing are moral feelings reliable universal morality of killing ethics and the instinctive aversion to killing reason versus emotion in morality evolutionary basis for killing taboo cultural differences in beliefs about killing is killing always wrong moral philosophy how feelings shape moral decisions moral psychology killing cognitive science killing wrongness ethics morality moral intuition killing wrongness consequentialism moral emotions intuitionism moral psychology deontological ethics moral reasoning moral judgments ethical theory normative ethics human conscience moral philosophy psychological moral sense innate morality feelings versus reason emotional response to killing justification of killing ethical disagreement right versus wrong moral disagreement value systems societal norms legal versus moral morality ethical theories killing is wrong moral intuition moral feelings ethics right and wrong moral psychology intuitionism emotional reasoning death and ethics moral judgment human nature and morality moral philosophy instinct and ethics justification killing wrong moral disagreement reasons killing is wrong ethics of killing moral reasoning emotional response morality morality moral intuition ethical theory moral feelings right and wrong ethical reasoning conscience moral psychology moral judgment ethical decision making killing morality of killing moral philosophy moral values ethical behavior moral disagreement ethical principles emotional response intuitive ethics moral standards moral beliefs morality ethics killing moral intuition moral feelings right and wrong moral theories ethical reasoning human conscience moral psychology ethical beliefs innate morality moral judgments moral philosophy justification of killing moral instincts ethical intuitionism philosophy of ethics moral disagreement social norms moral emotions value theory ethical decision-making justification for violence human nature and morality morality ethical theories right and wrong moral intuition human nature killing ethics moral psychology normative ethics societal values moral reasoning moral emotions justification of killing conscience deontological ethics utilitarianism moral feelings moral judgement ethical dilemmas human behavior value systems philosophy of morality morality ethical theory moral intuition moral feelings right and wrong moral psychology ethics normative ethics moral reasoning morality and emotion justification for killing moral principles moral philosophy ethical decision making human values conscience philosophical ethics moral judgment actions and consequences moral disagreement
test-society-simhbrasnba-con03a	We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. democracy democratic nations human rights justice freedom oppression authoritarianism protection political asylum refugees moral responsibility hypocrisy international solidarity civil society regime change political activism peaceful government democratic values global leadership support for dissidents political persecution moral obligation democratic support international human rights oppressed peoples advocacy reform movements liberal democracy democracy democratic values human rights justice freedom rule of law moral responsibility protection of dissidents support for activists anti-authoritarianism oppressed peoples safe haven asylum policy political refugees hypocrisy international solidarity spreading democracy peaceful governance democracy promotion moral credibility ethical foreign policy support for reforms authoritarian regimes opposition movements civil society international support promoting liberty democratic assistance regime change global justice democracy democratic values freedom human rights justice hypocrisy oppression political asylum moral responsibility protection refugees ethical obligations international solidarity regime change support for dissidents promoting democracy peaceful government authoritarianism global leadership humanitarian intervention democratic principles civic courage advocacy reform political activism democratic values in foreign policy protection for political dissidents hypocrisy in international relations moral responsibility of democracies supporting human rights activists asylum for persecuted reformers impact of western inaction on authoritarian states practical benefits of spreading democracy credibility of democratic leadership empowering opposition movements consequences of democratic nations ignoring persecution international solidarity with oppressed incentives for democratic reforms legitimacy of democracy promotion western nations and human rights consistency role of democracies in global justice democracy human rights justice democratic nations oppression authoritarian regimes freedom moral responsibility hypocrisy regime change political asylum international solidarity peaceful governance democratic values protection of dissidents support for reformers global democracy promotion moral obligation political activism societal reform advocacy human rights defenders international relations government accountability ethical foreign policy democratic support persecuted individuals democratization civic courage promoting change democratic ideals international law protection mechanisms social justice political oppression leadership ethics foreign intervention democratic values defending human rights political asylum hypocrisy in foreign policy support for dissidents moral responsibility international solidarity democracy promotion protecting activists state oppression global justice asylum seekers democratic credibility supporting reformers consequences of inaction authoritarian regimes foreign intervention ethics inspiring change human rights advocacy encouraging political reform democracy democratic values freedom human rights justice hypocrisy moral responsibility protection asylum political refugees persecution oppression authoritarian regimes international support activism regime change peaceful government civil liberties global solidarity democratization ethical foreign policy human rights defenders dissidents reform movements support for revolutionaries international intervention global justice promoting freedom incentivizing change oppressive governments democratic intervention democracy hypocrisy human rights democratic nations freedom justice political asylum moral responsibility international relations oppressed individuals authoritarian regimes regime change global governance state responsibility protection of activists social justice freedom fighters nonviolent resistance political persecution government support international solidarity ethical foreign policy support for dissidents democracy promotion moral duty foreign policy hypocrisy democracy democratic values freedom of expression human rights protection justice hypocrisy oppression authoritarian regimes political asylum moral responsibility international support peaceful governance regime change global democracy promotion civil society nonviolent resistance democratic solidarity support for dissidents political refugees human rights advocacy international law ethical foreign policy democratic legitimacy moral authority global justice democratic values asylum policy moral responsibility international solidarity political refugees human rights advocacy hypocrisy in foreign policy protection of activists democracy promotion support for dissidents ethical foreign policy authoritarian regimes global justice immigrant rights safe haven liberal democracies international protection oppressed populations intervention strategies soft power moral obligation humanitarian assistance freedom fighters regime change peaceful activism
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con03a	New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. technological innovation breakthrough inventions future technologies renewable energy carbon capture emissions reduction climate change mitigation sustainable development green technology clean energy technological progress artificial intelligence automation energy efficiency environmental technology solar power wind energy electric vehicles nanotechnology biotechnology digital transformation smart grids global change industrial revolution disruptive technology exponential growth climate engineering environmental policy energy transition sustainable solutions emerging technologies technological innovation disruptive innovation technological progress groundbreaking inventions future technology trends automation artificial intelligence carbon capture climate change mitigation sustainable energy renewable energy technologies clean energy advanced materials green technology decarbonization emission reduction smart grids energy efficiency climate tech environmental technology innovation in agriculture biotechnology digital transformation nanotechnology quantum computing energy storage solar power wind energy electric vehicles global warming solutions innovation emerging technologies technological advancement disruptive inventions sustainability emissions reduction climate solutions renewable energy carbon capture green technology energy efficiency clean energy future technologies environmental impact breakthrough inventions sustainable development science progress technological evolution digital transformation artificial intelligence automation smart technology energy transition decarbonization climate mitigation environmental engineering advanced materials biotechnology nanotechnology industry 4.0 technological revolution technological advancement history of technology impact of new inventions exponential technological growth future technology predictions emissions reduction technology climate change innovation climate intervention technology efficiency in energy production renewable energy advancements carbon capture technology cleaner coal technology sustainable technology solutions environmental impact of technology technology and global change innovation in agriculture invention of microchips antibiotics revolution steel production technology technological progress rate technology and climate control technological disruption energy transition future sustainable development humanity and technology technological innovation disruptive technologies exponential technological growth climate change mitigation emissions reduction climate engineering carbon capture renewable energy advancements clean coal technology sustainable development green technology future inventions environmental technology global transformation energy efficiency technological singularity digital revolution artificial intelligence biotechnology nanotechnology smart grids decarbonization climate adaptation human progress transformative inventions scientific breakthroughs technology policy sustainable energy energy transition climate solutions innovation in power generation technological innovation historical inventions agricultural revolution steel production antibiotics development microchip advancement technology acceleration exponential technological growth climate change solutions emissions reduction climate control technology carbon capture renewable energy advancements energy efficiency clean coal technology China clean energy future technology trends environmental technology sustainability innovation global warming intervention technological impact on climate low-emission power plants energy scalability climate mitigation strategies removing atmospheric carbon innovation technological advancement disruptive technology renewable energy climate change mitigation emissions reduction carbon capture green technology sustainable development artificial intelligence biotechnology clean energy energy efficiency future trends smart technology environmental technology solar power wind energy electric vehicles climate engineering geoengineering breakthrough inventions digital revolution automation clean coal atmospheric carbon removal climate adaptation global transformation scientific progress sustainable innovation eco-friendly technology emerging technology technological advancement future innovations sustainable technology climate change technology emissions reduction renewable energy carbon capture carbon removal technology green energy solutions clean coal technology environmental technology efficiency improvements global warming solutions advanced materials artificial intelligence smart grids energy storage solar power wind energy climate intervention geoengineering sustainable development disruptive technology tech trends technology adoption innovation rate historical inventions technology impact digital transformation energy transition technological advancements innovation history invention impact rate of technological growth emissions abatement climate control technology renewable energy energy efficiency carbon capture sustainable development cleaner coal technology global warming solutions future of technology climate change mitigation scalability of renewables environmental technology human progress green energy technology and society technological intervention atmospheric carbon removal historical inventions transformative technologies sustainability breakthroughs emerging tech trends technological innovation disruptive technology exponential growth climate change mitigation renewable energy carbon capture sustainable development emissions reduction clean energy technological advancement future technology green technology energy efficiency environmental impact climate solutions breakthrough inventions technological progress digital transformation smart technology sustainable energy
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro04a	Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. missile defense systems strategic defense initiative anti-ballistic missile technology nuclear deterrence arms control intercontinental ballistic missiles military technology advancements global security nuclear disarmament international diplomacy defense shields missile interception nonproliferation warfare mitigation military alliances US missile defense cooperation regional security future warfare disarmament policies defense modernization missile defense systems strategic missile defense ballistic missile defense national missile defense missile shield technology nuclear deterrence nuclear disarmament ICBM obsolescence advanced military technology arms control nonproliferation weapons of mass destruction anti-ballistic missile systems missile interception military strategy international security global stability diplomatic conflict resolution military alliances U.S. missile defense Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile batteries technological proliferation war prevention reduced nuclear threat conflict mitigation defensive military technology future warfare military innovation ballistic missile defense anti-ballistic missiles interceptors missile shield nuclear deterrence arms control strategic stability military technology warfare evolution MAD doctrine proliferation diplomacy international security nonproliferation US missile defense Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile defense future warfare technological advancement military alliances war prevention conflict resolution strategic arms reduction missile interception global security strategic missile defense advantages missile defense vs nuclear weapons impact of missile shields on warfare national missile defense system effectiveness future of intercontinental ballistic missiles diplomatic incentives from missile defense nuclear weapons obsolescence international missile defense collaboration missile defense technology proliferation US missile defense alliances Japan Australia missile defense cooperation missile defense batteries in Romania global impact of advanced missile defense reduction in war destructiveness diplomatic conflict resolution due to missile defense technology-driven changes in warfare arms race with missile defense deterrence and missile shields limiting nuclear escalation with defense systems missile defense and global security strategic missile defense missile defense technology national missile defense system intercontinental ballistic missiles nuclear weapons obsolescence arms race missile shield technology United States missile defense Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile defense war deterrence technology proliferation diplomatic conflict resolution non-nuclear warfare destructive capability reduction future warfare technology international security military technology transfer anti-ballistic missile systems global missile defense expansion missile defense systems nuclear deterrence strategic arms reduction ballistic missile interception advanced military technology arms race missile shield effectiveness future of warfare international security diplomatic conflict resolution non-proliferation United States missile alliances Japan missile defense Australia missile shield Romania defense batteries impact on nuclear weapons military technology dissemination global missile defense adoption reduction in war destructiveness technological arms transfer geopolitical implications strategic missile defense missile defense systems ballistic missile defense advanced military technology nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons obsolescence intercontinental ballistic missiles national security international security missile shield arms race arms control non-proliferation future warfare diplomatic solutions military strategy US missile defense Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile batteries war prevention conflict resolution global security technological proliferation military alliances mutually assured destruction missile interception defense technology transfer global arms balance reduced destructiveness military innovation peacekeeping defense policy strategic stability missile defense systems strategic missile defense advancements anti-ballistic missile technology missile shield effectiveness obsolescence of nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missile defense future warfare technology national missile defense international missile defense cooperation diplomatic conflict resolution military balance of power ballistic missile interception arms race reduction missile defense proliferation United States missile defense exports missile defense in Japan missile defense in Australia missile defense installations in Romania reduced war destructiveness non-nuclear conflict strategic deterrence decline next-generation military technology global security architecture military technology transfer peace through missile defense missile defense systems anti-ballistic missile technology nuclear deterrence strategic stability military technology advancement national security arms race future warfare international diplomacy proliferation of missile defense global security impact on nuclear arsenals US missile shield ICBM obsolescence technological proliferation regional security defense alliances war deterrence military innovation reduced nuclear threat conventional warfare non-proliferation policy Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile batteries diplomatic conflict resolution missile defense systems strategic deterrence ballistic missile interception nuclear disarmament proliferation of missile defense mutual assured destruction arms control international security technology transfer non-proliferation anti-ballistic missile treaties global power balance advanced radar systems missile interception technology diplomatic conflict resolution military escalation emerging defense technologies war prevention defense alliances missile shield effectiveness
test-economy-egecegphw-pro03a	Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow airport location London airports business travel airport accessibility airport expansion Civil Aviation Authority business passengers transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express Gatwick Stansted airport demand M25 airport opposition aviation capacity airport infrastructure regional connectivity air travel economic impact airport funding local area demand airport comparison airport proximity new airport feasibility Heathrow Airport London airport location business travel airport access transport links public transportation proximity to central London Civil Aviation Authority data Piccadilly line Heathrow Express airport expansion aviation capacity airport alternatives M25 airport site Gatwick Stansted airport opposition airport funding business passengers airport convenience airport infrastructure Heathrow London airport location business travel airport expansion airport accessibility Civil Aviation Authority business passengers airport transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express Gatwick Stansted airport proximity airport demand local area transport M25 airport opposition aviation capacity airport infrastructure airport funding airport convenience new airport alternatives airport noise airport connectivity Heathrow location benefits business travel importance Heathrow funding Heathrow expansion airport accessibility London Civil Aviation Authority passenger statistics demand for Heathrow services comparison Heathrow Gatwick Stansted Heathrow transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express challenges new London airport M25 airport expansion aviation capacity London opposition airport expansion quieter Heathrow Heathrow vs rivals London airport proximity Heathrow business passenger data Spectator Tim Leunig Heathrow transport infrastructure airport expansion Heathrow economic significance airport location decision factors Heathrow location London airport access business travel Heathrow airport expansion funding Civil Aviation Authority statistics business passenger proximity transport links Heathrow Piccadilly line airport Heathrow Express airport demand local area Heathrow vs Gatwick Heathrow vs Stansted airport proximity M25 opposition airport expansion aviation capacity problem new London airport feasibility Tim Leunig Heathrow airport transport convenience airport infrastructure London airport funding sources London business travel needs Heathrow airport location advantages business travel Heathrow proximity Heathrow to London Heathrow public transport access Heathrow Express benefits Piccadilly line to Heathrow airport expansion funding business passenger demand Heathrow comparison Heathrow vs Gatwick vs Stansted local area demand Heathrow M25 new airport challenges aviation capacity London Heathrow expansion opposition Civil Aviation Authority Heathrow statistics airport accessibility London Heathrow Airport London transportation airport location business travel airport expansion Civil Aviation Authority commuter convenience transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express airport accessibility Gatwick Airport Stansted Airport airport proximity M25 corridor aviation capacity airport alternatives infrastructure regional demand Spectator article Leunig Tim local area demand business passengers airport funding urban airport planning opposition to expansion airport comparison Heathrow expansion London airport location business travel Heathrow airport accessibility London Civil Aviation Authority Heathrow Heathrow vs Gatwick Heathrow vs Stansted Heathrow transport links Heathrow Express Piccadilly line airport aviation capacity London Heathrow local demand M25 airport location new London airport feasibility economic impact Heathrow Heathrow passenger statistics airport opposition London airport funding London Heathrow business passengers airport infrastructure London Heathrow location London airport comparison business travel importance airport expansion funding airport accessibility Civil Aviation Authority statistics business passenger origins local demand Heathrow transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express rival airports Gatwick Stansted new airport feasibility M25 space limitations community opposition aviation capacity problem Spectator article Tim Leunig Heathrow expansion London airport location business travel airport accessibility Civil Aviation Authority statistics Heathrow transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express Gatwick comparison Stansted comparison M25 airport space aviation capacity local demand airport funding airport opposition infrastructure UK business hub airport commuting London connectivity transportation networks
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro02a	Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at extradition international cooperation transnational crime criminal justice reform abolition of death penalty capital punishment policies cross-border justice law enforcement collaboration human rights European Court of Human Rights Soering case US-Mexico extradition treaty international legal standards mutual legal assistance foreign judicial assistance global justice penal reform non-refoulement justice treaties international law legal harmonization international justice cooperation cross-border crime transnational crime abolition of capital punishment death penalty extradition policies extradition agreements international criminal justice human rights and extradition European Court of Human Rights Soering case mutual legal assistance global north justice policy criminal justice reform death penalty clause non-refoulement capital punishment treaty obligations international law extradition risk death penalty US-Mexico extradition treaty cross-national law enforcement extradition international cooperation transnational crime capital punishment death penalty criminal justice policy human rights Global North mutual legal assistance Soering v United Kingdom European Court of Human Rights abolition of death penalty extradition treaties cross-border crime judicial cooperation legal harmonization non-refoulement criminal extradition barriers death row international law law enforcement collaboration treaty obligations rights of the accused penal policy humanitarian considerations international justice cooperation abolishing capital punishment extradition cross-border crime prosecution global anti-crime collaboration impact of death penalty abolition on extradition European Court of Human Rights extradition capital punishment and international legal assistance Soering v United Kingdom summary US-Mexico extradition treaty capital punishment clause countries refusing extradition death penalty criminal justice reform and extradition mutual legal assistance agreements death penalty global north extradition policies human rights extradition barriers criminal justice international frameworks extradition cross-border crime international cooperation abolition of capital punishment death penalty policies extradition treaties criminal justice reform human rights Global North Soering v United Kingdom European Court of Human Rights US-Mexico extradition treaty international law mutual legal assistance justice policy anti-crime collaboration foreign relations death penalty abolition international human rights law transfer of prisoners international justice cooperation extradition and capital punishment cross-border crime prevention abolition of death penalty international relations criminal justice policy cooperation extradition treaty clauses Soering v United Kingdom case European Court of Human Rights extradition stance US-Mexico extradition treaty global north justice policies death penalty and international assistance extradition to death penalty risk states human rights and extradition legal barriers to extradition capital punishment mutual legal assistance capital punishment international law extradition treaties death penalty capital punishment abolition transnational crime cross-border crime criminal justice policy mutual legal assistance international cooperation human rights European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom US-Mexico extradition treaty Global North global justice criminal extradition judicial cooperation human rights protections death penalty moratorium law reform legal harmonization international treaties transfer of prisoners fair trial criminal justice reforms global governance comparative law judicial assistance transnational crime cross-border law enforcement international extradition abolition of death penalty capital punishment policies justice system reform global criminal justice cooperation mutual legal assistance human rights extradition US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom non-refoulement principle international legal frameworks comparative criminal justice international treaties international human rights law penal policy harmonization anti-crime collaboration legal cooperation agreements international criminal law extradition policy capital punishment abolition cross-border crime transnational justice cooperation mutual legal assistance death penalty extradition human rights treaties European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom US-Mexico extradition treaty global north justice policy international legal frameworks criminal justice reform anti-crime collaboration non-refoulement international human rights standards judicial cooperation capital punishment and extradition state obligations justice system harmonization extradition capital punishment international law cross-border crime criminal justice cooperation death penalty human rights Global North US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom mutual legal assistance transnational crime criminal justice policy legal reform human rights law non-refoulement abolition of capital punishment
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols cultural identity religious freedom personal expression religious garments secularism religious rights Muslim dress code Christian dress code individuality religious practice religious identity religious attire religious tolerance freedom of religion religious customs religious traditions clothing and religion personal beliefs religious discrimination multiculturalism faith and culture religious freedom cultural identity religious symbols personal expression secularism religious clothing faith-based practices hijab cross kippah religious rights religious discrimination religious tolerance religious accommodation religious individuality religious diversity constitutional rights freedom of expression human rights minority rights religious attire religious inclusivity religion and law religious customs workplace accommodation religious symbols cultural identity freedom of religion religious expression headscarves hijab religious attire secularism religious rights individual rights religious freedom faith practices multiculturalism personal beliefs religious diversity religious tolerance religious accommodation religious discrimination religious garments religious observance freedom of religious expression religious symbols in schools cultural identity and religion personal religious attire Islamic dress code rights Bible and dress codes religious symbols ban debate secularism vs religious rights individual religious freedoms religious clothing in public institutions cultural significance of religious symbols impact of banning religious symbols legal rights for religious expression religious individuality religious freedom laws Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent analysis Guardian article on religious dress comparative religion dress codes religious tolerance in public policy effects of secular policies on religion religious symbols cultural identity religious freedom personal expression secularism dress codes religious attire religious rights individual rights multiculturalism religious tolerance freedom of religion faith-based practices religious garments human rights religious discrimination personal beliefs religious customs Islamic dress Christian practices religious expression freedom of religion religious symbols in public cultural identity secularism vs religion religious dress codes personal religious items legal rights religion religious tolerance banning religious symbols individuality and religion religious freedom in schools religious rights Muslims Christian religious practices human rights religion religious clothing laws religion and personal identity cultural diversity religion government and religion religious accommodations religion culture religious symbols personal items religious expression secularism religious freedom Islam Christianity Quran Bible garments religious dress individuality personal beliefs religious practices religious rights identity religious law cultural identity faith freedom of expression religious clothing hijab cross religious rulings secular values religious tolerance religious discrimination religious ban religious individuality religious freedom cultural identity religious symbols religious clothing secularism personal expression religious rights religious attire cultural diversity religious accommodation hijab cross necklaces symbolic dress religion and law faith-based practices religious individualism religious discrimination freedom of expression cultural protection religious tolerance faith and identity religious inclusivity secular policies religious practice religious garments religion culture religious symbols religious clothing personal expression freedom of religion secularism religious rights religious identity cultural diversity hijab cross Bible Quran individual rights religious tolerance religious freedom faith-based practices religious attire Christian practices Muslim practices religious liberty multiculturalism religious law dress codes personal beliefs religious discrimination religious accommodation religious observance religious customs religious symbols cultural identity religious freedom personal expression secularism religious garments Muslim dress code Christian religious attire individuality religious rights faith-based practices religious accommodation uniform policies dress code in schools religious book rulings multiculturalism religious tolerance religion vs. secularism religious expression in public banning religious items
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con02a	The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 cluster munitions arms control military deterrence international law weapon proliferation non-signatory states ICC immunity humanitarian impact battlefield strategy weapon bans effectiveness U.S. foreign policy China arms policy Security Council veto arms manufacturing weapon export controls retaliation doctrine compliance challenges enforcement mechanisms global disarmament war crimes accountability military necessity arms trade international treaties combat effectiveness rules of engagement cluster munitions cluster bomb ban international law weapons proliferation arms control humanitarian impact compliance challenges enforcement issues non-signatory countries US policy China military policy International Criminal Court Security Council veto Western powers arms trade military deterrence battlefield tactics weapon retaliation soldier safety arms manufacturing weapon regulation war crimes global disarmament cluster munitions international law arms trade deterrence military strategy non-signatories enforcement challenges arms control humanitarian impact ICC jurisdiction global compliance retaliation security council veto weapon proliferation battlefield ethics warfare norms compliance monitoring global treaties cluster bomb ban effectiveness cluster bomb international law challenges enforcing cluster bomb bans alternatives to cluster bomb bans countries not party to cluster munitions convention cluster bombs US policy cluster bombs China policy ICC jurisdiction and cluster munitions Security Council veto and war crimes arms export controls cluster munitions deterrence theory cluster bomb use military necessity cluster munitions humanitarian impact cluster bombs international arms treaties enforcement retaliation threat cluster munitions battlefield consequences cluster bomb ban Western power arms control ethical issues cluster munitions cluster munitions proliferation non-signatory countries cluster bomb use cluster munitions arms control international law military strategy nonproliferation weapon proliferation Geneva Conventions United Nations International Criminal Court Security Council deterrence arms trade US military policy China military policy humanitarian law battlefield tactics enforcement challenges military alliances arms embargo weapons regulation compliance issues global security military ethics retaliation doctrine proportionality collateral damage non-signatory states civilian protection war crimes international relations cluster munitions treaties effectiveness of arms bans international humanitarian law non-signatory countries arms control enforcement deterrence theory global compliance weapon proliferation security council veto ICC jurisdiction military retaliation arms export controls battlefield consequences conventional weapons regulation humanitarian impact alternative disarmament strategies Western military policy ethical implications of arms bans global security dynamics arms manufacturing accountability cluster munitions international law arms control weapon proliferation non-signatory states International Criminal Court ICC Security Council veto military deterrence weapon manufacturing arms trade battlefield tactics humanitarian law war crimes international treaties Western powers China United States compliance challenges enforcement difficulties arms embargo military strategy retaliation threats ethical warfare sanction effectiveness global disarmament cluster munitions ban effectiveness international arms treaties non-signatory countries weapons proliferation arms control enforcement ICC jurisdiction Security Council veto China cluster bombs US cluster bombs humanitarian law battlefield deterrence military retaliation Western arms exports arms manufacturing compliance challenges accountability in warfare weapons regulation cluster bomb monitoring international humanitarian law combat effectiveness global arms trade ethical warfare military strategy counter-proliferation war crimes prosecution military technology battlefield outcomes legal enforcement international security cluster munitions arms control international law military deterrence weapons proliferation humanitarian law global arms trade non-signatory states International Criminal Court Security Council veto battlefield tactics compliance enforcement weapons manufacturing military alliances retaliation strategy arms import/export disarmament challenges war crimes accountability conflict resolution military strategy deterrence theory weapon efficacy ethical warfare global security cluster munitions effectiveness of bans international law enforcement challenges non-signatory nations weapon proliferation accountability International Criminal Court Security Council veto arms trade deterrence military strategy humanitarian impact compliance retaliation arms control agreements global security US policy China military policy western arms manufacturers battlefield tactics
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. employment financial security livelihood poverty reduction women empowerment access to capital sustainable livelihoods income generation economic independence household income job creation financial inclusion gender equality microfinance self-employment social mobility asset building economic development wage employment entrepreneurship community development education investment healthcare access rural employment small business vocational training employment financial security income generation women's empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction access to capital financial inclusion wage earning household income economic independence job creation microfinance self-employment entrepreneurship social mobility asset building women's labor force participation economic resilience livelihood strategies rural employment gender equality skills development economic development small business home-based work employment financial security economic empowerment income generation sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction access to capital women’s employment household income financial independence microfinance wage employment job creation asset building gender equality social mobility job opportunities work-life balance small business self-employment rural employment education investment healthcare access women’s rights economic development importance of jobs for livelihoods jobs and poverty alleviation financial capital through employment women empowerment via jobs access to jobs for sustainable livelihoods employment and economic security jobs and healthcare investment jobs and education outcomes women’s employment and household income wage employment and poverty reduction home-based work in Kenya women entrepreneurs in Africa income generation and livelihood improvement enabling access to financial assets employment and social empowerment sustainable employment opportunities livelihoods employment financial capital sustainable development poverty reduction women empowerment income generation household income economic security access to capital job creation gender equality microfinance social mobility workforce participation rural employment entrepreneurship small business women in business wage labor informal economy financial independence asset building healthcare investment educational attainment jobs and livelihoods role of employment in poverty reduction financial capital and employment women's empowerment through employment sustainable livelihoods and jobs access to financial assets employment and gender equality impact of jobs on household income jobs and social mobility employment and education employment and healthcare access women working from home Kenya entrepreneurship and livelihoods economic empowerment of women employment as a poverty alleviation tool employment work income generation financial security economic empowerment women’s employment livelihoods poverty reduction sustainable development access to capital financial assets wages household income economic independence job creation gender equality social empowerment microfinance self-employment home-based work jewelry design entrepreneurship healthcare investment education funding rural empowerment household welfare economic opportunities labor market poverty alleviation financial inclusion livelihoods employment financial capital poverty reduction women empowerment sustainable development economic security access to credit household income job creation work opportunities gender equality microfinance social mobility asset building financial inclusion rural employment informal sector wage employment home-based work self-employment skill development labor market social protection economic independence entrepreneurship community development women’s economic participation household welfare investment in health investment in education employment financial empowerment economic independence poverty alleviation sustainable livelihoods financial capital capital assets women’s employment gender equality household income income generation microfinance access to credit job opportunities social mobility wage security female empowerment rural employment small business entrepreneurship financial inclusion social development income diversification healthcare investment education access employment job creation financial inclusion women's empowerment income generation poverty alleviation economic development sustainable livelihoods access to credit wage security household income gender equality microfinance rural employment social mobility financial independence social protection capital assets small business home-based work skills development entrepreneurship informal sector subsistence economic resilience
test-international-aghwrem-pro05a	Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. regional cooperation ASEAN influence China-Myanmar relations foreign investment international diplomacy diplomatic alignment US-EU policy regional stability political legitimacy economic partnerships Southeast Asia geopolitics sanctions policy Myanmar democratization global governance multilateral strategy regional alliances foreign policy coordination unified international response cross-border relations political engagement Myanmar reform economic integration diplomatic engagement international consensus political transition regional diplomacy ASEAN relations China-Myanmar ties foreign investment US-EU policy international alignment legitimacy of Myanmar government diplomatic stability regional cooperation unified international stance democracy promotion foreign policy coordination Southeast Asia geopolitics multilateral engagement sanctions policy foreign relations Myanmar regional security cross-border collaboration economic partnerships political legitimacy Myanmar regional diplomacy ASEAN relations China-Myanmar relations US-EU foreign policy foreign investment Myanmar regional stability international community democratic reforms Myanmar diplomatic alignment legitimacy Myanmar government economic partnerships political engagement multilateral cooperation Southeast Asia geopolitics unified international response Myanmar sanctions international legitimacy conflict prevention economic integration foreign policy coordination regional engagement Myanmar ASEAN relations Myanmar China investment Myanmar US EU Myanmar policy legitimacy Myanmar government regional stability Southeast Asia diplomatic alignment Myanmar international community Myanmar democracy foreign investment Southeast Asia Myanmar political relations US EU ASEAN cooperation unified approach Myanmar reforms diplomatic rifts Southeast Asia international pressure Myanmar enhancing regional cooperation democratic steps Myanmar Myanmar foreign partnerships global response Myanmar crisis fostering regional stability policies towards Myanmar democracy regional diplomacy ASEAN policy China-Myanmar relations foreign investment Myanmar US-EU Myanmar policy regional stability Southeast Asia Myanmar political legitimacy international consensus Myanmar diplomatic alignment Myanmar democracy promotion multilateral engagement Myanmar sanctions policy Myanmar geopolitical strategy Southeast Asia economic partnerships ASEAN international relations Myanmar Myanmar foreign relations ASEAN relations Myanmar China investment Myanmar US-EU Myanmar policy regional stability Southeast Asia international diplomacy Myanmar legitimacy Myanmar government foreign investment Southeast Asia Myanmar democracy steps international community Myanmar diplomatic alignment ASEAN economic partnerships Myanmar geopolitical strategy Myanmar Myanmar political reform consensus on Myanmar regional dynamics international relations ASEAN China relations foreign investment Myanmar US-EU policy diplomatic strategy regional stability Myanmar legitimacy international alignment foreign policy coordination democracy promotion geopolitical impact economic partnerships diplomatic rift mitigation Southeast Asia diplomacy coordinated international response Myanmar governance multilateral engagement international consensus regional security Myanmar foreign relations Myanmar ASEAN relations Myanmar China investment US Myanmar policy EU Myanmar engagement Myanmar regional stability Myanmar international diplomacy foreign investment in Myanmar ASEAN regional politics China-Myanmar relations US-EU Myanmar strategy Myanmar political legitimacy diplomatic alignment Myanmar regional security Southeast Asia international community and Myanmar democratic transition Myanmar global response Myanmar Myanmar economic partners regional cooperation Myanmar foreign policy harmonization Myanmar regional cooperation ASEAN diplomacy Myanmar foreign relations China-Myanmar investment US-EU foreign policy international legitimacy regional stability diplomatic alignment economic partnerships democratic reforms foreign investment geopolitical strategy Southeast Asia politics international community consensus Myanmar government recognition Myanmar foreign relations ASEAN diplomacy China investment Myanmar US EU Myanmar policy regional stability Southeast Asia international community democracy Myanmar legitimacy Myanmar government diplomatic alignment ASEAN foreign policy coordination economic partnerships Myanmar political engagement Southeast Asia unified international response Myanmar multilateral diplomacy Myanmar foreign investment actors Myanmar regional security cooperation
test-health-dhghwapgd-con02a	"Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: intellectual property patent protection technology transfer pharmaceutical innovation drug development public domain licensing agreements product commercialization knowledge disclosure competitive advantage research incentives innovation diffusion generics patent expiration ""inventing around"" proprietary rights market exclusivity R&D investment societal benefit biomedical patents patent law innovation policy patent holders technology licensing knowledge sharing access to medicines innovation ecosystem patent protection intellectual property drug licensing technology transfer pharmaceutical innovation generic drugs market exclusivity patent disclosure inventing around knowledge diffusion public domain research and development patent expiration compulsory licensing innovation incentives IP ownership patent system benefits drug commercialization R&D incentives patent term public benefit drug access technology sharing product improvement patent law pharmaceutical patents knowledge sharing access to medicines intellectual property innovation pharmaceutical industry drug commercialization technology transfer public disclosure R&D incentives exclusive rights generic drugs patent expiration knowledge diffusion technology licensing market access competition product development invention patent system legal protection economic incentives knowledge sharing patent licensing benefits effect of patent rights on innovation public domain patent strategies incentives for drug development impact of no patent protection on pharmaceutical firms patent protection and public benefit licensing and product commercialization patent disclosure and follow-on innovation ""inventing around"" patents pharmaceutical patent expiration patent system societal impact ownership rights and drug development mechanisms of patent-induced innovation patents and technology transfer promoting public access to inventions patent rights intellectual property public domain licensing drug innovation pharmaceutical patents patent protection technology transfer R&D incentives knowledge disclosure competitive advantage patent expiration market exclusivity innovation diffusion inventing around patent system technological advancement research commercialization patent licensing access to medicine innovation policy drug development patent law IP strategy patent disclosure social benefit entrepreneurial incentives pharmaceutical industry patent system benefits knowledge sharing patent licensing drug patent protection innovation incentives public domain drugs pharmaceutical patents technology transfer inventive step drug commercialization patent disclosure inventing around patents patent expiration knowledge dissemination intellectual property rights drug development incentives market exclusivity social benefit of patents patent system benefits licensure mechanisms access to pharmaceuticals patent term limits patent protection intellectual property public domain licensing drug innovation technology transfer pharmaceutical patents commercial exploitation disclosure requirements patent monopoly market exclusivity innovation incentives R&D investment patent expiration competitive advantage knowledge sharing patent licensing agreements patent enforcement economic incentives patent system technology diffusion patent disclosure secondary innovation inventing around compulsory licensing generic drugs proprietary technology public benefit patent law patent incentive structure patent rights drug patenting pharmaceutical licensing patent protection intellectual property innovation incentives technology transfer drug development public domain knowledge disclosure patent expiration inventing around generic drugs market exclusivity patent system R&D incentives commercialization licensing agreements technology diffusion patent term pharmaceutical innovation patent enforcement proprietary technology knowledge spillover societal benefit drug accessibility pharmaceutical industry patent law IP management innovation policy patent rights intellectual property drug development public domain product licensing innovation incentives pharmaceutical industry patent protection R&D investment technology transfer market exclusivity knowledge disclosure inventing around patent expiration technology diffusion societal benefits commercialization patent system proprietary technology licensing agreements innovation diffusion drug commercialization open innovation patent law knowledge sharing intellectual property pharmaceutical innovation public domain drug licensing patent system knowledge transfer drug development market entry barriers patent disclosure technology diffusion generic drugs compulsory licensing innovation incentives patent expiration R&D investment knowledge sharing biopharmaceuticals patent enforcement inventing around societal benefits drug accessibility proprietary technology knowledge spillover open innovation technology transfer"
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro01a	A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. school breakfast programs student nutrition equal educational opportunities universal free breakfast child hunger prevention classroom performance food security morning meal benefits academic achievement equity in education healthy eating school meal initiatives access to nutrition learning readiness student well-being school breakfast programs universal free breakfast student nutrition equal educational opportunities child hunger prevention breakfast in schools benefits academic performance nutrition equitable access to food student well-being morning meal education healthy school meals food insecurity students breakfast participation school meal equity classroom readiness nutrition school breakfast programs universal breakfast student nutrition equal opportunity education child hunger breakfast in schools educational equity student wellbeing free school meals morning meal academic performance healthy start student focus food insecurity meal accessibility school meal initiatives reducing hunger in schools improved concentration inclusive education breakfast accessibility supporting disadvantaged students free school breakfast benefits universal breakfast programs equal opportunities in education impact of breakfast on learning effects of hunger on student performance school meals and academic achievement nutrition and student success advantages of breakfast for all students reducing inequality with school breakfast improving concentration with morning meals inclusive school food programs ensuring no child starts school hungry barriers to learning and nutrition promoting fairness in education healthy school breakfast initiatives socio-economic equality in schools breakfast and student behavior supporting disadvantaged students with meals breakfast’s role in academic readiness how breakfast affects classroom participation school breakfast programs universal access student nutrition educational equity child well-being food insecurity academic performance disadvantaged students healthy meals morning routines hunger prevention learning readiness school meal benefits equal opportunity education free breakfast initiatives classroom concentration child development breakfast and cognitive function school-based nutrition policies student health benefits free school breakfast benefits equal educational opportunity breakfast programs for students universal school meals ending child hunger in schools improving student concentration addressing food insecurity in schools positive impact of breakfast on learning nutrition and academic performance equitable start for students reducing morning hunger in schools inclusive school meal policies breakfast and school attendance supporting low-income students promoting student well-being school breakfast student nutrition equal opportunities educational equity universal breakfast program childhood hunger learning readiness student health academic performance school meals breakfast accessibility morning nutrition food security cognitive function student wellbeing healthy start inclusive education breakfast policy child development school support programs school breakfast program universal school breakfast equal opportunities education student nutrition breakfast in schools educational equity child hunger solutions free breakfast for students morning meal benefits academic performance nutrition hunger-free schools student well-being food security children school meal policy classroom readiness attendance improvement concentration and learning healthy school meals breakfast accessibility inclusive education programs school breakfast programs student nutrition educational equity breakfast for all universal school meals child hunger prevention equal learning opportunities academic performance student well-being school meal benefits breakfast participation student health food insecurity morning nutrition educational outcomes school breakfast programs universal breakfast educational equity student nutrition food insecurity academic performance child wellbeing student health school meal programs hunger prevention equal opportunities inclusive education breakfast in schools learning readiness student concentration attendance rates school meals policy free breakfast breakfast benefits child development
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con02a	The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. organ donation forced consent non-consensual donation recipient autonomy moral integrity ethical dilemmas medical ethics right to refuse transplant ethics recipient veto donor autonomy sacrifice ethics informed consent bioethics patient rights donation without consent autonomy vs. survival end-of-life decisions personal integrity recipient’s rights recipient autonomy organ donation consent moral integrity forced transplantation recipient rights ethical dilemmas consent in medical ethics donation without consent recipient veto right transplantation ethics donor-recipient relationship imposed sacrifice medical decision-making recipient agency ethical conflicts autonomy vs survival moral values in medicine non-consensual donation dignity in transplantation patient rights involuntary donation organ transplantation ethics recipient consent moral integrity autonomy right to refuse recipient rights ethical dilemma forced acceptance donor-recipient relationship medical ethics informed consent non-consensual sacrifice patient autonomy life-saving interventions ethical intrusion veto power recipient agency bioethics end-of-life decisions recipient consent in organ donation forced medical procedures ethical debate moral integrity versus survival right to refuse organ donation autonomy in medical ethics consent in transplantation ethics donor-recipient moral conflict ethical dilemmas in life-saving interventions personal autonomy in healthcare veto rights in organ donation ethics balancing donor and recipient choices ethics of non-consensual medical treatment sacrifice and moral agency patient rights in donation scenarios prioritizing moral values over life preservation forced organ donation recipient consent moral integrity autonomy in medicine recipient veto right donor-recipient ethics non-consensual donation medical ethics involuntary sacrifice bioethics surrogate decision-making right to refuse patient autonomy ethical dilemmas in transplantation psychological impact relational ethics recipient rights ethical consent justified refusal relational autonomy Monforte-Royo wish to hasten death clinical ethics personal boundaries dignity in healthcare involuntary organ donation recipient consent ethics donor choice vs recipient rights moral integrity medical ethics forced medical interventions right to refuse organ donation autonomy in medical ethics patient consent organ transplants ethical dilemmas donation bioethics recipient autonomy right to veto medical procedures life-saving sacrifice ethics intrusion on patient rights consent in life-saving situations moral conflict in organ donation forced donation recipient consent donor autonomy moral integrity organ transplantation ethics non-consensual medical procedures right to refuse veto power patient rights autonomy versus beneficence ethical dilemma personal values survival versus values sacrifice ethics recipient rights medical ethics informed consent transplantation controversy decision making in healthcare Monforte-Royo study psychosocial impact wish to hasten death organ donation ethics forced organ reception recipient consent ethics moral integrity in medical ethics right to veto organ donation autonomy in medical decisions ethical dilemmas transplantation donor-recipient autonomy involuntary medical intervention recipient rights organ transplant bioethics forced consent recipient moral autonomy ethical issues transplantation medical consent vs. survival right to refuse transplant recipient-centered bioethics unwanted medical sacrifice medical ethics moral intrusion balancing donor and recipient rights psychological impact forced organ donation forced donation recipient consent non-consensual transplantation moral integrity autonomy in medical ethics surrogate decision-making medical ethics dilemmas right to refuse treatment organ donation ethics recipient veto rights autonomy vs. beneficence coerced medical procedures personal autonomy in healthcare sacrificial medical intervention ethical consent patient rights donor-recipient dynamics moral conflict in medicine life-saving interventions ethical intrusion substituted judgment voluntary vs. involuntary sacrifice organ donation ethics informed consent recipient autonomy moral integrity medical ethics forced sacrifice recipient rights donor-recipient relationship right to refuse transplantation ethics personal autonomy bioethics patient consent medical decision-making ethical dilemmas involuntary donation recipient veto rights psychological impact moral agency clinical ethics
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con03a	Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, North Korea diplomatic engagement regime stability provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy international relations negotiations great powers sanctions conflict resolution inter-Korean relations nuclear weapons security threats economic sanctions regime survival military incidents Cheonan sinking USSR support withdrawal regional stability peace talks humanitarian aid denuclearization international isolation escalation risks North Korea diplomacy North Korea sanctions North Korea nuclear threat North Korea provocations regime stability North Korea history of North Korean provocations Cheonan incident North Korea-US relations North Korea-China relations North Korea collapse engagement policy North Korea coercive diplomacy North Korean military provocations North Korea crisis management effect of ignoring North Korea great powers response North Korea North Korea negotiation North Korea sanctions effectiveness North Korea regime survival international response North Korea North Korea diplomatic engagement regime stability provocations missile tests Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy international relations nuclear threat sanctions great powers response USSR withdrawal South Korea denuclearization negotiation strategies conflict resolution escalation risks peace process security dilemma geopolitical tensions intervention policies North Korea engagement strategies North Korea collapse predictions consequences of ignoring North Korea North Korea provocations escalation effectiveness of non-engagement North Korea coercive diplomacy historical analysis North Korea USSR support risks of status quo with North Korea North Korea missile test impact policy recommendations North Korea negotiation vs isolation North Korea lessons from Cheonan sinking regional stability Korean Peninsula managing North Korea instability international response to North Korean actions North Korea diplomatic strategy coercive diplomacy regime stability great powers sanctions international relations Cheonan sinking missile tests provocation escalation USSR support withdrawal authoritarian resilience security dilemma nuclear deterrence negotiation channels conflict resolution South Korea relations peacebuilding regional security crisis management East Asia geopolitics engagement vs isolation policy deterrence theory military incidents diplomatic engagement humanitarian impact North Korea policy North Korea provocations North Korea collapse North Korea deterrence North Korea engagement great power strategy North Korea coercive diplomacy North Korea Cheonan sinking North Korea sanctions North Korea negotiations North Korea stability North Korea missile launches North Korea international response regime survival North Korea North Korea-US relations Russia North Korea relations China North Korea relations South Korea security nuclear threat North Korea ignoring North Korea consequences North Korea diplomatic engagement regime stability provocations missile tests Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy great powers USSR support withdrawal negotiation international relations security threat South Korea military incidents sanctions foreign policy deterrence regional stability conflict resolution escalation diplomacy alternatives nuclear proliferation peace talks humanitarian issues non-engagement consequences security dilemma military tension East Asia security negotiation strategies international intervention crisis management North Korea policy North Korea provocations North Korea stability North Korea collapse North Korea missile tests North Korea-USSR support North Korea status quo North Korea regime survival Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy North Korea negotiations North Korea international relations North Korea sanctions North Korea great powers North Korea-China relations North Korea-US relations North Korea military incidents North Korea threat escalation North Korea deterrence North Korea conflict resolution North Korea sanctions efficacy North Korea humanitarian crisis Northeast Asia security North Korean nuclear program Korean peninsula stability North Korea engagement strategies North Korea containment North Korea North Korea diplomatic engagement nuclear proliferation regional stability coercive diplomacy regime survival great powers international sanctions missile tests provocations Cheonan sinking negotiation strategies US-ROK relations security threats deterrence conflict resolution humanitarian issues sanctions effectiveness escalation risks peace talks China’s role Russia’s involvement Kim Jong-un inter-Korean relations military tensions strategic patience regime change security guarantees arms control humanitarian aid historical context reunification denuclearization diplomatic isolation North Korea diplomatic engagement coercive diplomacy regime stability provocation escalation missile tests Cheonan sinking international relations power dynamics US-North Korea relations sanctions effectiveness negotiation strategies security crisis East Asia stability nuclear proliferation international response China role South Korea relations diplomatic isolation regime change deterrence policy
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con03a	Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 proprietary software consumer satisfaction market segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 software versions desktop monopoly platform compatibility software development costs platform fragmentation software localization niche software government policy Linux open source risks software stability quality assurance amateur contribution intentional sabotage self-policing Wikipedia analogy IT governance technology adoption software customization software reliability open source community software abuse software maintenance operating system dominance standardization vendor lock-in enterprise software security concerns closed source software advantages proprietary software benefits consumer needs fulfillment market segmentation software Microsoft Windows versions software compatibility software platform monopoly niche software development cross-platform development challenges open source software drawbacks open source project stability software abuse risks self-policing open source Wikipedia analogy software government software procurement open source vs closed source IT infrastructure choices software platform standardization software cost analysis software market reach software ecosystem control closed source advantages proprietary software benefits software market segmentation Microsoft Windows versions software compatibility desktop software monopoly niche software development cross-platform development challenges open source project risks open source software abuse software stability software quality assurance government IT policy open source vs proprietary software software customization Wikipedia reliability community-driven software software platform dominance software market reach open source self-policing closed source software advantages closed source vs open source software consumer needs software solutions software product segmentation Windows 7 product versions Microsoft software monopoly platform compatibility software niche software development cost of multi-platform development open source software risks open source project vulnerabilities open source community policing software stability concerns Wikipedia analogy open source government IT policy open source Linux vs Windows adoption software market fragmentation software translation challenges software accessibility problems consequences of software monopolies closed source advantages software segmentation product differentiation market reach Microsoft Windows 7 editions software compatibility desktop monopoly cross-platform development open source vulnerabilities project stability community self-policing Wikipedia analogy IT governance risks open vs closed software specialized niche software cost of software development platform dependency government software policy software customization abuse in open source software reliability open source pitfalls commercial software benefits programmer incentives Linux adoption effects interoperability consumer needs product support software quality assurance technology monopoly decision-making in software adoption closed source software advantages closed source vs open source software market segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 editions software platform compatibility programmer platform choice software monopoly benefits open source security risks open source community governance custom software development costs Wikipedia analogy software reliability government adoption open source open source software stability niche software market access platform fragmentation software reliability concerns self-policing open source proprietary software market reach closed source software proprietary software commercial software consumer needs product segmentation market differentiation Microsoft Windows 7 software versions operating system monopoly desktop dominance software compatibility niche software software localization platform dependence software development cost open source alternatives Linux adoption government software policy cross-platform development market accessibility software stability open source vulnerabilities project quality control community self-policing code abuse software reliability Wikipedia analogy open collaboration risks IT decision making technology procurement public sector software software ecosystem software fragmentation software interoperability closed source software advantages commercial software market segmentation Microsoft Windows versions software compatibility Windows software monopoly benefits niche software development open source software risks open source project abuse open source quality control software platform fragmentation government software procurement Linux government adoption open source software security enterprise software stability software platform standardization software development cost comparison proprietary vs open source debate software customization challenges IT policy closed source large scale software deployment closed source advantages consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 software compatibility market reach desktop monopoly niche software cross-platform development government software policy Linux adoption open source risks project stability software customization community self-policing Wikipedia analogy IT reliability platform fragmentation software maintenance security concerns proprietary software open source vulnerabilities proprietary software software market segmentation consumer satisfaction platform compatibility Microsoft Windows dominance cross-platform development open source vulnerabilities software stability open source security risks government software procurement Linux adoption open source community self-regulation Wikipedia reliability software monopolies niche software development cost of software development software customization software product differentiation software interoperability technology adoption barriers
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro01a	Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) right to die assisted suicide euthanasia patient autonomy end-of-life decision-making quality of life individual rights personal choice suffering terminal illness self-determination dignity in dying medical ethics palliative care consent bodily autonomy psychological distress physical pain life rights suicide voluntary euthanasia Daniel James case liberty moral philosophy right to refuse treatment right to die euthanasia physician-assisted suicide end-of-life decisions personal autonomy quality of life patient rights suffering terminal illness individual choice medical ethics death with dignity voluntary euthanasia suicide palliative care legal rights moral philosophy bioethics self-determination Daniel James case liberty and death assisted dying consent mental suffering physical pain human dignity assisted suicide right to die euthanasia patient autonomy quality of life end-of-life decisions terminal illness palliative care suffering medical ethics personal rights Daniel James case physician-assisted death legal issues individual freedom dignity in dying moral considerations consent healthcare rights mental suffering right to die arguments euthanasia ethical debate autonomy in end-of-life decisions physician assisted suicide pros and cons quality of life vs quantity of life personal choice in dying Daniel James case study moral implications of assisted suicide human rights and death suffering and patient autonomy legal perspective on assisted suicide medical ethics and right to die individual freedom in life and death psychological distress and euthanasia spinal injury and assisted suicide liberty and death manifesto humanities and medical law terminal illness and patient choices compassionate end-of-life options suffering reduction in terminal care right to life right to die assisted suicide euthanasia patient autonomy end-of-life decisions quality of life psychological distress physical pain personal choice death with dignity physician-assisted suicide terminal illness liberty and death Derek Humphrey Daniel James case suffering human rights suicide ethics moral autonomy right to abstain patient rights medical ethics guardianship legal right to die dignity in dying right to life right to die assisted suicide euthanasia patient autonomy quality of life physician assisted suicide Daniel James case individual rights suffering and dignity end-of-life decision ethical issues personal choice pain tolerance psychological distress liberty and death legal aspects of euthanasia terminal illness rights moral considerations of suicide autonomy in healthcare medical ethics right to die euthanasia assisted suicide autonomy end-of-life choices quality of life individual rights terminal illness physician-assisted death personal autonomy suffering pain management human rights dignity in dying life termination patient choice death with dignity moral rights Daniel James case liberty consent self-determination end-of-life ethics suicide palliative care constitutional rights medical ethics freedom of choice right to refuse treatment human dignity psychological distress spinal injury right to life personal decision medical autonomy right to life euthanasia physician assisted suicide patient autonomy Daniel James case quality of life individual rights end-of-life decisions ethical debates on suicide liberty and death personal autonomy suffering and dignity moral implications of assisted dying voluntary euthanasia terminal illness psychological distress death with dignity moral philosophy human rights autonomy in healthcare bioethics legal aspects of suicide choice at end-of-life compassion in medicine right to die movement right to die euthanasia physician assisted suicide quality of life patient autonomy end-of-life decisions suicide dignity in dying medical ethics personal choice terminal illness suffering consent palliative care legal rights human rights liberty chronic pain psychological distress individual autonomy medical decision-making patient rights death with dignity moral philosophy bioethics right to die euthanasia physician-assisted suicide autonomy end-of-life decision patient rights quality of life suffering terminal illness palliative care Daniel James case ethical issues liberty personal choice human rights suicide laws dignity in dying mental distress physical pain medical ethics
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro01a	Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . rehabilitation punishment theory retributive justice restorative justice criminal justice system offender reform recidivism reduction humane incarceration public safety crime prevention offender reintegration prisoner rights crime causation youth offenders London riots recidivism statistics sentencing policy prison reform public opinion on punishment re-entry programs alternatives to incarceration victim perspective societal impact punitive justice ethical punishment correctional philosophy rehabilitation effectiveness enlightenened justice system offender rehabilitation programs criminal behaviour analysis humanisation of offenders rehabilitation punishment criminal justice retributive theory restorative justice offender reform recidivism reduction humanising imprisonment crime prevention reintegration offender rights societal safety public opinion London riots youth offenders recidivism rates penal policy prison reform enlightened justice sentencing philosophy desert theory rehabilitation programs crime causation reoffending prevention victim protection community safety correctional treatment punitive justice British criminal justice system alternatives to incarceration rehabilitative ideal rehabilitation punishment retributive justice restorative justice criminal justice system recidivism offender reform imprisonment public safety crime prevention reoffending sentencing policy punitive measures social reintegration offender treatment prison reform correctional philosophy victim rights deterrence theory incarceration community corrections compassion in justice principles of punishment criminal behavior causes youth offenders London riots evidence-based sentencing correctional effectiveness humane justice socio-economic causes of crime ethical justice rehabilitation vs retribution effectiveness of rehabilitation in criminal justice rehabilitation as an aim of punishment rehabilitation and recidivism rates public opinion on rehabilitation ideological foundations of punishment retributive theory critique London riots rehabilitation policies offender reform programs humanizing criminal justice reducing crime through rehabilitation rehabilitation vs deterrence restorative justice principles prisoner rights and rehabilitation ethical justifications for imprisonment comparative analysis of punishment models evidence-based rehabilitation role of rehabilitation in modern society prevention of reoffending criminal sentencing and rehabilitation rehabilitation outcomes research rehabilitation and public safety rehabilitation and social reintegration policy rehabilitation punishment justification imprisonment ideologies retributive theory desert theory offender reform London riots youth offenders causes of crime reoffending prevention public safety victim protection crime reduction criminal justice system retribution critique societal attitudes offender rights recidivism public opinion poll sentencing criteria enlightened punishment UK riots correctional philosophy restorative justice penal reform humanising prison crime causation punishment models criminal rehabilitation rehabilitation effectiveness prisoner reformation rehabilitation vs punishment justifications for imprisonment rehabilitative justice retributive justice desert theory punishment reducing reoffending offender rehabilitation criminal justice reform prevention of crime public safety rehabilitation restorative justice rehabilitation effectiveness offender reintegration punishment philosophy enlightened criminal justice UK riots rehabilitation juvenile offender rehabilitation reoffending prevention strategies public opinion criminal sentencing humane punishment alternatives rehabilitation punishment ideological justification imprisonment humanising belief offenders reoffending retributive theory desert theory criminal justice retribution riot offenders causes of crime crime prevention public safety victims prisoner rights recidivism reduction restorative justice public opinion UK riots youth offenders sentencing correctional policy enlightened society modern justice system punitive measures reformative approach criminal reform social reintegration rehabilitation punishment justification criminal justice system retributive theory restorative justice offender reform recidivism reduction imprisonment ideology humanising punishment public safety crime prevention offender rehabilitation UK riot offenders London riots youth incarceration reoffending societal protection victim rights sentencing policy public opinion on punishment enlightened punishment models punitive measures criminal reform rehabilitative justice prison reform criminal sentencing justice system critique crime causation offender motivation punishment vs rehabilitation rehabilitation punishment justification imprisonment humanising offenders reoffending retributive theory desert theory retribution society victim crime prevention public safety criminal justice system sentencing offender reform restorative justice recidivism social reintegration punitive justice London riots youth offenders poll public opinion crime reduction enlightened approach victimisation criminal reform custodial sentences correctional philosophy alternative sentencing rehabilitative ideal rehabilitation punishment theory prison reform restorative justice retributive justice recidivism offender rehabilitation criminal justice system sentencing policy societal reintegration juvenile offenders riot aftermath offender motivation prevention of reoffending victim protection public opinion on punishment enlightened penal policy London riots prisoner rights crime reduction public safety correctional philosophy rehabilitative ideal reoffending prevention humane punishment prison ideology
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro02a	The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. gun control firearm regulation accidental shootings gun violence gun crime gun ownership laws child gun accidents mass shootings firearm theft criminal access to guns Columbine massacre Hungerford massacre Dunblane massacre registered gun owners public safety firearm prevalence gun death statistics law-abiding citizens tragic consequences gun safety gun accessibility firearms in society gun control firearm legislation accidental shootings gun violence gun safety firearm theft stolen guns mass shootings Columbine massacre school shootings child access to guns gun-related deaths gun accidents public safety responsible gun ownership UK shootings Hungerford massacre Dunblane massacre criminal access to firearms gun prevalence law-abiding gun owners firearm regulation gun crime prevention gun control firearm regulation gun safety accidental shootings stolen guns criminal gun access gun violence child gun accidents mass shootings school shootings Columbine massacre Hungerford massacre Dunblane massacre legal gun ownership law-abiding citizens gun prevalence firearm theft gun legislation public safety firearms and crime responsible gun ownership gun-related deaths gun laws mental health and firearms gun control debate impact of legal gun ownership accidental gun deaths statistics gun violence and mental health guns stolen from legal owners children and gun accidents school shootings causes Columbine High School massacre analysis Hungerford shooting incident Dunblane massacre law-abiding citizens and gun access firearm prevalence and crime rates gun regulation effectiveness stolen firearms crime link safe gun storage laws public safety and gun ownership international gun ownership comparisons gun control policy outcomes legal versus illegal firearms mass shootings and legal gun access gun ownership firearm regulation civilian gun possession accidental gun deaths gun theft illegal firearms crime and guns gun violence child firearm accidents school shootings mass shootings Columbine massacre Hungerford massacre Dunblane tragedy gun control laws public safety mental health and guns gun prevalence firearm-related tragedies lawful gun owners stolen firearms gun control debate firearm regulation accidental gun deaths gun violence statistics guns and public safety civilian gun ownership risks stolen firearms crime child gun accidents mass shooting incidents gun ownership legality preventing gun tragedies gun ownership and crime rates gun safety laws legal firearms theft gun massacre examples mental health and gun ownership Hungerford shooting Dunblane massacre Columbine shooting impact of legal gun ownership gun ownership firearm legislation accidental gun deaths legal firearms citizen gun rights gun safety gun theft stolen firearms criminal access to guns firearm prevalence child gun accidents gun violence Columbine massacre school shootings mass shootings Hungerford massacre Dunblane massacre mental health and guns registered gun owners law-abiding citizens tragic deaths gun control firearm regulation public safety gun crime gun ownership risks gun control debate accidental gun deaths legal firearms consequences gun theft statistics stolen guns crime children gun accidents school shootings Columbine massacre UK mass shootings Hungerford shooting Dunblane massacre law-abiding citizen gun ownership gun prevalence society firearm regulation public safety firearms gun violence prevention mental health and firearms mass shooting incidents gun crime prevention gun control firearm regulation gun violence accidental shootings gun theft crime rates child safety school shootings mass shootings public health legal firearms gun prevalence law-abiding citizens gun legislation criminal access to guns gun accidents mental health gun massacres public safety United States United Kingdom Hungerford massacre Dunblane massacre Columbine shooting firearm ownership gun laws gun control firearm legislation gun violence accidental shootings gun crime gun ownership risks mass shootings public safety firearm theft criminal access to guns child gun accidents school shootings Columbine massacre Hungerford massacre Dunblane tragedy law-abiding gun owners gun regulation firearm prevalence gun safety laws gun-related deaths
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con06a	Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. utilitarianism moral demandingness ethical obligations consequentialism effective altruism trolley problem charity ethics moral duties supererogatory acts Peter Singer sacrifice distributive justice moral responsibility duty vs. praise altruism moral philosophy act vs. rule utilitarianism obligation to help donation ethics stringent ethics utilitarianism demandingness objection moral obligation ethical theory act utilitarianism Peter Singer effective altruism charity duty moral praise supererogation trolley problem consequentialism morality of giving ethical demandingness moral limits sacrifice responsibilities ethics of saving lives moral expectations donation ethics utilitarian ethics moral demandingness effective altruism Peter Singer consequentialism moral obligation charity ethics duty to rescue supererogation trolley problem moral responsibility obligation vs supererogation demandingness objection act utilitarianism rule utilitarianism ethical theory sacrificing self-interest moral praise duties vs charity saving lives impartiality moral philosophy ethical demandingness utilitarianism demanding critique demandingness objection utilitarianism charity moral obligation effective altruism duty utilitarianism and supererogation limits of moral duty utilitarianism charity donation argument should excess money be donated utilitarian view on saving lives power to save lives responsibility moral obligation vs praiseworthiness do we have to donate all money utilitarian demandingness problem ethical theory moral limits of charity utilitarianism practical implications helping others mandatory ethical duty vs supererogatory acts sacrificing for greater good moral expectations utilitarianism threshold for moral duties utilitarianism moral demandingness ethical obligations consequentialism trolley problem effective altruism moral duty supererogatory actions charity ethics Peter Singer act utilitarianism moral praise saving lives moral responsibility ethical dilemmas power to help excessive demands moral philosophy ethical theory obligation vs. supererogation utilitarianism demandingness demandingness objection utilitarianism utilitarianism charity obligations ethics of giving act utilitarianism moral duty supererogatory actions utilitarianism consequentialism demandingness effective altruism philosophy Peter Singer utilitarianism moral obligations charity utilitarianism duty to save utilitarianism supererogation stringent moral duties moral demandingness problem ethical theory charity utilitarianism criticism moral responsibilities utilitarianism everyday ethics utilitarianism trolley problem utilitarianism limits of moral obligation utilitarianism moral demandingness ethical obligations Peter Singer effective altruism trolley problem consequentialism moral sacrifice charity ethics supererogation moral responsibility moral praise philosophical critique duty vs charity saving lives moral theory act utilitarianism moral expectations philosophical ethics moral limits demandingness objection moral duties utilitarianism criticism demandingness objection moral obligations charity ethics effective altruism consequentialism supererogatory acts Peter Singer moral duty vs. praise trolley problem ethical dilemmas moral demandingness saving lives distributive justice ethical sacrifice normative ethics moral theory ethical expectations duty to charity personal sacrifice altruism philosophical arguments utilitarianism moral demandingness ethical obligations consequentialism trolley problem effective altruism duty vs supererogation Peter Singer charity ethics moral responsibility moral praise sacrificial ethics moral philosophy demandingness objection utilitarian critique acts vs omissions saving lives duty to rescue charitable giving moral limits ethical obligations moral duties Peter Singer effective altruism demandingness objection consequentialism charity ethics supererogation moral responsibility act vs rule utilitarianism obligation vs praise altruism moral limits practical ethics moral demandingness utilitarian sacrifice
test-society-asfhwapg-con04a	A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , liability regime patent alternatives blanket patenting innovation incentives research funding gene patents genetic sequence rights GSR intellectual property sui generis rights use-based compensation pay-for-access open research commercialization fees academic exemptions international patent system public health technology transfer knowledge sharing fair use policy research accessibility Palombi Dutfield WHO biotechnology policy patent reform patent database access conditions IP alternatives liability regime alternatives to patents patent alternatives blanket patenting innovation barriers research incentives gene patenting genetic sequence rights GSR pay-for-use system use now pay later intellectual property alternatives biotechnology IP patent-free genetic research IP policy reform commercialization fees non-exclusive rights genetic material disclosure public access genetic database experimental use exemptions GSR fee structure academic research exemption public health implications sui generis rights international patent system alternatives biotechnology innovation policy genetic research incentives DNA patenting policy access to genetic discoveries equitable IP systems liability regime patent alternatives genetic sequence rights GSR blanket patenting innovation research incentives gene patents intellectual property pay-for-use model access to discoveries use now pay later free access database commercial use fees academic research public health research patent system reform sui generis rights biological materials technology transfer licensing models research funding patent policy knowledge sharing open science patent drawbacks fair compensation international patent system genetic material access conditions liability regime alternatives alternatives to gene patents non-patent research incentives patent-free genetic research genetic sequence rights GSR system benefits use now pay later intellectual property GSR fee structure genetic invention compensation models innovation without patents intellectual property for biotechnology patent stifling innovation solutions fair genetic research regimes academic vs. commercial genetic use fees international GSR administration genetic material access models non-exclusive gene rights Palombi Genetic Sequence Right DNA patent policy alternatives genetic intellectual property reform liability regime patent alternatives gene patents innovation research incentives blanket patenting research funding discovery rights use now pay later commercialization fees Genetic Sequence Rights GSR genetic database access rights electronic registration GSR fee academic research commercial use international patent system public health DNA patenting biological materials GSR administration use-based fees academic exemptions Palombi proposal research accessibility fair system incentives for innovation research commercialization publicly funded research liability regime alternatives non-patent incentives gene patent alternatives innovation without patents Genetic Sequence Rights GSR use now pay later system research incentives alternative intellectual property DNA patenting implications public health research patent system reform fair research compensation commercial research fees academic research exemptions access to genetic discoveries Palombi proposal international patent alternatives genetic material rights biotechnology intellectual property liability regime alternatives to patents blanket patenting innovation barriers high prices gene patent abolition non-patent incentives payback for research researcher compensation rights for discovery non-exclusive access rights use now pay later research commercialization variable fee structure Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent administration genetic sequence disclosure open-access genetic database GSR use fee academic exemption commercial entity fees fairer intellectual property research encouragement commercial vs academic use DNA patenting public health research sui generis intellectual property alternative IP models biological materials patent conference liability regime alternatives gene patents abolition non-patent genetic rights innovation incentive mechanisms use now pay later intellectual property genetic sequence rights GSR fee structure research commercialization fees academic research exemptions international patent alternatives Palombi genetic sequence rights biological materials IP public health research patents DNA patenting implications free access discovery databases patent system reform sui generis intellectual property commercialization vs academic research access to genetic materials R&D incentives gene innovation policy blanket patent criticism open genetic research technology transfer mechanisms equitable IP systems global IP administration genetic disclosure incentives commercial entity research liability regime alternative to patents non-patent genetic innovation innovation incentives research incentives genetic sequence rights GSR use now pay later payback for research open access genetics patent system reform blanket patenting drawbacks research accessibility commercial research fees sui generis rights Palombi proposal WHO DNA patenting fair research system public health research intellectual property alternatives international genetic database GSR fee academic research exemptions patent barriers biomedical innovation policy patent-free genetic research liability regime alternatives to patents genetic sequence rights GSR patent alternatives innovation research incentives pay-for-use system use now pay later intellectual property DNA patenting public health research academic research commercial research patent system reform sui generis rights Palombi blanket patenting gene patents international electronic database GSR fee access to genetic discoveries non-exclusive rights biotechnology innovation rights for discoverers patenting biological materials
test-economy-epegiahsc-con04a	FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, Free Trade Area of the Americas FTAA criticism labor market liberalization developed countries labor impact US workers Canadian workers wage competition job outsourcing global labor competition labor rights erosion workers protections unemployment North American Free Trade Agreement NAFTA impact job displacement wage suppression labor standards social dumping employer leverage working conditions decline economic inequality labor unions trade liberalization effects structural unemployment offshoring income disparity labor reform economic globalization trade agreements consequences labor force adjustment FTAA free trade agreements labor rights developed countries US workers Canadian workers wage competition outsourcing job displacement NAFTA labor market liberalization wage suppression worker protections unemployment working conditions economic impacts trade liberalization employment loss labor standards income inequality union strength labor laws international competition race to the bottom labor mobility trade policy social safety nets employment security global labor market negative effects of FTAA economic globalization FTAA labor market liberalization developed countries workers' rights wage competition salary reduction employment protection job displacement NAFTA impact US workers Canadian workers free trade agreements working conditions labor surplus unemployment union rights labor standards income inequality outsourcing offshoring labor protections collective bargaining social safety nets economic globalization deindustrialization wage stagnation benefits reduction trade liberalization labor migration FTAA labor impact FTAA job loss developed countries FTAA wage competition FTAA workers' rights labor market liberalization Americas FTAA vs NAFTA labor FTAA Canada worker impact FTAA US employment FTAA free trade agreements labor FTAA unemployment effects FTAA income inequality FTAA employer labor conditions FTAA wage suppression FTAA labor market integration FTAA and benefits reduction FTAA historical labor trends FTAA economic displacement FTAA union protections FTAA labor standards comparison FTAA trade policy criticism NAFTA job displacement data NAFTA labor impact free trade FTAA labour market liberalization developed countries US workers Canadian workers wage competition salary disparity labour rights workers' protections unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor wage suppression labor standards economic inequality globalization labor market competition trade policy North American labor market union power downward pressure on wages labor market deregulation US-Canada trade trade liberalization impacts Economic Policy Institute New Yorker free trade labor mobility regional integration job loss statistics FTAA impact on developed countries FTAA job loss US Canada labour market liberalization Americas wage competition US Canada Latin America FTAA workers' rights risks NAFTA job displacement statistics FTAA effect on salaries and benefits free trade agreements impact on labor unemployment due to FTAA FTAA and labor protections case studies NAFTA job loss Economic Policy Institute FTAA Suroweicki Free-Trade Paradox FTAA economic consequences US FTAA employers reduce working conditions FTAA labor market developed countries US workers Canadian workers wage competition lower wages reduced benefits workers’ rights labor protections unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor wage suppression labor standards income inequality outsourcing offshoring economic impact trade liberalization labor mobility economic globalization race to the bottom labor market deregulation labor migration employment security trade policy economic integration labor exploitation union power collective bargaining social safety net FTAA labor impact FTAA criticism labor market liberalization Americas free trade effects on US workers competitive labor markets wage suppression US Canada workers’ rights under FTAA FTAA unemployment developed countries NAFTA job losses free trade displacement US Canada trade agreements labor wage inequality Americas labor protections trade agreements employer labor surplus working conditions FTAA post-NAFTA labor market negative FTAA outcomes labor standards free trade trade liberalization consequences NAFTA vs. FTAA labor union rights FTAA American worker competitiveness downward wage pressure labor benefits reduction FTAA trade policy free trade criticism labor market liberalization wage competition worker displacement income inequality job outsourcing labor rights erosion unemployment in developed countries NAFTA effects union power reduction race to the bottom exploitative labor practices wage stagnation comparative advantage drawbacks social safety nets corporate profit motives deindustrialization North American labor market global wage arbitrage import competition downward pressure on wages labor standard harmonization cross-border labor flows employment security FTAA impact studies free trade agreements labor market liberalization wage competition workers' rights employment displacement job outsourcing income inequality race to the bottom NAFTA impact trade policy labor standards developed countries wage suppression social protections union power unemployment rates economic globalization offshoring labor mobility workforce protections
test-politics-dhwem-pro02a	PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. private military companies PMC cost benefits military outsourcing mercenary efficiency defense budget savings government spending military privatization military expenditure reduction force outsourcing taxpayer savings arms race costs Soviet Union collapse military training expenses pension savings healthcare cost reduction temporary military labor cost-effective security comparison mercenaries regular troops U.S. military downsizing private military contractors cost effectiveness economic impact military outsourcing government spending defense budget military privatization mercenary advantages operational efficiency reduced taxpayer burden troop downsizing cost comparison training costs pension savings healthcare cost reduction arms race prevention Soviet Union collapse historical military spending defense savings contract soldiers military expense management private military companies cost-effectiveness outsourcing defense military contractors mercenary advantages defense budget savings pay-per-use soldiers reduced military expenditure taxpayer savings operational efficiency military outsourcing benefits defense privatization subcontracted armed forces combat outsourcing costs comparative defense costs short-term military hiring military cost analysis post-Cold War military downsizing US military outsourcing arms race economics Private military companies value for money cost effectiveness of mercenaries mercenary expenses vs government troops PMCs cost comparison savings with private contractors military outsourcing military operations benefits financial efficiency of PMCs mercenary pay versus soldier salary government savings with PMCs reduced military pensions and benefits impact of PMCs on defense budgets private contractors and taxpayer savings arms race cost reduction historical military downsizing savings PMCs versus regular army expenses economic advantages of military outsourcing public spending on mercenaries US army downsizing cost implications Soviet Union military spending collapse mercenary use prevents arms race government private military contractors PMC cost effectiveness mercenary economics military outsourcing government military spending defense budget savings privatized military force contractor vs regular troops defense outsourcing efficiency military pension costs healthcare costs mercenaries taxpayer savings military US army downsizing reduced military force costs arms race economic impact Soviet Union military spending contractor hiring benefits public sector vs private sector military military operational costs military personnel expenses private military contractors value for money mercenaries cost efficiency government outsourcing military mercenary vs regular troops cost benefits of PMCs military outsourcing savings taxpayer savings PMCs reduced military spending cost comparison mercenaries soldiers private military cost effectiveness arms race prevention US military downsizing benefits Gulf War military size comparison economic impact of PMCs PMC training and benefits costs mercenary pay structure privatized military services benefits security outsourcing government historical military cost savings Soviet Union collapse military spending private military companies cost-effectiveness military outsourcing mercenary costs government savings defense budget contract soldiers pay-per-use troops taxpayer savings reduced military size contractor benefits military expenditure training costs pension reductions healthcare savings arms race prevention Soviet Union collapse post-Cold War defense military privatization military efficiency Gulf War troop size defense contractor fiscal responsibility operational flexibility public spending reduction armed forces outsourcing private military companies mercenary cost efficiency outsourcing military operations military privatization cost of mercenaries vs regular troops contracting armed forces taxpayer military savings PMC benefits military outsourcing advantages reduced military pensions defense budget reduction hiring mercenaries US military size reduction cost-saving military strategies arms race impact military expenditure reduction government military spending military personnel costs private security contractors comparison regular army mercenaries Private Military Companies military outsourcing mercenary cost analysis government spending troop downsizing defense budget savings arms race prevention military privatization contractor efficiency taxpayer savings Soviet Union collapse military expenditure reduction non-state military actors armed forces cost comparison U.S. Army size reduction private military companies PMC cost effectiveness mercenary cost comparison government military outsourcing military expenditure savings military pension costs military healthcare costs contract soldiers military privatization arms race economics defense budget reduction taxpayer savings military US military downsizing contractor versus regular troops mercenary pay structure historical arms race costs Soviet Union collapse military spending Gulf War military size military outsourcing benefits military training costs
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con02a	Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. climate change climate models greenhouse gases GHGs atmospheric carbon dioxide model uncertainty ecological resilience plant life climate mitigation species adaptation anthropogenic effects climate variability global warming model accuracy earth’s climate history environmental impact biodiversity adaptive capacity scientific consensus predictive modeling model limitations feedback mechanisms future projections resilience of ecosystems climate science complexity climate model accuracy climate model uncertainty greenhouse gases impact carbon dioxide plant growth climate change mitigation earth's climate resilience anthropogenic climate change limitations of climate models climate change species adaptation natural climate variability predicting future climate trust in climate models plant response to CO2 complexity of climate systems historical climate change evolutionary adaptation climate climate model predictions skepticism climate models climate impact assessments resilience of ecosystems climate resilience climate models greenhouse gases global warming climate change uncertainty carbon dioxide effects plant life adaptation ecosystem mitigation species adaptation anthropogenic impact model accuracy climate variability climate predictions scientific uncertainty environmental adaptation natural climate cycles climate science complexity biodiversity resilience atmospheric CO2 earth system models Earth's resiliency climate change evidence limitations of climate models greenhouse gases impact uncertainty climate model accuracy debate increased CO2 benefits for plant life positive effects of carbon dioxide on ecosystems resilience of species to climate change history of climate variability anthropogenic vs natural climate change adaptability of life on Earth critiques of climate model predictions uncertainty in future climate projections mitigating effects of plant growth species adaptation to rising GHGs skepticism of catastrophic climate predictions Lemonick climate model trust role of uncertainty in climate science historical climate change impacts on life evolutionary resilience to environmental change complexity of climate feedbacks climate models greenhouse gases model uncertainty carbon dioxide effects plant resilience ecosystem adaptation climate change mitigation biodiversity protection anthropogenic impact natural climate variability model accuracy climate science complexity atmospheric CO2 model disagreement environmental feedbacks species adaptation predictive climate modeling resilience of life future climate projections limitations of climate predictions Earth resilience climate model reliability greenhouse gas effects climate change uncertainty atmospheric CO2 impact plant life adaptation climate model complexity climate science limitations ecological mitigation species adaptation climate change historical climate variability anthropogenic vs natural climate change climate prediction accuracy climate model trustworthiness future of climate modeling limitations of climate forecasting resilience of life on earth carbon cycle adaptation environmental optimism climate impact uncertainties Earth resilience climate model limitations greenhouse gas effects atmospheric CO2 model uncertainty plant growth carbon dioxide climate adaptation biodiversity mitigation ecosystem resilience climate model accuracy model complexity anthropogenic climate change historical climate change computer simulation climate species adaptation future climate projections natural climate variability scientific uncertainty environmental sustainability ecological adaptation Earth’s resilience climate model accuracy greenhouse gas uncertainty plant response CO2 climate model limitations carbon dioxide plant growth adaptation climate change natural climate variability species adaptation climate change anthropogenic climate change debate climate model skepticism ecosystem resilience climate change predictive climate modeling environmental feedback loops Earth’s adaptive capacity CO2 fertilization effect uncertainty climate projections divergent climate models climate change natural causes limitations climate predictions climate model reliability greenhouse gas impacts carbon dioxide plant growth ecosystem adaptation scientific uncertainty climate change mitigation model accuracy anthropogenic climate effects biodiversity resilience climate adaptation strategies uncertainty in climate predictions natural climate variability species adaptation computerized modeling limitations long-term climate trends environmental resilience climate model reliability greenhouse gas effects carbon dioxide fertilization plant adaptation climate model uncertainty historical climate changes resilience of ecosystems biodiversity response anthropogenic climate impact climate projections limitations of climate models ecological adaptation CO2 and plant growth model variability future climate scenarios
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro01a	The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: unauthorized downloading copyrighted material copyright infringement digital piracy intellectual property online piracy state intervention copyright protection legal consequences digital content piracy prevention content industry rights holders market competition digital theft copyright enforcement illegal downloads pirate sites digital economy anti-piracy measures copyright law content producers commercial viability parallel market online copyright enforcement content licensing OECD piracy report copyright policy digital rights management copyright violation unauthorized downloading digital piracy copyright infringement intellectual property rights online piracy illegal file sharing digital content theft anti-piracy laws copyright enforcement content protection copyright law illegal downloads digital rights management music piracy movie piracy peer-to-peer sharing copyright violation state intervention legal alternatives digital marketplace creative industry protection copyright infringement digital piracy intellectual property rights unauthorized downloading content protection digital content state intervention anti-piracy measures online piracy content creators copyright enforcement illegal downloads economic impact digital rights management intellectual property law illegal file sharing content monetization piracy prevention digital marketplace unauthorized distribution copyright infringement prevention state regulation of online piracy intellectual property protection unauthorized downloading consequences digital piracy enforcement impact on content creators illegal downloading market impact authorized vs unauthorized content fair competition in digital markets online content industry protection economic effects of piracy consumer behavior in digital piracy measures to combat piracy OECD digital content piracy legal versus pirate websites content producer rights digital content monetization combating parallel markets anti-piracy laws and enforcement supporting creative industries digital piracy intellectual property rights copyright enforcement online piracy prevention anti-piracy strategies legal consequences piracy content protection technology digital content theft copyright infringement unauthorized file sharing music piracy movie piracy software piracy fair use digital rights management peer-to-peer networks economic impact of piracy creative industry protection online copyright laws copyright policy market disruption piracy legal alternatives consumer behavior piracy digital content marketplace commercial viability content state intervention piracy OECD piracy report online piracy prevention digital rights enforcement copyrighted material protection intellectual property laws anti-piracy strategies copyright infringement consequences illegal download deterrence consumer behavior piracy online content monetization copyright enforcement agencies unauthorized distribution regulation creative industry support digital content legal alternatives piracy market impact copyright theft consequences protecting online content creators fair compensation for creators combating digital piracy copyright laws effectiveness copyright owner rights unauthorized downloading copyright infringement intellectual property copyright protection digital piracy online piracy state regulation anti-piracy laws illegal downloading content theft piracy prevention copyright enforcement rights holders market competition content industry commercial viability piracy impact copyright law content creators piracy deterrence digital rights management fair compensation lawful content distribution illegal file sharing peer-to-peer networks pirated content copyright violation creative industries online content regulation digital piracy copyright law enforcement intellectual property protection unauthorized content downloading online content market digital rights management anti-piracy measures state regulation content creator compensation illegal file sharing content industry protection economic impact of piracy online piracy legislation digital content theft copyright infringement consequences parallel market consumer behavior authorized content access online media piracy copyright violation prevention illegal downloading digital piracy copyright enforcement intellectual property rights anti-piracy measures online copyright infringement copyright violation state intervention digital content protection unauthorized distribution market competition content creators economic impact legal alternatives piracy prevention digital marketplace copyright law media piracy copyright holders peer-to-peer sharing digital piracy intellectual property rights state intervention copyright enforcement unauthorized downloads content protection online piracy anti-piracy laws copyright infringement digital rights management content industry illegal downloading piracy prevention market competition creative industries piracy impact legal alternatives copyright policy digital content regulation piracy deterrence
test-international-iiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ endangered species wildlife conservation cultural heritage African elephants African lions animal symbolism traditional beliefs mystic powers cultural identity extinction prevention fauna protection African pride coat of arms national symbols historical significance cultural impact environmental conservation wildlife laws anti-poaching indigenous culture animal extinction heritage preservation protected species African biodiversity animal welfare legal protection community values symbolic animals cultural importance species preservation endangered wildlife wildlife conservation Africa African cultural heritage African elephants cultural symbolism African lions symbolism protection of endangered species Africa wildlife extinction impact Africa African identity animals traditional beliefs animals Africa elephants mystic significance lions national emblems Africa conservation policy Africa cultural significance endangered animals pride in African wildlife wildlife protection laws Africa African traditions endangered species animal symbolism African countries Africa wildlife extinction prevention heritage species Africa African fauna preservation endangered species wildlife conservation African heritage cultural identity biodiversity African elephants African lions ivory trade cultural symbolism animal protection traditional beliefs African wildlife extinction prevention heritage preservation national symbols African pride mystic beliefs species loss ecological impact cultural loss endangered animals cultural significance Africa protection of endangered species Africa African elephants mystic powers African lions symbolism endangered animals national pride Africa cultural impact extinction African wildlife African lions coat of arms preservation of African heritage animals elephants ivory African tradition importance of protecting African wildlife endangered species cultural heritage African animals identity historical significance African animals extinction effects African culture conservation of culturally significant animals Africa endangered species Africa African cultural heritage wildlife conservation Africa African elephants symbolism mystic animals Africa cultural importance African lions African identity wildlife animal extinction cultural impact traditional beliefs elephants Africa African fauna protection African pride endangered species African lions coat of arms heritage animals Africa significance of wildlife in Africa indigenous African beliefs animals conservation strategies Africa African animal protection laws African wildlife cultural symbolism endangered species cultural significance Africa African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms symbolism cultural heritage wildlife Africa protection endangered animals Africa extinction cultural impact Africa African wildlife identity animal symbolism African culture conservation African heritage traditional beliefs endangered animals wildlife pride African nations historic value African animals African elephants spiritual beliefs lions national symbols Africa tougher protection endangered species Africa endangered animals African wildlife animal protection conservation cultural significance African elephants mystic powers folklore African lions coat of arms national identity cultural heritage extinction impact wildlife preservation Africa traditional beliefs symbolism pride heritage animals state symbols ivory trade UCLA elephant study cultural traditions pride of Africa loss of biodiversity wildlife law enforcement endangered African animals African wildlife conservation cultural significance of African animals protection of African elephants African elephants mystic powers African lions symbolism African lions coat of arms cultural heritage African wildlife extinct African animals impact African animals national identity traditional beliefs African animals African animal symbolism preserving African fauna African animal extinction prevention African wildlife protection policies ivory trade cultural impact African animal protection laws African wildlife heritage African animals and indigenous culture African elephant conservation efforts endangered species African wildlife cultural heritage biodiversity conservation African elephants African lions mystic symbolism traditional beliefs wildlife protection cultural identity animal extinction conservation policies African culture heritage symbols ecological significance national pride fauna preservation trophy hunting wildlife trafficking intergenerational value coats of arms historical importance ivory trade wildlife sanctuaries human-wildlife conflict endangered species wildlife conservation African heritage biodiversity loss ecological protection cultural symbolism elephants spiritual meaning African lion symbolism wildlife trafficking ivory trade animal extinction African identity traditional beliefs habitat preservation cultural heritage protection anti-poaching efforts species protection laws African wildlife policy international wildlife agreements conservation education human-wildlife conflict
test-education-egscphsrdt-con03a	Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. teacher-student trust student-teacher relationship random drug testing school trust educational environment suspicion in schools drug education student disclosure peer influence information reliability anti-drug messaging school policy student counseling teacher support student safety perception of authority illegal drugs privacy concerns school discipline student wellbeing harm reduction teacher-student trust random drug testing school policy student privacy educational environment trust erosion drug education student perception authority relationships student support information reliability peer influence internet information anti-drug programs student well-being deterrence effectiveness student autonomy school discipline teacher credibility information accuracy guidance counseling harm reduction privacy rights suspicion in schools confidential support teacher-student trust random drug testing schools effects on teacher-student relationship impact on trust school student perceptions drug testing student-teacher communication drugs drug education effectiveness student reliance peers information sources drugs anti-drug policies schools student engagement school suspicion authority education school drug prevention programs consequences random drug testing student attitude authority trust-based education drug policy schools education climate student information seeking behavior mistrust school administration teacher-student trust and drug testing impact of random drug tests on teacher-student relationship consequences of drug testing in schools trust vs suspicion in education effectiveness of anti-drug education and random testing student attitudes towards school authority and drug policy peer influence and drug information internet sources of drug information challenges in communicating drug risks to students policy implications of school drug testing restoration of trust after drug tests student willingness to seek help on drug issues teaching effectiveness and suspicion in schools alternatives to random drug testing harm reduction and school drug policies teacher-student trust random drug testing school policy student perception trust versus suspicion drug education illegal drugs information peer influence internet sources anti-drug messaging impact on learning environment confidentiality in schools student well-being teacher authority school culture effectiveness of drug prevention student-teacher rapport unintended consequences youth attitudes toward drugs school discipline preventative education strategies teacher-student trust effects of random drug testing in schools impact on student-teacher relationship drug policy in education consequences of school drug tests trust versus suspicion in schools student information sources on drugs peer influence in drug education internet as drug information source effectiveness of anti-drug messages school policies and student trust alternatives to random drug testing in schools fostering open communication on drugs student willingness to discuss drug issues preserving educational relationships barriers to effective drug prevention education teacher-student trust random drug testing school policy student privacy authority relationships educational environment student perceptions teacher-student rapport trust erosion suspicion in schools counseling effectiveness drug education information reliability anti-drug programs peer influence school discipline student autonomy adolescent behavior school climate educational effectiveness teacher-student trust random drug testing schools student-teacher relationship dynamics drug education effectiveness impact of drug testing on trust students seeking drug information peer influence on drug knowledge school drug policies negative effects of random drug testing trust erosion in education student perceptions of authority information reliability on drug use anti-drug programs schools student support and guidance teacher role in drug prevention teacher-student trust school climate drug education effectiveness student perceptions random drug testing impact peer influence information reliability illegal drug education anti-drug policy school authority teacher credibility student engagement drug prevention programs student autonomy informational trustworthiness school discipline youth substance use privacy concerns student-teacher communication school safety policies student-teacher trust random drug testing schools effects of drug testing on relationships school drug policies teacher authority student perceptions student confidentiality building trust in education teacher-student communication drug education effectiveness impact of suspicion in schools alternatives to random drug testing school climate and trust student reliance on peers internet as information source anti-drug education trust issues policy consequences school drug testing
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con03a	Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 public panic risk communication threat perception security services information disclosure crisis management public disorder media influence risk assessment terrorism pandemic response information withholding public misunderstanding proportional response crisis reporting public health communication fear management misinformation rumor control public trust emergency response psychological impact security transparency threat mitigation communication strategy public risk communication crisis information management security services disclosure media influence public perception risk threat assessment information release strategy terrorism risk perception proportional response public disorder prevention misinformation control pandemic communication public health messaging overreaction prevention public trust management emergency response government transparency fear management risk misunderstanding policy communication security services public panic threat communication risk perception information disclosure media influence terrorism public disorder crisis management public health communication pandemics information control risk assessment proportional response misinformation government transparency threat assessment crisis response emergency communication public trust security services public communication risk communication strategies preventing public panic information release during crises media role in public risk perception public misunderstanding of risk proportional threat response terrorism communication strategies pandemic risk management balancing transparency and security crisis information dissemination managing public disorder risk Gallup terrorism polling public health versus security risk WHO pandemic communication swine flu public reaction information withholding rationale decision-making under uncertainty trust in authorities during crises media influence on panic public risk perception security services information management crisis communication public disorder prevention media influence terrorism risk proportional response panic prevention information disclosure strategy public health communication pandemic information release risk misunderstanding crisis response planning swine flu pandemic WHO response threat reporting emergency communication Gallup public opinion misinformation management security services public panic risk communication information disclosure public disorder media misunderstanding terrorism risk perception proportionate response public health information pandemic communication swine flu response information management crisis response threat reporting Gallup polls terrorism prevention pandemic fear official communication public perception of risk crisis misinformation security services risk communication public disorder crisis management information release panic prevention public health media influence terrorism perception risk assessment threat reporting public misunderstanding crisis response Gallup polls public policy pandemic response swine flu WHO misinformation information control emergency preparedness risk proportionality disaster communication public safety trust in authorities threat mitigation psychological impact crisis misinformation government transparency health scares risk communication public risk perception information disclosure crisis management media influence public panic prevention security service transparency terrorism risk perception proportional response misinformation in crises emergency communication strategies pandemic information management swine flu public response WHO pandemic communication public health communication media-induced panic threat reporting policy psychological impact of security threats risk vs. threat assessment crisis response best practices security services public disorder panic prevention threat communication risk perception media influence terrorism risk public policy crisis response threat reporting information release public health communication pandemic response swine flu WHO risk assessment Gallup poll public understanding disaster management crisis communication risk communication public panic security services information disclosure threat perception media influence public health communication crisis management terrorism risk misinformation proportional response public trust emergency response panic prevention pandemic communication risk assessment information management public opinion government transparency crisis communication
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con03a	This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 cluster munitions unexploded ordnance civilian casualties humanitarian law international treaties Convention on Cluster Munitions military technology weapons ban disarmament U.S. military policy arms control explosive remnants of war Geneva Conventions ethical warfare modern warfare reliability of munitions war crimes military funding defense innovation international security cluster munitions ban on cluster bombs U.S. military policy unexploded ordnance humanitarian impact international law weapons technology civilian casualties reliability of munitions arms control Geneva Conventions disarmament ethical implications military funding wartime conduct explosive remnants of war precision-guided munitions alternative weaponry U.S. Department of Defense post-conflict recovery demining efforts Convention on Cluster Munitions weapon modernization military effectiveness war crimes technological advancements in warfare cluster munitions humanitarian law unexploded ordnance civilian casualties arms control Geneva Conventions international law disarmament military ethics weapons ban precision-guided munitions landmine treaty military technology reliability improvements U.S. military policy treaty compliance explosive remnants of war defense funding war crimes post-conflict recovery U.S. foreign policy pro-ban arguments anti-ban arguments humanitarian impact battlefield effectiveness cluster bomb ban arguments effectiveness of improved cluster munitions US military cluster bomb policy humanitarian impact of cluster bombs alternatives to cluster bombs cluster bomb disarmament technology civilian casualties cluster munitions international law on cluster bombs treaty obligations US cluster bombs cluster bomb reliability improvements military ethics cluster munitions future of cluster munitions cluster bomb moratorium debate technological solutions unexploded ordnance US funding of cluster bomb research pros and cons cluster bomb ban disarmament versus innovation cluster munitions recent conflicts cluster bomb use Cluster Munitions Convention US stance cluster bombs cluster munitions humanitarian law unexploded ordnance civilian casualties international treaties Convention on Cluster Munitions arms control military technology weapons reliability post-conflict zones disarmament military ethics U.S. foreign policy defense spending war crimes battlefield effectiveness Geneva Conventions international humanitarian law weapons ban conflict resolution demining efforts civilian protection UXO clearance military innovation international security human rights violations ban advocacy defense contractors U.S. military arsenal global arms trade cluster bombs debate U.S. cluster munitions policy pros and cons of cluster bombs reliability of cluster munitions humanitarian impact of cluster bombs technology improvements in cluster munitions military ethics cluster bombs ban on cluster munitions arguments effectiveness of modern cluster bombs civilian casualties cluster munitions self-destructing bomblets international law cluster bombs U.S. military weapon development cluster bombs disarmament technology Geneva Convention cluster munitions alternatives to cluster bombs future of U.S. military ordnance risks of unexploded ordnance U.S. defense funding cluster cluster munitions unexploded ordnance bomblet reliability humanitarian impact civilian casualties disarmament international law arms control treaties Convention on Cluster Munitions military technology precision-guided munitions post-conflict hazards U.S. military policy weapons ban warfare ethics technological advancements unexploded submunitions defense funding accidental detonation Geneva Conventions weapon reliability battlefield effectiveness non-combatant safety humanitarian law US arms exports military innovation cluster bombs debate US military cluster munitions cluster bomb ban arguments humanitarian law cluster munitions unexploded ordnance risks cluster munitions civilian casualties improved cluster bomb technology disarmament treaties cluster munitions international humanitarian law reliability cluster bombs ethical warfare cluster munitions cluster munitions Geneva Convention US cluster bomb policy military funding cluster munitions effectiveness modern cluster bombs alternatives to cluster bombs arms control cluster munitions US Congress cluster munitions future of cluster munitions defense technology advancements warfare and civilian safety military innovation cluster bombs cluster munitions unexploded ordnance civilian casualties humanitarian law international treaties military ethics weapons technology unexploded bomblets U.S. military policy disarmament arms control Geneva Conventions Convention on Cluster Munitions warfare technology lethal autonomous weapons battlefield effectiveness post-conflict zones war crimes military funding defense innovation cluster munitions humanitarian impact unexploded ordnance civilian casualties international law Convention on Cluster Munitions military effectiveness disarmament ethical considerations war crimes United Nations U.S. military policy technological advancements arms control air-dropped weapons post-conflict risks weapons reliability battlefield cleanup international treaties Geneva Conventions weapons bans military funding non-combatant safety targeted sanctions alternative weapons systems
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro02a	Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. mayoral accountability elected mayor benefits local government reform direct mandate local democracy political participation council vs mayor voter engagement decision-making transparency public visibility of leaders council committee complexity political leadership policy responsibility mayoral elections local service improvement individual policy accountability Bristol council example coalition instability democratic accountability streamlined governance mayor accountability elected mayors council leader visibility local government reform direct election mandate electorate engagement political participation committee decision-making governance transparency re-election incentives local leader recognition policy responsibility streamlined decision-making council coalitions democratic accountability executive mayor system public scrutiny policy implementation local government effectiveness mayoral powers mayor accountability elected mayor local government democratic mandate political participation visibility of mayor council leader decision-making committee system councillor accountability local services Bristol politics policy implementation re-election political responsibility governance structure streamlined governance public scrutiny mayoral power electoral mandate political transparency coalition government policy outcomes municipal leadership comparative governance mayor accountability vs council elected mayors improve accountability direct election of mayors benefits mayor mandate comparison councillors electorate awareness of mayors mayoral visibility public recognition council leader accountability comparison decision-making elected mayors vs councils streamlined local governance mayors committee system accountability issues Bristol council coalition instability local government decision-making efficiency mayoral promises re-election voter engagement mayoral elections increasing democratic accountability mayors political participation elected mayors case studies elected mayors UK impact of mayors on local services comparison local government structures UK mayor vs council leader effectiveness mayoral accountability local government reform elected mayors council leader recognition voter mandate direct democracy political participation local government transparency streamlined decision-making council committee structure municipal leadership political responsibility Bristol council politics policy implementation re-election incentives public visibility of officials comparative governance local service improvement electoral legitimacy backroom political deals mayoral accountability directly elected mayor benefits local government reform mayor versus council accountability visible local leadership mayor mandate size political participation local government city mayor visibility streamlined decision making elected mayor effectiveness local election systems council leader recognition local democratic accountability mayoral power and responsibility committee system drawbacks council coalition instability voter awareness mayors policy accountability local politics improving local services mayor mayor re-election incentives elected mayors local government accountability mandate size voter turnout visibility of leaders policy accountability council leaders public recognition committee decision-making councillor responsibility party accountability unpopular decisions failed policies Bristol governance shifting coalitions political instability backroom deals streamlined decision-making campaign promises re-election local service improvement democratic participation devolution of power mayoral effectiveness urban governance leadership comparison local democracy direct election political mandate UK local politics electoral accountability elected mayors mayoral accountability local government reform council vs mayor visibility of leaders voter mandate political transparency policy responsibility council committees decision-making efficiency local democracy political participation Bristol council example coalition politics direct elections public recognition electoral accountability governance reform failed policies campaign promises power decentralization government transparency local service improvement policy implementation mayoral systems mayoral accountability local government reform elected mayors political mandate voter engagement public visibility policy responsibility council decision-making local election outcomes coalition instability governance transparency civic participation committee inefficiency case studies Bristol government decentralization leadership recognition re-election pressure executive mayors municipal leadership electoral systems policy implementation democratic legitimacy city governance organizational structure political leadership mayoral accountability elected mayor benefits local government reform democratic accountability local political participation mayoral election mandate visibility of mayors council leader recognition committee decision-making streamlined governance responsibility avoidance power concentration political stability coalition governance re-election incentives local service improvement campaign promise enforcement mayoral powers city leadership effectiveness case studies (Bristol) comparative analysis (mayors vs councils)
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious freedom cultural expression identity rights discrimination minority rights human rights secularism religious intolerance social cohesion diversity inclusivity civil liberties religious persecution multiculturalism social harmony freedom of expression religious identity ethnic diversity community relations religious discrimination societal integration policy impact intercultural dialogue religious attire religious practices religious freedom religious discrimination cultural identity minority rights secularism freedom of expression religious intolerance symbolic clothing bans hijab ban crucifix ban kippah ban face veil legislation human rights anti-religious sentiment social cohesion multiculturalism religious minorities legal challenges impact on communities religious liberty diversity and inclusion European secular policies national identity integration policies hate crimes religious persecution religious freedom cultural identity discrimination secularism minority rights human rights freedom of expression multiculturalism religious intolerance social cohesion religious discrimination faith symbols social exclusion prejudice integration diversity civil liberties religious pluralism government policy social harmony xenophobia arguments against banning religious symbols impact of banning religious attire freedom of religion laws effects on minority communities cultural identity and religious symbols social consequences of religious bans racism and religious discrimination religious rights and personal freedoms integration vs assimilation in secular states societal division due to religious bans scapegoating religious groups emotional and psychological impact of religious symbol bans religious expression in public spaces government intervention in religious practices European bans on religious dress secularism vs religious freedom hate crimes and religious bans national identity and multiculturalism legal challenges to religious bans examples of religious symbol bans worldwide religious symbols ban freedom of religion cultural identity religious expression secularism discrimination minority rights hijab ban crucifix ban kippah ban social cohesion religious tolerance religious persecution multiculturalism human rights anti-discrimination laws integration policies religious diversity societal impact group targeting scapegoating religious heritage legal implications interfaith relations Belgium veil ban religious freedom debate national identity hate crimes religious communities public policy religious symbols ban cultural identity religious freedom discrimination targeting minorities hijab ban crucifix ban kippah ban scapegoating religious groups social cohesion religious tolerance human rights freedom of expression secularism debate multiculturalism impact on minorities rising racism religious hate crimes Belgian veil ban societal division banning religious attire cultural heritage religious persecution faith-based discrimination religious marginalization legislative impact on religion policy consequences intergroup relations religious freedom discrimination cultural identity minority rights social cohesion human rights civil liberties secularism religious expression social exclusion multiculturalism intolerance hate crimes racism xenophobia inclusion social justice diversity equality religious tolerance freedom of expression societal integration stigmatization prejudice government policy legal rights banning religious symbols discrimination targeting minorities religious freedom cultural heritage hijab ban crucifix ban kippah ban secularism religious expression social cohesion racism religious intolerance scapegoating social integration diversity human rights religious persecution identity politics anti-religious legislation religious pluralism European secularism religious clothing bans multiculturalism freedom of expression religious identity religious minorities Belgian veil ban BBC News Europe social division religious freedom cultural identity religious discrimination secularism minority rights social integration hijab ban freedom of expression multiculturalism human rights social cohesion interfaith relations discrimination laws headscarf controversy religious persecution social exclusion xenophobia religious tolerance diversity public policy freedom of religion religious attire civil liberties symbolic expression ethnic minorities religious freedom cultural identity discrimination religious tolerance minority rights secularism social integration anti-religious policies freedom of expression human rights religious oppression multiculturalism social cohesion religious attire social harmony prejudice Islamophobia antisemitism hate crime civil liberties religious pluralism diversity inclusion religious persecution legal rights
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con02a	"This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec sovereignty Quebec independence separation from Canada Quebec referendum public opinion Quebec Quebec nationalism Anglophone Quebecers Francophone Quebecers minority representation democratic legitimacy disenfranchisement Canadian federalism Quebec polling data Quebecois identity self-determination political representation national unity anti-secession Quebec government policy multiculturalism in Quebec Quebec secession Quebec independence will of the people Quebec sovereignty Quebec referendum public opinion Quebec Quebec polling data majority opposition Quebec Quebec democracy undemocratic secession Quebec Anglophone Quebecers representation Quebec Francophone Quebecers disenfranchisement Quebec minority support secession Quebec government policy Quebec popular support Quebec secession Quebec independence polls Canada unity Quebec federalism Quebec independence Quebec referendum Quebec sovereignty Canadian federalism secession movement public opinion Quebec polling data Quebec Anglophone Quebecers Francophone Quebecers minority rights Quebec democracy Quebec representation Quebec Quebec provincial government disenfranchisement Quebec political legitimacy Quebec national unity Canada self-determination Quebec sovereignty movement Quebec opposition independence multiculturalism Quebec Quebec secession public opinion Quebeckers support for independence Quebec referendum results Quebec sovereignty polling representation of Anglophone Quebecers disenfranchisement in Quebec politics democratic legitimacy of Quebec secession minority rule in Quebec independence movement Quebec government legitimacy impact of secession on minorities Francophone vs Anglophone representation Quebec public opinion Quebec independence fairness of Quebec secession polling data on Quebec sovereignty undemocratic Quebec secession policy Quebec independence Quebec referendum secession Canada Quebec sovereignty Anglophone representation Francophone Quebec minority government policies disenfranchisement democratic legitimacy public opinion Quebec polling Quebec independence Canadian unity government representation referendum results minority interests Quebec Quebec politics citizen representation policy fairness Anglophone minority rights Quebec political climate Quebec secession public opinion Quebec independence Quebec referendum polling Anglophone Quebec representation Francophone Quebec politics democracy in Quebec minority rule secession Quebec sovereignty debate disenfranchisement Quebec government policy Quebec independence Quebec independence public support Quebec unity debate Quebec nationalism vs democracy Anglophone-Francophone relations Quebec Quebec referendum results Canadian unity Quebec political minority Quebec separation opposition Quebec democratic legitimacy Quebec policy public opinion Quebec independence secession Canada referendum polling data public opinion Quebecers majority minority undemocratic Anglophone Francophone representation disenfranchisement sovereignty Quebec politics national unity political legitimacy linguistic groups inclusive democracy Canadian federalism minority rights cultural identity regional autonomy constitutional law popular mandate Quebec independence Quebec secession Quebec sovereignty Canadian federalism minority rights in Quebec Anglophone Quebecers Francophone Quebecers Quebec referendums Quebec independence polling Quebec public opinion representation in Quebec undemocratic policies Quebec disenfranchisement Quebec Quebec government legitimacy Quebec minority populations Quebec nationalism Canadian unity Quebec identity politics Quebec independence opposition Quebec and Canada relations Quebec sovereignty Quebec independence Quebec secession public opinion Quebec Quebec referendum Quebec polling data Quebec democracy Anglophone Quebecers Francophone Quebecers minority rights Quebec Quebec government policy representation Quebec undemocratic secession Canadian unity Quebec political attitudes minority disenfranchisement Quebec national identity federalism Canada secession debate Quebec public support Quebec independence secession opposition referendum results Quebec public opinion Anglophone rights Francophone vs. Anglophone minority government policies democratic representation disenfranchisement Quebec sovereignty movement Quebec Quebec-Canada relations polling data Quebec sovereignty Quebec nationalism Canadian federalism Quebec political landscape"
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro01a	Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, courtroom broadcasting trial media coverage judicial process transparency spectacle justice courtroom cameras media sensationalism courtroom reporting high-profile trials celebrity trials public perception of justice legal integrity court reporting alternatives trial confidentiality courtroom sketches written court transcripts ICC media policy SCSL trial media justice system credibility courtroom ethics media influence on justice televised trials courtroom cameras justice and media entertainment justice trial broadcasting public perception trials high-profile trials media influence court Simpson trial media ICC media coverage SCSL trial publicity celebrity court cases courtroom spectacle court reporting alternatives courtroom sketches trial transcripts media ethics legal Naomi Campbell Charles Taylor camera ban courts trial sensationalism legal process media coverage courtroom cameras media influence trial broadcasting high profile cases entertainment media public perception trial coverage judicial integrity Simpson trial ICC trials SCSL Charles Taylor celebrity witnesses media sensationalism legal proceedings judicial decorum reporting restrictions courtroom reporting media ethics court media regulations trial publicity courtroom sketches written transcripts trial transparency informative reporting courtroom privacy courtroom media influence negative effects of televising trials impact of cameras in court entertainment versus justice in broadcasts risks of high-profile televised trials lessons from O.J. Simpson trial ICC trial media coverage concerns SCSL Charles Taylor trial media celebrity influence in court reporting alternative court coverage without cameras courtroom sketches as reportage written trial transcripts preserving court dignity pros and cons of filming court proceedings sensationalism in televised justice ethical issues in broadcasting trials restricting cameras in courts media responsibility in legal cases judicial integrity and public perception examples of non-televised accurate reports televised trials courtroom broadcasting justice and entertainment high-profile cases media influence on justice O.J. Simpson trial ICC media coverage SCSL Charles Taylor trial celebrity witnesses courtroom cameras debate court media ethics impact of televised trials court reporting alternatives courtroom sketches written trial transcripts judicial transparency public perception of trials media sensationalism legal proceedings coverage trial by media risks of courtroom filming televised trials courtroom broadcasting justice and entertainment media influence on courts Simpson trial media effects high profile trials ICC trial media coverage SCSL Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell court testimony cameras in courtrooms debate courtroom sketches trial transcription without video legal reporting ethics spectacle in justice system celebrity trials impact of media on judicial process pros and cons of broadcasting trials sensationalism in legal coverage alternatives to televised trials court transparency without cameras public perception of televised justice televised trials media sensationalism courtroom entertainment high profile cases Simpson trial ICC SCSL Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell testimony court media coverage courtroom sketches written transcripts cameras in court legal reporting judicial integrity trial publicity celebrity influence trial broadcasting courtroom footage public perception of justice journalistic ethics media influence on justice fair trial concerns court transparency legal proceedings transparency courtroom media coverage broadcasting high-profile trials televised justice risks celebrity influence in trials courtroom entertainment media ethics in judiciary impact of media on justice trial by media ICC trial media coverage SCSL Charles Taylor trial cameras in court courtroom reporting alternatives legal system transparency judicial process and media media sensationalism in trials courtroom sketches written court transcripts public perception of justice ethical issues in courtroom broadcasting impact of televised trials televised trials media sensationalism courtroom cameras entertainment justice high profile trials public perception ICC SCSL Charles Taylor trial celebrity witnesses Naomi Campbell legal reporting courtroom sketches written transcripts media ethics trial publicity judicial integrity court broadcasts spectacle trials legal transparency fair trial rights courtroom cameras televised trials media sensationalism judicial integrity high-profile cases trial publicity entertainment value public perception legal reporting celebrity influence court transparency ethical journalism justice portrayal courtroom sketches written transcripts judicial proceedings media coverage legal ethics trial broadcasting trial fairness high-profile defendants courtroom decorum ICC trials SCSL Simpson trial
test-health-dhghwapgd-con03a	"The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: intellectual property property rights patent protection firm ownership intangible assets innovation drug development pharmaceutical industry financial investment patent law labor and capital market stability property justification patent enforcement generic drugs economic incentives innovation incentives legal protection R&D costs ownership rights product creation intangible goods property assignment corporate identity pharmaceutical patents intellectual endeavor idea commercialization market function property law drug patents intellectual property property rights patent protection intangible assets pharmaceutical patents drug development costs firm ownership innovation patent law justification for patents intellectual endeavor market stability firm identity capital investment financial survival generic drugs stealing intellectual property innovation incentives drug formula protection legal frameworks economic justification property theory labor mixing theory rights assignment developed countries property mainstay investment recovery research and development intangible goods physical property comparison creation benefits intellectual property property rights patent law firm identity labor and capital intangible assets pharmaceutical patents drug development costs generic drugs legal protections innovation incentives ownership of ideas economic justification financial investment intangible goods legal enforcement market stability R&D costs pharmaceutical industry origin of property rights commercialization patent protection creative effort developed countries property justification ethical considerations benefit from innovation property assignment asset protection intellectual endeavor intellectual property rights justification philosophical basis of property rights property rights in developed countries importance of property rights for markets patent law protection patent rights vs physical property intangible goods property rights drug formula as intellectual property pharmaceutical R&D costs drug development investment financial survival of firms and IP generic drugs and IP theft patent protection necessity assigning property rights to intangible assets legal protection of intellectual property difference between idea and patentable product economic rationale for IP rights moral justification for patent law property law in pharmaceuticals impact of IP on drug innovation intellectual property property rights patent law firm identity intangible assets pharmaceutical industry drug development research and development costs generic drugs financial investment legal protection philosophical justification R&D expenditure innovation incentives market stability legal frameworks intangible goods patent protection theft of intellectual property policy implications economic justification property law business ethics capital investment patent enforcement property ownership developed countries pharmaceutical patents law and economics intellectual creation legal precedent intellectual property rights patent protection pharmaceutical patents property rights justification intangible assets drug development costs investment in R&D generic drugs vs patented drugs legal protection of ideas intellectual property theft firm's ownership of innovation labor and capital in creation property rights in developed countries necessity of IP for stable markets law and intellectual property patents as incentive for innovation economic impact of patents pharmaceutical industry intellectual property moral justification for IP enforcement of patent laws intellectual property property rights firm ownership patent protection patent rights intangible assets pharmaceutical industry drug development innovation labor and capital creation incentive legal protection market stability financial investment drug formula generic drugs economic justification philosophical justification intangible goods investment recovery research and development costs intellectual effort ownership of ideas innovation protection property law rights assignment revenue generation market function principle of ownership idea commercialization legal recognition intellectual property rights patent protection property rights philosophy intangible assets pharmaceutical patents patent law drug development costs firm intellectual output capital and labor mixing market stability generic drugs intellectual property theft R&D investment new drug formulae legal protection of ideas firm financial survival justification of property rights innovation incentives developed countries property laws Congressional Budget Office pharmaceutical research property rights in developed economies intellectual property property rights patents patent law firm identity intangible assets pharmaceutical industry drug development R&D costs innovation incentives legal protection physical vs intangible property market stability financial investment generic drugs IP theft economic impact philosophical justification ownership developed countries capital investment labor and capital drug formulae law enforcement property assignment economic survival intellectual endeavor creation benefit legal framework idea commercialization investment recovery intellectual property property rights patents firm ownership labor and capital philosophical justification intangible assets drug development pharmaceutical patents R&D investment market stability patent law financial survival generic drugs patent infringement legal protection innovation incentives drug formulae economic impact commodification of ideas physical vs intangible property property theories law and economics entitlement theory market function proprietary rights intellectual labor patent system economic value of IP development costs IP theft"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con03a	"FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. environmental degradation trade liberalization environmental regulation labor standards environmental justice foreign direct investment deregulation sustainable development corporate outsourcing global trade policies environmental protection economic globalization environmental harm regulatory competition trade agreements environmental policy environmental impact ecological consequences social standards global inequality Free Trade Area of the Americas environmental degradation trade liberalization environmental standards labor rights corporate outsourcing pollution regulatory chill deregulation developing countries industrial relocation sustainable development environmental impacts trade agreements ecological harm environmental justice environmental policy neoliberalism economic globalization multinational corporations social dumping environmental protection trade-offs global trade ecological footprints transnational companies FTAA environmental impact free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment outsourcing developed countries developing countries corporate relocation deregulation trade liberalization economic globalization sustainability ecological degradation environmental regulation global supply chains industrial pollution social justice environmental justice regulatory competition trade agreements multinational corporations green economy fair trade environmental protection economic inequality policy harmonization sustainable development FTAA environmental impact FTAA race to the bottom free trade environmental consequences developing countries environmental standards FTAA outsourcing and environmental regulation labor standards free trade FTAA corporate relocation environmental effects environmental ethics FTAA Nicole Hassoun free trade environment weakening regulations free trade trade agreements and pollution economic globalization environment foreign investment and environmental policy trade liberalization and sustainability environmental costs of FTAA FTAA environmental impact free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment outsourcing developed countries regulatory competition economic globalization environmental degradation trade agreements sustainable development international trade policy ecological consequences environmental regulation multinational corporations FTAA environmental impact free trade environmental consequences race to the bottom free trade labor standards free trade environmental standards developing countries foreign investment and environment outsourcing and environmental standards developed countries environmental regulations free trade and job outsourcing trade agreements and environment FTAA environmental criticism international trade and sustainability free trade and ecological degradation FTAA and labor laws environmental ethics free trade trade liberalization and environment global trade standards environmental protection trade policies sustainable trade agreements free trade vs environmental protection Free Trade Area of the Americas FTAA environmental impact environmental degradation race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment outsourcing deregulation pollution ecological consequences sustainable development trade agreements globalization corporate relocation developing countries developed countries regulatory competition environmental protection environmental policy economic globalization trade liberalization economic inequality transnational corporations green standards FTAA environmental impact free trade environmental consequences race to the bottom trade labor standards free trade environmental standards trade agreements FTAA criticism developing countries environmental policy outsourcing environmental effects globalization environmental degradation multinational corporations regulation trade liberalization environment environmental ethics free trade foreign investment environmental impact trade agreements environmental protection environmental justice FTAA economic globalization environment lowering standards globalization trade and pollution sustainable trade policies comparative advantage environmental costs FTAA environmental impact free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards developing countries foreign investment regulatory competition outsourcing developed countries trade agreements sustainability corporate relocation global trade environmental degradation economic globalization environmental policy international trade social justice trade liberalization environmental degradation outsourcing labor standards regulatory chill environmental policy economic globalization foreign direct investment environmental justice sustainable development ecological impact trade agreements environmental regulation corporate social responsibility multinational corporations industrial pollution environmental dumping economic inequality green economy environmental protection"
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro02a	Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) terminal illness late-stage disease organ failure artificial life support pain management uncontrolled pain medication side effects mental decline delirium quality of life right to die physician-assisted suicide euthanasia dying with dignity patient autonomy Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez legal rights medical ethics compassionate care end-of-life decisions palliative care cases in history court verdicts euthanasia assisted dying physician-assisted suicide end-of-life care terminal illness palliative care chronic pain management death with dignity right to die voluntary euthanasia patient autonomy medical ethics living wills pain control suffering quality of life Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez case legal issues court rulings mercy killing life support terminal sedation psychological impact advanced directives euthanasia physician-assisted suicide terminal illness end-of-life care palliative care pain management dignity in dying Lou Gehrig's disease ALS patient autonomy right to die medical ethics suffering quality of life Sue Rodriguez legal cases compassionate care artificial life support organ failure consciousness unbearable pain court cases assisted dying legislation terminal pain mental capacity patient suffering end-of-life choices refusal of treatment dying with dignity ethical debate history of euthanasia euthanasia ethical debate physician-assisted suicide dignity in dying end-of-life care palliative care effectiveness terminal illness suffering pain management terminal patients Sue Rodriguez case study legal rights to die assisted death legislation organ failure end of life artificial life support ethical issues mental decline terminal disease terminal pain unmanageable humane end-of-life choices historical euthanasia cases Lou Gehrig’s disease progression courts and assisted suicide patient autonomy terminal illness medical ethics assisted dying euthanasia assisted suicide terminal illness end-of-life care palliative care pain management medical ethics patient autonomy Lou Gehrig's disease ALS right to die dignity in death organ failure medico-legal cases Sue Rodriguez incurable diseases quality of life life support physician-assisted dying rights of terminal patients unmanageable pain court cases on euthanasia patient suffering compassionate care legal and ethical debates advanced directives deliberate death terminal decline end-of-life care terminal illness suffering pain management terminal patients dignity in dying physician-assisted suicide euthanasia ethical debate Sue Rodriguez case Lou Gehrig’s disease end-of-life palliative care limitations right to die movement legal issues assisted dying autonomy terminal patients uncontrollable pain terminal illness medical ethics euthanasia assisted death Canada compassionate end-of-life options patient choice dying court cases euthanasia artificial life support psychological suffering terminal illness terminal illness end-of-life care palliative care organ failure pain management uncontrolled pain delirium medication side effects mind deterioration quality of life physician-assisted suicide right to die euthanasia dying with dignity Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez legal cases assisted dying terminal decline patient autonomy compassionate care medical ethics court verdicts patient suffering historical cases artificial life support terminal illness palliative care end-of-life decisions euthanasia physician-assisted suicide pain management medical ethics organ failure artificial life support quality of life dignity in death Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez right to die terminal pain uncontrolled pain legal cases euthanasia court rulings assisted dying compassionate care mental decline patient autonomy suffering end-of-life rights history euthanasia cases assisted dying laws medical jurisprudence terminal disease progression pain medication side effects delirium terminal patients euthanasia assisted suicide terminal illness palliative care end-of-life choices death with dignity right to die physician-assisted death Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez case uncontrollable pain organ failure artificial life support patient autonomy medical ethics legal assisted dying dignity in dying chronic illness terminal pain management court rulings on euthanasia suffering at end of life quality of life compassion in healthcare ethical debates end-of-life legislation euthanasia assisted suicide terminal illness palliative care end-of-life decisions patient autonomy physician-assisted death dignity in dying pain management Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez legal cases ethical issues quality of life medical ethics right to die uncontrolled pain court decisions compassion in healthcare
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con02a	"Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. unilateral intervention democracy promotion multilateral support international cooperation United Nations Democracy Fund civil society human rights political legitimacy colonialism democratic participation international community regime change sovereignty democratic assistance international legitimacy foreign policy diplomatic engagement soft power imposing democracy democratic legitimacy unilateral intervention unilateral democracy promotion dangers of unilateralism burdens of unilateral action multilateral democracy assistance multilateral intervention UN Democracy Fund international legitimacy collective action democracy promotion civil society support human rights promotion non-colonial democracy efforts international community multilateral legitimacy democracy encouragement international cooperation democratic process support local acceptance of democracy legitimacy of interventions suspicion of external interference soft power diplomacy participatory democracy bottom-up democracy promotion United Nations democracy efforts unilateral intervention multilateral intervention democracy promotion international cooperation United Nations UN Democracy Fund civil society promoting human rights decolonization legitimacy global governance non-interference foreign policy international legitimacy political imposition democratic assistance sovereignty consent international relations humanitarian intervention trust-building democratic transition local participation soft power democracy support unilateral action dangers multilateral democracy promotion UN Democracy Fund effectiveness multilateral vs unilateral interventions international community fostering democracy perception of democracy assistance legitimacy of democracy promotion colonialism and democracy export civil society support for democracy United Nations and democratic governance human rights promotion multilaterally local acceptance of democracy promotion political neutrality in democracy support obstacles to unilateral democracy imposition case studies multilateral democracy assistance soft power in democracy promotion benefits of international coalitions global democracy advocacy skepticism towards external democracy promotion democracy promotion and national sovereignty unilateral intervention democracy promotion multilateral diplomacy international cooperation United Nations Democracy Fund civil society engagement human rights advocacy anti-colonial approach global governance legitimacy in democracy foreign policy external influence participatory politics political legitimacy local ownership international legitimacy democracy assistance conflict prevention international trust democratic transition multilateral democracy promotion unilateral vs multilateral intervention UN Democracy Fund effectiveness dangers of unilateral democracy imposition benefits of international cooperation in democracy civil society and democracy strengthening multilateral support legitimacy colonialism and democracy political neutrality in democracy assistance public perception of foreign democracy promotion role of international organizations in democratization promoting democracy without intervention encouraging democracy through global partnerships effectiveness of UN in democracy support building trust in democracy promotion unilateral intervention multilateral cooperation democracy promotion government imposition legitimacy United Nations Democracy Fund civil society human rights inclusive participation international support political neutrality decolonization democratic legitimacy international community external intervention sovereignty global governance regime change diplomatic engagement public perception local acceptance democratic assistance international relations multilateralism foreign policy non-interference soft power democratic development UN involvement collaborative efforts grassroots empowerment peacebuilding unilateral action risks dangers of unilateralism multilateral democracy promotion UN Democracy Fund encouraging democracy multilateral assistance effectiveness civil society empowerment international community support human rights promotion colonialism concerns democracy imposition legitimacy of democracy aid participation in democratic process benefits of multilateralism cooperation for democratization public perception of intervention global democracy initiatives democracy support strategies United Nations democracy programs international legitimacy promoting democracy benefits reducing suspicion in democracy aid collaborative democracy support unilateral action multilateral approach democracy promotion international cooperation United Nations Democracy Fund civil society human rights democratic participation non-colonial support legitimacy credibility local acceptance international community suspicion reduction honest assistance government intervention imposed democracy soft power global governance foreign policy democracy encouragement ethical intervention Doyle Michael UNDEF transparency political neutrality unilateral intervention democracy promotion multilateralism international cooperation United Nations Democracy Fund civil society empowerment human rights advocacy multilateral assistance non-colonial intervention political legitimacy international legitimacy soft power inclusive governance democratic support external intervention sovereignty local participation international consensus legitimacy of intervention suspicion of foreign influence respectful democracy promotion"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con05a	The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. emotional trauma psychological impact mental health PTSD post-traumatic stress disorder combat stress moral injury war experience soldiers guilt remorse killing death atomic bomb developers indirect involvement traumatic experience long-term effects wartime psychology perpetrator impact psychological consequences ethical trauma killing and trauma military mental health survivor's guilt decision-making guilt emotional burden emotional trauma psychological impact killing moral injury post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD combat stress war veterans mental health effects guilt remorse ethical consequences indirect involvement secondary trauma atomic bomb developers civilian trauma trauma from warfare long-term psychological effects grief conscience responsibility vicarious trauma empathy fatigue military trauma consequential guilt emotional trauma psychological impact killing warfare mental health soldiers post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD moral injury guilt atomic bomb war veterans combat stress trauma recovery ethical consequences indirect involvement survivor's guilt responsibility psychological distress long-term effects trauma symptoms perpetrator trauma military service compassion fatigue psychological aftermath war crimes conscience emotional burden ethical dilemma vicarious trauma trauma counseling psychological effects of killing emotional trauma from killing soldier PTSD after war mental health impact of taking a life guilt after causing death third-party trauma from violence developers of atomic bomb guilt long-term effects of violence trauma from indirect involvement in killing moral injury in war consequences of killing in combat psychological burden of war civilian trauma and war remorse after warfare ethical dilemmas in killing bystander trauma psychology post-war mental health issues trauma among military personnel effects of killing on conscience mental impact of lethal decisions psychological trauma moral injury emotional aftermath wartime stress combat trauma guilt ethical implications secondary trauma bystander trauma PTSD soldier mental health vicarious trauma ethical responsibility trauma recovery killing in war psychological effects of killing collective guilt trauma in warfare decision-making trauma atomic bomb development moral consequences emotional burden mental health impact indirect trauma trauma in science guilt by association trauma and ethics stress disorders emotional scars trauma of responsibility psychological effects of killing emotional trauma from killing PTSD in soldiers moral injury from war guilt after killing mental health impact of war trauma of weapon development ethical consequences of taking a life secondary trauma in warfare post-war mental health issues indirect involvement in killing trauma atomic bomb developer guilt psychological burden of violence war trauma research emotional effects of lethal actions emotional trauma psychological impact killing mental health soldiers war post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD guilt atomic bomb moral injury trauma combat stress ethical consequences veterans remorse witnessing death indirect involvement emotional aftermath long-term effects psychological burden trauma recovery warfare moral responsibility conscience military experience ethical dilemmas survivor’s guilt emotional effects of killing psychological impact of killing trauma from killing soldiers PTSD post-traumatic stress disorder war moral injury guilt after killing war trauma mental health effects war psychological effects atomic bomb remorse after war vicarious trauma war combat stress disorder moral consequences of killing war veterans mental health ethical implications atomic bomb responsibility in war trauma trauma in bystanders war secondary trauma psychological burden of decisions in war psychological trauma emotional impact moral injury combat stress guilt post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD war veterans mental health effects atomic bomb developers ethical responsibility indirect involvement trauma military ethics killing consequences survivor's guilt trauma recovery lethal force conscience emotional burden ethical dilemmas combat experiences psychological effects of war responsibility for death trauma among scientists combat-related stress trauma counseling emotional trauma psychological impact moral injury combat stress guilt responsibility indirect involvement mental health PTSD military trauma ethical decision-making atomic bomb developers survivor’s guilt cognitive dissonance war trauma trauma symptoms lever dilemma vicarious trauma consequences of killing ethical implications
test-politics-dhwem-pro01a	PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. private military companies security contractors mercenaries modern warfare military outsourcing force multipliers defense contractors armed security non-state actors operational flexibility rapid deployment short-term contracts mission-specific operations troop augmentation force protection risk mitigation security services peacekeeping non-combative roles logistical support supply chain security civilian protection governmental outsourcing military privatization 21st-century conflicts security provision conflict zones public perception ethical implications military efficiency cost-effectiveness private military companies private security contractors mercenaries defense contractors security firms modern warfare outsourced military operations military privatization rapid deployment force multiplication security services conflict zones non-state actors peacekeeping military logistics contractor roles supplementing armed forces security support protection services military contractors operational flexibility temporary military support military outsourcing contractor missions supporting military operations non-combat roles defense industry private armies military effectiveness 21st-century warfare private military companies security contractors mercenaries defense outsourcing military privatization contract soldiers non-state actors security firms armed contractors operational flexibility 21st-century warfare modern conflict military efficiency force multipliers troop augmentation mission-specific support peacekeeping protective services support roles non-combat operations security support auxiliary forces military logistics contingency operations risk mitigation private military companies benefits advantages of PMCs in modern warfare PMCs versus traditional military PMCs in defensive roles PMCs for security operations PMCs as force multipliers contractors in 21st-century conflicts PMCs for flexible military deployment PMCs supporting traditional troops ethical considerations of PMCs PMCs for non-combat missions hiring private security contractors peacekeeping roles of PMCs necessity of military contractors PMCs and public perception PMCs protecting officials rapid deployment with PMCs economic efficiency of PMCs PMCs supplementing military forces PMCs for safeguarding supply chains private military companies PMCs advantages military outsourcing modern warfare security contractors 21st century conflicts force multiplication mission flexibility rapid deployment forces contractor roles non-combat military roles security personnel peacekeeping operations military logistics contractor support reinforcement troops military privatization military efficiency defense contracting security services auxiliary military forces military innovation private sector military operational support military cost-effectiveness private military contractors benefits PMCs 21st century warfare advantages of hiring PMCs PMCs vs traditional military PMCs flexibility PMCs efficiency PMCs defensive roles PMCs as peacekeepers use cases for PMCs PMCs security services military outsourcing advantages PMCs for mission-specific tasks PMCs public perception PMCs in modern conflict private security companies roles private military companies security contractors defense contractors modern warfare 21st century conflicts rapid deployment mission-specific tasks force multipliers troop reinforcement non-combat roles defensive operations security services logistical support peacekeeping humanitarian missions supply protection contractor security public perception non-state actors military outsourcing operational flexibility military efficiency supplemental forces government agencies force augmentation crisis response international security private sector military private military companies military contractors 21st century warfare flexible military resources combat outsourcing security contractors non-combat military roles defense contracting security services peacekeeping operations force multiplication troop reinforcement mission-specific military support private security firms contractor protection military logistics modern warfare strategies rapid force deployment supplementary military forces defense industry trends security for officials convoy protection military privatization ethical implications of PMCs government contracting security outsourcing military efficiency war zone contractors non-state military actors privatized security operational flexibility private military companies PMCs private security contractors modern warfare 21st century conflict flexible military solutions military outsourcing defense contracting troop reinforcement mission-specific hires non-combat roles security services protecting supply lines peacekeeping missions military privatization operational efficiency rapid deployment war logistics civilian contractor security defensive operations public perception of PMCs non-state military actors security for officials contractor protection traditional troop augmentation private military companies defense contractors modern warfare military outsourcing 21st century conflict security firms force multipliers military logistics troop reinforcement non-combat security peacekeeping operations contractor protection privatized security mercenary debate ethical implications military effectiveness cost efficiency rapid deployment military privatization security sector reform
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro02a	Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . rehabilitation offender social inequity criminal justice recidivism prison reform social circumstances crime causation penal system social background punishment restorative justice prisoner reintegration employment barriers self-harm prison abuse reoffending social support community programs mental health prison alternatives offender support crime prevention social exclusion offender rehabilitation programs rehabilitation programs offender support social inequity criminal justice reform recidivism reduction prison alternatives social reintegration education for offenders employment after incarceration restorative justice impact of imprisonment mental health in prisons harm reduction social background and crime prisoner reentry prison reform community-based rehabilitation self-harm in prisons social networks and reoffending inequality and criminality alternatives to incarceration prisoner mental health post-release support offender reintegration barriers restorative approaches offender rehabilitation social inequity criminal justice reform prisoner reentry restorative justice correctional programs recidivism reduction social disadvantage prison alternatives offender support social background punishment vs rehabilitation reoffending rates prison self-harm post-release employment reintegration rehabilitation programs structural constraints prison abolition social justice criminality causes therapeutic interventions offender mental health prison environment rehabilitation effectiveness vulnerable offenders alternatives to incarceration punishment disparity offender treatment desistance from crime rehabilitation and social inequity effectiveness of rehabilitation programs in prisons rehabilitation vs punitive justice impact of social background on criminality prison environment and recidivism rehabilitation and reduction of reoffending psychological impact of imprisonment barriers to reintegration after prison employment after incarceration self-harm statistics in prisons gender differences in prison self-harm alternatives to imprisonment social networks and criminal behaviour rehabilitation and public safety mental health in prisons addressing root causes of crime criminal justice system reform support services for ex-offenders impact of family separation on offenders reducing prison overcrowding through rehabilitation rehabilitation offender support social inequity criminal justice recidivism prison reform social reintegration recidivism prevention rehabilitation programs social background socioeconomic factors rehabilitation effectiveness prison harm self-harm in prisons employment after incarceration criminal behavior causes ex-offender support restorative justice prison alternatives offender assistance social determinants of crime inequality and crime prisoner rehabilitation mental health in prisons women in prison statistics reducing reoffending criminal justice system social disadvantage criminogenic needs offender reintegration barriers parole support rehabilitation vs punishment social inequity in criminal justice effectiveness of rehabilitation programs recidivism reduction through rehabilitation impact of prisons on offenders alternatives to incarceration rehabilitation benefits for society prison harm statistics social reintegration of offenders employment challenges after prison mental health in prisons role of social background in crime restorative justice approaches criminal justice reform success stories of offender rehabilitation recidivism and social networks prison as crime school reducing self-harm in prisons support systems for ex-offenders inequity in sentencing rehabilitation offender reintegration social inequity social justice criminal behavior prisons recidivism social background punishment prison reform rehabilitation programs social support employment barriers self-harm mental health in prisons criminal justice system social circumstances crime prevention prison isolation reoffending alternatives to incarceration restorative justice offender support societal reintegration women's prisons prison statistics prisoner mental health prison harm criminal justice policy rehabilitation vs punishment social inequity and crime offender rehabilitation programs prisons and recidivism social determinants of criminal behavior prison alternatives effects of incarceration post-release social integration employment after prison restorative justice mental health in prisons self-harm in prisons women offenders rehabilitation society and criminal justice reducing reoffending community-based rehabilitation prison reform societal impacts of incarceration rehabilitation effectiveness criminal justice policy reforms rehabilitation criminal justice offender reintegration social inequity recidivism prison reform restorative justice social circumstances prisons and crime criminal behavior self-harm in prisons prison statistics inmate mental health employment post-incarceration social background sentencing equity alternatives to incarceration prison rehabilitation programs offender support criminal recidivism intervention strategies restorative practices prison conditions rehabilitation efficacy social justice criminal equity offender rehabilitation social inequity criminal justice recidivism prison reform restorative justice social reintegration prison rehabilitation programs criminal behavior social background and crime prisoner recidivism prison self-harm prison mental health offender support alternatives to incarceration societal impacts of imprisonment ex-offender employment prison social networks rehabilitation effectiveness prisoner well-being
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro01a	The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, gun violence firearm fatalities gun control gun safety homicide rates youth violence African-American males adolescent mortality gun-related deaths public safety firearm legislation gun ownership weapon regulation lethal weapons injury prevention social groups United States gunshot deaths crime prevention gun policy gun violence firearm deaths gun control gun legislation public safety homicide rates youth gun deaths African-American gun violence firearm-related mortality gun ownership gun safety gun regulation gun crime statistics gun-related injuries gun bans social impact of guns gun prevalence gun policy youth homicide racial disparities firearm deaths gun violence firearm deaths gun control gun safety homicide rates youth violence African-American males teen gun deaths public health weapon regulation gun-related fatalities gun ownership crime prevention lethal weapons gun policy social safety firearm legislation gunshot mortality community safety firearm access gun violence statistics gun control benefits guns and public safety impact of gun ownership gun-related deaths by demographic firearm homicide rates guns and youth mortality gun violence in African-American communities gun laws and safety U.S. gun death causes reducing gun availability effects gun policy research firearms and social harm lethal nature of guns removing guns from society gun homicide studies gun violence among teenagers African-American youth and guns gun control arguments societal impact of guns gun violence firearm fatalities gun control gun-related deaths youth homicide African-American males teenage gun deaths public safety lethal weapons gun removal gun policy firearm regulation USA gun deaths homicide statistics social group disparities youth violence injury prevention gun ownership firearm legislation community safety gun violence statistics gun control benefits impact of firearms on youth homicide rates by demographic gun safety policies reducing gun ownership African-American youth gun deaths public health and firearms firearm-related mortality social impact of guns effectiveness of gun bans gun control in the U.S. youth violence prevention causes of gun violence gun legislation and safety gun violence firearm fatalities gun control gun deaths lethal weapons homicide rates youth violence African-American youth public safety firearm regulation gun ownership gun-related injuries societal safety instrument of death youth homicide gun statistics U.S. gun deaths prevention of gun violence weapons removal leading cause of death gun violence statistics gun control debate firearm fatality rates youth gun deaths African American gun violence gun homicide rates USA gun safety policy gun ownership risks public health firearms gun legislation impact gun deaths by demographic firearm regulation effectiveness causes of gun deaths reducing gun violence social impact of guns gun crime in America guns and youth mortality racial disparities gun violence community safety firearms legislative solutions to gun deaths gun violence firearm legislation gun control public safety homicide statistics youth mortality African-American communities gun deaths firearm-related injuries lethal weapons gun ownership violence prevention U.S. gun laws crime rates weapon regulation social safety adolescent mortality community safety firearm policy death by shooting gun violence firearm regulation gun control firearm deaths homicide rates youth violence African-American males public safety gun-related mortality lethal weapons gun ownership injury prevention crime statistics gun bans U.S. gun laws firearm injuries guns in society teenage gun deaths firearm homicide community safety
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro02a	A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: graduated response deterrent effect ISP warning illegal downloading unauthorized sources consumer behavior music piracy copyright enforcement file-sharing digital piracy infringement cost legal alternatives compliance rates disconnection threat copyright infringement digital music enforcement mechanisms awareness raising UK music consumers online piracy prevention peer-to-peer networks copyright violation internet service provider warning notices consumer compliance cost-benefit analysis behavioral change copyright law music industry Digital Music Report copyright policy graduated sanctions enforcement strategy graduated response ISP warnings illegal downloading file-sharing deterrence copyright enforcement consumer behavior digital piracy legal alternatives disconnection threat cost of infringement music piracy prevention peer-to-peer file sharing copyright violations UK music industry copyright policy enforcement mechanisms graduated sanctions anti-piracy measures copyright infringement reduction ISP intervention graduated response ISP warnings copyright infringement digital piracy illegal downloading file-sharing deterrence consumer behavior music industry copyright enforcement digital music report legal alternatives anti-piracy strategies disconnection threat copyright policy digital rights management warning effectiveness graduated sanctions UK music consumption compliance rates awareness campaigns graduated response effectiveness studies consumer reaction ISP warning UK illegal downloading deterrent digital piracy behavior change file-sharing warning statistics ISP notice copyright infringement graduated response mechanism research ISP intervention copyright enforcement anti-piracy strategies graduated response consumer compliance ISP notices music piracy warning effectiveness cost-benefit deterrence file-sharing awareness illegal downloading studies psychological impact ISP warnings graduated response policy outcomes copyright enforcement cost reduction alternative legal sources after warning IFPI Digital Music Report piracy Bomsel Ranaivoson copyright enforcement review of economic research piracy evidence supporting graduated response graduated response ISP warnings digital piracy deterrence copyright enforcement illegal downloading behavior consumer compliance file-sharing deterrent effectiveness UK music consumers behavior change digital music report copyright infringement enforcement costs legal alternatives peer-to-peer file sharing graduated sanctions copyright policy unauthorized download prevention economic impact of piracy digital copyright law notice and warning systems consumer attitudes copyright IFPI report graduated response mechanism copyright violation prevention digital content regulation graduated response effectiveness ISP warning deterrence copyright enforcement strategies consumer behavior illegal downloading digital music piracy impact of ISP notifications unauthorized file sharing prevention legal alternatives to piracy copyright infringement cost IFPI Digital Music Report 2009 file-sharing disconnection policy repeat infringer policy digital copyright law graduated response research behavioral change copyright enforcement deterrence mechanisms online piracy economics of copyright enforcement UK music consumer piracy policy impact music downloading Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response ISP warnings digital piracy deterrence illegal downloading copyright enforcement file-sharing prevention consumer behavior music piracy unauthorized sources disconnection threat legal alternatives cost of infringement repeat offenders behavioral compliance digital music anti-piracy strategies IFPI Report copyright penalties UK music consumers notice and takedown enforcement cost reduction graduated sanctions copyright infringement online piracy digital copyright law deterrence effectiveness digital distribution copyright awareness unauthorized file-sharing legal awareness campaigns graduated response ISP warnings digital piracy deterrence copyright infringement music piracy unauthorized downloading file sharing consumer behavior digital music enforcement legal alternatives copyright enforcement disconnection threat graduated sanctions online piracy music industry research IFPI Digital Music Report copyright compliance notice-and-notice policy notice-and-takedown effectiveness of warnings piracy prevention strategies peer-to-peer networks user compliance enforcement mechanisms copyright education online infringement digital rights management behavioral economics policy effectiveness copyright policy deterrence theory cost of infringement legal music sources graduated response ISP warnings digital piracy deterrence copyright enforcement illegal downloading consumer behavior music piracy file-sharing disconnection threat legal alternatives infringement cost IFPI Digital Music Report copyright infringement digital music anti-piracy strategies warning effectiveness copyright policy user compliance deterrence measures copyright law enforcement mechanisms regulated file-sharing music industry casual piracy convenience downloading economic impact policy impact copyright issues enforcement cost legal consumption graduated response ISP warnings copyright enforcement digital piracy deterrence illegal downloading consumer behavior file-sharing piracy prevention copyright infringement UK music consumers digital music legal digital sources deterrent mechanisms compliance rates enforcement strategies IFPI Digital Music Report warning effectiveness disconnection threat copyright policy economic impact convenience downloading copyright law enforcement costs Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con01a	Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' carbon trading emissions trading EU ETS European Union Emissions Trading System carbon markets carbon allowances emission caps greenhouse gas reduction abatement technologies emissions reduction climate policy cap-and-trade trading schemes market mechanisms international carbon trading emission permits carbon credits climate action IPCC recommendations cross-border regulation sectoral coverage emissions abatement ETS performance climate targets allowance allocation compliance mechanisms EU climate strategy environmental regulation emissions monitoring carbon pricing low-carbon technologies carbon allowance trading cap and trade emissions trading European Union Emissions Trading System EU ETS carbon market mechanisms greenhouse gas reduction national emission caps carbon abatement abatement technologies climate policy international carbon markets compliance markets carbon credits carbon permits emission allowances trading schemes comparison environmental regulation carbon pricing IPCC climate recommendations carbon market effectiveness cross-border emissions trading carbon market harmonization industrial sector emissions European climate action market-based climate solutions carbon trading emissions trading EU ETS European Union Emissions Trading System carbon market cap-and-trade emissions allowances emission reductions carbon allowances abatement technologies IPCC emissions abatement compliance market carbon credits market mechanisms climate policy national emissions caps industry emissions cross-border trading allowance trading greenhouse gas reduction carbon pricing climate action emission trading scheme European Commission sustainable development carbon regulation carbon dioxide emissions environmental policy carbon offset emission monitoring international carbon market carbon market expansion cap-and-trade mechanisms EU ETS analysis global carbon trading examples carbon allowances reduction national emissions caps cross-border emissions trading ETS effectiveness IPCC recommendations implementation carbon abatement technologies carbon emissions reduction strategies EU climate policy international carbon markets EU ETS coverage future of carbon trading compliance in emissions trading industry impact of ETS climate action policy European carbon market benefits challenges in carbon trading schemes carbon markets emissions trading system EU ETS cap and trade greenhouse gas reduction climate policy carbon allowances emission caps abatement technologies market-based mechanisms European Commission cross-border emissions trading climate action emissions reduction targets carbon pricing international climate agreements sustainable development climate change mitigation policy harmonization decarbonization environmental regulation carbon compliance IPCC recommendations sectoral coverage carbon market efficiency emissions monitoring climate governance carbon trading EU ETS cap and trade emissions allowances carbon market climate policy emissions reduction abatement technologies IPCC recommendations European carbon market emissions trading environmental regulation carbon pricing greenhouse gas reduction EU climate action national emissions caps European Commission international carbon markets compliance carbon trading greenhouse gas abatement carbon trading emissions trading EU ETS European Union carbon market carbon allowance emission reduction cap-and-trade greenhouse gases climate policy market mechanisms domestic emitter emission cap national caps abatement technologies emissions abatement IPCC recommendations cross-border regulation industry compliance environmental policy European Trading System carbon offset climate action low-carbon economy climate mitigation carbon pricing sustainability green transition European Commission emission quotas tradable permits Iceland Liechtenstein Norway carbon trading carbon market EU ETS emissions trading scheme emission allowances cap and trade emissions reduction EU climate policy carbon credits carbon pricing abatement technologies greenhouse gas emissions European carbon market IPCC recommendations international carbon trading emissions cap carbon offset cross-border emissions trading industrial emissions climate change mitigation carbon market mechanisms renewable energy incentives European Commission climate action carbon regulation compliance carbon markets national emissions targets climate policy frameworks carbon market effectiveness ETS coverage environmental policy market-based climate solutions European emissions trading emission permits decarbonization strategies climate carbon markets cap and trade emissions allowances greenhouse gas reduction climate policy abatement technologies IPCC recommendations market mechanisms emission caps EU climate action carbon pricing cross-border regulations emissions trading European Commission low-carbon economy policy instruments carbon regulation sustainable development climate change mitigation industrial emissions national emissions targets carbon credits compliance mechanisms environmental policy renewable energy integration emissions trading cap and trade carbon allowance abatement technologies emissions reduction market-based mechanisms carbon market greenhouse gas emissions trading schemes compliance market EU climate policy national emissions caps climate mitigation cross-border regulation allowance allocation carbon credits Phase IV EU ETS carbon pricing linking schemes climate action IPCC recommendations sectoral coverage international cooperation emissions monitoring enforcement mechanisms climate policy instruments
test-international-iiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ wildlife trafficking illegal wildlife trade animal protection counter-terrorism terrorist financing ivory smuggling rhino horn trade endangered species protection anti-poaching strategies Africa security Al-Shabaab funding Lord’s Resistance Army Janjaweed militia wildlife crime conservation enforcement transnational crime Westgate attack terrorism prevention wildlife law enforcement illicit trade networks criminal syndicates biodiversity loss eco-terrorism homeland security environmental crime organized crime IMF smuggling wildlife ranger patrols international cooperation CITES security policy wildlife protection funding wildlife trafficking terrorism financing ivory trade horn trade armed groups insurgency funding anti-poaching measures wildlife crime endangered species protection militant organizations African security Al-Shabaab funding Lord’s Resistance Army Janjaweed militia counterterrorism conservation enforcement illicit wildlife trade transnational crime Kenya terrorism Westgate attack elephant poaching rhino horn trade organized crime CITES enforcement wildlife law enforcement Africa stability illegal trade networks terrorist operations poaching-terrorism nexus environmental crime wildlife trafficking terrorist financing illegal wildlife trade anti-poaching strategies counter-terrorism endangered species protection ivory trade rhino horn trade Al-Shabaab financing Lord’s Resistance Army funding Janjaweed income Africa security terrorism and wildlife crime law enforcement international cooperation conservation efforts crime syndicates illicit funding sources wildlife crime prevention environmental security Kenya terrorism transnational crime wildlife law enforcement terrorism disruption funding networks animal protection policies global wildlife trade conflict funding illegal trade networks black market ivory anti-trafficking measures regional stability conservation policy poaching terrorism funding illegal wildlife trade terrorism ivory trade terrorist groups animal protection counter terrorism Al-Shabaab ivory funding LRA wildlife trafficking Janjaweed poaching income reduce terrorist funding animal protection conservation anti-terrorism measures wildlife protection Africa stability elephant poaching terrorism link funding terrorism through poaching impact of illegal wildlife trade on terrorism anti-poaching counter-terrorism strategies funding sources terrorist organizations Africa Westgate attack ivory funding endangered species terrorism prevention strengthening wildlife laws terrorism wildlife crime security Africa combatting wildlife trafficking terrorism poaching terrorism wildlife trafficking ivory trade horn trade terrorist financing Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army LRA Sudanese Janjaweed African security endangered species protection anti-poaching efforts illicit trade terrorist operations funding Westgate attack Kenya terrorism ivory smuggling wildlife crime African stability counterterrorism conservation policy animal protection laws international wildlife trade organized crime illegal wildlife trade funding terrorist groups wildlife conservation armed groups Africa counter-poaching strategies wildlife trafficking terrorism ivory trade terrorist funding animal poaching terrorist groups Al-Shabaab ivory funding LRA illegal wildlife trade Janjaweed poaching profits elephant poaching terrorism endangered species protection Africa anti-poaching counterterrorism ivory trade Al-Shabaab Westgate ivory smuggling terrorist networks terrorist financing wildlife crime African wildlife security terrorism combatting poaching terrorist links animal conservation anti-terrorism poaching wildlife trafficking terrorism financing terrorist organizations anti-poaching enforcement ivory trade horn trade illicit wildlife trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army LRA Janjaweed funding terrorist operations endangered species protection wildlife crime security in Africa anti-terrorism measures transnational crime conservation efforts illegal trade networks Westgate attack financial flows militant groups African stability animal protection policy wildlife law enforcement ecosystem security international wildlife crime insurgency funding counterterrorism strategies wildlife rangers armed groups Somalia Kenya Sudan humanitarian impact economic poaching and terrorism wildlife trafficking illegal ivory trade terrorist financing animal protection policies anti-poaching strategies Al-Shabaab funding sources Lord’s Resistance Army funding Janjaweed ivory trade wildlife conservation and security funding of terrorism in Africa endangered species protection impact of poaching on terrorism wildlife crime prevention counter-terrorism and wildlife crimes links between conservation and security Westgate Kenya attack funding stopping illegal wildlife trade terrorism financing networks African wildlife protection security implications of poaching conservation and counter-terrorism partnerships combating wildlife trafficking strengthening anti-poaching laws illegal horn trade wildlife trafficking anti-poaching measures terrorist financing illegal wildlife trade ivory smuggling rhino horn trade Africa security organized crime conservation efforts counter-terrorism endangered species protection wildlife law enforcement transnational crime animal trafficking networks Al-Shabaab funding Lord’s Resistance Army Janjaweed militia Westgate attack funding wildlife crime prevention international smuggling law enforcement cooperation wildlife conservation policy African terrorism eco-security illicit trade disruption poaching-terrorism nexus wildlife trafficking terrorist financing illegal wildlife trade funding terrorism anti-poaching measures endangered species protection wildlife crime insurgent groups conservation security illicit ivory trade counterterrorism efforts transnational crime African militant groups law enforcement animal protection laws counter wildlife trafficking economic impact of poaching wildlife-ranger collaboration illicit horn trade poaching and conflict financial flows terrorism wildlife conservation CITES Al-Shabaab funding LRA income sources Janjaweed activities impact of wildlife crime African security environmental crime wildlife protection policies
test-international-atiahblit-con04a	The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. Millennium Development Goals MDG critique Africa development universal education development indicators education benchmarks progress measurement unrealistic targets unfair targets development policy education barriers investment in education target appropriateness progress evaluation global development goals Easterly 2009 outcome measurement development criticism Millennium Development Goals MDG criticism Africa development education targets unrealistic benchmarks fairness of MDG progress measurement universal education inappropriate targets development policy poverty reduction education barriers African education progress global development goals international benchmarks Easterly 2009 investment in education MDG evaluation sustainable development education policy Millennium Development Goals MDG criticism Africa development education targets universal education barriers progress measurement benchmark limitations unrealistic goals fairness of MDGs target appropriateness investment in education development effectiveness Easterly 2009 policy evaluation global education standards development benchmarks sustainable development goal-setting criticism achievement assessment educational policy MDG criticism Millennium Development Goals limitations unrealistic MDG targets unfair MDG benchmarks progress measurement in Africa MDG flaws in MDG framework alternative education targets evaluating MDG success Africa Easterly MDG critique MDG and education barriers investment vs. target setting education achieving universal education Africa MDG reform proposals appropriate benchmarks for development measuring sustainable progress beyond MDGs Millennium Development Goals MDG criticism Africa development education targets universal education unrealistic benchmarks progress measurement Easterly 2009 development policy target setting global development education policy investment barriers development indicators policy critique equity in development international goals Africa progress education challenges development evaluation MDG limitations MDG criticism Millennium Development Goals limitations unrealistic MDG benchmarks MDG progress measurement MDG unfair targets African MDG achievements Easterly 2009 MDG critique universal education barriers education target appropriateness international development goals criticism MDG and education progress investment vs education outcomes setting realistic development targets African development evaluation goal-setting in international development Millennium Development Goals MDG criticism Africa development universal education progress measurement development benchmarks education targets unrealistic goals unfair benchmarks investment in education target appropriateness Easterly 2009 MDG limitations international development goals African education progress education policy target-setting flaws global development criticism evaluation of MDG education barriers development targets MDG criticism Millennium Development Goals Africa progress unrealistic development targets unfair benchmarks universal education barriers education targets Africa Easterly 2009 development goal assessment investment in education target misalignment global education goals achievement barriers progress measurement African education progress Millennium Development Goals MDG criticism Africa development universal education education barriers MDG targets progress measurement unrealistic benchmarks fairness in development goals educational investment Easterly 2009 target appropriateness development policy education quality progress acknowledgment global education standards donor expectations goal-setting in development educational equity sustainable development post-2015 agenda MDG criticism Millennium Development Goals Africa progress universal education challenges MDG benchmarks unrealistic targets Easterly 2009 education policy development goals investment in education goal measurement target appropriateness global development fairness of MDG progress evaluation educational barriers
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con03a	The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. DC handgun ban Second Amendment gun control firearm legislation constitutional rights legal consistency legal uniformity state vs federal law legal legitimacy legislative discrepancies equal protection constitutional amendments public perception of law law enforcement challenges legal confusion inter-state law differences right to bear arms legal fairness legal code legitimacy American Constitution firearm possession gun laws in DC state autonomy federal supremacy legal precedent uniform application of laws DC handgun ban gun control legislation US Second Amendment constitutional consistency legal uniformity state vs federal laws legal discrepancies firearm regulations legal legitimacy perception of fairness law constitutional rights legal consistency interstate gun laws amendment impact DC public trust in law legal confusion citizen compliance law reporting crime legal trust gun legislation comparison legal code legitimacy District of Columbia handgun ban firearm legislation Second Amendment gun control constitutional rights legal consistency state law national law legislative disparity constitutional amendment equal protection legal uniformity inter-state law legal legitimacy public perception law enforcement crime reporting legal compliance interstate differences state sovereignty legal confusion gun rights federal law jurisprudence legal exceptions policy implications uniform application public trust in law legal fairness self-defense laws firearms regulation DC handgun ban constitutional consistency legislative variations in U.S. gun laws legal uniformity and legitimacy constitutional amendments for DC state vs federal firearm regulations harm of inconsistent laws impact on national legal perception confusion over jurisdictional law differences effects on citizen trust in law compliance with constitutional standards public understanding of firearm legislation consequences of legal inconsistency impact on crime reporting and law enforcement inadvertent legal violations by citizens fairness in constitutional application legitimacy of differential state legislation perception of equal protection under the law interplay of state and federal legal authority impact of firearm law inconsistency on legal system legitimacy debates DC handgun ban constitutional consistency interstate legal disparities firearm legislation comparison Second Amendment implications legal uniformity federal vs state laws constitutional amendments public perception of law legal legitimacy handgun regulation law enforcement challenges national vs local law legal confusion citizens’ trust in legal systems constitutional rights firearms policy inconsistency state vs federal authority gun control debates law compliance deterrents equal protection under the law legal code perception handgun ownership laws cross-state legal issues police reporting rates legal system legitimacy DC handgun legislation comparison Second Amendment inconsistencies national firearm law uniformity legal consistency in gun laws constitutional fairness and gun rights state versus federal gun regulations legal perception and legitimacy interstate firearm law conflicts impact of local gun bans on citizens enforcement challenges of divergent gun laws Supreme Court decisions on DC gun laws implications for nationwide gun policy legal confusion from DC-specific handgun bans public trust in gun legislation practical effects of handgun bans in DC national standards for firearm ownership legal challenges to inconsistent gun laws balance between state rights and constitutional guarantees effect of gun law variability on crime reporting constitutional amendments for DC handgun ban firearm legislation Second Amendment constitutional consistency legal uniformity state vs federal law legal legitimacy perception of fairness legal code gun rights Washington D.C. laws constitutional amendments firearm restrictions interstate legal differences law enforcement trust legitimacy of law citizen compliance gun control crime reporting legal confusion equal protection state legislation legal disparities public trust in law national vs local legislation constitutional interpretation legal precedent arms bearing rights American constitution state-specific regulations DC handgun ban U.S. gun legislation constitutional consistency Second Amendment legal uniformity state vs federal law gun rights firearm regulations constitutional law legal legitimacy district-specific laws law enforcement challenges interstate gun laws legal perception rule of law citizen trust in legal system legislative discrepancies federal supremacy state sovereignty legal confusion policy inconsistency firearm policy debate constitutionality of handgun bans law-abiding citizens reporting crime legal compliance gun possession laws D.C. vs state laws criminal law inconsistencies public trust in law federal law harmonization DC handgun ban Second Amendment constitutional consistency gun control legislation legal uniformity state vs federal law legal legitimacy perceived fairness interstate firearm laws firearm regulation legal discrepancies constitutional rights public trust in law legal predictability Amendment process equal protection legislative exceptions impact on law enforcement crime reporting legal confusion federal vs state authority jurisdictional inconsistency uniform gun laws public perception of justice Second Amendment gun control firearm legislation legal consistency constitutional law DC gun laws state vs federal law equal protection legal uniformity legislative discrepancies gun rights public perception of law legal legitimacy law enforcement challenges interstate firearm laws legal interpretation constitutional amendments crime reporting state autonomy legal fairness
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con04a	Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 transparency conflict international relations nationalism public opinion government accountability policy influence interest groups coalitions military readiness war escalation balance of power rising power hegemony perception management security dilemma arms race deterrence relative power threat perception media influence domestic politics power transition misperception escalation strategic ambiguity secrecy information disclosure transparency risks crisis management transparency conflict escalation international relations government transparency public opinion nationalism policy influence war readiness military transparency coalition dynamics balance of power rising powers hegemony relative power security dilemma perception management First World War preventive war military buildup deterrence domestic politics media influence Jack Snyder Deng Xiaoping William C. Wohlforth Robert D. Kaplan power transition theory misperception signaling strategic restraint transparency conflict escalation nationalism public opinion domestic pressure military readiness war incentives coalition formation interest groups power transition balance of power rising powers perception management deterrence hegemony relative power security dilemma arms race threat perception preventive war international relations information disclosure crisis stability strategic ambiguity media influence transparency and conflict transparency downsides transparency nationalism transparency and public opinion transparency and war military transparency risks transparency and international relations transparency and hegemonic struggle transparency and perception of power balancing transparency and security transparency and domestic politics transparency influence on policy transparency and coalition formation transparency and military strategy transparency and deterrence transparency and rapid power shifts transparency and media influence hide your strength bide your time transparency and arms race transparency and inter-state tensions transparency and conflict escalation transparency conflict escalation government accountability public opinion nationalist sentiment war mobilization military transparency balance of power power transition theory perception of power hegemony international relations theory coalition formation domestic media influence arms race security dilemma preemptive war strategic ambiguity information management deterrence signaling relative power risk of war miscalculation elite manipulation myth of empire audience costs military buildup alliance politics crisis stability escalation dynamics transparency conflict government transparency risks transparency nationalist influence transparency war escalation transparency interest group coalitions nationalist sentiment transparency transparency military readiness transparency international relations transparency and balance of power rising power transparency Deng Xiaoping hide strength transparency military expansion arms race transparency media and transparency perception of power transparency transparency war causes hegemony and transparency transparency strategic ambiguity First World War transparency Wohlforth power perception Snyder Myths of Empire relative power transparency transparency and preventive war transparency security dilemma transparency overstretch transparency and coalition conflict transparency conflict government transparency nationalist sentiment public opinion war readiness military transparency international relations balance of power rising power hegemony perception of power coalition formation interest groups domestic politics nationalism media influence deterrence escalation arms race relative power power transition theory security dilemma preemptive war crisis instability government perception management First World War Germany Russia industrialization policy moderation Jack Snyder Deng Xiaoping William C. Wohlforth Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer transparency drawbacks misperception transparency drawbacks transparency conflict government transparency nationalist influence public opinion military transparency national security war escalation coalition formation interest group politics balance of power rising power strategies Deng Xiaoping hiding strength biding time military buildup relative power perception hegemony theory international relations perception management domestic media arms race preventive war First World War causes rapid industrialization Snyder Myths of Empire Wohlforth perception of power China rising power Mearsheimer hegemony power transition theory transparency conflict government policy nationalist sentiment war readiness military transparency public opinion coalition formation interest groups balance of power rising powers hegemony escalation international relations theory perception of power First World War deterrence relative power media influence threat perception domestic politics security dilemma arms race secrecy vs openness strategic ambiguity public scrutiny misinformation crisis management statecraft national security transparency conflict escalation government policy nationalism public opinion international relations balance of power relative power military transparency war causes perception management coalition formation domestic media influence hegemonic competition preventive war power transition theory strategic ambiguity China rise pre-WWI causes Jack Snyder William Wohlforth Deng Xiaoping Robert Kaplan John Mearsheimer security dilemma overcommitment public sentiment policy moderation transparency drawbacks
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro03a	Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. elected mayors candidate recruitment talent attraction party affiliation independent candidates local government reform innovative leadership public opinion party politics council system political careers national office dynamic leadership management skills problem-solving organisational ability London mayor elections Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham mayor Liam Byrne direct elections political innovation municipal leadership nonpartisan candidates electoral system local party dynamics elected mayors candidate quality local government reform independent candidates party affiliation talent recruitment political innovation community needs council politics national office direct election dynamic leadership problem-solving ability managerial skills London mayoral elections Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham mayor Liam Byrne local vs national politics political party selection public opinion council improvement governance party loyalty leadership selection elected mayors direct elections candidate recruitment independent candidates party affiliation political reform local government leadership quality innovative leaders public opinion community needs council politics stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem-solving organisational management London mayoral election Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne political parties voter preferences political innovation local democracy talent attraction political accountability council reform governance electoral systems directly elected mayors benefits elected mayors attract talent party affiliation and elected mayors innovative leadership local government traditional council system drawbacks party politics vs community needs independent candidates mayoral elections dynamic problem-solving candidates mayors mayoral elections London case study Ken Livingstone independent mayor Boris Johnson mayor election high-profile politicians mayors Liam Byrne Birmingham mayor councillors career stepping stone local government management skills comparative analysis appointed vs elected mayors impact on local party dynamics mayor election impact public opinion best candidates for public office reform in local governance directly elected mayors candidate recruitment local government reform mayoral elections independent candidates party politics leadership quality local democracy political innovation public opinion council governance management expertise political career progression community representation party loyalists talent attraction political diversity mayoral system electoral accountability local political parties innovative leadership nonpartisan elections governance efficiency political stepping stone urban leadership London mayoral race Birmingham mayoral race public trust civic engagement decentralized governance elected mayors candidate quality local government reform party affiliation independent candidates local leadership political recruitment public opinion councillors council system flaws innovative leadership mayoral elections dynamic candidates political stepping stone London mayoral race Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham mayoral race Liam Byrne party loyalty community needs problem-solving in government management experience council politics national office ambition mayoral system advantages elected mayors best candidates candidate quality local government political affiliation party politics independent candidates council elections political innovation public opinion councillor accountability leadership selection talented individuals local political reform mayoral elections political recruitment party loyalty innovative leaders political management local democracy voter perception public service motivation mayoral independence political career pathways local vs national office proven leadership organizational management dynamic candidates Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne London mayor election Birmingham mayoral race political party dynamics elected mayors local government reform mayoral elections political recruitment party politics independent candidates public opinion council system criticism leadership qualities innovative leadership nonpartisan governance talent attraction candidate selection London mayoral history Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne Birmingham mayoral race political career pathways democratic accountability voter engagement public trust governance efficiency local democracy political diversity UK local elections directly elected mayors mayoral candidates political independence party affiliation local government reform talent recruitment leadership selection council politics public opinion polls community needs party loyalty innovative governance local elections political career progression independent candidates election case studies London Mayoral elections Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham mayoral race Liam Byrne political leadership governance efficiency local democracy electoral systems municipal management directly elected mayors candidate quality political party affiliation local government reform party loyalty independent candidates public opinion polls council elections innovative leadership managerial experience community needs career politicians national office aspirations proven problem-solving large organisation management London mayoral elections Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham mayoral race Liam Byrne local democracy political recruitment non-partisan candidates voter perceptions talent attraction council system criticism electoral reform
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious freedom religious expression personal choice religious attire religious privacy individuality religious intervention symbolic dress Muslim veil niqab burqa secularism religious rights human rights privacy rights discrimination religious bans Belgium veil ban religious liberty social ostracism cultural identity government regulation religious practices religious tolerance freedom of expression religious symbols personal expression individual rights religious freedom privacy individuality religious attire veiling bans full Muslim veil face veil ban Belgium religious intervention secularism freedom of religion human rights discrimination social exclusion religious practice freedom of choice government regulation public policy cultural diversity minority rights religious oppression women's rights civil liberties religious freedom individual rights personal expression privacy religious attire secularism religious tolerance discrimination cultural identity human rights freedom of religion burqa ban niqab Belgium social integration religious liberty dress codes minority rights governmental intervention societal acceptance faith expression religious persecution civil liberties religious symbols personal choice significance of religious symbols individual rights and religious expression intervention in religious practices privacy and religion religious symbolism and individuality bans on religious attire Muslim veil ban Belgium effects of religious dress bans criticism of religious bans societal impact of religious dress codes full veil ban Belgium consequences religious freedom and legislation women's rights and religious expression cultural integration and religious symbols secularism vs religious expression public policy on religious symbols discrimination and religious attire freedom of religion court cases personal autonomy in religious dress religious symbols personal expression individual choice religious freedom privacy individuality religious practice religious intervention symbolism Muslim veil full veil ban Belgium veil ban religious dress human rights cultural identity secularism freedom of religion discrimination religious discrimination government intervention societal impact legal restrictions women's rights personal autonomy public policy ostracism social exclusion religious privacy human dignity civil liberties religious symbols debate individual rights religious symbols religious expression privacy religious symbolism intervention full veil ban Belgium religious attire discrimination freedom of religion laws religious clothing bans Europe Muslim veil controversy impact of veil bans religious liberty personal choice privacy and religious dress human rights religious symbolism secularism vs religious expression public policy religious dress effect of religious bans on women religious freedom individual rights personal expression privacy religious attire symbolism government intervention secularism discrimination cultural identity personal choice human rights freedom of religion veil ban Belgium social exclusion minority rights religious practices autonomy civil liberties religious symbols personal choice individual rights religious freedom privacy personal expression religious attire veil ban Belgium Muslim veil niqab burqa secularism government intervention religious discrimination cultural identity human rights freedom of expression social integration policy impact religious practices individual autonomy clothing bans religious privacy multiculturalism religious tolerance minority rights legal restrictions religious freedom personal choice individual rights religious expression privacy symbolism religious attire intervention government bans Muslim veil Burqa ban Belgium criticism social ostracism cultural identity secularism human rights religious privacy legal restrictions discrimination religious freedom individual rights privacy personal expression religious symbolism government intervention secularism religious attire Muslim veil ban Belgium cultural identity human rights discrimination social integration freedom of belief civil liberties multiculturalism religious practices legal restrictions social exclusion
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro01a	The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, Israeli settlements West Bank Palestinian territories international law annexation occupation two-state solution UN resolutions land encroachment statehood international community peace process Israeli expansion Palestinian grievances legal status settlement construction borders East Jerusalem Geneva Convention peace negotiations American foreign policy European Union response human rights illegal occupation Israeli-Palestinian conflict resistance trust in diplomacy settlements impact Israeli settlements West Bank international law illegal settlements annexation Palestinian state settlement expansion international community response Israeli-Palestinian conflict territory encroachment confidence in diplomacy American and European promises negotiation process facts on the ground Palestinian grievances peace process international enforcement violent resistance Middle East peace statehood recognition occupation settlement impact land disputes two-state solution Israeli settlements West Bank international law Palestinian state occupation annexation land dispute peace process UN resolutions territory encroachment Geneva Convention two-state solution Palestinian confidence international community violent resistance American foreign policy European Union settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian conflict facts on the ground negotiation sovereignty Middle East peace human rights security dilemma Israeli policy Palestinian grievances international promises statehood recognition settlement legality Israeli settlements legality international law and settlements impact of settlements on peace process settlements and Palestinian statehood international community response to settlements settlements and two-state solution settlements and Palestinian confidence settlement expansion consequences US and EU promises on settlements settlements and international promises enforcement negotiations and settlement expansion settlements and violent resistance settlements undermining international law Israeli settlement policies settlements and Palestinian grievances settlements changing facts on the ground effects of settlements on negotiations West Bank settlements controversy settlements and perception of impotence Israeli claims to West Bank land Israeli settlements West Bank legality international law annexation Palestinian state land encroachment population transfer international community impotence Israeli territory settlement expansion Palestinian confidence broken promises American policy European policy peace negotiations facts on the ground Palestinian resistance violent resistance international promises faith in law urgency grievances Donald MacIntyre the Independent Israeli settlements illegality international community impotence West Bank settlements future Palestinian state settlement expansion impact Palestinian confidence international law Israeli-Palestinian negotiations facts on the ground Palestinian violent resistance international promises settlement freeze U.S. Europe settlement policy annexation controversy Israel settlements and international law territory dispute Israel Palestine settlement construction grievances Israeli settlements West Bank international law illegality Palestinian state land annexation population expansion international community impotence Palestinian confidence enforcement promises American and European commitments Israeli negotiation strategy facts on the ground violent resistance undermining faith urgency grievance escalation settlement construction Donald MacIntyre The Independent 2009 Israeli settlements settlement expansion international law West Bank Palestinian state illegal settlements international community U.N. resolutions Israeli annexation American foreign policy European Union policy peace process confidence in international law Middle East conflict Palestinian resistance negotiation process land encroachment facts on the ground violent resistance Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlement construction peace negotiations occupation two-state solution Donald MacIntyre credibility of international promises Israeli settlements West Bank international law Palestinian state annexation occupation international community land disputes diplomatic pressure peace process settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian conflict territorial encroachment United Nations resolutions two-state solution US foreign policy European Union stance negotiation deadlock violent resistance international promises faith in diplomacy Middle East peace Israeli annexation legal status settlement impact Palestinian grievances MacIntyre Donald The Independent Israeli settlements West Bank international law Palestine annexation Palestinian state occupation land disputes UN resolutions peace process international community response US foreign policy EU stance settlement expansion two-state solution Palestinian resistance Israeli-Palestinian conflict negotiation failure Geneva Convention human rights illegal occupation Israeli government policy Palestinian grievances facts on the ground security barrier settlement legality Middle East peace Oslo Accords territory encroachment diplomatic pressure settlement evacuation
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con01a	"Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec independence economic viability financial sustainability secession equalization payments fiscal dependency Canadian provinces Alberta ""have-not"" provinces economic indicators quality of life economic downturn government support economic stability national unity economic impact financial autonomy independence referendum regional disparities federal transfers provincial budgets economic self-sufficiency monetary policy economic confidence living standards Quebec economy Canadian federation fiscal imbalance Quebec independence economic viability financial sustainability equalization payments have-not provinces dependency on Canada economic impact fiscal capacity quality of life Quebec secession consequences Quebec economy economic indicators Canadian federal support provincial finances viability of Quebec separation economic risks financial self-sufficiency economic challenges Quebec interprovincial support economic downturn provincial deficits economic future Quebec Quebec independence Quebec secession economic self-sufficiency financial viability economic sustainability Quebec economy equalization payments Canadian federal transfers ""have-not"" provinces ""have"" provinces Alberta contributions economic impact fiscal dependence provincial budgets economic indicators Quebec quality of life Quebec cost of independence Canada-Quebec relations potential recession Quebec economic consequences sovereignty debate public finances Quebec government credibility financial stability interprovincial transfers Quebec economic independence Quebec financial self-sufficiency viability of Quebec as independent country Quebec equalization payments Quebec dependency on Canada economic impact of Quebec secession Quebec GDP post-independence Quebec ""have-not"" province effects of Quebec independence on quality of life Quebec sovereignty economic analysis Quebec economy sustainability costs of Quebec independence impact of losing Canadian federal support financial risks of Quebec secession Quebec separation economic consequences Quebec and equalization transfer payments Quebec fiscal balance after independence economic forecasts Quebec sovereignty Quebec government debt independence loss of Canadian market access for Quebec Quebec international trade after se Quebec independence economic viability financial dependence equalization payments have-not provinces have provinces Alberta support Quebec economy Canadian government support quality of life Quebec Quebec prosperity secession impact financial indicators Quebec economic sustainability sovereign Quebec economy fiscal transfers Canada Quebec separation public confidence Quebec provincial finances interprovincial transfers Quebec GDP economic forecast Quebec resource revenue national unity Canada fiscal federalism Quebec economic independence Quebec secession impacts Quebec financial viability Quebec equalization payments Quebec dependence on Canada Quebec fiscal sustainability Quebec separation economy Quebec ""have-not"" province economic effects of Quebec independence Canadian federation and Quebec Quebec quality of life after independence Quebec and Alberta fiscal relations Quebec prosperity report effect of secession on Quebec economy Quebec government support Quebec economic future without Canada Quebec independence economic viability financial sustainability secession equalization payments have-not provinces have provinces Alberta support Canadian federalism Quebec economy financial dependence fiscal capacity provincial transfers economic indicators standard of living economic downturn public confidence government credibility Canadian government support regional disparities economic self-sufficiency Quebec prosperity economic consequences secession impact interprovincial economics welfare implications provincial finances national unity cost of independence economic forecasts fiscal balance Quebec economic viability Quebec independence financial dependence Quebec Quebec equalization payments Quebec have-not province Alberta equalization Quebec economic indicators Quebec secession impact Quebec living standards Quebec economy crash Canadian government support Quebec Quebec financial sustainability Quebec prosperity reports Quebec-Canada economic relations Quebec economic risks economic consequences Quebec independence Quebec sovereign debt Quebec trade relations Quebec fiscal policy post-independence Quebec economy Quebec economic independence Quebec secession impact Quebec fiscal sustainability financial viability of Quebec Quebec equalization payments Quebec ""have-not"" province Quebec dependence on Alberta Quebec economy after independence economic indicators Quebec quality of life Quebec independence Quebec financial analysis economic consequences Quebec sovereignty Quebec government support loss Canadian federal economic support Quebec GDP projections Quebec budget deficit independence Quebec public services post-independence economic risks Quebec secession Quebec debt independence Canadian provinces economic balance Quebec economy Quebec independence economic viability fiscal sustainability equalization payments financial dependence ""have-not"" provinces ""have"" provinces Alberta transfers Quebec secession economic impact Canadian support living standards economic indicators financial autonomy provincial finances quality of life Quebec sovereignty Canadian economy interprovincial transfers fiscal policy Quebec economic challenges economic collapse sovereignty movement federal transfers Canada"
test-economy-egecegphw-pro01a	Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow expansion airport capacity London hub airport third runway four-runway airports European airport competition flight delays UK aviation connecting flights global competitiveness passenger growth hub capacity aviation infrastructure airport modernization international rivals connectivity economic impact air traffic runway congestion UK airport policy Heathrow bottleneck air transport airport upgrades travel disruption flight handling capacity Heathrow expansion airport capacity London airport competition European hub airports Paris Charles de Gaulle Frankfurt Airport Madrid Barajas connecting flights airport delays air traffic congestion flight capacity limits third runway fourth runway UK aviation industry international competitiveness stop-over airport transfer passengers economic impact hub capacity aviation infrastructure global air transport airline hub status Heathrow rivals British aviation runway expansion Colin Matthews airport chief executive terminal expansion UK economy aviation growth transatlantic flights airport development airport expansion runway capacity hub airports air traffic flight delays connecting flights European airport competition aviation infrastructure airport competitiveness third runway London airports passenger capacity economic impact airport congestion UK aviation policy international connectivity Heathrow third runway airport modernization aviation logistics airport growth Heathrow expansion economic impact Heathrow airport third runway Heathrow capacity comparison European hubs UK aviation competitiveness connecting flights Heathrow airport infrastructure London Heathrow vs Frankfurt hub Heathrow vs Paris Charles de Gaulle capacity Heathrow delays passenger impact airport slot constraints UK expanding Heathrow international connections UK aviation policy Heathrow Heathrow role global air traffic impact of limited hub capacity UK economy UK airport rival analysis importance of Heathrow to UK business loss of flights to European hubs Colin Matthews Heathrow expansion justification effects of airport congestion future proofing London airports Heathrow expansion airport capacity airport competitiveness UK aviation four-runway hubs European airport rivalry Paris Charles de Gaulle Frankfurt Airport Madrid Barajas flight delays hub airport comparison Heathrow third runway UK aviation policy airport infrastructure international flight connections air traffic limitations hub capacity economic impact Heathrow passenger numbers airline industry London aviation capacity constraints Heathrow expansion airport capacity UK aviation London hub airport third runway runway expansion Heathrow delays airport competitiveness international connections Paris Charles de Gaulle comparison Frankfurt airport competition Madrid Barajas comparison maintaining UK global status connecting flights Heathrow passenger delays airport infrastructure economic impact Heathrow hub airport rivals airport congestion Colin Matthews Heathrow UK investment aviation growth UK economic competitiveness airport bottleneck flight capacity limits air traffic increase Heathrow expansion airport capacity runway limitations flight delays international hub airports air traffic UK aviation competitiveness airport infrastructure connecting flights London airports airline industry Paris Charles de Gaulle Frankfurt airport Madrid Barajas passenger experience economic impact UK economy hub capacity Colin Matthews aviation industry growth airport capacity comparison air travel demand global airport rankings UK transportation policy third runway airport modernization European hub competition flight connections capacity constraints airport delays investment in airports Heathrow expansion airport capacity UK aviation third runway airport competitiveness connecting flights hub airports Paris Charles de Gaulle Frankfurt airport Madrid Barajas UK economy flight delays European airports airport infrastructure airline industry air travel demand British aviation policy London airports congestion at Heathrow international flights transfer passengers air transport growth UK global connectivity Heathrow third runway debate economic impact of airports BAA Colin Matthews Heathrow expansion airport capacity third runway fourth runway UK competitiveness airline delays hub airports Paris Charles de Gaulle Frankfurt Airport Madrid Barajas connecting flights stop-over airport aviation infrastructure flight limits UK aviation industry passenger delays international rivals economic impact London airports European aviation airport congestion capacity comparison BAA Colin Matthews UK economy airport competition future air traffic airport infrastructure investment Heathrow expansion airport capacity third runway four-runway hubs international competitors flight delays UK aviation industry airport competitiveness hub airports flight connectivity connecting flights European airports capacity constraints Heathrow congestion passenger delays economic impact air traffic infrastructure investment airport upgrades London airports UK economic growth aviation policy airport modernization global air travel Heathrow third runway debate
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro07a	Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - legalization drug taxation government revenue public health funding substance regulation economic impact controlled substances UK tax policy public spending treatment funding illicit drugs state revenue syntax revenue alcohol taxation harm reduction healthcare costs recreational drugs sin taxes fiscal policy drug policy reform drug legalization tax revenue state taxes regulated substances government funding public health funding treatment programs economic impact sin taxes tobacco tax comparison legal cannabis revenue alcohol tax fiscal policy harm reduction substance abuse treatment UK drug policy controlled substances illicit drug market taxation policy revenue allocation drug legalization tax policy government revenue public health funding drug regulation controlled substances excise tax sin taxes harm reduction substance abuse treatment economic impact black market reduction UK drug policy healthcare funding legal market revenue allocation cannabis legalization alcohol taxation budget allocation social services funding legal drug taxation examples impact of drug legalization on public finances tax revenue from legal substances comparison of tobacco and drug tax revenue economic benefits of drug legalization state budget and legalized drugs funding addiction treatment through taxation public attitudes towards drug tax revenue case studies on drug taxation government revenue from legal cannabis implications for healthcare funding projections for tax income from legalized drugs cost-benefit analysis of drug legalization fiscal policy and drug law reform lessons from tobacco taxation for drug policy legalization drug policy tax revenue UK economic impact public health funding tobacco taxation state income drug regulation treatment funding fiscal benefits harm reduction substance legalization government revenue social services drug reform addiction treatment public spending controlled substances legalization benefits drug legalization tax benefits economic impact of legal drugs government revenue from legal drugs tax revenue statistics drugs UK funding healthcare with drug taxes comparison tobacco alcohol drug taxes public services funded by drug taxes fiscal policy drug legalization cost-benefit analysis drug legalization substance regulation economic effects taxation of controlled substances UK drug decriminalization public finance drug policy funding models legal cannabis tax revenue UK earmarking drug tax revenue for treatment legalization drug taxation government revenue public health funding UK tax policy substance regulation addiction treatment funding economic impact sin taxes state income fiscal benefits policy reform controlled substances drug policy harm reduction social costs tobacco tax comparison budget allocation healthcare funding public expenditure drug decriminalization regulated market illicit drugs revenue generation tax policy analysis legalization tax benefits drug taxation UK drug policy tax revenue state revenue from drugs public health funding drugs legal drugs tax impact tax revenue statistics drugs economic impact legalizing drugs government income drug legalization drug treatment funding fiscal policy drug legalization UK drug legalization economics comparison tobacco drug taxation drug legalization cost-benefit funding addiction treatment social benefits drug taxation taxation public services drugs UK sin tax drugs legal drug market revenue drug legalization public finances drug legalization tax benefits legal drug taxation state revenue from drugs funding addiction treatment economic impact of drug legalization drug policy reform public health funding taxation models for drugs comparison with tobacco tax cannabis legalization revenue government budget and drugs social benefits of drug legalization tax allocation for healthcare crime reduction and taxation fiscal policy drug control drug legalization tax benefits government revenue public health funding substance regulation sin taxes funding addiction treatment economic impact vice taxes fiscal policy legal substances UK tax statistics tobacco taxation cannabis legalization policy analysis addiction treatment financing state revenue social costs harm reduction regulated markets
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con01a	Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. total cost of ownership government IT spending open source maintenance costs support contracts software procurement free software misconceptions consultancy fees Microsoft support IT solution expenses public sector software technical support comparison software lifecycle costs vendor support community-driven development proprietary software advantages hidden costs software patching enterprise software support accessibility features software feature comparison total cost of ownership open source software support costs government IT procurement proprietary software vs open source maintenance expenses software lifecycle costs technical support availability patch management consultancy firms IT contracts enterprise software solutions hidden costs of open source support package pricing software accessibility comparison feature parity upfront vs ongoing costs risk assessment in software adoption government software policy cost-benefit analysis managed services for open source migration costs software update delays public sector IT expenditure vendor lock-in open vs closed software debate IT solution integration challenges total cost of ownership open source software support government IT expenses free software misconception software maintenance costs technical support comparison Microsoft products proprietary software benefits consultancy firms expensive support contracts open source software drawbacks IT solution costs software accessibility feature comparison long-term software expenses software procurement decisions closed vs open source enterprise software support public sector IT systems software sticker price open source risks open source software total cost of ownership government IT support costs open source open source vs proprietary software government open source software hidden costs government expenditure open source software open source software support packages open source software consultancy firms open source vs closed source security government open source software procurement challenges cost-benefit analysis open source government open source software accessibility issues open source software feature comparison government Microsoft support vs open source support government public sector open source software case studies open source adoption risks government open source software failures government response open source software maintenance costs government open source software vendor lock-in government consulting firm incentives total cost of ownership open source software government proprietary software government open source vs closed source cost government IT support costs open source software maintenance software support contracts IT consultancy firms open source software licensing costs public sector open source challenges open source software reliability closed source software advantages government software procurement software accessibility government open source feature comparison IT solution costs government support package expenses open source misconceptions free software vs open source public sector software strategy open source software cost for governments open source vs proprietary software government total cost of ownership open source government IT support open source open source software support packages free software vs open source cost consultancy firms open source contracts public sector open source challenges open source software accessibility open source software long-term expenses Microsoft government software support government software procurement strategies commercial support open source governments open source software feature comparison hidden costs open source software total cost of ownership open source software cost government IT expenses proprietary software closed source alternatives support contracts technical support consultancy firms software maintenance lifetime cost implementation cost software features comparison software accessibility software procurement hidden costs free vs paid software vendor support software reliability patch management software licensing sticker price software lifecycle software selection public sector software solutions enterprise IT adoption total cost of ownership open source vs proprietary government IT spending support contracts open source maintenance costs open source software challenges proprietary software advantages IT consulting firms government open source software total cost public sector technology choices open source support packages free software vs open source government software procurement open source software limitations closed source software comparison Microsoft government contracts enterprise open source adoption open source risks government software license costs software support models government digital transformation open source software costs government IT expenses software support packages total cost of ownership free software confusion Microsoft versus open source consultancy firms in IT support contract pricing accessibility of closed source software open source feature comparison software maintenance costs public sector software procurement long term software expenses vendor support reliability IT solution cost analysis proprietary software advantages open versus closed source debate government software budgeting enterprise software support IT infrastructure decisions open source software costs government IT expenses open vs closed source comparison total cost of ownership software support packages IT consultancy firms software maintenance costs open source vs proprietary public sector software adoption support contracts open source software misconceptions free vs paid software Microsoft vs open source government software procurement IT solution lifecycle costs software accessibility features hidden software costs software patch management major IT consultancies long-term software expenses
test-health-dhghwapgd-con04a	"Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: patent protection drug innovation pharmaceutical investment intellectual property R&D incentives drug development costs patent laws market exclusivity generic competition pharmaceutical profits technology transfer drug discovery innovation policy patent system high fixed costs low marginal costs competitive advantage licensing drug accessibility legal enforcement patent expiration innovation ecosystem healthcare innovation productivity growth research incentives innovation spillover public health impact pharmaceutical industry intellectual monopoly knowledge diffusion patent litigation drug pricing venture capital pharmaceutical regulation drug approval patent term extension orphan drugs competitive R&D incremental innovation patent strategy drug patent protection pharmaceutical innovation R&D incentives intellectual property rights new drug development drug patent law benefits pharmaceutical industry investment research and development costs patent protection importance innovation in pharmaceuticals patent-driven drug discovery patent system economic impact exclusive rights pharmaceuticals patent enforcement competitive advantage patents profit incentives drug development barriers to generic drugs patent protection and public health patent expiration effects innovation vs generic competition incremental drug innovation market exclusivity pharmaceutical patent system patent-related investment decisions patent law and healthcare patent incentives for biotech fixed costs pharmaceuticals marginal costs drug industry impact of patent loss drug patents patent law intellectual property pharmaceutical innovation research and development R&D investment profit incentive patent protection patent system pharmaceutical industry new drug development innovation incentives drug discovery generic drugs patent enforcement market exclusivity technology transfer patent licensing competitive advantage fixed costs marginal costs regulatory approval drug commercialization patent infringement innovation policy patent monopoly knowledge spillover patent expiration patent barriers healthcare innovation biomedical research investment risk return on investment life sciences patent strategy orphan drugs patent term extension biopharmaceuticals patent litigation drug pipeline drug patent law expansion R&D incentives pharma importance of patent protection pharmaceutical innovation incentives research investment and patents impact of patents on drug development profit motive in pharma research role of intellectual property pharma drug discovery and patents patent system and drug innovation patent-driven competition economic impact of pharmaceutical patents pharmaceutical industry fixed costs patent protection and consumer benefit risk and reward in drug development copying and generic competition lack of patents and innovation stagnation market exclusivity and innovation patent law and public health pharmaceutical patent reform effect of patent expiration patent strategy pharmaceutical firms patent cliffs drug industry alternative incentives drug patent laws pharmaceutical innovation research and development incentives patent protection intellectual property patent system benefits market exclusivity pharmaceutical industry investment innovation disincentives patent infringement R&D costs patent-driven competition generic drug entry healthcare innovation intellectual property rights drug development economics innovation policy patents and public health pharmaceutical market dynamics return on investment in R&D monopoly rights incremental innovation drug pricing legal framework for patents pharmaceutical patents and society technology transfer patent legislation profitability of drug development knowledge spillover barriers to entry patent-driven research incentives for new drug development drug patent protection pharmaceutical innovation research and development incentives intellectual property rights patents and profitability patent system benefits competitive innovation incremental drug improvements pharmaceutical industry investment patent-driven R&D patent incentive mechanisms innovation and market exclusivity patent-induced competition new drug development incentives impact of patents on R&D pharmaceutical patents and public health patent monopolies and innovation economic impact of drug patents costs of drug development market share and patents drug patent protection intellectual property rights pharmaceutical innovation research and development incentives new drug development patent system benefits pharmaceutical industry investment patent theft deterrence profit incentive R&D costs patent-driven competition innovation stimulation incremental drug improvements research risk management fixed costs in pharmaceuticals marginal costs patent licensing market exclusivity prisoners' dilemma in innovation drug discovery copying prevention pharmaceutical market share dynamic pharmaceutical sector progressive drug development health outcomes and patents regulatory environment patent policy imitation risk generic drug entry biopharmaceutical patents societal benefits of innovation drug patent protection pharmaceutical innovation intellectual property rights R&D investment research incentives patent law benefits pharmaceutical industry profits fixed costs marginal costs patent enforcement generic drugs drug development funding patent monopoly patent system market exclusivity patent barriers patent-driven competition patent licensing medical biotechnology patents patent theft deterrence drug formula protection pharmaceutical patent policy innovation incentives pharmaceutical patents and society impact of patents on drug prices patent cliff patent expiration effects patent-related lawsuits global patent laws effects of weak patents patent-driven drug discovery patent strategies pharmaceutical patent system reform policy drug patent laws patent protection pharmaceutical innovation research and development investment intellectual property pharmaceutical industry new drug development profit incentive R&D costs generic competition innovation incentives intellectual property rights market exclusivity patent system pharmaceutical patents investment incentives patent-driven innovation drug discovery generic drug entry high fixed costs marginal costs copycat drugs innovation disincentive market share licensing technological advancement prisoners' dilemma patents public health benefits patent monopoly law and policy economic impact societal benefits drug patent protection pharmaceutical innovation intellectual property rights R&D incentives investment in new drugs patent law effects pharmaceutical industry profitability research and development costs generic drug competition patent exclusivity innovation disincentives economic impact of patents market exclusivity healthcare innovation technology transfer drug development cycle fixed costs in pharma marginal costs patent policy global patent laws patent litigation drug approval process patent expiration orphan drugs biotech patents compulsory licensing balancing access and innovation international patent treaties TRIPS agreement patentability criteria generic market entry"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con02a	The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas agricultural subsidies US farm subsidies trade liberalization dumping market access trade barriers Brazilian agriculture Argentinian agriculture competitive disadvantage American imports local farmers trade negotiations farm policy protectionism surplus production export competition trade agreements economic impact rural livelihoods global markets price competition developing economies international trade unfair competition economic sustainability WTO agriculture subsidy elimination food security FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas US farm subsidies agricultural subsidies trade liberalization dumping market access protectionism developing countries Brazil agriculture Argentina agriculture Latin American farmers trade imbalance agricultural exports trade negotiations trade barriers food security crop prices farm income global markets economic impact trade disputes anti-globalization agribusiness local farmers US agricultural policy WTO trade fairness FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas agricultural subsidies US farm subsidies dumping trade liberalization market access trade barriers tariff reduction Brazil agriculture Argentina farming trade imbalance export competition price distortion subsidy elimination protectionism developing countries agriculture trade negotiations fair trade food security rural livelihoods economic impact global trade policy WTO agriculture trade justice FTAA agricultural impacts FTAA US farm subsidies FTAA and Brazilian agriculture FTAA effects on Argentine farmers FTAA trade negotiation controversies US agricultural subsidies developing countries FTAA and market competition agricultural dumping South America FTAA impact local farmers Brazil FTAA trade agreements negative effects US protectionism FTAA FTAA and poverty rural South America free trade agreements agriculture South America FTAA opposition South American farmers FTAA food sovereignty Brazil FTAA and global agricultural markets FTAA and trade imbalances FTAA farm subsidy elimination FTAA and economic consequences agriculture FTAA and sustainability South American FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas US agricultural subsidies South American agriculture trade negotiations market access agricultural surpluses dumping trade liberalization Brazilian agriculture Argentinian agriculture farm competitiveness subsidy elimination food security trade imbalance international trade policy rural livelihoods economic impact protectionism Miami trade headquarters Panama trade negotiations developing markets price competition New York Times FTAA Christopher Marquis FTAA impact on agriculture US farm subsidies effect agricultural dumping developing countries trade liberalization South America FTAA and Brazilian agriculture Argentine farmers free trade subsidy competition global markets economic consequences FTAA free trade and local farmers US-South America trade tensions agricultural trade barriers farm subsidy elimination debate FTAA negotiations agriculture import competition developing nations FTAA economic inequality global agricultural market access protectionism in agriculture trade distortion US subsidies FTAA critique South American export challenges FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas US agricultural subsidies trade negotiations market liberalization dumping agricultural surpluses developing countries Brazil Argentina trade inequality price competition farm bankruptcies fair trade trade barriers tariff elimination trade agreements subsidy impact South American farmers agricultural exports market access competitive disadvantage Miami Free Trade Panama trade challenge economic sovereignty food security local farmers global markets production costs trade protectionism FTAA South American agriculture US farm subsidies agricultural surpluses market dumping developing markets Brazil agriculture Argentina agriculture trade negotiations agricultural competition subsidy impact free trade agreement agriculture American farmer subsidies global agricultural markets trade imbalance agricultural imports Miami Free Trade Panama trade negotiations agricultural protectionism trade liberalization effects FTAA agricultural subsidies US farm policy market access trade liberalization dumping developing countries trade barriers Brazil agriculture Argentina agriculture global trade economic impact rural livelihoods food security export competition trade negotiations protectionism trade imbalance international trade agreements South American farmers agricultural exports farm income tariff reduction trade justice sustainable agriculture agricultural subsidies trade liberalization dumping market access protectionism tariff barriers competitive disadvantage US farm policy South American exports rural livelihoods economic impact food security trade imbalance global commodity prices free trade agreements agricultural sustainability WTO negotiations anti-dumping measures South American economies trade justice
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro03a	"Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) suicide assisted suicide mental health depression family impact bereavement secrecy cry for help suicide prevention emotional support open discussion terminal illness legalisation patient autonomy psychological distress communication guilt recrimination awareness teenage suicide Megan Meier parental involvement police investigation support systems stigma end-of-life decisions palliative care counseling family therapy suicide prevention assisted suicide family impact mental health suicide awareness depression terminal illness euthanasia suicide support Megan Meier case adolescent suicide open communication family coping guilt and bereavement suicide intervention legalisation of assisted suicide emotional support suicide risk factors secrecy and suicide suicide and law enforcement suicide and stigma suicide and healthcare suicide disclosure suicide and family therapy patient autonomy end-of-life decisions assisted suicide family impact mental health awareness suicide prevention communication terminal illness legalisation of assisted dying emotional support open discussion grief guilt mental health stigma suicide intervention parent-child communication psychological support patient autonomy end-of-life decisions support networks depression family counseling suicide signs youth suicide Megan Meier case suicide case studies ethical issues assisted suicide ethical debate impact of suicide on families family involvement in end-of-life decisions Megan Meier suicide case benefits of legalizing assisted suicide secrecy in suicide cases suicide prevention through open discussion guilt after a loved one's suicide terminal illness and suicide mental health awareness in families police investigations after suicide emotional consequences for survivors suicide as a cry for help openness in end-of-life choices reducing stigma around suicide communication about terminal illness role of family in assisted dying psychological effects on family members suicide legislation and family dynamics assisted suicide suicide prevention family impact of suicide mental health stigma open dialogue on suicide terminal illness depression awareness suicide bereavement adolescent suicide Megan Meier case suicide communication secrecy in suicide cry for help legalisation of assisted dying family support during suicide guilt and recrimination after suicide emotional effects of suicide suicide intervention disclosure of suicidal feelings public perception of suicide assisted suicide debate family impact of suicide suicide prevention open discussion of suicide legalizing assisted dying communication about mental health supporting terminally ill patients suicide awareness Megan Meier suicide case secrecy and suicide family involvement in end-of-life decisions prevention of suicidal behavior consequences of suicide on families recognizing suicidal signs coping with suicide loss ethical issues in assisted suicide role of families in assisted dying terminal illness and suicide understanding suicidal intent mental health communication suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact catastrophic loss emotional distress unawareness mental health Megan Meier teenage suicide hanging police investigation assisted suicide legalisation openness terminal illness family communication guilt recrimination patient autonomy end of life psychological support suicide prevention mental illness social stigma grief bereavement intervention Wikipedia ""Suicide of Megan Meier"" suicide suicide prevention impact on family secrecy in suicide cry for help Megan Meier case teen suicide mental health awareness assisted suicide legalizing assisted suicide terminal illness family involvement open discussion mental health stigma suicide investigations reducing guilt family reconciliation patient communication emotional support end-of-life decisions depression awareness suicide intervention support systems psychological impact grieving families mental health resources preventing suicide ethical issues healthcare policy public health suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact catastrophic loss emotional awareness mental health Megan Meier teenage suicide police investigations assisted suicide legalization illness disclosure terminally ill family involvement guilt recrimination open communication end-of-life decisions euthanasia patient autonomy mental illness suicide prevention support systems bereavement stigma public policy advocacy compassionate care suicide prevention mental health support family communication assisted suicide legalization terminal illness open dialogue emotional impact guilt secrecy intervention strategies psychiatric help support networks depression end-of-life decisions adolescent suicide Megan Meier case police investigations stigma reduction patient autonomy family counseling suicide awareness campaigns"
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con01a	"Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. democratic legitimacy self-determination self-governance foreign intervention imposed democracy sovereignty nation-building political autonomy external influence democratic principles popular sovereignty legitimacy crisis international relations democratic transitions forced regime change post-conflict reconstruction legitimacy of governance democratic self-rule indigenous governance local participation external imposition democracy promotion legitimacy of imposed governments democratic accountability democracy versus imposition democracy building United States intervention government legitimacy Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy democracy promotion democratic legitimacy self-governance foreign intervention imposed democracy democratic sovereignty nation-building external influence government legitimacy democracy establishment autonomy consent of the governed political legitimacy democracy and occupation failed democracies legitimacy crisis foreign-imposed regimes democratic self-determination intervention outcomes case studies Iraq Afghanistan democracy and dependency local sovereignty democratic authenticity democracy legitimacy foreign-imposed government self-governance sovereignty democratic legitimacy intervention nation-building imposed democracy democratic transition governance democratic values external intervention political legitimacy consent of the governed Iraq Afghanistan U.S. intervention democracy promotion nation sovereignty democratic self-determination legitimacy crisis dependency foreign influence imposed regime democratic authenticity democracy legitimacy foreign-imposed government democratic legitimacy government by the people government of the people democratic governance challenges imposed democracy failures legitimacy of imposed governments foreign intervention democracy case studies Iraq Afghanistan democracy self-determination and democracy democracy promotion criticism imposed democracy effectiveness Doyle promoting democracy imposed democratic government consequences US intervention democracy democracy as self-rule democracy export pitfalls democracy and national sovereignty challenges of foreign-imposed democracies democracy democratic legitimacy government legitimacy foreign-imposed governments democratic self-determination legitimacy crisis democratic governance Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy U.S. intervention imposed democracy nation-building sovereignty popular consent democratic principles government autonomy forced regime change external intervention democratic imposition Michael Doyle Promoting Democracy democracy promotion democratic legitimacy challenges post-conflict governance foreign influence Huffington Post democracy definition imposed democracy legitimacy of government self-governance foreign-imposed regimes democratic legitimacy government by the people democracy in Iraq democracy in Afghanistan United States foreign policy democracy promotion challenges of nation-building government legitimacy critique of democracy promotion Michael Doyle HuffPost democracy article independence of democratic governments external intervention democracy democratic self-determination nation building failures legitimacy crisis in imposed democracies democracy democratic legitimacy foreign-imposed government self-governance popular sovereignty autonomy independence government legitimacy imposition democracy promotion nation-building foreign intervention Iraq Afghanistan United States legitimacy crisis consent of the governed democratic values legitimacy of authority imposed regime sovereignty democratic status international relations forced government democratic self-determination post-conflict reconstruction external intervention democratic governance democracy export political legitimacy Michael Doyle democracy imposition of democracy legitimacy of government foreign-imposed democracy democratic legitimacy self-governance government by the people government of the people democratic status legitimacy crisis nation-building Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy U.S. intervention democratic autonomy democracy promotion forced democracy democratic self-determination imposed governments foreign intervention Doyle democracy Michael Doyle legitimacy and democracy democratic theory governance challenges democracy and legitimacy democracy export democratic institutions democracy dependence imposed regime legitimacy international relations democracy democracy legitimacy foreign intervention self-governance government legitimacy imposed government democratic legitimacy nation-building democratic self-determination sovereignty imposed democracy democratic values local autonomy external influence regime change democratic transition post-conflict governance U.S. foreign policy Iraq Afghanistan international legitimacy government by consent democracy promotion legitimacy crisis democratic institution-building democracy legitimacy foreign-imposed governments self-governance democratic legitimacy imposed democracy government sovereignty democratic principles democratic self-determination Iraq democracy Afghanistan democracy external intervention regime change democracy promotion democratic autonomy nation-building state legitimacy foreign occupation post-conflict governance legitimacy crisis United States intervention popular sovereignty Michael Doyle democratic stability"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. New START treaty U.S.-Russia arms control strategic nuclear weapons nuclear arms reduction treaty loopholes tactical nuclear advantage multiple warhead bombers warhead counting rules Russian nuclear modernization long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs missile launcher definitions strategic imbalance unilateral reductions arms limitation weaknesses nuclear deterrence balance of power treaty compliance Mitt Romney critique bilateral arms agreements loophole exploitation warhead reduction targets strategic offensive arms arms race dynamics treaty verification U.S. strategic disadvantage world peace nuclear security international security New START loopholes Russia tactical nuclear advantage multiple warhead bombers undercounted bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles Russian bomber modernization rail-mobile ICBMs rail-mobile launchers missile treaty limitations strategic nuclear reductions unilateral US disarmament unequal treaty nuclear arms control flaws US-Russia balance of power START treaty omissions Mitt Romney New START criticism treaty verification weaknesses heavy bomber exceptions warhead counting rules Russian strategic weapons programs New START weaknesses Russian tactical nuclear advantage treaty loopholes nuclear warhead counting strategic bomber limitations air-launched cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs ICBM launcher definitions START I versus New START US versus Russia reductions unilateral nuclear disarmament strategic balance nuclear parity arms control gaps Mitt Romney New START critique Russian nuclear modernization heavy bombers strategic arms limitation US national security nuclear weapon verification arms treaty compliance nuclear treaty negotiations asymmetric reductions loopholes exploitation global nuclear stability New START treaty loopholes Russian tactical nuclear advantage US strategic nuclear reductions rail-mobile ICBMs New START air-launched nuclear cruise missiles Russia multiple warhead missile bombers Mitt Romney New START critique New START treaty fairness START treaty vs New START Russia strategic nuclear modernization unequal arms control agreements strategic balance US Russia unilateral US arms reductions nuclear warhead counting New START Russia new heavy bomber New START limitations rail-mobile launchers world peace nuclear agreements Russia evading treaty limits New START Treaty Russia tactical nuclear advantage nuclear weapons loopholes warhead counting missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs START Treaty definitions strategic nuclear warhead limits Russian arms programs treaty omissions unilateral nuclear reductions Russia-US arms balance nuclear arms control strategic stability nuclear parity treaty flaws arms treaty verification global power balance nuclear nonproliferation US national security Mitt Romney START critique Russian strategic modernization arms treaty loopholes New START opposition rail-mobile missile restrictions asymmetric arms reductions strategic deterrence New START flaws Russia nuclear advantage tactical nuclear weapons strategic nuclear warheads treaty loopholes rail-mobile ICBMs bomber loophole Mitt Romney New START critique US unilateral reductions nuclear arms control Russian long-range bombers air-launched cruise missiles START treaty comparison nuclear balance of power nuclear deterrence arms limitation treaty gaps strategic stability arms reduction treaty criticism Russian compliance New START US vs Russia nuclear parity New START Treaty arms control Russia United States nuclear weapons strategic balance nuclear advantage loopholes warhead counting missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs treaty limitations unilateral reductions strategic nuclear arms missile launchers arms reduction deterrence balance of power unequal treaty Mitt Romney arms negotiation treaty compliance US-Russia relations strategic stability nuclear arms race treaty loopholes bomber counting rule compliance issues rail-mobile launcher heavy bomber programs strategic offensive arms world peace treaty opposition New START treaty loopholes Russia nuclear treaty advantage tactical nuclear weapons Russia strategic arms limitation flaws US unilateral nuclear reductions rail-mobile ICBMs New START bomber warhead counting rules Mitt Romney New START criticism Russian long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles Russia Russian nuclear modernization START vs New START comparison treaty compliance Russia nuclear balance of power nuclear arms control debates US-Russia arms reduction strategic nuclear warhead limits heavy bomber development Russia world peace nuclear treaties nuclear nonproliferation treaty implications New START treaty treaty loopholes Russia tactical nuclear advantage rail-mobile ICBMs bomber warhead counting strategic arms reduction missile treaty limitations US nuclear reductions Russian nuclear modernization Mitt Romney New START criticism unequal arms control strategic balance Russian heavy bombers nuclear cruise missiles US vs Russia treaty compliance treaty verification issues strategic deterrence arms control negotiation nuclear force structure bomber counting rules rail-based ICBMs START treaty differences arms reduction treaty flaws US nuclear disadvantage Moscow treaty strategy strategic stability nuclear nonproliferation arms race risk global security arms control nuclear arms treaty treaty loopholes strategic nuclear warheads tactical nuclear weapons arms reduction Russia nuclear advantage US-Russia balance bomber counting rules rail-mobile ICBMs nuclear deterrence strategic stability New START limitations heavy bomber development compliance verification nuclear modernization unilateral reductions missile bombers nuclear cruise missiles balance of power START treaty definitions treaty verification nuclear force structure strategic arms limitation arms race international security"
test-international-ehbfe-con01a	Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ federalism European Union EU stability European integration political integration nationalism populism xenophobia Europe of Nations Gaullism majoritarianism minorities constitutional democracy risks of federal Europe political unification sovereignty national identity democratic deficit federal state disadvantages supranational governance regional autonomy integration challenges EU member states anti-federalism intergovernmentalism Euroscepticism rise of populist leaders unintended consequences national sovereignty minority rights European integration EU federalism EU stability nationalism in Europe populism in EU xenophobia in Europe majoritarian rule minority rights EU Gaullist Europe Europe of Nations constitutional democracy EU dangers of federal Europe political integration EU risks of EU centralization anti-federalist arguments democratic deficit EU populist politicians Europe EU disintegration sovereignty EU member states national identity Europe federalism European Union EU integration European federal state political integration nationalism national sovereignty populism xenophobia Europe of Nations Gaullism EU stability minority rights majoritarianism constitutional democracy European identity rise of populist politicians political fragmentation anti-federalism supranationalism de Gaulle nation-state EU governance democratic deficit forced integration federalism risks EU stability dangers of forced EU integration federal Europe and nationalism populism rise in EU xenophobia and EU integration Gaullist Europe of Nations model EU political integration risks majoritarianism in EU federalism minorities in federal European state negative impacts of EU federal state constitutional democracy and EU Ross Chirac de Gaulle analysis Cocodia federal Europe integration problems unwanted EU political unification dormant nationalist feelings EU populist politicians in Europe Europe of Nations vs federalism EU integration disadvantages European Federalism criticisms stability threats EU federalism EU stability European integration EU political integration nationalism rise of populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe Europe of Nations majoritarian principle minority rights constitutional democracy EU federal state anti-federalism dangers of federal Europe populist politicians political risks EU EU unity national sovereignty EU governance European identity supranationalism EU dissent integration challenges minority disadvantage ill-advised federalism federalism vs. EU stability federal Europe risks dangers of EU political integration nationalism and federalism EU populism rise xenophobia in Europe Gaullist Europe of Nations majoritarian principle EU minorities in federal Europe negative impact of federalization problems of European integration EU national sovereignty opposition to EU federalism political union EU concerns EU constitutional democracy risks populist backlash Europe dangers of rapid federalization preserving EU benefits without integration unwanted EU political change minority rights in EU federalism federalism European Union EU stability political integration nationalist movements populism xenophobia Europe of Nations Gaullism constitutional democracy majority rule minority rights European state negative impact European integration political risks unwanted integration national sovereignty supranationalism identity politics political dissent regionalism Euroscepticism democratic legitimacy decision-making institutional reform nation-state nationalism resurgence populist leaders EU federalism risks European integration dangers nationalism resurgence populism EU xenophobia Europe Gaullist Europe of Nations majoritarian principle EU minority rights Europe unwanted political integration EU stability threats anti-federalist arguments sovereignty EU political centralization risks national identity Europe federal Europe opposition democratic deficit EU EU state disadvantages EU constitutional democracy populist politicians Europe benefits of confederalism Euroscepticism European unity challenges Chirac de Gaulle EU Cocodia EU integration federal state drawbacks minority disadvantage EU federalism European Union EU stability nationalism populism political integration Europe of Nations Gaullism minority rights majoritarianism constitutional democracy supranationalism sovereignty xenophobia EU reform national identity EU governance European integration member states democracy deficits federalism EU stability European integration nationalism populism xenophobia political integration Gaullist Europe Europe of Nations majoritarianism minority rights constitutional democracy federal Europe EU risks political union sovereignty supranationalism democratic deficit national identity Euroscepticism devolution policy harmonization EU governance
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, DDR disarmament demobilisation reintegration post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers war trauma psychological rehabilitation war crimes ICC transitional justice reintegration programs stigma social exclusion recruitment coercion humanitarian law child protection sentencing guidelines transitional care international community conflict recovery medical care psychological care rehabilitation centers societal reintegration restorative justice community acceptance specialized care peaceful transition violence prevention war legacy civilian reintegration former combatants social reintegration treatment centers forced recruitment survivor support criminal liability peacebuilding international law demobilization disarmament reintegration post-conflict reconstruction DDR child soldiers stigma rehabilitation psychological care war trauma medical care international humanitarian law ICC war crimes transitional justice social reintegration ex-combatants post-war recovery former child combatants restorative justice social exclusion repatriation transitional care reintegration barriers community acceptance trauma recovery DDR programs child protection war criminalization rehabilitation centers institutional care fostering family reunification youth protection civilian reintegration atrocity crimes accountability humanitarian assistance conflict resolution demobilisation disarmament reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction former child soldiers rehabilitation stigma war crimes ICC accountability transitional justice humanitarian law psychosocial support mental health social reintegration community acceptance transitional justice justice for children fostering family-based care institutional care reintegration challenges youth protection war trauma peacebuilding international law restorative justice child protection social exclusion post-war recovery transitional processes humanitarian intervention legal reform sentencing guidelines reintegration programs conflict resolution transitional justice mechanisms prosecution of child soldiers child soldier DDR best practices post-conflict reintegration challenges stigma reduction strategies child soldier rehabilitation community acceptance of former combatants barriers to DDR participation international legal frameworks for child soldiers ICC sentencing guidelines for minors psychological support in DDR family reunification post-conflict transitional justice and children institutional vs family-based care in DDR incentivizing community-based reintegration alternatives to incarceration for child soldiers impact of stigma on DDR outcomes role of NGOs in supporting DDR tailored rehabilitation for former officers long-term impacts of labeling child soldiers community-based healing programs reducing fear of prosecution in DDR promoting restorative justice for child DDR disarmament demobilisation reintegration child soldiers rehabilitation post-conflict recovery social reintegration psychological support medical care war trauma stigma war crimes International Criminal Court ICC sentencing guidelines juvenile justice war criminalization reprisal attacks social exclusion community reintegration foster care institutional care youth protection humanitarian law transitional justice Colombia child combatants Sierra Leone Liberia global child soldier report war affected children recruitment prevention international humanitarian law transitional programs post-war justice child soldier prosecution universal justice humanitarian abuses family reunification DDR disarmament demobilisation reintegration post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers rehabilitation barriers to DDR stigma child soldiers psychological support former combatants war trauma recovery ICC child soldier prosecution reintegration programs international humanitarian law social exclusion post-conflict child soldiers war crimes post-war medical care fostering child combatants deterrents DDR participation institutional care ex-combatants community acceptance child soldiers alternative sentencing juvenile war crimes humanitarian justice rehabilitation vs punishment conflict transition strategies combating child soldier stigmatization Sierra Leone DDR Colombian child soldiers global DDR practices barriers to demobilisation demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction DDR child soldiers psychological care medical care stigma war crimes reintegration social exclusion ICC international criminal court sentencing guidelines rehabilitation of child soldiers post-war recovery reintegration programs transitional justice former combatants Sierra Leone Liberia Colombia community acceptance fostering institutional care youth protection non-liberal regimes humanitarian law transitional justice civilian protection conflict trauma war-affected children war crimes prosecution stigma reduction restorative justice peacebuilding victim support demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers stigma reintegration war crimes ICC psychological care medical care social exclusion transitional justice humanitarian law Sierra Leone Liberia Colombia recruitment of child soldiers international criminal law post-war recovery reintegration programs peacebuilding reconciliation child protection transitional justice mechanisms trauma recovery community reintegration youth protection institutional care fostering family-based care war crimes sentencing ICC criticism stigmatization war-affected children rehabilitation centres legal frameworks UN DDR global child soldier disarmament demobilisation rehabilitation DDR child soldiers post-conflict reconstruction mental health psychological care social reintegration stigma war crimes ICC sentencing guidelines youth rehabilitation Sierra Leone Liberia Colombia specialized care institutional care family-based care reintegration challenges recruitment of child soldiers reprisal attacks social exclusion humanitarian law transitional justice international criminal law compassion justice prosecution abuse conflict zones Thomas Lubanga case Union of Congolese Patriots demobilisation programs war trauma community acceptance peacebuilding restorative justice youth protection DDR disarmament demobilisation reintegration child soldiers rehabilitation post-conflict recovery psychological support stigma war crimes ICC International Criminal Court sentencing guidelines youth reintegration transitional justice social exclusion treatment centres fostering family-based care institutional care war trauma reintegration challenges former combatants humanitarian law international law peacebuilding reintegration programs transitional care ex-combatants Colombia Sierra Leone Liberia recruitment war rehabilitation war aftermath conflict resolution human rights transitional support victimization accountability community reintegration peace
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro03a	The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. right to die assisted suicide euthanasia personal autonomy state intervention individual rights end of life death with dignity legislation criminalization terminal illness personal freedom ethical issues mental health bereavement grief caregiver trauma moral autonomy suicide laws compassionate choices dignity in death state regulation medical ethics legal consequences patient rights suffering senescence physician-assisted death right to die assisted suicide euthanasia personal autonomy end-of-life decisions individual rights state intervention death with dignity criminalization of suicide legislative role mental health impact carers' trauma bereavement moral autonomy government regulation compassionate care terminal illness privacy rights ethical considerations legal implications personal liberty palliative care self-determination suicide laws state vs individual rights right to die assisted suicide euthanasia personal autonomy state intervention individual rights death with dignity end-of-life decisions legality of suicide moral autonomy personal liberty criminalization of suicide legislative intervention mental health grief and bereavement carer trauma state vs individual palliative care ethical dilemmas self-determination patient rights existential suffering bioethics terminal illness emotional impact state regulation medical ethics suffering relief compassionate choice personal decision-making right to die debate assisted suicide legislation euthanasia and personal autonomy state intervention in end-of-life decisions impact of death on loved ones criminalization of assisted dying ethics of euthanasia personal choice and death mental health and right to die legal consequences of assisted suicide individual rights vs. state authority trauma of caregiving in terminal illness moral implications of state involvement dignity in dying autonomy over death decisions law and end-of-life choices compassionate end-of-life care human rights and euthanasia government role in private matters terminal illness and assisted death right to die assisted suicide euthanasia personal autonomy end-of-life decisions state intervention legislative role criminal sanctions individual rights moral agency caregiver trauma bereavement grief terminal illness personal choice ethical debates state vs individual law and morality responsibility of the state autonomy in death suffering quality of life compassion legal reforms mental capacity medical ethics consent end-of-life care assisted suicide right to die state intervention personal autonomy end-of-life decisions euthanasia debate legalizing assisted suicide criminal sanctions on suicide emotional impact of suicide trauma for loved ones state vs individual rights ethics of death legislation on assisted dying death with dignity personal liberty moral implications of suicide government role in death autonomy in dying impact on carers consent in end-of-life choices right to die assisted suicide euthanasia personal autonomy state intervention individual rights criminal sanction legislation end-of-life decision terminal illness personal choice mental health carer trauma bereavement loss compassion dignity ethics law moral philosophy government role human rights suffering death with dignity medical ethics societal impact family impact privacy autonomy vs. state death legislation suicide laws right to die assisted suicide euthanasia end-of-life decisions personal autonomy state intervention legislative role criminalization of suicide death with dignity individual rights moral implications ethical debates palliative care terminal illness mental health and suicide bereavement family impact trauma of caregivers legal consequences state vs individual rights end-of-life law physician-assisted death dignity in dying voluntary euthanasia compassion in dying grief support moral philosophy human rights suicide legislation public policy and death right to die assisted suicide euthanasia personal autonomy state intervention end-of-life decisions legislative involvement criminal sanctions traumatic bereavement caregiver trauma patient autonomy death with dignity ethical implications moral autonomy legalizing euthanasia personal choice individual rights mental health palliative care compassion medical ethics terminal illness quality of life legislative reform human rights bodily autonomy loss and grief emotional impact state vs individual public policy dying with dignity right to die assisted suicide euthanasia personal autonomy end-of-life decisions state intervention death with dignity legislative role criminalization moral autonomy palliative care individual rights bioethics physician-assisted death emotional impact bereavement trauma loss state ethics family responsibility mental health terminal illness legal framework human rights dignity in death grief support public policy
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con02a	"In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 single currency euro adoption British sovereignty EU control Brussels authority financial independence economic governance national autonomy taxation powers interest rate control fiscal policy monetary union Eurozone membership democratic accountability British economy EU committees political integration Kenneth Clarke democratic deficit euro scepticism euro adoption British sovereignty UK euro membership monetary union risks loss of monetary policy EU economic integration control over interest rates EU fiscal policy national economic autonomy Eurozone membership debate financial independence UK democracy economics European Central Bank tax policy control fiscal sovereignty EU committees power Kenneth Clarke euro stance risks of single currency economic self-determination euro scepticism Britain EU relations Brussels control national sovereignty loss euro currency implications UK tax and spend authority single currency euro adoption Britain sovereignty EU financial control Brussels authority economic independence loss of monetary policy taxation powers democratic control eurozone membership fiscal policy interest rates national economy European integration economic union EU committees political autonomy Kenneth Clarke europhile skepticism euro debate Britain surrendering sovereignty joining euro EU controlling British financial affairs Euro impact on UK economic independence Brussels dictating UK tax and spend policies Eurozone effect on UK democracy Britain loss of interest rate control UK economic policy autonomy euro implications of euro adoption Britain disadvantages of UK joining euro British democracy and euro Kenneth Clarke comments on UK euro concerns over UK euro membership taxation and sovereignty Britain euro economic risks UK euro integration Europhile scepticism UK euro EU committees controlling UK economy dangers of giving up currency control sovereignty vs economic union euro loss of UK monetary policy independence euro debate Eurozone British sovereignty economic independence EU monetary policy fiscal policy Brussels control single currency euro adoption taxation power interest rates economic self-determination EU committees democracy and currency Kenneth Clarke euro UK Europhiles economic integration national control EU financial regulation currency union European Central Bank influence national vs supranational governance single currency implications Britain euro membership UK economic sovereignty surrender of sovereignty Brussels financial control EU economic governance euro adoption consequences control over interest rates loss of fiscal autonomy EU committee decision-making British democracy and euro taxation powers Britain Europhile concerns Kenneth Clarke euro views risks of euro membership Britain joining euro debate UK EU relations taxation and national sovereignty economic policy EU control British currency debate single currency Britain sovereignty Brussels European Union EU Euro currency adoption economic control financial affairs EU Committees taxation spending interest rates economic policy eurozone national autonomy economic independence Kenneth Clarke democracy europhiles European integration monetary policy fiscal policy supranational control national government collective decision-making British economy economic governance decision-making power policy surrender economic sovereignty eurozone membership UK sovereignty euro adoption debate monetary policy control EU financial regulation economic independence euro currency risks British taxation autonomy interest rate policy EU fiscal policy European Central Bank Brussels authority UK economic policy national democracy supranational governance europhile scepticism Kenneth Clarke euro stance fiscal sovereignty European Union integration single currency disadvantages sovereignty eurozone financial independence economic autonomy monetary policy fiscal policy euro skepticism EU governance national interest rates British democracy taxation power Brussels control European integration economic decision-making Kenneth Clarke euro adoption EU committees single currency implications UK economic policy democratic self-determination single currency British sovereignty Brussels control EU financial affairs Euro adoption economic independence EU Committees taxation authority national democracy monetary policy interest rates EU integration Eurozone economic policy control fiscal policy Europhile skepticism Kenneth Clarke democratic governance loss of autonomy European Union directives"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro03a	Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 free movement African unity labour market policies post-colonial borders ethnic groups Africa cross-border migration colonial history Africa border erasure xenophobia Africa poverty reduction regional integration Africa Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe pan-Africanism economic disparities African migration policy social cohesion Africa boundaries and ethnic identity African unity policies free movement African unity colonial borders labour market integration borderless Africa ethnic groups division cross-border labour mobility post-colonial Africa economic integration anti-xenophobia policies regional cooperation social cohesion poverty reduction inequality reduction pan-Africanism border policy reform African migration policy national identity transnational communities historical boundaries free movement African labour market colonial borders ethnic unity Pan-Africanism borderless Africa economic integration labour mobility cross-border employment anti-xenophobia poverty reduction regional integration political borders Africa historical boundaries social cohesion post-colonial Africa diaspora trade liberalization ECOWAS African Union economic disparities migration policy identity nation-building free movement Africa impact of labor mobility Africa colonial borders Africa consequences unity through open borders Africa ethnic division colonial boundaries Africa labor market integration Africa policies for cross-border work Africa erasing colonial legacy Africa reducing xenophobia open borders Africa economic benefits free labor market Africa poverty reduction through unity Africa African unity and border policy historical context African borders Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe division geopolitical impacts of labor mobility Africa free movement Africa labour market integration colonial borders Africa ethnic group division Africa borderless Africa unity regional migration Africa xenophobia reduction Africa economic integration Africa African Union border policy transnational labour mobility dismantling colonial boundaries poverty reduction Africa cross-border employment Africa historical border consequences Africa Pan-Africanism free movement migration policy Africa economic disparities Africa social cohesion Africa Cogneau 2012 African borders free labour market Africa colonial borders Africa freedom of movement Africa unity in Africa ethnic groups divided Africa Togo Ghana border ethnic groups erasing colonial boundaries Africa pan-African unity labour mobility Africa impact of open borders Africa reducing xenophobia Africa poverty reduction Africa African integration Africa border history national boundaries Africa Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe colonial legacy Africa labour policy Africa economic integration Africa political borders Africa free labour market labour mobility African unity colonial borders artificial boundaries ethnic groups Togo-Ghana border Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe peoples freedom of movement post-colonial Africa border erasure unity in Africa xenophobia reduction political construction of borders poverty reduction inequality integration inter-African migration regional cooperation social cohesion colonial legacy pan-Africanism Cogneau 2012 free labour market Africa African unity policies colonial borders Africa ethnic groups Africa freedom of movement Africa labour market integration Africa xenophobia reduction Africa poverty reduction Africa Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe rebuilding African unity borderless Africa African economic integration post-colonial African policies African migration reducing inequality Africa labour mobility Africa political unity Africa regional cooperation Africa open borders Africa pan-Africanism free movement labor market integration African unity colonial borders ethnic diversity migration policy open borders Africa regional integration xenophobia reduction poverty alleviation socioeconomic disparities political boundaries Africa cross-border cooperation post-colonial Africa border policy reform ethnic groups Africa Cogneau 2012 Africa development intra-African mobility unity policies free movement African unity colonial borders labour market integration ethnic groups Africa border impact postcolonial Africa regional integration migration Africa xenophobia Africa transnationalism Africa economic disparities Africa poverty reduction Africa Cogneau 2012 Togo Ghana border Dagomba people Ewe people African identity pan-Africanism borderless Africa
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con01a	"Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. South Ossetia 2006 referendum legitimacy illegitimacy conflict conditions independence Georgia electoral integrity voter intimidation election manipulation international law self-determination Russian involvement Council of Europe human rights unfair elections referendum validity political interference David Bakradze European integration Moscow influence electoral fraud international condemnation separatism territorial integrity sovereignty dispute minority rights democratic standards election monitoring political legitimacy conflict zones unrecognized states South Ossetia referendum 2006 illegitimacy of referendums elections under conflict conflict-affected elections Georgia South Ossetia conflict Russian involvement South Ossetia Council of Europe condemnation international reactions South Ossetia 2006 David Bakradze referendum comments election manipulation conflict zones referendum validity conflict South Ossetia independence electoral fairness war zones external influence elections human rights election standards skewed referendum results European integration Georgia Russian authority South Ossetia voter intimidation war legitimacy disputed referendums unfair referendums international law referendums South Ossetia independence 2006 referendum electoral legitimacy conflict zones election manipulation Russia involvement Georgian-Ossetian conflict voter intimidation international law self-determination disputed territories human rights Council of Europe election fairness electoral integrity separatism international recognition election monitoring David Bakradze external interference referendums in conflict post-Soviet conflicts Russian foreign policy biased elections democracy under conflict legitimacy crisis Eurasian politics contested sovereignty election boycotts political instability 2006 South Ossetia referendum legitimacy conflict conditions impact on elections international condemnation of South Ossetia referendum Council of Europe response South Ossetia Russian influence South Ossetia referendum Georgian perspective South Ossetia elections election integrity conflict zones illegitimate referendums war zones external interference South Ossetia 2006 David Bakradze comments South Ossetia skewed election results conflict South Ossetia Russian-installed authorities human rights council South Ossetia referendum legal standards referendums conflict European responses South Ossetia independence vote corruption electoral process South Ossetia South Ossetia referendum 2006 Georgian-Ossetian conflict electoral legitimacy conflict conditions elections Russian influence South Ossetia Council of Europe response international law referendums voter coercion conflict zones legitimacy of independence referendums David Bakradze statement European human rights reactions external intervention elections democracy under occupation political legitimacy disputed territories Moscow interference referendums election fairness war zones separatist elections credibility armed conflicts and self-determination international response secession Russia-Georgia relations South Ossetia referendum legitimacy 2006 referendum under conflict illegitimate referendums in conflict zones Council of Europe condemnation South Ossetia Russia influence South Ossetia elections David Bakradze referendum legitimacy international law conflict referendums election fairness armed conflict skewed election results conflict Georgia South Ossetia 2006 conflict external intervention referendum European response South Ossetia election Moscow involvement South Ossetia unfair elections occupied territories human rights referendum standards legitimacy of referendums during war illegitimacy 2006 South Ossetia referendum conflict conditions election legitimacy skewed results voter intimidation Georgia-South Ossetia conflict Council of Europe criticism European human rights unfair referendum Russian involvement election corruption Russian-installed authorities international law self-determination separatism disputed territories electoral integrity referendum monitoring legitimacy under conflict political manipulation post-Soviet conflicts Georgian integration international recognition external interference sovereignty disputes human rights violations electoral standards crisis elections referendum fairness South Ossetia referendum 2006 illegitimacy of conflict referendums disputed referendums Georgia South Ossetia independence legitimacy conflict zone elections Russian influence South Ossetia Council of Europe South Ossetia international response to South Ossetia referendum voter coercion conflict zones South Caucasus referendums election monitoring South Ossetia invalidated elections conflict Georgian parliamentary response Russian-backed authorities South Ossetia referendum fairness standards human rights elections conflict election manipulation South Ossetia international law referendums separatism referendums legitimacy democracy conflict regions South Ossetia 2006 referendum legitimacy conflict conditions Georgia independence referendum election fairness electoral integrity international law human rights European Union response Council of Europe Russian involvement voter intimidation electoral manipulation disputed territories self-determination sovereignty post-Soviet conflicts international recognition election observers separatist movements frozen conflicts referendum outcome David Bakradze foreign intervention Eurasia security conflict resolution unrecognized states peace processes legitimacy of referendums electoral legitimacy conflict-induced elections South Ossetia referendum criticism 2006 independence vote international election standards voter coercion Russian influence elections electoral fairness disputed referendums Council of Europe statements external intervention elections parliamentary European Integration Committee election manipulation conflict zones international recognition referendums election monitoring South Ossetia Georgia-Ossetia conflict legitimacy under occupation human rights elections referendum under duress election procedural irregularities"
test-international-iwiaghbss-con01a	Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, refugee resettlement resource allocation economic burden host country incentives Seychelles economy tourism dependency tuna fishing industry territorial relocation economic challenges employment impact international aid host country reluctance economic integration land donation population displacement small island economies economic sustainability migration barriers relocation feasibility donor state motivation refugee state state relocation nation hosting refugees resettlement challenges economic impact Seychelles economy resource allocation host country burden tourism dependency tuna fishing industry employment in Seychelles incentives for host states state sovereignty international aid economic sustainability migration policy climate change displacement microstate relocation host state reluctance cost-benefit analysis environmental refugees bilateral agreements state territory transfer small island economies World Bank Seychelles integration challenges refugee resettlement host country economic impact resource allocation state incentives international migration economic burden tourism dependency tuna fishing industry Seychelles economy employment statistics territorial limitations humanitarian assistance state sovereignty migration policy resettlement challenges economic sustainability relocation costs global cooperation donor support refugee state feasibility Seychelles economic relocation host country resource drain incentives for hosting refugee states economic challenges of refugee states relocation of tourism-dependent economies tuna fishing industry relocation states unwilling to host refugees economic integration of refugee states costs of accepting displaced countries Seychelles as a refugee state international support for refugee economies alternative locations for displaced nations relocating island economies state territory negotiations for refugees refugee state international relations global response to disappearing states climate change and refugee nations state sovereignty and refugee relocation economic impact of refugee migration Seychelles refugee state resource allocation economic challenges tourism industry tuna fishing employment host countries territorial dependency relocation difficulties economic rebuilding international cooperation migration policy World Bank economic incentives host country burden territory negotiation economic viability relocation cost-benefit small island economies refugee state challenges Seychelles economic limitations relocation of small island nations state-hosting disadvantages Seychelles economic dependency tourism and tuna fishing Seychelles host country economic burden obstacles to refugee state relocation inter-state resource allocation incentives for hosting refugee states international response to climate refugees economic impact of displaced states World Bank Seychelles report refugee state relocation challenges host country burden resource allocation economic dependency tourism industry tuna fishing employment sectors limited resources economic impact territory dependence island economy international aid resettlement reluctance migration policy World Bank report Seychelles economy economic sustainability host nation incentives economic rebuilding state cooperation employment opportunities national wealth sovereignty issues global migration island relocation refugee state economic viability Seychelles economy host country burden tourism dependency tuna fishing industry resource allocation territorial relocation employment sectors World Bank Seychelles economic challenges relocation feasibility international aid receiving state reluctance economic sustainability migrant integration resource management host country incentives regional cooperation small island economies refugee state international aid resource allocation economic burden host country relocation challenges Seychelles economy tourism dependency tuna fishing employment impact island nations climate migration resettlement policy humanitarian assistance global cooperation sustainable development World Bank data incentives for host countries economic integration displacement solutions Seychelles economy refugee state challenges resource allocation tourism dependency tuna fishing industry relocation barriers host country burden economic incentives international cooperation migration policy host country reluctance economic integration development aid small island economies displaced populations World Bank report resettlement costs environmental refugees
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con05a	Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). assisted suicide physician-assisted dying euthanasia medical ethics moral responsibility organ donation conscience clause healthcare professional autonomy end-of-life decisions patient consent ethical dilemmas right to die moral conflict Hippocratic oath life preservation medical complicity voluntary euthanasia non-voluntary euthanasia organ harvesting ethics patient autonomy palliative care violation of conscience legal implications ethical controversy death with dignity physician assisted suicide euthanasia ethics moral responsibility medical ethics organ donation assisted dying conscientious objection doctors moral autonomy healthcare provider conscience end of life decision making physician complicity voluntary euthanasia non-voluntary euthanasia Hippocratic Oath medical professional obligations ethical dilemmas in medicine right to die debate life preservation duty Catholic perspective on euthanasia secular vs religious ethics palliative care alternatives mental health assessment in euthanasia patient consent slippery slope argument healthcare policy ethics physician assisted suicide medical ethics euthanasia organ donation moral responsibility healthcare professionals autonomy complicity end-of-life decisions voluntary euthanasia bioethics moral dilemma Hippocratic oath patient consent religious beliefs ethical implications compassionate care involuntary euthanasia terminal illness right to die physician assisted suicide ethical debate doctors moral responsibility in euthanasia medical professionals and organ donation euthanasia ethical implications of physician assisted death moral burden on healthcare providers doctors’ objection to assisted suicide violation of doctors’ autonomy in euthanasia healthcare workers and conscience clauses role of doctors in end-of-life decisions organ donation after euthanasia controversies Catholic perspective on euthanasia and donation Tremblay organ donation euthanasia critique medical ethics and assisted dying impact on doctor patient trust in euthanasia voluntary vs involuntary euthanasia consequences physicians as instruments of death ethics healthcare provider participation in assisted suicide justice physician assisted suicide medical ethics euthanasia organ donation euthanasia moral responsibility moral burden doctor autonomy healthcare ethics end-of-life decisions doctor-patient relationship voluntary euthanasia medical professionalism conscientious objection ethical dilemmas in medicine assisted dying right to die preservation of life moral conflict Catholic perspective on euthanasia moral complicity assisted suicide ethics physician assisted suicide debate moral burden on doctors organ donation euthanasia doctors role in end of life ethical dilemmas in medicine autonomy of healthcare professionals conscientious objection in medicine euthanasia and medical ethics impact of euthanasia on doctors physician moral responsibility voluntary euthanasia controversies medical professional autonomy euthanasia and organ donation complicity in assisted dying preserving health versus ending life ethical implications of assisted dying healthcare providers and suicide right to die versus medical ethics euthanasia assisted suicide physician-assisted dying moral responsibility medical ethics autonomy organ donation end-of-life care patient consent moral distress healthcare professionals clinical decision-making complicity medical profession bioethics voluntary death ethical dilemmas Hippocratic oath conscientious objection right to die nonmaleficence life preservation patient autonomy suicide prevention palliative care assisted suicide ethics physician-assisted suicide debate euthanasia moral implications organ donation euthanasia controversy doctors moral responsibility medical ethics organ donation physician autonomy euthanasia ethical dilemmas doctors euthanasia conscience clause doctors euthanasia legal consequences healthcare professional moral burden voluntary euthanasia safeguards Catholic perspective euthanasia organ donation ethics medical profession euthanasia doctor-patient ethical conflict sanctity of life medical ethics moral objections assisted dying ethical issues physician participation euthanasia impact on doctors assisted suicide euthanasia moral burden physician ethics medical autonomy organ donation involuntary euthanasia medical complicity healthcare morality end-of-life decisions doctor-patient relationship Hippocratic Oath medical professional responsibility ethical dilemmas consent in euthanasia Catholic ethics medical jurisprudence physician-assisted death religious perspectives palliative care ethics medical conscience patient voluntariness healthcare law bioethics assisted suicide euthanasia organ donation physician ethics medical morality moral autonomy right to die end-of-life decisions physician-assisted death ethical dilemmas healthcare professionals conscience rights death with dignity medical responsibility moral complicity voluntary euthanasia non-voluntary euthanasia Hippocratic Oath ethical controversies palliative care Catholic perspective bioethics patient autonomy terminal illness legal implications
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro06a	The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, drug legalization legal inconsistencies substance regulation alcohol harm tobacco harm public health policy drug policy reform comparative drug harms legal vs illegal drugs personal freedom harm reduction Professor David Nutt UK drug laws societal impact of drugs alcohol legislation tobacco legislation public health debate controlled substances drug law hypocrisy social consequences of drugs UK study on drug harms drug policy hypocrisy legal vs illegal drugs alcohol vs drug laws tobacco legality drug harm comparison drug law inconsistencies public health consequences UK drug study Professor David Nutt The Lancet drug report substance regulation personal choice in drug use societal impact of alcohol legal substances vs illegal drugs comparative drug harms drug criminalization drug decriminalization argument for drug legalization alcohol regulation policy tobacco regulation policy legal inconsistencies multi-criteria decision analysis drugs societal cost of drugs drug policy drug legalization substance regulation alcohol harm tobacco harm legal inconsistencies public health legislative hypocrisy drug classification addiction harm reduction UK drug laws Professor David Nutt The Lancet study societal impact comparative risks legal substances controlled substances personal freedom evidence-based policy alcohol vs drugs legality hypocrisy in drug laws tobacco legal but drugs illegal drug policy inconsistencies social consequences of legal substances drug harm comparison UK Professor David Nutt study multicriteria drug harm analysis UK alcohol law critique health impact of alcohol vs illegal drugs legal drugs societal effects evidence-based drug policy decriminalization argument regulated drug markets inconsistencies in substance regulation harm reduction policy alcohol worse than other drugs Lancet drug harm study freedom of choice in drug use public health and drug legality drug policy legal hypocrisy alcohol harm tobacco legality drug legalization substance regulation UK drug laws comparative drug harms The Lancet study David Nutt drug classification legal drugs vs illegal drugs public health policy substance abuse societal impact of drugs drug policy hypocrisy legal vs illegal substances alcohol vs drugs harm tobacco vs drug legislation drug legalization debate inconsistent drug laws David Nutt drug harm study alcohol societal impact public health and drug laws UK drug policy legal substances dangers evidence-based drug policies drug classification fairness comparative harms of substances Lancet drug harm analysis drug legalization drug policy substance abuse prohibition legal vs illegal drugs alcohol harm tobacco harm social consequences public health harm reduction legal inconsistency personal freedom UK drug laws comparative harm David Nutt study The Lancet psychoactive substances societal impact moral inconsistency legislative hypocrisy risk assessment addiction criminalization recreational drugs evidence-based policy drug law hypocrisy drug legalization debate alcohol vs drugs law tobacco legality vs drugs UK drug policy David Nutt study drugs multicriteria decision analysis drugs drug harm comparison alcohol harmfulness evidence inconsistencies drug laws legal vs illegal substance harm public health drugs alcohol substance abuse legislation societal impact drugs alcohol The Lancet drug research criminalization vs regulation harm reduction drugs cannabis vs alcohol legal evidence-based drug policy international drug laws hypocrisy drug policy comparison legal substances vs illegal drugs alcohol societal impact drug harm rankings tobacco regulation drug legalization debate substance abuse consequences David Nutt study The Lancet drug research hypocrisy in drug laws UK drug policy public health vs legislation inconsistencies in drug regulation evidence-based drug policy alcohol vs illegal drugs societal harm of substances drug policy legal hypocrisy alcohol vs drugs tobacco regulation substance abuse public health drug legalization comparative harm UK drug laws societal impact David Nutt study The Lancet multicriteria decision analysis harm reduction controlled substances drug decriminalization legislative inconsistency addictive substances legal vs illegal drugs social consequences
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro03a	Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Euro 2012 sports boycott Ukraine diplomatic pressure international relations sanctions protest human rights political legitimacy regime approval European Union Yanukovych sporting events soft power international image diplomatic tools government reform authoritarianism sporting diplomacy symbolic actions rights violations political signaling regime change international condemnation peaceful protest foreign policy global attention high-profile events event legitimacy proportional response Euro 2012 boycott sports diplomacy international sanctions diplomatic protest Ukraine political situation Yanukovych regime EU response to Ukraine human rights concerns Ukraine sports events politics symbolic gestures diplomacy political legitimacy sports Beijing Olympics comparison international events boycotts political reform incentives proportional diplomatic response Ukraine government criticism high profile visits international politics European Union Ukraine relations political messaging sports events sporting event soft power Euro 2012 Ukraine boycott sanctions diplomacy diplomatic relations European Union Yanukovych political legitimacy human rights international pressure sporting events regime approval government accountability reform incentives authoritarian regimes high-profile events international image political benefits protest actions foreign policy soft power Olympic boycott event legitimacy political symbolism boycotting Euro 2012 justification diplomatic responses to human rights abuses effectiveness of sports event boycotts Euro 2012 Ukraine government approval signal proportional diplomatic actions comparison sports boycotts sanctions impact of high-profile event boycotts benefits drawbacks diplomatic boycotts EU response to Ukraine Euro 2012 sports diplomacy oppressive regimes soft power international events sports event legitimacy and regime image alternatives to sports boycotts Yanukovych Euro 2012 political benefits sports boycotts and regime change European Union and Ukraine relations diplomatic protest Olympics China comparison rights concerns Euro Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine sports diplomacy diplomatic boycott international relations Yanukovych human rights European Union sanctions soft power political legitimacy global events international approval regime legitimacy protest Beijing Olympics comparison sports and politics symbolic actions European diplomacy event boycotts authoritarian regimes democratic values political pressure reform incentives political signaling Euro 2012 boycott implications diplomacy with oppressive regimes international sporting event boycotts Ukraine government human rights Yanukovych political benefits European Union diplomatic responses proportional diplomatic measures sanctions vs boycotts sports and international relations political symbolism of sports events Ukraine human rights concerns European approval of Ukraine global perception of political boycotts reform incentives from boycotts sports diplomacy effectiveness Euro 2012 boycott diplomatic response proportionality diplomacy oppressive regimes approval high-profile visits Beijing Olympics China Ukraine Europe international image implicit approval European Union verbal complaints sanctions event legitimacy political benefits Yanukovych human rights concerns reform international relations sporting events political protest soft power international pressure government actions sporting boycotts EU foreign policy Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine human rights diplomatic sanctions sports diplomacy international relations Yanukovych regime European Union response oppression protests Ukraine political crisis sporting event boycott human rights Europe EU Ukraine relations soft power political reform Ukraine sports and politics international event legitimacy government approval signal diplomatic boycott benefits Ukraine human rights concerns proportional diplomatic action Beijing Olympics comparison political symbolism media coverage Euro 2012 event-based diplomacy government image management Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine government diplomatic response Yanukovych EU sanctions political legitimacy international events human rights political protest sports diplomacy regime approval European Union international relations government reform sanctions alternatives diplomatic pressure high-profile events political benefits global perception Ukraine politics oppressive regimes sports and politics international boycott reform incentives rights concerns diplomatic measures European approval Euro 2012 Ukraine sports boycott political protests diplomatic strategies international relations Yanukovych human rights EU sanctions event diplomacy government legitimacy Beijing Olympics comparison symbolic actions political reforms European Union international approval oppressive regimes sports and politics public diplomacy political messaging targeted sanctions
test-international-iiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ poverty economic development budget constraints wildlife conservation endangered species civil conflict national debt underdevelopment Africa public expenditure animal protection government funding financial limitations least developed countries resource allocation fiscal deficit conservation funding Tanzania sustainability economic priorities globalisation infrastructure socio-economic challenges humanitarian needs public policy developing nations conservation funding wildlife protection costs African economic challenges poverty and biodiversity budget constraints wildlife developing countries environmental policy African debt crisis civil conflict wildlife impact underdeveloped countries conservation Tanzania budget wildlife sustainable conservation Africa economic priorities Africa threats to wildlife Africa financial aid animal protection international support endangered species resource allocation Africa economic burden animal conservation competing needs Africa developing nations wildlife crisis Africa environmental sustainability endangered species wildlife conservation conservation funding economic development foreign aid international assistance debt relief poverty alleviation sustainable development budget constraints environmental policy habitat protection conservation priorities rural development eco-tourism humanitarian aid civil conflict financial resources donor funding international organizations governmental expenditure wildlife management biodiversity loss IMF World Bank United Nations development aid African economies social instability governance challenges causes of underdevelopment in Africa Africa budget constraints wildlife protection economic challenges conservation Africa impact of poverty on endangered species protection Africa African government spending priorities civil war effects on conservation Africa debt and wildlife protection Africa Tanzania government budget wildlife least developed countries and conservation Africa limited funding endangered species obstacles to animal protection in African countries globalisation and African economic development budget deficit effects on conservation Africa financial challenges conservation Tanzania solutions to funding wildlife protection Africa external aid for conservation Africa socio-economic factors wildlife protection Africa comparative analysis African countries conservation budgets African environmental policy financial constraints international support endangered animals Africa African conservation funding endangered species protection wildlife management Africa economic constraints Africa budget deficits Africa civil conflict Africa poverty impact conservation underdeveloped nations animal protection public spending priorities Africa debt burden African countries sustainable wildlife initiatives Africa international aid conservation Africa donor funding wildlife protection African environmental policy natural resource allocation socio-economic challenges Africa Tanzania conservation budget globalisation and African development development vs conservation Africa financial barriers endangered species endangered animals conservation funding Africa economic challenges wildlife protection Africa poverty impact animal conservation budget constraints endangered species protection African government spending wildlife underdevelopment effect conservation efforts civil war impact environment Africa African countries wildlife protection financial challenges debt burden conservation Africa Tanzania government budget wildlife conservation sustainable funding solutions endangered species Africa Africa animal protection international aid donor support wildlife conservation Africa African conservation projects economic viability wildlife preservation low-income countries African economies budget constraints conservation funding endangered species protection underdevelopment civil conflict national debt poverty alleviation economic priorities resource allocation government spending developmental aid sustainable development wildlife conservation fiscal deficit public expenditure Tanzania economy African fiscal policy international assistance globalisation impact African wildlife conservation funding budget constraints Africa economic prioritization Africa endangered species protection Africa financial challenges African countries development aid Africa civil war impact wildlife poverty and conservation Africa underdevelopment issues Africa African government expenditure animal protection budget Africa challenges to conservation Africa wildlife reserves Africa funding debt burden Africa economic pressures African wildlife resource allocation Africa sustainable conservation Africa international support for African wildlife socio-economic factors Africa conservation versus development Africa conservation funding wildlife protection budgets African economic challenges sustainable development biodiversity loss poverty alleviation international aid debt relief environmental prioritization civil conflict impact resource allocation conservation strategies fiscal deficits underdeveloped economies donor assistance globalisation effects public spending priorities societal needs vs wildlife economic constraints Africa endangered species wildlife conservation funding international aid foreign investment poverty alleviation sustainable development debt relief eco-tourism non-governmental organizations biodiversity protection environmental policy economic growth conservation economics governmental budget allocation community-based conservation wildlife trafficking habitat preservation financial constraints development assistance infrastructure challenges natural resource management
test-international-aglhrilhb-con01a	Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, conflict resolution post-conflict reconciliation transitional justice amnesty truth and reconciliation commissions ceasefire agreements restorative justice peacebuilding conflict prevention forgiveness healing stability South Sudan war crimes prosecution versus peace retributive justice future atrocities prevention demobilization negotiation accountability restorative processes reconciliation mechanisms sustainable peace political compromise civil war humanitarian intervention peace vs justice transitional justice reconciliation amnesty conflict resolution restorative justice truth commissions post-conflict healing ceasefire agreements South Sudan conflict prevention of atrocities prosecution vs peace accountability forgiveness in conflict human rights stability vs justice ending violence storytelling in reconciliation trade-offs in justice conflict mediation conflict resolution transitional justice amnesty truth commissions reconciliation ceasefire agreements post-conflict healing restorative justice peace processes South Sudan war crimes accountability forgiveness atrocity prevention stability victim reparations trauma recovery demobilization reintegration peacebuilding dialogue mediation international law criminal prosecution human rights societal healing transitional justice peace vs justice debate reconciliation mechanisms amnesty and conflict resolution truth commissions effectiveness post-conflict peacebuilding South Sudan peace process preventing future atrocities trade-off between justice and peace impact of prosecutions on peace role of ceasefire in reconciliation justice in post-conflict societies incentives for peace agreements global examples of amnesty stories from truth and reconciliation commissions criminology and peace stability versus accountability human rights in conflict resolution prosecutions deterring peace South Sudan conflict resolution peace as prerequisite for justice transitional justice restorative justice conflict resolution reconciliation process amnesty policies post-conflict peacebuilding truth commissions ceasefire agreements South Sudan conflict stability versus justice impunity war crimes prosecution peace negotiations healing after conflict atrocity prevention criminal accountability peace versus justice trade-off international criminal law grassroots reconciliation peacebuilding challenges justice deferred justice mechanisms conflict mediation victims' rights sustainable peace peace vs justice transitional justice reconciliation after conflict truth and reconciliation commissions amnesty in conflict resolution prosecution vs amnesty conflict resolution strategies South Sudan peace process post-conflict justice preventing future atrocities ceasefire agreements restorative justice stability vs accountability peacebuilding approaches compromises in peace negotiations challenges of transitional justice healing after conflict international criminal prosecutions trade-offs in post-war societies lessons from South Sudan peace before justice debate conflict resolution transitional justice restorative justice reconciliation amnesty peacebuilding ceasefire post-conflict society South Sudan Truth and Reconciliation Commission war crimes criminal prosecution stability healing non-recurrence human rights criminal accountability international law conflict prevention social cohesion violence prevention community restoration forgiveness truth-telling restorative processes justice versus peace negotiated settlements impunity humanitarian intervention peace agreements peace vs justice transitional justice conflict resolution truth and reconciliation commissions post-conflict societies amnesty policies restorative justice ceasefire agreements reconciliation processes South Sudan conflict prosecution vs healing preventing atrocities peacebuilding strategies restorative peace war crimes impunity stability vs accountability justice in conflict zones humanitarian considerations criminal justice and peace peace negotiations DDR (disarmament demobilization reintegration) post-war healing amnesty and storytelling justice trade-offs reconciliation mechanisms forgiveness in conflict resolution conflict resolution transitional justice restorative justice reconciliation processes amnesty policies Truth and Reconciliation Commissions peace agreements ceasefire enforcement criminal prosecution international tribunals post-conflict healing atrocity prevention accountability vs. impunity peacebuilding justice vs. peace debate South Sudan case study rebel negotiations stability restoration victims’ rights durable peace conflict mediation humanitarian outcomes war crimes societal healing reintegration truth-telling incentives conflict resolution transitional justice restorative justice truth and reconciliation amnesty policy post-conflict healing ceasefire agreements South Sudan conflict peacebuilding war crimes prosecution reconciliation vs justice future atrocity prevention stability restoration transitional amnesties healing after conflict victim-offender mediation political compromise justice trade-offs international criminal law sustainable peace
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). microfinance challenges loan repayment pressures high interest rates sustainable development long-term investment poverty alleviation primary education impact political stability economic environment entrepreneurial support microcredit limitations financial inclusion investment climate social impact structural issues education outcomes microloan drawbacks poverty traps microfinance critique development policy microfinance limitations microcredit challenges structural poverty long-term poverty solutions sustainable development finance high interest microloans economic environment stability entrepreneurial barriers education impact microfinance microfinance criticisms poverty alleviation microloan repayment pressures short-term investment effects social development microfinance impact on schooling financial inclusion drawbacks loan accessibility microfinance policy non-financial support microfinance socioeconomic context microcredit poverty alleviation financial inclusion sustainable development loan interest rates economic stability political environment social impact entrepreneurial barriers education trade-offs primary school attendance long-term investment microenterprise challenges microloan repayment social entrepreneurship poverty traps high interest loans informal economy women empowerment structural inequality microfinance criticism limitations of microfinance microfinance and long-term development microfinance impact on education high microfinance interest rates microfinance and poverty alleviation microfinance vs. economic environment microfinance and political stability microfinance quick-fix solution short-term effects of microfinance microfinance and primary school attendance unintended consequences of microfinance microfinance and sustainable development microfinance loan repayment pressures challenges of microfinance success microfinance and community investment barriers to effective microfinance microfinance and entrepreneurialism microfinance sustainability issues microfinance alternatives microfinance criticism microfinance limitations microfinance interest rates microfinance sustainability poverty alleviation entrepreneurial support economic stability political stability short-term investments long-term development loan repayment pressure education impact social consequences microfinance loan access barriers microfinance and primary education microfinance environment return on investment microfinance sustainable microfinance models structural poverty solutions microfinance social impact microfinance criticism limitations of microfinance microfinance and poverty alleviation microfinance loan interest rates short-term focus of microfinance impact of microfinance on education microfinance and economic environment sustainable development and microfinance unintended consequences of microfinance microfinance vs long-term investment microfinance and primary school attendance drawbacks of microfinance schemes microfinance success factors microfinance and political stability microfinance quick-fix solution microfinance impact on poor communities microfinance poverty alleviation quick-fix solution short-term loans access to capital entrepreneurship loan repayment high interest rates investment climate political stability economic stability financial inclusion community development long-term investment primary school attendance education loan impact sustainable development credit schemes microcredit financial services economic empowerment social impact income generation marginalized communities barriers to development policy environment interest rates rural development loan default microfinance criticism microfinance limitations microfinance long-term impact interest rates microfinance microfinance and education microfinance economic environment microfinance entrepreneurship microfinance sustainability drawbacks of microfinance political stability microfinance microfinance poverty alleviation social impact microfinance microfinance repayment pressure microfinance financial inclusion microfinance loan usage microfinance effects on schooling short-termism microfinance microfinance systemic issues microfinance vs development microfinance policy recommendations microfinance criticism loan repayment pressure high interest rates entrepreneurial barriers economic environment political stability long-term investment educational impact poverty alleviation sustainable development financial inclusion microcredit limitations systemic poverty social development education vs microfinance community investment structural reform socioeconomic factors microfinance sustainability alternative poverty solutions microfinance criticism microfinance limitations microfinance impact long-term development economic stability political environment high interest rates education impact school attendance loan repayment challenges sustainable development poverty alleviation entrepreneurial barriers microfinance effectiveness loan sustainability social outcomes alternative solutions financial inclusion poverty traps structural issues
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro01a	Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). feel-good factor national pride national unity international sporting events host city benefits community cohesion event atmosphere public enthusiasm social impact civic engagement Olympic Games economic impact tourism boost city branding multicultural integration Zinedine Zidane government support Paris 2012 sporting success international reputation urban regeneration collective identity public morale sports diplomacy legacy effects feel-good factor hosting benefits national pride social cohesion international sporting events community spirit Olympic Games impact event legacy urban unity cultural integration sporting buzz city morale national unity case studies Paris 1998 Sydney 2002 England Rugby 2003 Zinedine Zidane immigrant integration Paris 2012 bid public support for Olympics sports tourism major event hosting city reputation civic pride social benefits of hosting sports event community impact national pride national unity social cohesion community spirit international sporting events Olympic Games World Cup hosting benefits economic impact urban regeneration tourism boost cultural integration public support city branding public morale Zinedine Zidane immigrant integration Paris 2012 bid London Olympics major event legacy sports diplomacy international recognition feel-good factor benefits national pride and unity from hosting economic impact of hosting international sports community cohesion from sporting events psychological benefits of mega-events social impact of Olympic Games legacy of hosting sports events government incentives for sports hosting celebrity endorsement in Olympic bids multicultural unity through sports local support for hosting Olympics case studies of past Olympic host cities emotional impact of sports success sports as a tool for national unity community spirit at mega-events boosting city image through hosting international prestige from sports events sports tourism from hosting public opinion on hosting Olympics sports diplomacy and unity feel-good factor international sporting events national pride national unity social cohesion host city benefits Olympics impact World Cup effects community spirit civic engagement sport tourism economic impact public morale international recognition cultural integration legacy of sporting events event hosting advantages city branding urban regeneration sports diplomacy celebrity ambassadors community integration national identity mega event psychology public support for Olympics feel-good factor in sports impact of hosting international events national pride Olympics benefits of hosting sporting events Olympic Games economic impact community unity sports events social benefits of sports hosting Paris 2012 Olympics public support sports events national unity Zinedine Zidane Olympics Paris city bid for Olympics hosting event public opinion sports tourism benefits psychological effects of sports events examples of sports uniting nations feel-good factor hosting sporting events international sports events national pride national unity social cohesion community engagement public sentiment economic impact city identity tourism boost event legacy Paris World Cup 1998 Sydney 2002 Olympics England Rugby 2003 sports success Zinedine Zidane Paris 2012 Olympic bid multicultural unity immigrant contribution public support Olympic benefits urban regeneration local enthusiasm civic pride host city advantage feel-good factor hosting international sporting events national pride national unity Olympic Games benefits city hosting advantages social impact of sports community cohesion economic impact sporting events Paris 2012 Olympics Zinedine Zidane Olympics multicultural unity France World Cup 1998 Sydney Olympics 2002 England Rugby World Cup 2003 public opinion Olympics sports tourism government sports policy urban regeneration legacy of mega-events national identity sports cultural integration city branding Olympics mass participation events feel-good factor national pride national unity hosting international sporting events social cohesion event legacy community engagement sports tourism cultural impact Olympic Games benefits city branding international recognition Zinedine Zidane Paris Olympics public support for hosting multiculturalism economic impact of sports events national identity benefits of hosting sports events urban regeneration feel-good factor emotional impact civic pride national unity economic benefits social cohesion sports tourism community spirit hosting benefits sporting events international events city reputation cultural impact public support event legacy urban development social integration national identity celebrity endorsement Zinedine Zidane multiculturalism Paris 2012 Olympics public opinion government strategy sports diplomacy event bidding
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro03a	"The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights civil liberties non-interference autonomy self-determination choice American Dream equal opportunity meritocracy social mobility success achievement James Truslow Adams life opportunities Barack Obama social class mobility race transcending state coercion liberty free market individual agency mature citizens self-realization merit-based advancement economic freedom personal growth opportunity equality capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights civil liberties non-interference autonomy self-determination American Dream equal opportunity meritocracy social mobility James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social class transcending race and opportunity achievement liberty self-reliance economic freedom political freedom government non-coercion state paternalism liberalism success stories social equality opportunity for all individual choice freedom of choice prosperity social advancement potential fulfillment capitalism personal freedom individual rights civil liberties Western democracy democratic values freedom of choice autonomy American Dream equal opportunity meritocracy social mobility achievement self-determination non-interference state coercion liberty James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social class mobility opportunity individual agency success stories free market political philosophy liberalism pluralism social equality personal achievement capitalist society personal freedom Western democratic capitalism individual rights freedom from interference non-paternalistic state individual choice capitalism American dream opportunity equality of opportunity capitalism achievement and meritocracy social mobility capitalism Barack Obama American dream example life without state coercion capitalism and self-determination capitalism and social class mobility capitalist society protection of liberties capitalism and race transcendence capitalism equal chance success mature citizens autonomy capitalism James Truslow Adams American dream American dream success stories capitalism and president Obama comparing presidential backgrounds capitalism merit over social class capitalism capitalist society personal freedom Western democracy capitalist system individual rights individual liberties freedom from interference mature citizens personal autonomy paternalistic coercion state intervention American dream equal opportunity self-determination meritocracy social mobility James Truslow Adams economic achievement social class mobility Barack Obama presidential success race transcendence opportunity achievement fair chance societal ideals liberty classical liberalism protection of rights American ideals democracy social equality freedom of choice capitalism personal freedom Western democratic system rights individual's liberties protection freedom from interference mature citizens autonomy state paternalism Berlin 1958 American dream definition equal opportunity self-determination James Truslow Adams American Dream life potential achievement Barack Obama social mobility US presidency social class capitalism fair chance opportunity society social mobility capitalism American dream example Obama success story meritocracy capitalism and liberty state intervention vs freedom individual rights in capitalism barriers to success capitalism capitalism and equality of opportunity American dream criticism economic mobility United States social advancement in capitalism achievement through capitalism personal freedom individual rights liberties Western democracy free market non-interference self-determination individual autonomy American Dream equal opportunity social mobility meritocracy self-made success achievement liberal democracy James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social class mobility race transcendence state paternalism freedom of choice economic opportunity life potential opportunity equality liberal values self-realization merit-based advancement upward mobility civil liberties political freedom capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberty non-interference self-determination state paternalism American Dream equal opportunity meritocracy social mobility James Truslow Adams Barack Obama class transcendence race and success achievement economic opportunity political freedom individual agency social equality capitalist ideology freedom of choice success stories role models presidential success historical examples social advancement opportunity society liberal democracy capitalism personal freedom individual rights liberties Western democracy capitalist system non-interference state paternalism autonomy self-determination equal opportunity American Dream social mobility meritocracy achievement social class race transcendence Barack Obama liberal theory liberty opportunity James Truslow Adams historical context democracy and freedom political philosophy economic freedom social equality freedom of choice success stories upward mobility civil liberties capitalism personal freedom individual rights Western democracy democratic capitalism non-interference state coercion liberalism American Dream social mobility equal opportunity individual achievement meritocracy James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social class mobility civil liberties economic freedom self-determination social equality success stories presidential biographies opportunities upward mobility freedom of choice liberal democracy individual empowerment success narratives"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. New START treaty US nuclear capabilities nuclear deterrence JINSA nuclear modernization arms reduction strategic nuclear arsenal tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons Russia nuclear advantage missile defense restrictions US missile defense strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty implementation US-Russia arms control nuclear weapons enterprise modernization funding US-Russia nuclear balance Obama administration Kremlin stance arms treaty limitations deterrence potential unilateral statements missile interceptor restriction treaty flaws US nuclear enterprise atrophy missile delivery systems New START treaty US nuclear capability nuclear modernization missile defense restrictions tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons Russian nuclear advantage strategic arms limitations arms control deterrence missile interceptor limitations Bilateral Consultative Commission US-Russia nuclear balance Obama Administration unilateral statements Russia arms reduction treaty flaws cost of nuclear modernization missile launcher restrictions non-strategic arms US missile defense policy nuclear triad strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms treaty compliance nuclear deterrence arms race national security nuclear weapons development defense policy debate nuclear arsenal atrophy arms control strategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons missile defense nuclear modernization deterrence nuclear arsenal U.S.-Russia relations bilateral consultative commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors treaty verification unilateral statement Obama administration U.S. Congress cost constraints Russian advantage arms reduction missile delivery systems nuclear posture arms limitation compliance verification protocols arms race modernization funding missile defense restrictions strategic balance U.S. strategic forces Russian nuclear capabilities New START treaty nuclear modernization limits New START and US missile defense restrictions US vs Russian nonstrategic nuclear weapons New START and deterrence gaps Tactical nuclear weapons advantage Russia Cost barriers to US nuclear arsenal modernization Congressional limits on nuclear weapons funding New START bilateral consultative commission powers Russian unilateral statements on missile defense Arms control and missile defense interrelationship Strategic vs nonstrategic arms treaty coverage US strategic offensive arms reduction risks Russian tactical nuclear superiority under New START Obama administration stance on missile defense Treaty impact on US strategic stability New START implementation oversight and implications Missile launcher conversion prohibitions Bilateral New START treaty US nuclear capabilities nuclear modernization missile defense restrictions JINSA tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons US-Russia nuclear balance strategic arms reduction deterrence US-Russian relations Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC) missile defense interceptors ICBM launchers SLBM launchers arms control nuclear arsenal reductions Obama administration Russian unilateral statement strategic offensive arms Heritage Foundation treaty implementation nuclear weapons enterprise missile delivery systems cost of modernization strategic defensive arms New START treaty flaws US nuclear modernization limits Russia tactical nuclear weapons advantage US missile defense restrictions New START preamble concerns Bilateral Consultative Commission oversight nonstrategic nuclear arms gap missile defense and strategic offensive arms unilateral Russian statements New START conversion bans ICBM SLBM launchers modernization cost barriers US deterrence capabilities US-Russia nuclear arms reduction debate strategic vs tactical nuclear weapons Obama Administration missile defense stance Russian Federation missile defense objections New START and Congressional approval nuclear arsenal atrophy US New START treaty US nuclear capabilities JINSA David Ganz nuclear weapons development missile defense systems missile delivery systems US nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization Congress modernization costs Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons strategic arms arms control deterrence US missile defense restrictions Obama Administration Kremlin perspective strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms treaty preamble missile defense buildup unilateral statement ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors missile testing restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC treaty implementation US-Russia arms New START treaty critique US nuclear modernization US missile defense restrictions US-Russia nuclear balance tactical nuclear weapons gap strategic arms limitations atrophying US nuclear arsenal JINSA New START concerns Bilateral Consultative Commission authority US nonstrategic nuclear weapons disadvantage Russian nuclear forces superiority US missile defense interceptor limitations US-Russia arms control debate Obama Medvedev treaty impact cost constraints on nuclear modernization strategic offensive-defensive arms interrelationship unilateral Russian treaty statements missile launcher conversion bans US strategic deterrence reduction Heritage Foundation New START flaws nuclear posture review arms control nuclear deterrence nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear arms missile defense policy US-Russia arms race nuclear modernization Russian military advantage strategic stability US nuclear triad bilateral consultative commission missile defense interceptors treaty compliance unilateral statements US national security nuclear force structure nuclear arsenal reductions strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms military balance legacy warheads modernization funding arms treaty limitations missile defense constraints Obama administration policy Russian defense policy strategic arms reduction arms verification weapon enterprise atrophy nuclear modernization US missile defense tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence Russian nuclear advantage arms control limitations nuclear arms reduction strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms missile defense restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission congressional nuclear policy nuclear arsenal atrophy nuclear weapons costs US-Russia nuclear balance unilateral treaty statements ICBM launchers SLBM launchers treaty withdrawal rights verification mechanisms nuclear nonproliferation deterrence theory missile interceptor limitations"
test-international-ehbfe-con02a	"Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ federalism European Union contributive inequality economic disparities member state relations minority protection harmful policies economic interdependence collective action free rider problem burden sharing fiscal contribution large vs. small states economic downturn centralization decentralization regional autonomy power distribution tax policy legislative authority education policy economic development centralism economic growth peripheral states EU policy impact fiscal federalism supranational governance economic cooperation policy harmonization intergovernmental relations fair share economic integration contributive inequalities European Union federal system federation risks minority member states harmful policies economic interdependence economic downturn United States of Europe economic reliance unequal contributions collective action problem ""passing the buck"" economic power disparity fair share complaints small vs. large states economic weaker status exacerbation in federation decentralization economic progress regional powers regional autonomy taxation policies legislative autonomy education policy centralized vs. decentralized states centralism economic development citizen impact intra-EU inequalities EU integration challenges fiscal federalism distributive justice dependency theory contributive inequalities federal system European federation minority member states economic interdependence economic downturn collective action problem free-rider problem economic burden sharing large vs small states fair share contributions economic disparities regional decentralization centralization economic growth policy harmonization fiscal federalism redistribution economic equity inter-state cooperation policy divergence regional autonomy central governance economic resilience fiscal capacity federalism and economic inequality disadvantages of EU federation fiscal contributions in European Union minority states and EU policy economic interdependence in United States of Europe effects of decentralization in EU centralization and economic growth in Europe small vs large EU member states burden-sharing economic downturn risks in federations fiscal disparities in federal systems collective action problems in European federation EU state contributions controversy impact of EU fiscal integration decentralized governance economic impact EU internal economic solidarity fair share debate in European Union consequences of federalization for weak economies federalism contributive inequality fiscal disparities economic interdependence European Union minority states policy impact economic downturn collective action dilemma burden sharing large versus small states fair share economic power asymmetry regional autonomy decentralization economic growth centralization policy harmonization federation risks regional disparities member state relations supranational governance EU fiscal policy European federalism contributive inequalities fiscal disparities member state tensions EU federation risks collective action problem economic interdependence Europe burden sharing EU small vs large states EU decentralization benefits economic centralization drawbacks unequal contributions EU minority state risk federation economic downturn spillover regional autonomy Europe fiscal federalism EU fair share EU contributions policy harmonization challenges centralization economic impact subsidiarity EU unity vs diversity EU federalism contributive inequality European Union economic downturn economic interdependence minority member states collective action economic burden sharing fiscal policy policy harmonization regional autonomy decentralization centralization economic disparities economic integration political cohesion member state contributions small versus large states uneven development power imbalance regional empowerment distributive justice economic cooperation supranational policies fiscal federalism fiscal inequalities EU EU member state contributions economic integration Europe EU federalism risks small state representation EU centralization vs decentralization Europe economic spillover European federation fair share EU budget regional disparities EU economic interdependence EU fiscal burden-sharing Europe minority state protection EU EU governance challenges economic downturn spillover collective action EU EU enlargement economic impact disparities in EU policy outcomes decentralization economic benefits Europe regional autonomy European Union intergovernmentalism EU solidarity mechanisms EU uneven development Europe power imbalance EU EU policy harmonization economic resilience EU federalism European Union contributive inequality fiscal disparities interdependence economic integration minority policy impact federation risks economic downturns collective action dilemma burden sharing regional imbalance state contributions fiscal federalism fair share disputes economic power centralization decentralization regional autonomy taxation policy legislative authority education policy economic development EU governance policy harmonization economic cooperation supranational institutions small state disadvantages large state responsibilities economic vulnerability subsidiarity regional empowerment resource allocation redistributive mechanisms multilevel governance EU reforms unity vs sovereignty federalism European Union contributive inequality minority member states policy impact economic interdependence collective action problem burden sharing large versus small states fiscal disparities centralization effects decentralization benefits regional autonomy economic development taxation policy legislative power education policy EU governance minority rights economic stability economic downturn European federation fairness equity economic integration power dynamics centralist policies"
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con01a	The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. evolution scientific consensus biologists biology scientific theory creationism intelligent design education policy science and religion public beliefs court cases observable reality scientific evidence acceptance of evolution anti-evolution campaigns scientific discipline science education law and science faith and science compatibility theory of evolution scientific rejection pseudoscience scientific method science standards mainstream science evolution creationism scientific consensus biology biologists scientific community evidence for evolution science and religion religion and science compatibility intelligent design court cases evolution public beliefs evolution education and creationism scientific theory observable reality faith and science laws of physics scientists acceptance evolution evolution proven theory anti-evolution campaigns political efforts creationism science education law and creationism cross-examination creationism empirical evidence pseudo-science religious scientists acceptance of evolution debunked creationism creationism in schools evolution creationism scientific consensus biology biologists scientists religion faith science education intelligent design court cases legal challenges public opinion observable reality compatibility of science and religion anti-evolution campaigns evidence for evolution scientific theories scientific method discredited claims science vs faith education policy school curriculum Dover trial scientific acceptance scientific community origins of life teaching creationism religious beliefs philosophy of science scientific consensus on evolution public acceptance of creationism vs evolution biologists’ views on evolution creationism in education policy court cases creationism vs evolution science and religion compatibility evidence supporting evolution scientific method creationism rejection demographics of scientists on evolution religion and scientists’ beliefs discredited proponents of creationism teaching evolution in schools history of creationism-evolution debate intelligent design legal challenges science vs pseudoscience evolution as a scientific theory observable reality vs faith in science scientific literacy evolution public perception of creationism famous scientists on evolution scientific consensus acceptance of evolution rejection of creationism scientists views on evolution biologists and evolution evolution vs creationism science education court cases creationism evolution proven theory scientific methodology faith and science compatibility religion and evolution intelligent design scientific evidence evolution in biology public beliefs evolution science and religion evidence for evolution creationism in schools expert opinion evolution evolution vs religion legal battles creationism discredited creationist claims percentage scientists evolution observable reality science scientific consensus on evolution acceptance of evolution among scientists creationism vs evolution debate biologists and evolution evolution theory scientific support court cases teaching creationism scientists with religious faith science and religion compatibility observable reality vs faith reasons scientific community rejects creationism evolution proven theory statistics on scientist beliefs evolution discredited creationist arguments evolution in education policy biology community views on evolution scientific consensus evolution Creationism biologists biology scientific community science education court cases intelligent design public beliefs faith and science observable reality scientific theory scientific proof religion and evolution science and religion compatibility evidence for evolution scientific rejection of Creationism education policy scientific panel laws of physics theory of evolution religion in science discredited claims cross-examination political campaigns faith and acceptance of evolution proven theories compatibility of science and faith scientific discipline acceptance among scientists origins debate evolution creationism scientific consensus science vs religion biology acceptance of evolution scientists’ views theory of evolution public education intelligent design court cases evolution anti-creationism faith and science compatibility of religion and science evidence for evolution rejection of creationism biology education observable reality scientific theory proven science evolution teaching evolution vs creationism debate scientific method pseudoscience science curriculum faith and evolution evolution acceptance statistics biologists' consensus school science policy science education standards scientific consensus scientists acceptance of evolution biologists views on creationism evolution vs creationism evidence for evolution science and religion compatibility teaching creationism in schools court cases evolution vs creationism scientific rejection of creationism observable reality in science public beliefs about education scientific method intelligent design trials evolution education statistics Stephen Gould science religion creationists arguments proven scientific theories biology consensus on evolution history of evolutionary theory faith and acceptance of evolution evolution scientific consensus creationism acceptance rate biologists biology consensus proven theories science vs religion court cases education policy evolution in schools legal challenges scientific evidence observable reality faith and science compatibility intelligent design scientific community opinion religion and evolution public beliefs science education pseudoscience scientific method anti-evolution campaigns cross-examination court rulings academic consensus scientific rejection of creationism scientific literacy faith and evolution science standards science curriculum
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, leadership transition political instability power vacuum coup d'état government secrecy succession planning leader incapacitation regime vulnerability opportunistic rivals military takeover health disclosure executive succession crisis management stability during illness governance challenges elite loyalty authority transfer constitutional crisis regime change political opportunism coup leadership succession power vacuum political instability government secrecy leader illness opportunistic rivals regime change vulnerability institutional loyalty transfer of power succession planning military takeover political transition crisis management executive incapacitation transparency government continuity political opportunism security threats political succession power vacuum leadership transition coup d’etat government stability secrecy benefits leader’s health vulnerability period military intervention regime change succession planning power struggle opportunistic rivals internal threats external threats leadership crisis political instability smooth succession institutional loyalty Guinea coup Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare leadership vulnerability during illness succession struggles after leader's death risks of disclosing leader's health political instability during leadership transitions rivals exploiting leadership weakness secrecy in leadership succession government response during leader's illness coups following leader's death power vacuums in government preventive measures against government overthrow historical examples of leadership coups Guinea 2008 military coup analysis impact of leader's health disclosure ensuring institutional loyalty during succession leadership transition management power vacuum opportunistic rivals political succession leadership transition regime vulnerability government instability leadership secrecy health disclosure succession planning coup risk stability measures crisis management military intervention institutional loyalty external threats internal threats leadership incapacitation executive continuity transitional governance emergency communication precedent cases rapid response power consolidation succession delay political instability leadership succession power vacuum political instability leader illness secrecy government vulnerability opportunistic rivals coup prevention succession planning Guinea leadership coup safeguarding government transitions military intervention leadership crisis management health disclosure politics transition of power external threats during leadership illness leadership succession political instability power vacuum government vulnerability illness concealment leadership transparency coup d'état regime change transitional government leadership crisis military intervention succession planning health disclosure government response state secrecy elite loyalty institutional control executive incapacitation political opportunism leadership legitimacy leadership vulnerability political instability leader illness secrecy succession planning military coup power transition government resilience opportunistic rivals leader health disclosure internal threats external threats political opportunism coup prevention smooth succession government continuity leadership crisis political power vacuum transitional government Guinea 2008 coup leadership succession secrecy leadership succession political instability power vacuum coup d'état regime change leader illness leader death government secrecy crisis management transitional government military intervention succession planning political vulnerability elite loyalty emergency protocols governance continuity political opportunism state security institutional stability clandestine transition power consolidation internal threats external threats constitution crisis authority transfer power vacuum leadership transition succession planning political instability coup prevention health transparency political opportunism government vulnerability crisis management military intervention elite loyalty succession secrecy executive illness governance risk institutional stability leadership absence Guinea coup regime change
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro02a	Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. end-of-life care death with dignity quality of life life extension palliative care assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia medical ethics aging population terminal illness chemotherapy refusal life-prolonging interventions patient autonomy suffering reduction chronic illness cognitive decline right to die existential suffering meaningful life mortality advanced directives pain management compassionate care healthcare decision-making aging and evolution moral implications of prolonging life assisted dying end-of-life care palliative care dignity in death life extension ethics quality versus quantity of life terminal illness decision making advanced directives patient autonomy right to die moral implications of life support physician-assisted suicide medical futility suffering and medical intervention existential suffering elderly care life-prolonging treatment chronic illness choices autonomy in healthcare ethics of euthanasia healthcare resource allocation age-related diseases memory loss and end-of-life grace in death medical intervention limits healthcare ethics end-of-life decisions assisted dying life extension palliative care quality of death terminal illness dignity in dying suffering reduction chronic pain life-sustaining treatment moral philosophy medical ethics aging population healthcare interventions voluntary euthanasia patient autonomy existential suffering aging and memory loss human lifespan cancer patient choices refusal of treatment moral value of life extension meaningful life natural death assisted dying ethical considerations euthanasia quality of life debate medical science lifespan extension end-of-life decision making terminal illness patient choices chemotherapy refusal patient rights dignity in death arguments moral implications life prolongation euthanasia non-terminal conditions suffering vs longevity cognitive decline voluntary death palliative care vs euthanasia quality vs quantity of life evolutionary lifespan comparisons role of medical intervention end-of-life autonomy in death decisions graceful acceptance of mortality pain management vs euthanasia compassionate end-of-life care living wills and advanced directives societal attitudes toward euthanasia medical science end-of-life care death control suicide euthanasia life extension human evolution longevity quality of life quality of death cancer patients chemotherapy refusal palliative care terminal illness meaningful life morally acceptable death suffering life interventions physical pain memory loss dignified death autonomy in dying ethical implications aging diseases of aging Caleb Finch lifespan evolution assisted dying end-of-life choices life extension ethics quality of life versus quantity terminal illness decision making euthanasia debate medical ethics palliative care alternatives dignity in death chronic illness and autonomy suffering and medical intervention moral implications of life prolongation voluntary euthanasia aging population and healthcare cancer patient end-of-life options ethical justification for suicide value of meaningful existence right to die living wills and advance directives suffering versus longevity medical ethics end-of-life decisions euthanasia assisted suicide quality of life terminal illness palliative care life extension dignity in death lifespan evolution cancer patient choices chemotherapy alternatives moral considerations suffering reduction advanced directives aging population humane death autonomy prolonging life terminal care memory loss chronic pain natural death life-sustaining treatments medical intervention ethics death acceptance lifespan increase meaningful existence bioethics healthcare policy patient autonomy end-of-life care quality of death life extension ethics terminal illness choices euthanasia debate assisted suicide dignity in dying medical intervention limits longevity vs quality of life cancer patient autonomy palliative care moral implications of life support aging and memory loss suffering reduction natural death right to die evolution of lifespan medical futility terminal sedation advance directives euthanasia assisted suicide end-of-life care quality of death life extension ethics terminal illness palliative care dignity in dying medical intervention limits cancer patient choices life expectancy human evolution aging diseases memory loss pain management moral philosophy of death voluntary death suffering alleviation lifespan increase quality of life autonomy in death natural death right to die bioethics medical ethics end-of-life care quality of death life extension ethics euthanasia debate assisted suicide medical ethics palliative care terminal illness decision-making patient autonomy dignity in dying chemotherapy choices chronic pain management neurodegenerative disease end-of-life meaningful life aging population moral implications of life extension suffering reduction voluntary euthanasia right to die lifespan evolution medical intervention drawbacks
test-international-miasimyhw-pro04a	Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. free labour market migration management informal migration regional migration framework Southern Africa bilateral migration ties emigration process health benefits HIV/AIDS border control efficiency travel documentation migrant identity migration data migration policy trade efficiency undocumented migrants healthcare access migrant rights South Africa migrant deportation migrant harassment Human Rights Watch equal health rights movement documentation formal migration approval free movement labour mobility Southern Africa migration management regional migration framework bilateral migration agreements travel documentation migrant identity papers border control efficiency HIV/AIDS and migration health access for migrants emigration process informal migration trade facilitation migrant data collection migration policy migrant rights health care accessibility undocumented migrants deportation fears Human Rights Watch migration regulation migration documentation migration statistics public health SADC migration migrant safety migration and development migration and health cross-border movement free labour market migration management informal migration regional migration framework Southern Africa bilateral migration agreements emigration process health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS truck drivers sex work travel documentation migrant identity migration monitoring migration data policy development trade efficiency undocumented migrants access to healthcare health rights migrant deportation migrant harassment Human Rights Watch migration regularization labour mobility free movement migration policy migration documentation migrant integration migration evidence migration statistics free labour market benefits migration management strategies regional migration framework Southern Africa formalization of migration migration and health outcomes border control efficiency HIV/AIDS bilateral migration agreements Southern Africa travel documentation for migrants migration data collection migration policy development migration and trade efficiency undocumented migrants healthcare access right to health for migrants Africa barriers to migrant healthcare migrant deportation fears South Africa formal versus informal migration routes enabling safe migration migration monitoring systems evidence-based migration policy migration and national identity documentation free labour market migration management informal migration regional migration framework Southern Africa migration bilateral migration agreements emigration process health benefits migration HIV/AIDS and migration border control delays migration data collection travel documentation migrant identity migration policy origin and destination countries trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access migrants Africa migration health South Africa migrant rights deportation fears migrant harassment Human Rights Watch 2009 migration documentation formal movement approval equal health rights migration Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management Southern Africa migration regional migration framework informal migration bilateral migration agreements health benefits migration border control HIV migration policy Africa migration data collection migrant travel documents documentation migrants migration policy effectiveness migrant health rights healthcare access migrants South Africa migration fear deportation healthcare migration and trade formal migration systems migration policy recommendations free labour market migration management informal migration migration policy free movement travel documents regional migration framework Southern Africa bilateral migration agreements migration benefits health benefits emigration process border controls HIV/AIDS truck drivers migration data migration information travel documentation migrant identity migration monitoring evidence-based policy migration origin migration destination trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access migrant health rights South Africa migrant deportation migrant harassment health accessibility equal health rights formal health treatment Human Rights Watch 2009 Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management migration policy informal migration Southern Africa migration regional migration framework bilateral migration agreements emigration process health benefits migration border controls HIV/AIDS migration travel documents migration migrant identity migration data migration evidence migration information systems policy making migration trade efficiency migration undocumented migrants migrant healthcare access migrant rights South Africa migration migrant deportation migrant harassment Human Rights Watch migration migration documentation formal movement approval health equality migrants Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management regional migration framework Southern Africa informal migration bilateral migration agreements migration policies free movement travel documentation emigration process border control efficiency HIV/AIDS transmission migrant health access documentation benefits migration data migration statistics policy development trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access migrant rights South Africa migration migrant deportation migrant harassment health equality Human Rights Watch regional integration migration regulation identity documents cross-border movement free movement migration policy labour mobility regional integration Southern Africa migration management travel documentation informal migration bilateral agreements border controls HIV/AIDS and migration health access for migrants migrant identity migration data trade facilitation migrant rights healthcare access migrants migration frameworks regional migration agreements migration legalization SADC emigration process migration monitoring national migration policy migration and public health undocumented migrants migration regularization migration governance
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural relativism ICC jurisdiction armed conflict child soldiers international law war assumptions combatant-civilian distinction Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts legal norms systematic use necessity defense mitigation sentencing vulnerable communities duress under-resourced states local governance United Nations peacekeepers colonialism rules of engagement war crimes cultural context enforcement challenges legal defense humanitarian intervention sentencing leniency neo-colonialism international standards military participation armed groups law enforcement civilian protection cultural construction of conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers international criminal law armed conflict assumptions African conflicts Central Asian conflicts legal norms humanitarian law mitigation of sentences vulnerable communities duress in armed conflict leniency in sentencing recognized governments non-state actors United Nations peacekeeping neo-colonialism rules of engagement civilian protection standards of wartime conduct capacity-building international law enforcement local law-making survival strategies systematic use of child soldiers comparative legal standards conflict mitigation resource disparities legal defenses prosecutorial discretion differential accountability cultural relativism armed conflict International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction child soldiers legal norms Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts civilian protection chain of command war ethics mitigation of sentences vulnerable communities wartime conduct humanitarian law neo-colonialism peacekeeping United Nations cultural assumptions state responsibility international law prosecution strategies conflict zones community defense local law-making survival strategy systematic recruitment sentencing leniency military participation policy differences legal defense under-resourced states combat oversight cultural construction of armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions cultural relativism and ICC child soldiers ICC defense flaws in war assumptions local law-making in conflicts UN peacekeeper limitations neo-colonialism accusations in intervention sentencing child soldier recruiters community enforcement of war standards ICC leniency for vulnerable groups differentiated use of child soldiers survival strategy vs policy in child soldiering effectiveness of international legal frameworks armed conflict in Africa and Central Asia international community role culturally informed justice mitigating sentences in war crimes challenges in international prosecution expertise application in ICC investigations cultural construction armed conflict International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war typologies aggressors vs defenders command structures civilian protection conflict zones cultural relativism child soldiers Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts legal defenses systematic use necessity unstable legal norms sentencing mitigation vulnerable communities duress arming children sentence leniency state policy developing nations limited government influence local law-making bodies international oversight United Nations peacekeepers inadequate resources peacekeeping challenges Western intervention rules of engagement neo-colonialism wartime conduct standards international community cultural relativism armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions child soldiers cultural context international criminal court enforcement war conduct cultural construction African conflicts ICC challenges differentiation of child soldier use prosecutorial discretion ICC leniency armed groups child soldiers local law-making armed conflict UN peacekeepers effectiveness neo-colonialism in international law civilian protection wartime mitigation of sentences ICC culturally sensitive justice war crimes survival strategies child soldiers international community war standards comparative approaches armed conflict vulnerable communities ICC law legal norms in developing nations cultural relativism armed conflict ICC jurisdiction international criminal law child soldiers Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts chain of command war norms civilian protection humanitarian law cultural assumptions legal norms sentencing mitigation UN peacekeeping neo-colonialism vulnerable communities local law-making combat oversight war crimes prosecutorial discretion survival strategies policy-driven use systematic recruitment duress defense under-resourced states western intervention rules of engagement international standards expertise humanitarian intervention conflict zones cultural construction of war International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism child soldiers humanitarian law armed conflict in Africa armed conflict in central Asia civilian protection rules of engagement neo-colonialism United Nations peacekeeping war crimes prosecution cultural norms in war legal defenses in ICC sentencing mitigation survival strategies in conflict state vs non-state actors legality of armed groups community legal norms chain of command in warfare organisational structure of armies civilian evacuation vulnerable communities duress in international law systematic use of child soldiers lenient sentencing in war crimes local law-making cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed war aggressors vs defenders chain of command civilian protection conflict zones legal norms cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecution systematic use humanitarian law sentence mitigation duress vulnerable communities necessity developing nations conflicts non-state actors law-making bodies peacekeeping limitations underfunded UN troops western intervention neo-colonialism wartime conduct standards international law expertise application child military participation survival strategy law enforcement challenges Africa Central Asia sentencing leniency cultural relativism ICC jurisdiction international criminal court armed conflict child soldiers cultural assumptions war conventions Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts legal norms defense strategies leniency in sentencing vulnerable communities developing nations recognized governments local law-making United Nations peacekeeping western intervention neo-colonialism rules of engagement enforcement challenges civilian protection international law humanitarian law war crimes transitional justice prosecution of child soldier recruitment mitigating circumstances conflict anthropology comparative war studies
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con02a	A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia state viability independence unviable state small population landlocked poverty economic challenges dependence on Russia foreign aid military support GDP economic autonomy road access Georgia Roki Tunnel customs duties separatism budget revenue Russian government de facto independence employment subsistence farming economic assets budget deficits international recognition post-war recovery Tskhinvali small states state sustainability sovereignty economic viability self-sufficiency breakaway regions unrecognized states post-Soviet conflicts South Ossetia independence state viability economic viability small population landlocked state poverty Russian aid dependency subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties Georgian conflict de facto independence budget revenue separatism international recognition economic development sovereignty unrecognized states breakaway regions post-Soviet states secession microstates governance challenges foreign assistance economic sustainability political instability Russian influence self-determination territorial disputes state viability unrecognized states economic dependence Russian aid post-Soviet conflicts unviability microstates breakaway regions separatism GDP comparison landlocked states subsistence farming economic sustainability international recognition political dependence Roki Tunnel customs revenue poverty population size failed state de facto independence foreign support Georgia conflict employment crisis sovereignty challenges regional instability Russian influence government budget economic hardship geopolitical dependence secessionist territory South Caucasus South Ossetia state viability South Ossetia economic challenges South Ossetia population size South Ossetia independence prospects South Ossetia dependence on Russia South Ossetia landlocked issues South Ossetia GDP South Ossetia subsistence farming South Ossetia budget Russian aid South Ossetia Roki Tunnel revenue South Ossetia infrastructure South Ossetia international recognition South Ossetia poverty rate South Ossetia unrecognized states South Ossetia foreign aid reliance South Ossetia de facto independence South Ossetia–Georgia conflict small South Ossetia state viability economic viability unrecognized states de facto independence population size poverty landlocked states Russian aid separatism sovereignty GDP Roki Tunnel customs revenue dependency international recognition breakaway regions post-conflict economy subsistence farming small population budget dependence geopolitical dependence Russia-Georgia relations economic sustainability microstates failed states economic autonomy self-sufficiency enclave economies state-building challenges Eurasia politics South Ossetia viability South Ossetia independence challenges South Ossetia economy South Ossetia population South Ossetia landlocked South Ossetia GDP South Ossetia dependence on Russia South Ossetia conflict with Georgia South Ossetia political status South Ossetia Roki Tunnel South Ossetia budget revenue South Ossetia poverty South Ossetia subsistence farming South Ossetian autonomy South Ossetia recognition breakaway regions unviable small unrecognized states post-Soviet conflicts disputed territories economic viability frozen conflicts Cauc state viability unrecognized states de facto independence Russian support foreign aid economic unviability landlocked small population subsistence farming poverty low GDP Roki Tunnel customs revenue separatism dependence on Russia post-Soviet conflicts Georgian relations international recognition budget revenue breakaway regions unrecognized territories economic sustainability resource scarcity border conflicts Tskhinvali political autonomy state-building microstates strategic assets limited infrastructure post-conflict reconstruction South Ossetia independence state viability economic viability South Ossetia population South Ossetia landlocked states South Ossetia Russia dependence South Ossetia Georgia conflict South Ossetia GDP poverty South Ossetia Roki Tunnel economic significance subsistence farming South Ossetia breakaway regions de facto states recognition of South Ossetia Russian military aid South Ossetia foreign aid dependency post-Soviet conflicts self-proclaimed republics microstates separatist movements international recognition South Ossetia budget revenue South Ossetia Tsk South Ossetia state viability unrecognized states de facto independence statehood criteria microstates small population economic viability landlocked countries dependence on Russia foreign aid Russian influence GDP per capita poverty subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget revenue separatism post-Soviet conflicts autonomy unviable state international recognition Tskhinvali budget deficit population size state sovereignty breakaway regions regional stability Georgia-Russia relations conflict zones economic sustainability failed states self-determination state viability unrecognized states economic dependence secession consequences Russian influence separatist regions landlocked nations GDP comparison subsistence agriculture post-Soviet conflicts small state challenges international recognition geopolitical instability breakaway regions governance capacity economic isolation Roki Tunnel customs revenue humanitarian conditions poverty foreign aid dependency Georgia conflict independence referendum nation building microstates regional security
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con01a	"For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" Britain eurozone membership euro adoption impact single currency disadvantages EU economic policy job loss eurozone UK unemployment rates one size fits all interest rates eurozone unemployment comparison exchange rate mechanism history ERM economic effects British economy euro Euro disadvantages UK Anthony Browne euro critique British business bankruptcies ERM eurozone economic risks British sovereignty currency historical lessons ERM eurozone monetary policy anti-euro arguments UK eurozone integration UK concerns Britain euro debate UK single currency opposition economic impact euro adoption eurozone unemployment rates British economy euro risks ""one size fits all"" interest rates Anthony Browne euro arguments EU job market effects exchange rate mechanism UK history ERM unemployment Britain business bankruptcies eurozone anti-EU economic critique euro adoption consequences UK UK economic sovereignty Britain euro employment statistics British tabloids euro coverage historical euro membership impacts UK eurozone integration British unemployment euro eurozone employment comparison UK sovereign monetary policy single currency eurozone EMU British pound monetary union exchange rate mechanism ERM crisis Euro adoption interest rates unemployment rates economic sovereignty fiscal policy labour market British economy business bankruptcies monetary policy economic integration EU membership currency stability UK economic history Eurozone unemployment British jobs financial autonomy anti-Euro arguments Euro risks job loss economic disadvantages currency union UK recession Anthony Browne Britain eurozone membership impact joining single currency unemployment UK euro economic consequences British economy euro adoption risks euro 'one size fits all' interest rates effect exchange rate mechanism job losses eurozone vs UK unemployment rate historical lessons UK euro anti-euro argument Britain Anthony Browne The Euro analysis comparison UK and Euroland economic conditions eurozone job market statistics interest rates impact UK jobs business bankruptcies eurozone British jobs threatened single currency UK ERM exit unemployment effects economic implications of euro for UK arguments against EU single currency UK euro adoption lessons from history macroeconomic stability Britain single currency eurozone unemployment EU economic impact job losses euro exchange rate mechanism one size fits all interest rates UK euro membership debate British economy euro impact Anthony Browne euro euro crisis unemployment British businesses euro past economic crises UK EU monetary policy interest rate alignment euro UK euro skepticism British job market euro eurozone vs UK unemployment 1992 ERM crisis euro adoption risks economic sovereignty UK Britain single currency Euro membership UK jobs impact EU economic policy Euro interest rates Anthony Browne Euro argument Euro unemployment comparison UK versus Eurozone economy Exchange Rate Mechanism history British economy Euro effects Eurozone unemployment rate UK unemployment 2000 Euro monetary policy risks costs of Euro adoption anti-EU economic arguments business bankruptcies ERM job loss Eurozone British economic independence lessons from ERM monetary union disadvantages adjust interest rates UK historical economic crises UK risks of joining Euro economic evidence Euro British currency sovereignty Britain single currency Euro unemployment jobs economic impact EU interest rates Eurozone British economy Exchange Rate Mechanism ERM business bankruptcy economic policy job loss economic history monetary union Euroland UK economy Euro adoption economic conditions employment fiscal policy anti-EU sentiment British sovereignty financial risk Anthony Browne economic integration exchange rates 1992 crisis tabloid press Euro launch past experience business failure eurozone membership UK interest rates EU economic policy single currency impact British unemployment rates euro versus pound Exchange Rate Mechanism Anthony Browne euro UK job loss statistics EU integration effects businesses bankruptcy UK euro adoption risks UK economic sovereignty currency union drawbacks eurozone unemployment British economy euro ERM crisis 1992 anti-euro arguments UK monetary policy Europe British tabloid euro debate single currency eurozone unemployment rates job losses interest rates UK economy economic integration exchange rate mechanism business bankruptcy historical precedent anti-euro arguments economic sovereignty Anthony Browne EU monetary policy British jobs economic risks past economic crises macroeconomic stability euro adoption British pound euro debate labor market impacts single currency eurozone British economy euro impact job loss EU economic policies interest rates unemployment comparisons UK economic policy exchange rate mechanism business bankruptcies historical precedents economic integration currency union risks anti-euro arguments euro adoption debates economic sovereignty UK-EU relations monetary policy euro disadvantages economic conditions employment effects euro transition European Union Anthony Browne"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con02a	Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, truth commissions restorative justice TRC South Africa Gacaca courts Rwanda prosecution limitations truth-seeking reconciliation healing process incentives to lie full disclosure confession reduced sentences human rights abuses restorative processes criminal justice alternatives apology reconciliation mechanisms restorative law justice system flaws motivation for offences transitional justice record of abuses incentive structures post-conflict justice truth commissions restorative justice retributive justice criminal prosecutions truth-seeking reconciliation healing process incentives to confess sentence reduction human rights abuses transitional justice South Africa TRC Rwanda Gacaca confessions apology restorative practices offender motivations accountability transparency judicial outcomes societal healing full disclosure memory work victim testimony public apologies justice alternatives truth vs justice legal incentives criminal justice reform truth recovery community participation transitional justice restorative justice Truth and Reconciliation Commission TRC South Africa Rwandan Gacaca courts human rights abuses confessions reconciliation incentives to conceal truth prosecution limitations healing process reconciliation mechanisms prisoner confessions genocide accountability truth recovery restorative processes apology in justice reduced sentences justice incentives post-conflict healing community justice legal truth-finding alternative justice systems problems with adversarial justice system limitations of criminal prosecutions in truth-finding incentives to lie in court obstacles to uncovering true motivations in trials comparison between prosecutions and truth commissions benefits of truth and reconciliation commissions full record of human rights abuses effectiveness of TRC South Africa Gacaca courts Rwanda reconciliation incentives for confessions in transitional justice confession-based sentence reduction role of apologies in reconciliation consequences of incentivizing truth-telling restorative justice vs retributive justice impact of TRCs on societal healing court processes vs truth-telling processes structural differences: prosecutions vs TRCs truth commissions truth and reconciliation restorative justice retributive justice South Africa TRC Rwandan Gacaca courts healing process prosecution limitations confessions incentives reconciliation human rights abuses judicial truth vs. actual truth criminal justice shortcomings incentivizing truth-telling apology in justice post-conflict justice sentence reduction justice and healing criminal motivations legal truthfulness transitional justice public apologies case studies Africa Susie Linfield Graybill Lanegran truth and reconciliation commissions restorative justice truth-seeking in prosecutions motivations for crime incentives to lie in court South Africa TRC Gacaca courts Rwanda confessions and reduced sentences healing through truth reconciliation after conflict apologizing for crimes restorative justice mechanisms criminal justice reform full disclosure of crimes incentives for truth-telling justice versus truth impact of confessions South African justice model Rwandan genocide courts reconciliation processes promoting healing after atrocities human rights abuses court incentives truth over punishment criminal confessions role of apology in justice restorative justice truth commissions truth and reconciliation healing after trauma TRC effectiveness human rights abuses confessions incentives to confess reconciliation processes South Africa TRC Rwandan Gacaca courts criminal justice shortcomings motivations behind offenses apology in justice sentence reduction restorative vs retributive justice truth disclosure full record of abuses post-conflict justice legal incentives psychological healing criminal confessions transitional justice truth and reconciliation commissions restorative justice South Africa TRC Gacaca courts prosecution efficacy confessions incentives human rights abuses reconciliation processes healing after prosecution incentives to confess motivations for offending apologies and justice Rwanda genocide confessions restorative justice effectiveness criminal justice reform truth versus justice reconciliation in Africa reducing prison sentences role of apologies post-conflict healing legal truth-seeking barriers to truth in prosecution alternative justice mechanisms comparative transitional justice promoting full disclosure lessons from TRC lessons from Gacaca courts truth commissions truth and reconciliation commission TRC prosecutions vs truth healing process justice restorative justice incentive to confess human rights abuses South Africa TRC Rwandan Gacaca courts confession incentives prison sentence reduction reconciliation process apology and justice restorative justice effectiveness motivations for offences criminal justice alternatives truth in legal process concealment in prosecution post-conflict justice transparency in justice truth commissions reconciliation restorative justice prosecution limitations TRC South Africa Gacaca courts Rwanda incentives for truth-telling confession incentives reconciliation processes healing and justice full disclosure human rights abuses apology in justice restorative vs retributive justice truth and healing motivations for lying sentence reduction for confession post-conflict justice justice versus truth role of apologies comparative justice systems
test-international-iwiaghbss-con02a	New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, climate refugees stateless nations forced migration diasporas nation-building exiled communities refugee resettlement sovereignty disputes new state formation territorial conflict sea level rise land abandonment resettled populations international law post-disaster migration territorial purchase indigenous displacement migration history homeland loss refugee states climate refugees stateless nations sovereign relocation environmental migration new nation formation island nation displacement forced migration disaster-induced migration exiled communities land acquisition precedent in nation building political asylum post-disaster statehood collective resettlement international law on sovereignty refugee resettlement new state recognition 20th century nation creation historical comparisons contested territories resettlement conflict homeland loss examples of new nations Palestine Israel comparison modern exodus national identity formation uninhabited territory settlement population displacement environmental catastrophe migration legal frameworks for new countries refugee-created countries stateless nations forced migration island nation exodus climate refugees climate change displacement sovereign territory formation disaster-driven migration new national identities historical parallels post-Holocaust Israel mass resettlement territorial conflict colonialism land acquisition international law population displacement new state formation sovereignty issues homeland abandonment purchased territory state legitimacy indigenous land migration crisis post-disaster nation-building new nations formed by refugees historical examples of countries created by migrants island nations forced migration modern state creation due to disaster disaster-driven national founding comparative analysis refugee-founded countries parallels to Israel national formation countries established by displaced populations impacts of mass migrations on sovereignty land acquisition and nation-building purchasing territory for new countries geopolitical consequences of forced relocation statehood after environmental disaster examples of state creation post-catastrophe voluntary land cession historical precedents migration-triggered state conflicts refugee resettlement and national borders political challenges of new nations post-disaster conflict over land in new state formation climate refugees stateless nations exile governments forced migration nation-building climate change displacement sovereign resettlement international law new sovereign states historical precedents territorial acquisition refugee integration homeland abandonment post-disaster migration land negotiation diaspora communities political asylum population transfer sovereignty conflict uninhabitable islands transnational relocation conflict resolution territorial disputes mass migration history contemporary state formation climate refugees new sovereign nations island diaspora state formation migration countries founded by refugees history of displaced peoples disaster-driven migration land acquisition by migrants territory loss migration parallels to Israel sovereign state creation forced homeland abandonment migration and conflict historical migration settlements newly forged nations environmental migration history diasporic state creation land purchases by immigrants sovereign territory disputes examples of new countries forced migration history new nation formation refugee states stateless people forced migration climate refugees island nation relocation political sovereignty territorial conflict land acquisition history population displacement post-disaster migration Israel creation Jewish migration Holocaust aftermath land purchase vs conquest colonial legacy indigenous displacement Palestinian conflict sovereignty disputes nation-building after disaster self-determination movements post-war resettlement international recognition of states land rights historical precedents for new countries new countries refugee-founded nations climate migration climate refugees nation building stateless people forced migration disaster-induced migration land sovereignty displaced populations island nation evacuation post-disaster resettlement historical precedents Jewish diaspora statehood Israel formation territorial conflict land acquisition history post-Holocaust migration colonial land transfer migration and conflict self-determination nation creation after disaster land purchase for statehood migration sovereignty state formation examples Palestinian land loss modern nation origins climate refugees climate migration stateless nations island nation relocation forced migration land acquisition history refugee state formation sovereignty conflict post-disaster resettlement historical parallels nation-building refugees colonial land transfer political asylum new national entities territory disputes homeland abandonment international law refugees precedent displaced peoples sovereign territory creation environmental displacement stateless nations climate refugees forced migration new states formation sovereign displacement maritime exodus post-disaster resettlement colonial land acquisition territorial conflict nation-building land-loss precedents refugee-driven country creation international law new nations displacement-driven sovereignty seasteading environmental migration abandoned homelands uninhabitable islands political asylum communities historical land purchases contested sovereignty ethnic diaspora national relocation resettlement challenges microstate emergence
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con04a	Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, capital punishment Africa prison security prison escapes dangerous offenders prison conditions prison funding penal policy criminal justice system incarceration Libya prison escape prison overcrowding prison reform African justice systems crime deterrence public safety death penalty human rights prison management escape prevention Africa capital punishment death penalty prison conditions prison security dangerous offenders prison escapes Libya Benghazi prison escape prison funding criminal justice African justice system crime deterrence prison overcrowding prison infrastructure justice reform African nations severe crime incarceration alternatives execution rationale Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison escapes prison security prison conditions underfunded prisons prison management criminal justice African penal systems death penalty public safety prison reform prison overcrowding escape prevention Benghazi prison escape law enforcement Africa crime deterrence correctional infrastructure humanitarian concerns criminal policy Africa Africa capital punishment prison system quality Africa dangerous offenders Africa prison escapes Africa prison conditions Africa security African prisons practical solutions criminal justice Africa recidivism Africa effectiveness death penalty Africa alternatives to incarceration Africa underfunded prisons Africa crime prevention Africa prison escapes examples Africa prison overcrowding Africa criminal justice policy Africa public safety Africa Libya prison escape 2013 death penalty justification Africa prison reform Africa prison policy Africa capital punishment Africa death penalty Africa prison conditions Africa prison escapes Africa prison security Africa criminal justice Africa offender management Africa prison system underfunding Africa Benghazi prison escape dangerous offenders Africa practical solutions African prisons New York Times Libya prison African penal policy crime deterrence Africa prison reform Africa penal institutions Africa justice system limitations Africa prisoner escape incidents Africa crime prevention Africa prison overcrowding Africa Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison prison escapes Africa prison conditions Africa underfunded African prisons prison security Africa capital punishment effectiveness Africa criminal justice Africa prison overcrowding Africa death penalty Africa prison reform Africa notable prison breaks Africa Libya prison escape 2013 African penal systems solutions for dangerous criminals Africa prison infrastructure Africa human rights prisons Africa alternative punishments Africa preventing prison breaks Africa Africa capital punishment death penalty dangerous offenders prison security prison escapes prison conditions underfunding prison policy African nations criminal justice Benghazi prison escape Libya inmate escape penal system justice system prison overcrowding recidivism crime deterrence prison reform public safety legal system execution incarceration prison management crime prevention human rights correctional facilities capital punishment Africa prison security Africa prison conditions Africa prison escapes Africa criminal justice Africa death penalty Africa prison funding Africa dangerous offenders Africa prison escapes Libya prison overcrowding Africa penal reform Africa correctional facilities Africa justice system Africa penal policy Africa escape prevention prisons high-risk inmates Africa prison management Africa alternatives to incarceration Africa prisoner rights Africa prison reform Africa Africa capital punishment prison conditions dangerous offenders prison security prison escapes Benghazi Libya underfunding criminal justice legal policy correctional systems public safety penal reform inmate management prison overcrowding crime deterrence prison infrastructure North Africa death penalty prison administration law enforcement justice system prison reform violent crime international human rights prison security prison escapes Africa prison conditions Africa justice system Africa capital punishment effectiveness prison reform Africa criminal justice policy Africa high-risk offenders Africa prison funding Africa alternatives to capital punishment prison overcrowding Africa escape prevention death penalty Africa prison management Africa dangerous inmates Africa
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, privacy rights political leaders medical confidentiality leader health disclosure public figures privacy state leaders medical privacy head of state privacy public interest vs privacy leader illness secrecy political transparency government continuity leader incapacitation public need to know health information disclosure private life of politicians privacy laws leaders ethical issues privacy politicians personal health William Pitt illness historical leader privacy leader privacy political leader health head of state confidentiality politician illness disclosure government transparency public right to know medical privacy public official health HIV/AIDS and politicians privacy vs transparency incapacitated leaders executive health secrecy privacy in public office leadership and disease confidential medical information ethics of disclosure prime minister illness president health news public interest and privacy leadership during illness privacy rights leaders' privacy political leaders health medical confidentiality public disclosure government transparency executive illness privacy vs transparency state leader medical information ethical journalism public interest health privacy laws leadership impairment presidential health confidential information government accountability personal privacy rights sick government officials need to know principle influential leaders health issues William Pitt the Younger historical examples protecting privacy media ethics leader privacy rights head of state medical confidentiality public interest vs leader privacy political leader health transparency government function during leader illness famous leaders with health issues when to disclose leader health privacy laws for politicians ethical debate on leader privacy media scrutiny of leader health leaders deserving private lives historical examples leader illness leader incapacity and state functioning impact of leader health on governance William Pitt illness example president illness public disclosure privacy versus public right to know stigma around leader health conditions disclosure policy for government illness historical precedent leader privacy privacy rights political leaders leader health disclosure public vs private information government transparency confidentiality health privacy political accountability leader illness leadership and governance HIV/AIDS stigma medical confidentiality incapacitation state secrets public interest ethical journalism historical leaders William Pitt the Younger mental health of leaders privacy laws executive function media responsibility Napoleonic Wars leadership leader succession constitutional law privacy rights of political leaders health disclosure laws for politicians confidentiality in government leader medical privacy public right to know vs personal privacy politicians health information ethics privacy and public figures historical examples of leader illness William Pitt illness privacy state leaders medical confidentiality government transparency vs privacy public officials personal life disclosure leaders health impact on governance privacy in political leadership disclosure threshold for leaders illness privacy rights political leaders public figures medical confidentiality health disclosure head of state public interest government transparency AIDS/HIV stigma embarrassing illnesses leadership illness incapacitation government functioning executive privacy historical examples William Pitt the Younger Napoleonic Wars ethical considerations privacy laws public versus private life state confidentiality disease disclosure leader health integrity prime minister privacy Victorian Web leader illness precedent public trust leader's right to privacy political ethics confidential health information leader privacy rights state leader privacy public figures health disclosure politician medical confidentiality privacy vs public interest leader health transparency government transparency ethical privacy in politics leader illness public need political leader health secrets media intrusion on leaders leader health and governance privacy protection for leaders William Pitt illness history of leader health privacy president medical privacy leader incapacitation disclosure ethical journalism leaders leader reputation damage AIDS HIV politician stigma leader privacy state leader confidentiality politician health privacy public figure medical privacy government transparency right to privacy leader illness disclosure ethical journalism leaders public interest leader health mental health leaders chronic illness politicians historical leader illness presidential privacy prime minister health privacy William Pitt illness leader disability disclosure privacy laws politicians leader personal rights public vs private information leaders stigma leader illness government functioning leader absence leader privacy political leader confidentiality government transparency health disclosure public officials privacy rights politicians medical privacy leaders public interest leader health leader illness disclosure ethical reporting leaders personal data protection politicians leader health stigma historical leader health Pitt the Younger illness public vs private life politicians media intrusion leaders confidentiality in government state leader medical records privacy legislation leaders privacy invasion consequences public trust political leaders
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro02a	"Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine human rights European leaders diplomatic pressure human rights abuses Ukraine migrants discrimination Ukraine Roma rights xenophobia Ukraine Amnesty International Ukraine police abuse Ukraine torture by police government accountability Europe moral authority international criticism ethnic minorities Ukraine racism Ukraine arbitrary detention Ukraine civil society Ukraine EU foreign policy sports and human rights Roma discrimination Europe police corruption Ukraine detainee abuse anti-migrant sentiment political pressure EU FIFA human rights UEFA human rights state-sponsored discrimination European Union response regional human rights standards boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders stance human rights abuses Ukraine migrants abuse Ukraine discrimination Roma Ukraine xenophobia Ukraine police brutality Ukraine Amnesty International Ukraine report Euro 2012 host city police abuse arbitrary detention Ukraine ethnic discrimination Ukraine diplomatic pressure Ukraine European Union response international human rights police torture Ukraine racial discrimination Ukraine political accountability Ukraine human rights advocacy Ukraine civil rights UEFA Euro 2012 controversy Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights violations European leaders political boycott Amnesty International police abuse xenophobia Roma discrimination arbitrary detention migrants racism ethnic minorities torture diplomatic pressure moral authority EU foreign policy international condemnation civil liberties state repression human rights advocacy police brutality justice reform UEFA anti-discrimination state accountability international sports boycotts European Union social justice media coverage unlawful detention criminal justice police corruption state-sponsored abuse boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights Euro 2012 political boycott consequences human rights abuses Ukraine Euro 2012 European leaders stance Ukraine human rights Amnesty International Ukraine police abuse migrants arbitrary detention Ukraine Roma discrimination Ukraine Euro 2012 xenophobic attacks Ukraine 2012 Europe moral authority human rights diplomatic response Ukraine human rights international pressure Ukraine Euro 2012 police torture Ukraine Euro 2012 ethnic discrimination Euro 2012 host cities international criticism Ukraine human rights sports event human rights protest European states action Ukraine abuses minority rights protection Ukraine UEFA response human rights Ukraine Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights boycott European leaders discrimination migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma xenophobia societal discrimination police abuse torture ethnic origin sexuality Amnesty International diplomatic pressure moral authority Europe government abuses accountability international response human rights violations civil liberties police corruption ethnic minorities racism U.S. Department of State Amnesty report political pressure international relations Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine human rights abuses European leaders response Amnesty International Ukraine report police torture Ukraine discrimination in Ukraine migrants in Ukraine Roma rights Ukraine xenophobic attacks Ukraine arbitrary detention Ukraine European moral authority human rights international pressure Ukraine UEFA Euro 2012 controversy diplomatic response Euro 2012 human rights migrants Ukraine societal discrimination Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine human rights European leaders international pressure human rights abuses migrants arbitrary detention discrimination Roma xenophobia police brutality torture Amnesty International ethnic minorities host cities governmental abuse societal discrimination police misconduct diplomatic response moral authority European Union civil liberties international criticism diplomatic snub U.S. Department of State accountability legal protection minority rights abuse of power justice system racism anti-migrant sentiment European neighbourhood policy international standards sporting events international reputation rule of law political pressure public protest Euro 2012 boycott Ukraine human rights abuses European leaders response Ukraine police brutality Amnesty International Ukraine report Roma discrimination Ukraine xenophobic attacks Ukraine migrants' rights Ukraine arbitrary detention Ukraine Ukrainian civil liberties European Union diplomacy Ukraine governmental discrimination Ukraine ethnic minorities Ukraine LGBT rights Ukraine international pressure Ukraine Europe moral authority human rights diplomatic actions human rights Euro 2012 host cities abuses police torture Ukraine state accountability Europe Ukraine backsliding democracy European response human rights global human rights advocacy Ukraine international law political prisoners Ukraine freedom of expression Ukraine international sports and human rights human rights violations Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott police abuse Ukraine discrimination Roma Ukraine xenophobia Ukraine European leaders human rights Amnesty International Ukraine migrants abuse Ukraine arbitrary detention Ukraine governmental discrimination Ukraine societal discrimination Ukraine Europe moral authority police torture Ukraine diplomatic response human rights European Union Ukraine relations human rights advocacy 2012 ethnic minorities Ukraine criminal police force Ukraine international response Euro 2012 US State Department Ukraine backsliding democracy Ukraine Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights boycott European leaders discrimination migrants Roma xenophobia police abuse Amnesty International governmental discrimination societal discrimination arbitrary detention police torture ethnic origin diplomatic response international criticism moral authority asylum seekers minority rights Ukraine politics civil liberties Eastern Europe European Union international relations backsliding democracy"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro02a	Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf urban regeneration Olympic legacy deprived areas infrastructure development city renewal tourism boost housing provision low-cost housing sports facilities transport improvements urban transformation economic impact social benefits lasting impact city modernization landmark projects community benefits post-event usage sustainable development urban planning international events city revitalization cultural regeneration public investment job creation urban regeneration mega-events Olympic legacy infrastructure development socio-economic impact deprived areas sports-led regeneration housing provision urban renewal post-event benefits city transformation sustainable development local economy boost transportation projects community development urban planning lasting impact low-cost housing international scrutiny government incentives social housing city image waterfront redevelopment cultural attractions large-scale investment tourism increase stadia construction Olympic Village benefits Barcelona 1992 London 2012 Crossrail project urban regeneration Olympic legacy sporting events infrastructure development community development deprived areas urban renewal economic impact social impact sustainable development affordable housing transport infrastructure city revitalization urban planning mega-events tourism growth international scrutiny housing legacy long-term benefits public investment city transformation social inclusion area improvement Olympic Games urban regeneration legacy of Olympic hosting social impact of Olympics economic revitalization from hosting Olympic Village housing benefits infrastructure improvements Olympics host city transformation impact on deprived areas cultural regeneration hosting tourism development post-Olympics city branding Olympics sustainable urban development Olympics government investment Olympics deadline-driven infrastructure new transport initiatives Olympics international scrutiny Olympic preparations comparison Barcelona London Olympics low-cost housing Olympic legacy stadiums and urban renewal city planning Olympics Olympic legacy urban regeneration socio-economic impact deprived neighborhoods sustainable development infrastructure improvement housing legacy low-cost housing transport upgrade cultural revitalization long-term benefits city transformation host city selection bid evaluation international scrutiny event-driven development tourism boost community renewal urban planning sports infrastructure local economy public investment social inclusion post-event utilization landmark projects Olympic legacy urban regeneration hosting benefits city transformation deprived area redevelopment sports infrastructure investment urban renewal legacy housing Olympic Village impact transportation improvements event-driven development economic revitalization community regeneration lasting city impact mega-event urban planning Olympic Games housing infrastructural deadlines international scrutiny Barcelona urban renewal London 2012 regeneration Crossrail development Athens Olympics infrastructure cultural area creation post-event housing urban green space projects sports-led regeneration Olympics regeneration urban renewal host cities IOC Olympic bids legacy deprived areas infrastructure development stadia Olympic Villages low-cost housing Barcelona 1992 London 2012 Crossrail transport improvement city overhaul waterfront redevelopment tourism boost housing supply public scrutiny international attention sustainable development sports infrastructure economic impact social impact urban planning city transformation Athens 2004 government investment deadline incentive local community benefits cultural areas public transport mega-events urban legacy real estate development international prestige Olympic Games urban regeneration sports event infrastructure impact economic development deprived areas Olympic Villages low-cost housing sustainable legacy hosting Barcelona Olympics urban transformation London 2012 regeneration impact event-driven urban renewal Olympic Games transport improvements city image enhancement Olympics catalytic urban projects Olympic bids Crossrail Olympic Games influence public housing Olympic Villages mega-events social regeneration urban planning sports mega-events IOC regeneration criteria international event local benefits Olympic infrastructure investment post-Games urban revitalization host city economic impact urban regeneration Olympic legacy infrastructure development deprived areas urban renewal economic impact housing development low-cost housing tourism growth city transformation IOC evaluation sporting infrastructure social benefits urban planning sustainable development city investment public transportation infrastructure projects event-driven regeneration community development urban regeneration Olympic legacy infrastructure development housing projects low-cost housing social impact deprived areas city transformation tourism boost cultural development transport improvements sustainable development mega-events economic revitalization community benefits city planning urban renewal event-driven regeneration public investment international scrutiny
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro05a	Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, drug trafficking terrorism financing Taliban opium revenue heroin trade poppy cultivation farmer intimidation protection money local warlords violence in Mexico gang-related deaths drug cartels Latin America instability South American drug lords government destabilization war on drugs drug production profits peace initiatives development in Colombia Afghanistan instability counter-narcotics policy organized crime narco-terrorism revenue disruption drug legalization cartel violence heroin smuggling market interventions security challenges anti-terrorism funding conflict zones international drug policy narco-terrorism drug trafficking terrorist financing heroin trade opium cultivation Taliban drug revenue protection rackets cartel violence Mexico drug war Latin American drug lords destabilization by drugs war on drugs alternatives drug policy reform counter-narcotics Afghanistan drug trade Colombia drug conflict funding insurgency organized crime money laundering illicit economies peacebuilding in drug regions drug-related violence instability from drug trade impact of drug prohibition drug cartels and terrorism drug trafficking terrorism financing organized crime Taliban funding opium trade heroin production poppy cultivation protection rackets narco-terrorism gang violence Mexico drug war South American drug lords government destabilization war on drugs counter-narcotics Colombia conflict Afghanistan opium illicit economies criminal networks revenue disruption peacebuilding regional security Taliban opium funding drug trafficking terrorism heroin trade instability protection money farming regional instability drugs war on drugs failure drug cartel violence Mexico South America drug lords Colombia instability drugs Afghanistan opium trade terrorism drug profits drug legalization impact terrorism alternative crop incentives economic effects drug war drug decriminalization and terrorism narco-terrorism policy solutions drug trade global security poppy cultivation Taliban revenue organized crime drug funding cartel violence South America destabilized governments drug trade peace drug-producing regions war on drugs consequences alternatives to drug prohibition international response drug trade narco-terrorism drug trafficking Taliban funding opium trade heroin production poppy cultivation protection rackets farmer intimidation cartel violence Mexico drug war South American drug lords regional instability anti-drug policies war on drugs funding terrorism Afghanistan drug trade Colombia narcotics revenue streams destabilized governments organized crime counter-narcotics illicit economies peace and development drug-producing countries alternative livelihoods law enforcement harm reduction transnational crime narco-terrorism drug trafficking and instability Taliban poppy revenue heroin production and terrorism drug money funding terrorism drug war impact protection money farmers Afghanistan cartel violence Mexico war on drugs effectiveness drug lords government destabilization peace in drug-producing countries opium trade Afghanistan South American drug cartels ending war on drugs alternative drug policy drug profits terrorism organized crime Latin America solutions to drug trade Colombia drug conflict heroin economy Taliban drug revenue terrorism links drug trafficking terrorism financing regional instability Taliban revenue poppy cultivation opium trade heroin production farmer intimidation protection money warlords Mexico drug war cartel violence South America destabilization Brazil Colombia drug lords war on drugs counterterrorism illicit economies drug production peacebuilding development unstable states Afghanistan drug trade impact policy reform narco-terrorism crime syndicates government destabilization drug trafficking terrorism funding Taliban opium revenue heroin production poppy cultivation farmer intimidation protection money local warlords drug cartel violence Mexico drug war South America drug lords government destabilization war on drugs narcoterrorism Colombia drug trade Afghanistan opium drug-related violence illicit drug profits counter-narcotics policy peace and development unstable drug-producing states narco-terrorism organized crime drug policy reform global drug trade transnational crime drug-fueled conflict anti-drug strategies regional security drug eradication efforts terrorism financing narcoterrorism drug trafficking opium trade heroin production Taliban funding protection rackets farmer extortion cartel violence Mexico drug war South America instability Colombia conflict Afghanistan drug trade war on drugs drug policy reform drug legalization counter-narcotics efforts security challenges governance destabilization organized crime regional conflicts peacebuilding economic development illicit economies terrorism financing drug trafficking Taliban opium revenue heroin trade protection rackets cartel violence narco-terrorism Mexico drug war South American instability drug lord governments war on drugs failure global drug trade peacebuilding drug regulation Afghanistan poppy cultivation Colombia drug conflict law enforcement illicit economies organized crime drug legalization debate
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro02a	"Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. private property property rights independence survival self-sufficiency labor theory of property John Locke acquisition of property consent theft property provisos impact on others comfort of life improvement cultivation wasteland privatization opportunity cost betterment wage labor land ownership justice in acquisition distributive justice Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Locke's proviso property ethics individual rights economic justice property philosophy property rights private property John Locke labor theory of property self-ownership independence survival just acquisition mixing labor Locke’s proviso Nozick entitlement theory Anarchy State and Utopia property acquisition consent legitimacy desert ethical property wasteland cultivation privatization individual good rights to exclusion exploitation wage labor property ethics distributive justice natural rights fruits of labor stewardship minimal state justice in acquisition justice in transfer property and freedom private property property rights independence self-sufficiency labor theory of property John Locke Locke’s proviso property acquisition legitimacy of property property ethics justice in acquisition Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia property and survival right to ownership consent property and labor property and society moral limits of property wasteland cultivation common resources privatization betterment proviso harm principle wage labor cultivation distributive justice exploitation property and freedom property and opportunity right to private property property rights philosophy Locke theory property Nozick entitlement theory labor theory of property independence through property self-sufficiency property ownership conditions for acquiring property limits of property rights property acquisition requirements influence of labor on property ownership provisos on property acquisition property and social welfare property and survival property non-harm principle betterment proviso property privatization ethical justification privatization and common good comparative analysis Locke Nozick philosophical justification property rights private property societal impact property rights and justice property ownership and consent ethical implications of privatization property private property property rights ownership labor theory of property John Locke Locke property Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia self-ownership independence survival consent theft acquisition mixing labor property provisos resource allocation wasteland cultivation privatization economic efficiency distributive justice fairness opportunity cost wage labor moral philosophy justice in acquisition property ethics individual rights libertarianism property justification philosophical foundations economic autonomy private property rights property ownership philosophy John Locke property theory Locke property provisos labor theory of property individual independence property Nozick Anarchy State Utopia property and survival consent in property acquisition property rights and justice privatization benefits property and social welfare property improvement impact ethical property acquisition property rights limitations property and opportunity cost cultivated land ownership labor value creation property distributive justice economic independence property private property property rights independence survival self-sufficiency labor theory of property consent theft acquisition ownership John Locke Lockean proviso Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia mixing labor natural resources commons privatization cultivation land use opportunity survival comfort of life betterment economic justice moral justification wages labor leasing individual good distribution of resources property acquisition requirements ethical property rights property and society philosophical property theories legitimate ownership harm principle exclusive rights utilitarian benefit libertarianism property ethics private property rights property ownership labor theory of property John Locke property acquisition of property Locke proviso Nozick entitlement theory Anarchy State and Utopia property and independence self-sufficiency and property property and survival property ethics just acquisition labor mixing theory property and consent property limitations wasteland cultivation property and society lease labor property property and inequality property privatization property moral philosophy property and justice property and opportunity property betterment property and wage labor property and economic development property non-harm principle Constitution Society Locke Robert Noz private property property rights individual independence self-sufficiency labor theory of property John Locke Robert Nozick ownership acquisition property acquisition requirements consent theft use of labor impact on others survival comfort of life improvement proviso wasteland cultivation privatization utilitarian justification lease of labor wage employment opportunity cost property ethics moral justification Anarchy State and Utopia distributive justice land ownership Locke Proviso property and society property limitations property rights private property John Locke labour theory of property Lockean proviso self-ownership independence survival acquisition of property moral justification natural rights Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia just acquisition mixing labor entitlement theory distributive justice land cultivation commons resource allocation desert theory economic independence wage labor consent ethical ownership property and justice property acquisition criteria freedom individual rights social impact moral philosophy utilitarianism Pareto improvement"
test-politics-dhwem-con01a	PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) private military companies PMCs mercenaries conflict interests security outsourcing destabilization long-term security multinational corporations security guarantees government security forces private security proliferation of armed groups local government security economic power and security armed actors security privatization war economy instability incentives contractors in conflict non-state armed forces Wennmann 2008 job security and conflict incentives for instability security sector reform influence of wealth in security private security industry private military contractors mercenary impact security privatization armed non-state actors conflict interest destabilization security outsourcing multinational corporations security guarantees security sector reform instability incentives security force fragmentation state sovereignty security accountability conflict prolongation government reliance on PMCs proliferation of armed groups commercial security firms destabilizing security strategies mercenary deployment political influence of PMCs security inequality private military companies PMCs mercenaries armed conflict security privatization security outsourcing destabilization multinational corporations state security security sector reform security guarantees proliferation of armed groups military contractors conflict of interest post-conflict stabilization security governance unregulated security forces war economy accountability armed actors security provision power imbalance non-state actors fragile states conflict perpetuation corporate security security vacuum government capacity monopoly on violence private military contractors conflict of interest destabilizing impact of mercenaries long-term security implications PMCs reliance on private security forces insufficient government security forces outsourcing security responsibilities multinational corporations and private security lack of public security guarantees inequitable access to security proliferation of armed groups fragmentation of national security forces PMCs sustaining instability incentives for continued conflict negative consequences of hiring mercenaries security sector privatization impact on vulnerable populations motives of security contractors security governance challenges competing security providers effects on national sovereignty Wennmann 2008 destabilisation mercenary influence on stability private military companies PMCs mercenaries conflict of interest security outsourcing destabilization multi-national corporations security guarantees armed proliferation government security private security local government security security contractors war economies instability incentives violence markets monopoly of force shadow armies corporate security security privatization non-state actors international security post-conflict environments security dilemmas Wennmann 2008 Private military contractors mercenaries and state security security privatization destabilization by PMCs conflict of interest in security sector security sector proliferation multinational companies and private security mercenaries and government accountability PMCs and local power dynamics security guarantees and private actors PMCs and long-term instability mercenary motivation conflict employment incentives for instability armed groups fragmentation implications of security outsourcing Wennmann 2008 PMCs analysis private military companies mercenaries conflict of interest security outsourcing instability multi-national corporations government security self-provisioned security power imbalance proliferation of armed groups destabilization security sector reform security guarantees monopoly of violence accountability non-state armed actors war economy security privatization influence under-regulation job dependency sustainable peace governance challenges conflict perpetuation peacebuilding Wennmann 2008 Private Military Companies PMCs mercenaries destabilization conflict of interest security sector reform multinational corporations security armed non-state actors monopoly on violence security outsourcing state sovereignty war economy proliferation of armed groups shadow armies accountability in conflict zones security privatization weak states security governance ethical implications conflict incentives post-conflict reconstruction peacebuilding challenges non-state security providers Wennmann 2008 mercenary regulation military contractors humanitarian impact asymmetric warfare international law security market governance vacuum private military companies PMCs mercenaries conflict of interest security outsourcing armed proliferation national security government reliance destabilization multinational corporations security guarantees influence inequality local militias private security instability incentives failed states security sector reform Wennmann 2008 conflict economy security privatization accountability regulation non-state actors military outsourcing corporate security monopoly on violence private military companies mercenaries instability security sector reform conflict of interest multi-national corporations security outsourcing governance non-state actors security privatization accountability regulation state sovereignty armed groups security guarantees conflict economy political influence military intervention peacekeeping war economies ethical implications profit motive destabilization humanitarian impact international law security vacuum
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. microfinance challenges infrastructure limitations poverty barriers loan repayment issues financial inclusion outreach limitations governance problems regulatory frameworks political instability structural constraints sustainability issues poorest populations need assessment impact evaluation microfinance regulation state involvement NGO participation private sector role community engagement partnership tensions stakeholder motivations microfinance effectiveness rural access underserved areas economic development barriers institutional weaknesses microfinance barriers infrastructure challenges financial inclusion rural access poverty alleviation loan repayment issues extreme poverty structural constraints governance problems regulatory issues political instability microfinance sustainability NGO involvement community participation private sector role multi-stakeholder partnerships development challenges effectiveness of microfinance motivational conflicts supply chain in microfinance institutional frameworks poorest populations needs assessment location of need challenges to access long-term impact regulatory frameworks coordination challenges social impact limitations of microfinance microfinance challenges infrastructure barriers financial inclusion poverty alleviation loan repayment issues poorest communities structural constraints governance problems regulatory frameworks political instability sustainability long-term impact multi-stakeholder involvement NGO roles community participation government policy private sector partnership tensions beneficiary identification access to finance underserved populations trust in microfinance risk assessment microfinance sustainability impact assessment microfinance limitations financial systems rural microfinance development obstacles economic empowerment microfinance infrastructure limitations challenges to microfinance outreach microfinance repayment barriers microfinance poorest beneficiaries structural constraints microfinance sustainability microfinance solutions governance issues microfinance regulation of microfinance political instability microfinance multi-actor involvement microfinance NGO role in microfinance state intervention microfinance private sector microfinance public-private partnerships microfinance effectiveness microfinance partnerships microfinance actor motivations success factors microfinance barriers to microfinance scalability microfinance in developing countries microfinance policy challenges microfinance limitations infrastructure challenges poverty barriers loan repayment issues poverty assessment underserved populations microfinance sustainability structural constraints governance failures regulatory challenges political instability microfinance effectiveness stakeholder complexity NGO involvement public-private partnerships community engagement actor motivations development finance financial inclusion obstacles rural finance barriers microcredit challenges socioeconomic impacts grassroots finance poverty alleviation microfinance governance microfinance limitations microfinance barriers infrastructure challenges microfinance poorest borrowers microfinance microfinance loan default risk sustainability microfinance impact of governance on microfinance regulatory challenges microfinance political instability microfinance multi-actor microfinance supply NGO involvement microfinance public-private microfinance partnerships structural barriers microfinance poverty targeting microfinance microfinance effectiveness financial inclusion barriers reach of microfinance in rural areas microfinance repayment issues challenges in microfinance implementation microfinance partnership tensions objectives in microfinance actors microfinance limitations infrastructure challenges rural access financial inclusion barriers poverty trap loan repayment issues targeting the poorest geographic exclusion governance problems regulatory challenges political instability unsustainable microfinance multi-actor involvement NGOs and microfinance public-private partnerships coordination challenges competing objectives development finance socio-economic barriers financial sustainability structural constraints microcredit effectiveness underserved populations exclusion from financial services microfinance regulation risk management community engagement donor influence private sector role operational challenges microfinance barriers access to microfinance microfinance infrastructure challenges microfinance sustainability microfinance poorest populations microfinance repayment issues microfinance structural constraints governance in microfinance microfinance regulation political instability microfinance microfinance multi-actor partnerships NGOs microfinance state involvement microfinance private sector microfinance community-based microfinance microfinance effectiveness microfinance impact assessment microfinance challenges rural microfinance access poverty alleviation microfinance microfinance limitations microfinance development microfinance policy hurdles microfinance delivery obstacles financial inclusion barriers microfinance challenges infrastructure limitations extreme poverty loan repayment target demographics poverty assessment structural constraints sustainability governance issues regulatory frameworks political instability microfinance sustainability actors in microfinance NGO involvement community participation private sector role state intervention partnership challenges effectiveness of microfinance objectives conflict motivations financial inclusion rural development access to credit development barriers financial systems regulatory challenges microfinance challenges access barriers infrastructure limitations poorest populations loan repayment capacity structural constraints microfinance sustainability regulatory frameworks governance issues political instability multi-actor collaboration NGOs in microfinance community involvement private sector microfinance partnership challenges poverty alleviation financial inclusion targeting the poorest microfinance effectiveness development obstacles regional disparities
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con03a	Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. territorial integrity sovereignty international law self-determination diplomatic recognition United Nations regional stability secession Georgia South Ossetia Abkhazia Russian intervention international community statehood recognition criteria aggression independence movement social contract international relations conflict state dependency legitimacy international authority regional conflict Russian influence territorial integrity Georgia sovereignty international law self-determination South Ossetia independence Abkhazia Russian intervention diplomatic recognition United Nations membership regional stability conflict resolution secession international community response state sovereignty Russian aggression statehood criteria international relations legitimacy of states non-recognition policy foreign support for separatism territorial integrity sovereignty self-determination international recognition South Ossetia Abkhazia Russia United Nations diplomatic relations regional instability secession Russian interference international law statehood nationhood independence movement aggression international community legitimacy conflict resolution state recognition breakaway regions ethnic conflict international authority geopolitical tensions sovereignty dispute separatism Georgia territorial integrity Georgia sovereignty South Ossetia independence international recognition South Ossetia UN member recognition independence Russia involvement South Ossetia Georgia Russia conflict self-determination vs territorial integrity international law territorial integrity regional instability South Ossetia S. Ossetia Russian dependence diplomatic recognition independence legitimacy of statehood international community stance South Ossetia Russia aggression Georgia social contract territorial integrity precedent for secession international law impact of Russian support separatism United Nations position Georgia legitimacy of self-determination movements consequences of unrecognized states international authority and state actions territorial integrity state sovereignty social contract international law self-determination South Ossetia Georgian conflict diplomatic recognition United Nations regional instability Russian interference secession international community Abkhazia legitimacy state dependence Russian aggression independence movement international relations state recognition sovereignty vs self-determination Georgia-Russia relations unrecognized states legitimacy of claims international authority separatism statehood criteria diplomatic relations geopolitical conflict quasi-states international support Georgia territorial integrity South Ossetia independence international recognition sovereignty self-determination Russian intervention Georgia UN diplomatic recognition Abkhazia recognition Georgian-Russian conflict international law territorial claims state legitimacy regional instability Caucasus secession international law social contract sovereignty Russia S. Ossetia support non-recognition international community statehood requirements UN members diplomatic relations independence recognition process international community position external aggression self-determination Georgia-Russia relations separatist movements legal status S. Ossetia post-Soviet territorial disputes regional security Georgia Georgia territorial integrity sovereignty international law self-determination South Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations regional stability conflict Russian support Russian interference secession international community legitimacy statehood Abkhazia aggression foreign intervention sovereignty dispute international authority state recognition secessionist movements national borders state legitimacy geopolitical conflict international relations post-Soviet states Caucasus region state dependency regional security non-recognition policy Georgia territorial integrity sovereignty South Ossetia independence international recognition UN membership diplomatic relations international law self-determination vs territorial integrity Russian intervention Georgia regional instability Caucasus Abkhazia recognition secession international law international community stance Russia Georgia conflict South Caucasus geopolitics legitimacy statehood secession criteria international diplomacy Georgian-Russian relations breakaway regions state dependency Russia United Nations recognition sovereignty claims international support non-recognition policy global diplomatic consensus Georgia territorial integrity sovereignty international law self-determination South Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic recognition Russian interference regional instability Abkhazia secession international community position state sovereignty foreign intervention border disputes legitimacy of independence movements ethnic conflict Russian-Georgian relations international support diplomatic relations conflict resolution United Nations membership legitimacy of governments national security breakaway regions peace and security non-interference principle geopolitical interests post-Soviet conflicts territorial integrity sovereignty international law diplomatic recognition United Nations self-determination secession South Ossetia Abkhazia Russian intervention international community regional conflict legitimacy state dependency Russian aggression contested borders independence movements non-recognition international relations statehood criteria Georgia-Russia relations state sovereignty separatism international stability diplomatic isolation geopolitical conflict
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro03a	Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, data security privacy protection cyber attacks information leakage personal information hacking incidents server vulnerabilities cybercrime identity theft data loss customer trust information governance corporate responsibility regulatory compliance cybersecurity data exposure digital privacy risk management fraud prevention data misuse market punishment consumer perceptions opt-in consent data transparency data ownership data monetization ethical data practices data anonymization consumer rights digital safety data encryption security breaches information assurance privacy legislation fair information practices unauthorized access breach impact economic costs reputation damage data protection regulation cyber risk data security cybersecurity information security hacking cyberattacks digital privacy identity theft personal information protection data protection server vulnerabilities corporate data breaches information leakage financial impact market reputation consumer trust unauthorized access cybercrime data loss security systems data governance opt-in consent information disclosure cyber risk electronic marketplace privacy legislation regulatory compliance data encryption risk management data minimization breached records organizational responsibility cybersecurity information security personal information sensitive data hacking data protection privacy identity theft cybercrime data loss compromised records unauthorized access security breaches corporate reputation customer trust information governance data management data encryption regulatory compliance consumer privacy cyber threats malicious actors data theft financial loss market punishment data retention data harvesting fair information practices security vulnerability digital privacy data exposure risk management breach notification electronic marketplace online privacy privacy policy data resale customer data security policy cyber risk trust erosion data breach consequences effects of identity theft personal data security threats hacker motivations data breaches company reputation data loss economic impact data breaches data breach statistics trends consumer trust after data breaches privacy legislation company responsibility opt-in data collection risks data selling transparency server security vulnerabilities cybercrime increase information age prevention of identity theft market punishment unsafe firms data protection regulation effectiveness costs to individuals data breaches company costs data breaches fair information practices online data privacy online commerce data breaches personal data security identity theft cybercrime server vulnerabilities hacker attacks information age risks cybersecurity data protection privacy breach consequences corporate data responsibility consumer trust market impact digital privacy data exposure statistics regulatory compliance fair information practices electronic marketplace privacy data breach economics consumer data opt-in data sale transparency firm reputation data loss costs privacy regulation FTC privacy report Risk Based Security OECD privacy economics data breach impact personal data security data privacy concerns identity theft prevention corporate responsibility data breaches data protection strategies hacking incidents statistics consumer trust data security consequences of data leaks cybersecurity best practices information age security threats risk of data selling solutions for data breaches market response to privacy violations secure data storage practices data security regulations protecting customer information economic costs of data breaches FTC privacy recommendations data breach prevention measures cybersecurity data breach personal information identity theft hackers information security data privacy data protection cybercrime online security server vulnerability data exposure digital privacy consumer trust information misuse privacy laws security breach costs reputational risk corporate responsibility customer data unauthorized access information disclosure data governance opt-in consent privacy policies data sale cyberattack information marketplace market punishment cyberthreats negligent security privacy regulation fraud prevention data loss privacy concerns privacy economics data breach cybersecurity personal data protection hacker attacks identity theft prevention data privacy corporate data security server vulnerabilities information security consumer trust information age security data leak impact data breach statistics privacy regulations FTC privacy report risk based security exposed data records market punishment consumer data handling digital identity theft opt-in privacy data resale transparency secure data storage cybercrime trends information dissemination risks privacy economics data loss costs online privacy practices information marketplace breaches due to hacking data breach prevention cybersecurity threats personal data protection information security identity theft consequences hacker mitigation compromised data risks data privacy laws consumer trust company reputation damage opt-in privacy data sale transparency data vulnerability cyberattack trends digital marketplace security privacy safeguards regulatory compliance data loss costs customer information security data encryption breach notification requirements cybersecurity information security data privacy encryption regulatory compliance GDPR CCPA information governance cyber attacks phishing ransomware personal identifiable information (PII) consumer trust corporate reputation risk management data minimization cybersecurity best practices incident response data protection laws privacy policies breach notification cyber insurance digital forensics identity protection access controls data anonymization threat intelligence supply chain security zero trust architecture security audits
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro04a	Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com financial deregulation banking crisis 2008 financial crisis 2009 economic crash Republican economic policy corporate America wealth inequality market freedom financial sector regulation subprime mortgage crisis housing bubble economic meltdown low wages environmental deregulation EPA regulations Congressional Republicans economic recession government scapegoating corporate greed pension risk financial gambling environmental policy rollback Wall Street Dodd-Frank Act regulatory oversight income disparity unemployment bank bailouts economic policy regulatory capture banking deregulation financial sector regulation 2008 financial crisis 2009 economic crash Republican economic policy environmental deregulation low wages corporate influence subprime mortgage crisis wealth inequality financial oversight EPA regulations stalled economy mortgage-backed securities Wall Street gambling economic meltdown causes political responses to crisis government scapegoating deregulation consequences financial reform legislation economic policy debate deregulation banking crisis 2008 financial crisis 2009 economic crash financial sector banking regulation subprime mortgage Wall Street financial meltdown economic recession Republican policies environmental deregulation low wages free market corporate America wealth inequality financial gambling pensions housing market collapse EPA congressional response economic blame government regulation financial oversight economic policy regulatory failure neoliberalism market failure corporate influence deregulation effects on banking crisis causes of 2009 economic crash impact of financial deregulation Republican policies and economic crises deregulation and environmental impact financial sector deregulation consequences Republican response to 2008 crash deregulation and income inequality deregulation and market failure banking sector regulation history role of EPA in economic policy Congressional actions post-financial crisis deregulation and corporate profit deregulation and wage stagnation scapegoating government after crises deregulation and housing market collapse 2008 financial crisis legislation environmental regulation rollback 2008 Republican economic ideology corporate America influence on banking deregulation financial crisis 2008 recession economic meltdown banking sector regulation financial sector deregulation Republican economic policy environmental regulations rollback EPA blame Congressional response 2008 crisis corporate boardroom influence wealth inequality market free enterprise critique low wages corporate lobbying housing bubble pension risk government scapegoat regulatory reform financial gambling economic policy analysis banking deregulation 2008 financial crisis causes Republican policies economic impact financial sector oversight economic meltdown deregulation banking crisis analysis corporate America wealth inequality environmental regulation rollback EPA and economic growth deregulation and wealth distribution government scapegoating economic crisis financial sector regulation history deregulation consequences Dodd-Frank Act regulatory capture banking economic crash Republican response post-2008 regulatory reform financial speculation risks corporate lobbying government income inequality banking crisis environmental deregulation economic effects deregulation banking crisis 2009 economic crash financial sector regulation Republican policies environmental deregulation low wages free market corporate America subprime mortgage crisis housing bubble pension losses Wall Street risky investments economic meltdown EPA environmental protection Congressional Republicans regulatory reform Glass-Steagall Act repeal Dodd-Frank Act market instability economic policy income inequality government scapegoating financial oversight financial crisis causes banking deregulation financial crisis 2008 causes of 2009 economic crash Republican economic policies financial sector regulation environmental deregulation EPA blame economic crash impact of deregulation corporate America wealth low wages deregulation boardroom influence economy government scapegoat economic crisis Dodd-Frank Act banking regulation rollback financial gambling housing market collapse pensions risk financial crisis congressional response crash environmental regulation rollback free market failures banking industry oversight neoliberal economic policy Republican deregulation agenda Wall Street collapse economic meltdown analysis banking regulation financial crisis 2008 recession economic collapse government oversight financial deregulation Republican policies environmental deregulation corporate governance subprime mortgages Wall Street financial reform economic policy EPA regulations wealth inequality economic impact financial sector market regulation corporate lobbying pension risk financial stability government intervention economic policy response banking sector collapse political influence regulatory rollback financial crisis banking deregulation 2008 recession subprime mortgage Wall Street financial regulation economic policy Republican policies environmental deregulation EPA economic inequality corporate lobbying wealth distribution regulatory failure housing bubble market failure financial instability austerity measures bailout Dodd-Frank Act
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro02a	Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. community radio local broadcasting radio accessibility radio production cost radio equipment information exchange audience engagement radio station setup radio listening low-cost broadcasting media sharing radio affordability radio engineering NGO partnerships grassroots media radio licenses communication infrastructure BBC World Service nonprofit radio radio vs internet public access radio community engagement media democracy alternative media radio sustainability social impact radio community radio radio accessibility radio production costs low-cost broadcasting information exchange media accessibility radio technology audience engagement independent radio NGO radio support radio engineering shared media devices traditional media broadcasting equipment community broadcasting radio licences affordable communication radio station setup mass communication public radio radio partnerships BBC World Service grassroots media radio affordability local radio radio sustainability alternative media radio coverage low-budget media radio development community broadcasting low-cost media grassroots communication radio accessibility information exchange shared media devices radio station startup costs affordable media technology radio engineering radio equipment government licensing BBC World Service NGO partnerships media inclusion radio audience engagement digital divide internet accessibility comparison local content participatory media media democratization community radio benefits low cost radio production accessibility of radio vs internet radio for underserved communities shared media devices radio equipment affordability starting a community radio station community media funding requirements media information exchange barriers to internet access community radio partnerships radio engineering expertise NGO support for community radio licensing for radio stations BBC World Service community radio support media democratization impact of community radio radio station startup costs overcoming broadcasting barriers radio as a tool for information sharing community radio radio accessibility low-cost media radio production costs cheap broadcasting information exchange radio technology community engagement radio station setup grassroots media media democratization BBC World Service NGO media support radio engineering licensing costs radio sharing internet accessibility media affordability alternative media Prometheus Radio Project community radio benefits radio production cost accessible media comparison community radio startup costs radio versus internet accessibility information exchange through radio low-budget broadcasting radio engineering knowledge NGO support in radio BBC World Service partnership radio licensing costs equipment sharing radio audience engagement media accessibility in communities inexpensive broadcasting solutions grassroots media self-sustained community radio digital divide radio internet radio reach affordability community led broadcasting community radio radio accessibility radio production cost affordable broadcasting information exchange radio technology shared media radio audience low-cost media radio equipment radio engineering NGO support BBC World Service radio licensing grassroots media local broadcasting media democratization alternative media inclusive communication radio spectrum media accessibility internet accessibility comparison Prometheus Radio Project media sharing public service broadcasting radio waves community engagement small radio station radio network marginalized communities mass communication community radio radio affordability radio accessibility low-cost broadcasting start a radio station radio equipment cost radio vs internet access NGO radio projects radio engineering BBC World Service partnerships radio licence costs shared media devices local radio benefits radio audience engagement grassroots media media democratization information exchange rural communication community broadcasting nonprofit radio sustainable media models Prometheus Radio Project community radio funding barriers to internet access radio technology media accessibility indigenous radio decentralized media radio infrastructure low-budget media community radio radio accessibility low-cost broadcasting radio production costs shared media radio station setup radio licensing information exchange NGO radio support BBC World Service partnership radio engineering radio equipment affordability digital divide radio audience engagement internet access barriers radio waves grassroots media radio in developing countries community engagement alternative media non-profit radio local radio initiatives sustainable broadcasting radio technology social impact of radio community radio radio accessibility radio production costs low-cost radio radio sharing radio station startup costs radio engineering government radio licenses BBC World Service NGO radio support information exchange media accessibility radio equipment affordability internet accessibility comparison radio audience engagement community broadcasting nonprofit radio alternative media local radio stations radio communication benefits
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con02a	We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. moral uncertainty value of life ethical decision-making utilitarianism moral ignorance unpredictable outcomes ethical dilemmas life choices consequentialism moral judgment unpredictability of future trolley problem ethical calculation unintended consequences philosophical ethics decision theory moral philosophy risk of harm human worth intrinsic value moral uncertainty value of life ethical decision making trolley problem consequentialism utilitarianism predictive limitations moral ignorance ethical dilemmas unpredictability decision theory life value judgment future consequences outcome uncertainty moral philosophy ethical calculus risk of harm unintended consequences ignorance in ethics moral risk moral uncertainty value of life ethical decision-making moral ignorance trolley problem utilitarianism consequentialism moral philosophy life-saving decisions ethical dilemmas unforeseen consequences unpredictability moral fallibility judgment of worth outcomes of actions philosophical ethics moral calculus ethical ambiguity life-and-death scenarios decision-making under uncertainty moral uncertainty value of human life ethical decision making trolley problem utilitarianism critique consequences of action ethics unpredictability in moral choices moral ignorance potential future outcomes judging lives worth knowledge limitations in ethics risk of unintended consequences philosophical dilemmas subjective value assessment ethical calculus limitations epistemic humility in ethics moral relativism imperfect information in moral decisions moral uncertainty value of life ethical decision making moral judgment consequentialism utilitarianism critique unpredictability of human actions philosophical ethics trolley problem moral ignorance fate and free will risk of harm unintended consequences determinism existential uncertainty bioethics normative ethics moral responsibility human potential scenarios in ethics life valuation trolley problem ethics moral uncertainty value of human life debate consequentialism vs deontology ethical decision making philosophy of life value moral dilemmas utilitarianism critique unpredictable future actions judgment of life worth ethical calculations philosophical ignorance weighing human lives the ethics of killing and saving trolley problem arguments moral uncertainty value of life ethical decision-making utilitarianism consequentialism judgment limitations unpredictability of outcomes ethical ignorance moral dilemmas trolley problem life valuation unintended consequences philosophical ethics decision-making under uncertainty ethical calculus actions and consequences presumption of knowledge pain and suffering future impact moral responsibility moral judgment value of life ethical dilemmas trolley problem consequentialism moral uncertainty decision-making under ignorance utilitarian ethics deontological ethics unpredictability of future actions life worth philosophical ethics human value assessment dilemma resolution judgment limitations unintended consequences presumption of knowledge action consequences pain and suffering ethics ethical decision-making moral philosophy value of life ethical decision-making consequentialism utilitarianism uncertainty moral ignorance judgment ethics of decision-making trolley problem moral dilemmas unforeseen consequences ethical calculus unpredictability of outcomes harm suffering moral responsibility moral relativism philosophical ethics decision under uncertainty life choices ethical uncertainty moral epistemology moral uncertainty ethical dilemmas value of life utilitarianism consequentialism trolley problem moral ignorance decision-making under uncertainty ethics of judgment unpredictability of outcomes non-consequentialist ethics bioethics moral philosophy philosophical ethics life valuation unintended consequences compassion ethics virtue ethics rights-based ethics moral humility
test-international-iighbopcc-con03a	A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, informal agreement executive agreement bypass Congress US climate policy Congressional approval Senate ratification legally binding Kyoto Protocol Paris Agreement presidential authority domestic law international treaty climate change Republican opposition Obama legacy John Kerry climate negotiations legal status treaty versus agreement US Constitution environmental policy federal government policy implementation legislative hurdle informal agreement executive agreement US Congress bypass Obama climate legacy Republican opposition climate change skepticism Senate approval non-binding agreement Kyoto Protocol legal authority presidential powers Paris climate conference treaty alternatives international climate policy legislative hurdles environmental policy Obama administration John Kerry statements climate accord Congressional approval US climate strategy legal framework existing US law Paris Agreement climate diplomacy treaty ratification process informal agreement executive agreement US Congress approval climate accord Senate ratification Obama administration Republican opposition legally binding treaty Paris climate agreement Kyoto Protocol presidential authority Clean Air Act environmental policy international law congressional oversight treaty ratification UN Framework Convention on Climate Change climate negotiations US foreign policy legislative hurdle climate change skepticism executive power bypassing Congress treaty vs agreement domestic implementation climate legislation legal status State Department John Kerry climate deal informal climate agreement US Congress executive agreement climate change bypassing Senate climate treaty Paris Agreement legal requirements Obama climate policy executive powers US Congressional opposition climate deals nonbinding international agreements US Section 115 Clean Air Act climate political hurdles US climate action Republican stance Paris Agreement treaty ratification Senate climate legal frameworks climate policy US international accords without Senate approval US executive authority environmental agreements role of Congress international climate policy informal agreement executive agreement bypass Congress US Senate approval climate policy Obama administration Republican opposition treaty ratification legal authority executive power Paris climate agreement non-binding targets Kyoto Protocol comparison domestic implementation legislative hurdle climate diplomacy international negotiation US climate action presidential powers Congressional resistance informal climate agreement bypass US Congress climate policy executive action Obama climate legacy Senate approval climate treaty legally binding climate targets Kyoto Protocol comparison Paris climate agreement legal status Republican Congress climate skepticism executive power climate action John Kerry Paris agreement US climate legislation international climate agreement US treaty ratification process presidential authority climate policy informal agreement executive agreement US Congress approval Senate ratification climate policy Obama legacy Republican opposition climate skepticism international treaty Paris Agreement Kyoto Protocol legally binding targets executive power domestic law implementation treaty alternatives climate accord presidential authority Congressional oversight environmental policy legislative hurdle US foreign policy diplomatic negotiation regulatory authority informal agreement climate agreement US Congress Paris climate accord executive agreement legally binding treaty approval Senate ratification Obama climate legacy Republican opposition Climate policy US Kyoto Protocol comparison President authority congressional bypass climate change mitigation Secretary of State Kerry existing law implementation Senate confirmation non-binding targets US climate politics Mufson Demirjian Washington Post informal agreement executive agreement US Congress Senate approval climate policy international accord legally binding Kyoto Protocol Paris Agreement Obama administration Republican opposition climate change skepticism treaty ratification presidential authority Clean Air Act diplomatic strategy policy loophole legislative bypass environmental regulation US climate politics separation of powers executive agreement congressional approval Senate ratification climate policy Paris Agreement non-binding agreement presidential authority environmental regulation US politics Republican opposition Obama administration legal status treaty obligations legislative hurdles international climate negotiation domestic law Clean Air Act diplomatic strategy US foreign policy environmental law
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con02a	Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. science education scientific literacy critical thinking evidence-based teaching secular curriculum objective knowledge academic honesty evolution education biology curriculum separation of church and state creationism debate informed citizenship democratic engagement educational standards fact-based learning pseudoscience rejection children's rights intellectual freedom educational policy curriculum reform teacher expertise educational quality church-state separation academic integrity science education evidence-based teaching critical thinking curriculum standards secular education academic integrity fact-based learning scientific literacy evolution education anti-creationism objective knowledge educational policy democratic process informed citizenship pseudo-science separation of church and state biology curriculum educational rights intellectual honesty educational reform fact vs faith religious influence in schools empirical evidence science curriculum children's rights quality education science education scientific literacy critical thinking evidence-based teaching secular education evolution biology curriculum creationism academic integrity democratic society informed decision-making separation of church and state pseudoscience educational policy children's rights intellectual honesty fact-based learning curriculum standards educational reform scientific method public education religious influence in schools objective knowledge educational equity teacher expertise scientific consensus academic freedom misinformation in schools educational value rational inquiry evidence-based education teaching evolution in schools science versus dogma critical thinking in education separation of church and state in education impact of pseudoscience on students creationism vs. evolution academic honesty in schools rights of students to scientific education informed decision making and education influence of faith-based teachings in curriculum quality of science curriculum role of politics in education expertise in setting curriculum standards suppression of scientific evidence intellectual integrity in education democracy and education implications of teaching unproven beliefs children’s rights to factual education scientific education critical thinking secular curriculum evolution versus creationism academic integrity evidence-based teaching children's rights in education educational policy science literacy democratic participation pseudoscience in schools objective knowledge religion in education fact-based curriculum teacher autonomy educational standards cognitive development suppression of scientific facts biology education separation of church and state curriculum reform educational disparities informed decision making intellectual honesty academic freedom science education truth in education teaching evolution academic honesty critical thinking creationism vs evolution secular education evidence-based learning religious influence in schools children's right to education scientific literacy curriculum standards pseudoscience in classrooms politics and education separation of church and state informed decision-making value of scientific inquiry facts vs faith educational integrity modern biology education science education evidence-based learning critical thinking secular curriculum scientific literacy evolution theory academic honesty biology education creationism debate pseudoscience in schools educational standards democratic participation objective knowledge informed decision-making religious influence in education pedagogy children's rights curriculum development fact vs belief education policy intellectual rigor scientific method misinformation educational integrity anti-intellectualism rational inquiry science education critical thinking secular education evolution vs creationism academic honesty scientific literacy fact-based curriculum evidence-based teaching children's rights in education dogmatic beliefs in schools separation of church and state religion in curriculum pseudoscience in education biology education democratic society education informed decision-making objective teaching scientifically illiterate policymakers curriculum standards educational integrity truth in education science education critical thinking secular education evolution vs creationism scientific literacy academic integrity fact-based curriculum evidence-based teaching dogmatism in schools religious influence in education public education policy children's educational rights democratic participation objective learning pseudoscience in schools separation of church and state curriculum standards science advocacy informed decision-making educational reform science education secular education critical thinking evidence-based teaching evolution teaching biology curriculum academic honesty scientific literacy creationism debate pseudoscience in schools educational standards democratic participation informed decision making separation of church and state educational policy curriculum development intellectual integrity religious influence in education fact-based learning scientific method teacher autonomy
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international law supranational legislation western values child protection violence against children military recruitment armed conflict community survival traditional authority war displacement youth militarization rebel armies South Sudan parental loss societal breakdown humanitarian intervention legal pluralism cultural constructs normative childhood cross-cultural comparison conflict environments indigenous practices children’s rights transitional justice normative universality protection versus participation legal enforcement sovereignty versus international norms cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice intercultural politics intercultural governance international law supranational legislation western cultural values protection of children violence against children military recruitment survival strategies societal adaptation conflict zones child autonomy provider displacement community vulnerability arming children war-affected communities rebel recruitment orphaned children social protection independence in conflict western childhood construct legal enforcement democratic norms criminalisation of children humanitarian intervention South Sudan child protection laws post-conflict societies indigenous practices in conflict cross-cultural perspectives customary law moral universal intercultural justice cultural relativism child soldier recruitment international law supranational legislation children and armed conflict adaptive governance postcolonial critique western legal norms local survival strategies indigenous justice protection of children armed conflict impact humanitarian intervention ethical pluralism societal adaptation war-induced displacement self-recruitment trauma and childhood legality of cultural defense community security social order in conflict zones cultural construct of childhood humanitarian law South Sudan child soldiers traditional safety nets disruption of societies legal pluralism normative universality domestic vs international law criminalization of victims cultural relativism and child soldiers intercultural justice and child recruitment western childhood construct critique international law vs. local practices child soldiers necessity and child recruitment in conflict adaptive community strategies in war zones critique of supranational child protection legislation history and tradition in child soldier debates social environment adaptation and child recruitment cultural definitions of childhood community survival strategies conflict children western legal frameworks and vulnerable societies impact of conflict on social protection structures critique of universal child rights standards governance challenges in armed conflicts criminalization of child soldiers under international law child autonomy in joining armed groups local vs. global norms of cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international law supranational legislation western values protection of children violence against children cultural constructs conflict adaptation governance tradition vs survival armed conflict South Sudan rebel armies child recruitment community safety physical protection war displacement vulnerable communities democratic norms criminalization of children domestic vs international law western liberal democracies privation child autonomy law enforcement ethics humanitarian intervention cross-cultural perspectives human rights sociopolitical adaptation cultural relativism in child soldier debates intercultural justice and child soldiers western norms vs local survival international law and cultural context child protection and cultural differences ethics of child soldier recruitment military necessity and child enlistment indigenous perspectives on childhood impact of conflict on childhood redefining cultural practices in war critiques of universal childhood standards governance and child soldiers political implications of protecting children supranational legislation and local realities child agency in conflict zones adaptive survival strategies in war law enforcement and cultural imposition consequences of criminalizing child soldiers South Sudan child soldier experiences tradition vs necessity in child enlist cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international law supranational legislation Western values protection of children violence against children cultural constructs social adaptation conflict adaptation military recruitment community safety war-affected societies survival strategies South Sudan rebel armies child self-recruitment loss of caregivers displacement by war vulnerable communities enforceable norms Western liberal democracies legal imposition democratic development criminalization of children humanitarian law children's rights global justice armed conflict customary practices indigenous responses ethical pluralism protection versus autonomy conflict-affected societies cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international law supranational legislation western cultural norms violence against children adaptive societies conflict-driven child recruitment necessity survival strategies South Sudan child soldiers effects of war loss of traditional protection recruitment motivations western childhood ideals legal pluralism domestic vs international law humanitarian intervention democratic norms in conflict criminalisation of child soldiers cultural constructs community vulnerability privation displacement role of governance ethics of intervention human rights debates post-conflict societies war-affected children protection vs exploitation intercultural justice child soldiers cultural relativism conflict adaptation international law supranational legislation western cultural constructs violence against children community survival necessity and military induction South Sudan child soldiers protection and independence tradition vs adaptation vulnerable communities democratic norms child protection debate post-conflict societies cultural constructs of childhood legal enforcement global governance domestic legislation humanitarian intervention ethics of armed recruitment family disruption civil war impacts Christine Emily Ryan human rights violations normative frameworks armed conflict adaptation intercultural justice global governance child soldier recruitment international law western cultural norms childhood protection humanitarian intervention armed conflict cultural construct tradition vs modernity social survival strategies post-conflict societies South Sudan child soldiers indigenous justice systems ethical relativism comparative human rights humanitarian law peacebuilding psychological impact on children community resilience state sovereignty local vs universal ethics legislative enforcement postcolonial critique children's rights rebel groups vulnerability in conflict zones war and displacement civil war dynamics protection mechanisms legal pluralism
test-international-miasimyhw-pro05a	The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. human mobility freedom of movement migration human rights national borders Africa barriers to movement interconnected rights women's empowerment political empowerment social empowerment economic empowerment youth migration rite of passage opportunity identity formation Mourides Senegal informal trading networks Brotherhood rural to urban migration social networks cultural integration Tanzania youth agency transition to adulthood empowerment access to opportunity self-actualization mobility justice migration policies gender equality socioeconomic inclusion human mobility freedom of movement migration African migration migration rights barriers to mobility women’s empowerment women’s mobility gender and mobility political empowerment social empowerment economic empowerment youth migration rite of passage identity formation Mouride Brotherhood Senegal migration informal trading networks social networks rural-urban migration migration Tanzania youth opportunities migration obstacles mobility and human rights interconnected rights migration and empowerment migration and identity migration policy Africa migration and development human mobility migration rights freedom of movement cross-border movement youth migration pan-African mobility women's empowerment social integration informal networks economic opportunity Mouride Brotherhood rural-urban migration identity formation empowerment access to rights migration policy labor mobility transnational networks gender rights social mobility political participation informal trade migration barriers national borders right of passage freedom of movement expansion mobility rights Africa enabling cross-border mobility removing obstacles to migration interconnected human rights women's right to mobility empowering women through movement mobility and political participation mobility and economic opportunity youth migration Africa migration as rite of passage exploring opportunities through migration migration and identity formation Senegal Mouride migration networks Brotherhood and migration Mouride informal trading integration through migration dynamic social networks migration migration and education within culture Tanzanian youth migration youth migration empowerment migration transition to adulthood migration social integration migration enhancing human rights expanding migration opportunities policy for cross-border mobility supports freedom of movement human rights mobility rights borders national spaces Africa migration obstacles to mobility interconnected rights women's empowerment political inclusion social inclusion economic empowerment youth migration rite of passage opportunity seeking identity formation informal trading networks Mourides Senegal brotherhood rural-urban migration social networks cultural education Tanzania migration youth empowerment transition to adulthood proving oneself human identity migration benefits freedom of movement human right to mobility removing mobility barriers Africa interconnected human rights women empowerment mobility youth migration Africa migration as rite of passage Mourides Senegal migration network informal trading networks migration social empowerment youth transition adulthood Africa migration opportunities identity obstacles to mobility Africa cross-border mobility Africa political social economic rights mobility youth empowerment migration migration and education Africa migration and human rights mobility networks Africa migration policy Africa gender and mobility rights human rights mobility freedom of movement Africa national borders cross-border movement removal of obstacles access to rights women's rights empowerment political participation social inclusion economic opportunity youth migration migration rights rite of passage opportunities identity formation Mourides Senegal informal trade social networks cultural integration Brotherhood rural to urban migration youth empowerment education Tanzania young people adulthood transition self-proving personal development empowerment human identity rights fulfillment interconnected rights migration research inclusive mobility freedom of movement human rights mobility rights borderless movement migration Africa mobility obstacles women empowerment interconnected rights political empowerment economic empowerment social empowerment youth migration rite of passage opportunity migration identity formation Mourides Senegal informal trading networks brotherhood networks rural to urban migration social integration Mouride culture youth empowerment Africa Tanzania migration youth opportunity adulthood transition human identity migration rights African mobility migration access policy barriers migration benefits mobility human rights freedom of movement African integration national borders migration youth migration women's empowerment political empowerment social empowerment economic empowerment interconnected rights access barriers transnational networks Mourides Senegal migration informal trading social networks brotherhood rural to urban migration cultural integration identity exploration rite of passage Tanzania migration youth empowerment adulthood transition obstacle removal socioeconomic mobility inclusive mobility rights advocacy cross-border movement human mobility human rights migration Africa national borders obstacles to movement women's empowerment political participation social integration economic opportunity interconnected rights youth migration rites of passage identity exploration informal trade Mourides Senegal social networks migration benefits Tanzania youth migration adulthood transition empowerment migration research removal of mobility barriers access to opportunities
test-education-usuprmhbu-con02a	Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. affirmative action workplace discrimination minority resentment meritocracy workplace inequality minority stigma reverse discrimination diversity policies perceived inferiority tokenism hiring bias workplace perceptions minority qualifications employee morale equity backlash diversity criticism affirmative action effects equal opportunity workplace diversity policy backlash affirmative action backlash stigma of affirmative action minority workplace perception affirmative action resentment meritocracy and diversity stereotype threat minorities workplace equality affirmative action negative side effects affirmative action minority self-perception affirmative action perception of incompetence affirmative action affirmative action discrimination implicit bias affirmative action workplace integration negative effects diversity hiring criticism minority tokenism equality vs equity employment social consequences affirmative action minority qualifications assumptions diversity initiatives workplace impact affirmative action unintended consequences affirmative action workplace diversity minority stereotypes affirmative action backlash meritocracy workplace resentment diversity policies minority qualifications tokenism discrimination workplace inequality perceived unfairness minority disadvantage diversity stigma equal opportunity employment bias reverse discrimination workplace integration minority representation performance perception affirmative action workplace resentment affirmative action minority perception negative effects of affirmative action minorities meritocracy affirmative action workplace minority qualifications affirmative action workplace equality affirmative action debate minority inferiority assumption affirmative action affirmative action unintended consequences workplace harmony affirmative action affirmative action policy workplace stigma reverse discrimination affirmative action affirmative action and minority self-esteem bias against affirmative action beneficiaries affirmative action and workplace morale impact of affirmative action on employee relations affirmative action credibility minorities workplace division affirmative action affirmative action undermining merit negative perceptions of affirmative action recipients affirmative action controversy workplace perceptions affirmative action workplace resentment minority employee perception meritocracy workplace inequality stigma diversity initiatives hiring bias workplace discrimination employee morale reverse discrimination policy backlash minority qualifications workplace integration social cohesion workplace equity diversity challenges minority experience workplace stereotypes organizational culture inclusion policies equality in hiring affirmative action criticism workplace inequality minority workplace perception negative effects of affirmative action affirmative action resentment merit vs affirmative action impact on minority employees workplace diversity backlash affirmative action stereotypes minority qualifications assumptions affirmative action and workplace morale equality in hiring policies affirmative action stigma performance perception minorities effects on employee relationships diversity policy drawbacks perceived reverse discrimination affirmative action and employee respect tokenism at work minority experience workplace meritocracy and diversity organizational culture affirmative action affirmative action workplace discrimination minority resentment meritocracy workplace equality implicit bias minority credentialism diversity backlash tokenism affirmative action stigma employment inequality perceived incompetence reverse discrimination workplace prejudice diversity policies minority disadvantage organizational culture fairness in hiring group-based assumptions minority stereotypes affirmative action workplace impact affirmative action resentment minority workplace inequality merit versus affirmative action perceptions of minority competence affirmative action backlash negative effects of affirmative action workplace discrimination affirmative action minority stigma affirmative action affirmative action and workplace harmony minority advancement perception de-facto assumptions affirmative action workplace diversity policies equality in the workplace workplace bias affirmative action affirmative action workplace diversity minority disadvantage meritocracy workplace resentment minority stereotypes equal opportunity employment discrimination reverse discrimination workplace equality affirmative action criticism minority hiring perceptions racial bias workplace diversity policies impact social stigma workplace inclusion hiring fairness workplace inequality minority representation workplace culture diversity backlash affirmative action criticism workplace diversity backlash minority stigma meritocracy debate affirmative action resentment workplace inequality diversity hiring perceptions minority competence assumptions negative effects of affirmative action minority workplace experience stereotype threat workplace discrimination diversity policy unintended consequences minority employee perception equal opportunity controversy affirmative action disadvantages
test-international-ghwcitca-con03a	Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, cyber-attacks cyber warfare regulation restrictions civilian casualties cyber weapons effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon industrial control systems sabotage property destruction cyber defense Geneva conventions international law ethical considerations non-lethal attacks infrastructure disruption computer worms cyber operations state actors cyber conflict critical infrastructure military regulation digital security cyber norms cyber warfare cyber-attack regulations cyber operations ethics Stuxnet effectiveness cyber weapons impact Geneva Conventions cyber domain cyber-attacks versus kinetic warfare cyber conflict casualties cyber limitations digital warfare policies cyber incident regulation non-lethal cyber-attacks cybersecurity and international law state-sponsored cyber-attacks Shamoon attack ARAMCO cyberattack cyberwar norms civilian harm cyberwarfare cyberattack risk assessment military cyber operations cyber defense strategies cyber warfare cyber-attacks regulation laws of war Geneva Conventions cyber weapons cyber security Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO attack non-lethal attacks property destruction cyber ethics effectiveness of cyber-attacks international law Iranian nuclear program sabotage military cyber operations civilian casualties digital warfare cyber defense policy cyber attack impact restricted warfare cyber norms targeted malware cyber command humanitarian law war conventions US-Israel intelligence cyber strategy regulate cyber-attacks like traditional warfare severity of cyber-attacks versus conventional warfare lethal impacts of cyber-attacks Geneva conventions and cyber warfare proportionality in cyber conflict effectiveness of cyber weapons examples of cyber-attacks causing harm non-lethal consequences of cyber warfare necessity of international cyber warfare laws long-term effects of cyber sabotage collateral damage in cyber operations cyber-operations targeting critical infrastructure escalation risks from cyber-attacks ethical considerations in cyber defense historical analysis of Stuxnet and Shamoon government policies on cyber operations physical versus digital destruction in warfare future cyber conflict scenarios technological advancements cyber warfare cyber-attacks regulation Geneva Conventions Stuxnet Iranian nuclear program sabotage cyber-weapon effectiveness ARAMCO Shamoon property destruction casualties cyber regulation international law cyber defense state-sponsored attacks civilian harm military ethics cyber incident impact cyber security policy lethality of cyber-attacks conventional warfare digital sabotage critical infrastructure cyber operations collateral damage cyber norms proportionality cyber weapons ban non-lethal attacks cyber warfare regulation lethality of cyber-attacks vs conventional warfare Stuxnet effectiveness Shamoon ARAMCO incident cyber-attacks property damage non-lethal cyber incidents Geneva conventions cyber applicability cyber weapons international law necessity of cyber-attack restrictions humanitarian law and cyberspace ethics of cyberwarfare civilian impact of cyber-attacks comparison cyber-attacks and kinetic warfare critical infrastructure cyber vulnerability legal status of cyber operations proportionality in cyber conflict state-sponsored cyber-attacks effectiveness of cyber weapons cyber-attack international response wartime regulations and cyber operations cyber warfare cyber-attacks regulation humanitarian law Geneva Conventions Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO sabotage control systems Iranian nuclear program US-Israeli intelligence effectiveness casualties destruction of property cyber defense computer worm cyber weapons cybercrime international law ethics non-lethal attacks critical infrastructure military strategy cyber policy digital security information warfare cyber operations impact assessment cyber-attacks regulation ethical considerations of cyberwarfare comparison cyber-attacks vs conventional warfare cyberwarfare impact assessment non-lethal effects of cyber-attacks Geneva conventions and cyberwarfare effectiveness of Stuxnet Shamoon attack analysis government regulation of cyber-weapons law of armed conflict and cyberwarfare limitations of cyber-attack consequences civilian impact cyber-attacks destruction of property via cyber-attacks cyberwarfare policy development military response to cyber threats global norms cyber conflict cyber-attacks international law US and Israeli cyber operations cyber defense strategies digital warfare ethics cyber warfare cyber-attack regulation comparison with conventional warfare cyber-attack lethality Stuxnet impact Iranian nuclear program sabotage effectiveness of cyber weapons Shamoon virus ARAMCO cyber incident property destruction vs human casualties Geneva Conventions applicability ethical considerations international cyber law cyber defense policy collateral damage non-lethal warfare escalation risks critical infrastructure attacks cyber norms digital threats military cyber strategy cyber warfare cyber-attacks effectiveness Geneva Conventions cyber ethical cyber regulations Stuxnet impact Shamoon cyberattack cyber-weapons lethality property destruction cyber civilian casualties cyber international law cyber cyber defense policies ARAMCO cyberattack cyber norms military cyber operations collateral damage cyber regulation necessity cyber cyber-physical attacks non-lethal warfare digital sabotage proportionality in cyber-attacks
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. arms control verification mechanisms treaty compliance trust-building monitoring systems START Treaty New START telemetry exchange missile inspections compliance monitoring ICBM verification SLBM verification deployed warheads delivery vehicle elimination mobile ICBM verification treaty transparency inspection regimes arms limitation agreements verification standards data sharing on-site inspections compliance weaknesses arms treaty loopholes verification challenges bilateral trust nuclear arms reduction treaty enforcement arms control weaknesses Heritage Foundation analysis Baker Spring verification robustness arms control verification treaty compliance New START verification START treaty monitoring mechanisms trust in arms agreements inspection protocols telemetry data exchange missile performance monitoring compliance challenges verification regime weaknesses deployed warhead verification mobile ICBM verification SLBM inspection delivery vehicle elimination heritage foundation arms analysis Baker Spring New START flaws arms limitation trust verification standards US-Russia treaty verification arms control transparency inspection bias verification effectiveness treaty enforcement mechanisms verification regime comparison arms control verification treaty compliance monitoring mechanisms trust-building inspection effectiveness telemetry data exchange missile performance data deployed warheads verification ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile ICBM regime delivery vehicle elimination START treaty New START treaty verification standards arms limitation agreements inspection bias compliance transparency heritage foundation analysis verification challenges arms reduction agreements arms control verification challenges verification mechanisms in arms treaties trust and verification in international agreements New START verification weaknesses comparison START vs New START verification issues with telemetry exchange in arms control inspection effectiveness in arms agreements verifying deployed warheads compliance mobile ICBM verification problems verification standards for eliminating delivery vehicles Russia-US arms treaty trust issues improving arms control verification systems flaws in New START verification regime Baker Spring Heritage Foundation arms treaty analysis ensuring compliance in nuclear treaties arms control verification treaty compliance START verification New START telemetry data missile inspections warhead counting ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile missile verification delivery vehicle elimination trust in arms agreements monitoring mechanisms inspection regime Russia-US arms treaties transparency in disarmament verification challenges treaty enforcement verification standards international security compliance mechanisms arms control verification challenges verification mechanisms in arms treaties effectiveness of verification systems New START verification weaknesses limitations of telemetry exchange missile performance telemetry inspection regime comparison START vs New START issues with missile warhead verification mobile ICBM verification challenges delivery vehicle elimination standards trust in arms control agreements compliance monitoring in arms limitation international arms treaty enforcement arms treaty inspection standards transparency in arms reduction agreements arms control verification mechanisms treaty compliance monitoring systems inspections START treaty New START arms limitation agreements telemetry exchange missile performance data deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles verification standards mutual trust inspection effectiveness verification regime compliance monitoring treaty flaws Heritage Foundation agreement enforcement compliance verification treaty transparency arms reduction Baker Spring arms control verification arms agreement monitoring START treaty verification New START verification flaws missile treaty compliance telemetry exchange arms control arms inspection challenges deployed warheads verification ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile ICBM monitoring arms treaty trust issues arms control transparency arms control regime weaknesses treaty compliance mechanisms arms delivery vehicles verification international arms inspections Russia US arms treaty compliance arms control technology verification regime reduction Heritage Foundation arms control analysis Baker Spring arms control critique nuclear arms limitation problems inspection regime bias treaty verification standards arms control confidence-building arms treaty enforcement disarmament arms control treaty verification trust-building monitoring mechanisms compliance START treaty New START telemetry exchange missile inspections warhead verification ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination verification standards disarmament agreements verification weaknesses compliance monitoring international trust treaty enforcement arms reduction transparency mechanisms on-site inspections data sharing bilateral agreements strategic arms verification arms control verification treaty compliance telemetry data sharing missile inspections warhead verification ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile ICBM regime delivery vehicle elimination trust-building mechanisms START treaty New START weaknesses arms reduction monitoring Heritage Foundation analysis verification standards transparency in arms agreements robust verification systems missile performance monitoring arms limitation agreements verification regime comparison inspection effectiveness"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con03a	Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, transitional justice post-conflict reconciliation war crimes international criminal court amnesty accountability leadership behavior conflict resolution peace processes impunity civil war political violence criminal prosecution peace negotiations surrender incentives military resistance legal immunity post-war healing armed groups forgiveness justice vs peace rebel leaders incentive structures ongoing conflict restorative justice national healing transitional justice post-conflict resolution amnesty policies international criminal prosecution leaders' surrender war crimes civil conflict peace negotiations ICC indictments conflict termination reconciliation efforts impunity humanitarian impact warlord resistance accountability vs peace political settlements historical examples regime change forgiveness mechanisms restorative justice national healing postwar stability political exile disarmament conflict prolongation leadership motivations peace incentives transitional justice leader prosecution post-conflict amnesty peace negotiations war crimes impunity international criminal court postwar recovery conflict resolution reconciliation accountability political violence state healing armed resistance indemnity civil war regime change Pol Pot Joseph Kony Uganda LRA peace vs justice dilemma prosecutorial fear conflict prolongation amnesty for former leaders impact of prosecutions on conflict resolution transitional justice and peace prosecution versus amnesty in post-conflict societies leaders resisting peace for fear of prosecution examples of leaders prolonging conflict Pol Pot and amnesty Joseph Kony ICC surrender talks international criminal court impact on peace negotiations balancing justice and reconciliation advantages of granting amnesty reparations versus prosecution peace negotiations and legal immunity reintegration of combatants after conflict case studies on amnesty outcomes truth and reconciliation commissions lessons from Ugandan conflicts legal deterrence versus peace incentives reducing post-conflict violence political transitions prosecution fear leader resistance political amnesty conflict prolongation transitional justice post-regime violence international criminal court war crimes surrender negotiations amnesty policy regime change post-conflict recovery Pol Pot Joseph Kony power retention legal immunity civil war peace negotiations leadership accountability ICC impact peace versus justice rebel leaders incentives for surrender criminal indictment Uganda conflict Central African Republic reconciliation mechanisms amnesty for war criminals impact of prosecution on conflict resolution post-conflict amnesty policies leaders' fear of prosecution effects post-war reconciliation barriers examples of amnesty outcomes ICC impact on peace negotiations Pol Pot amnesty scenario Joseph Kony surrender resistance transitional justice vs peace consequences of denying amnesty deterring surrender in civil wars international criminal court and peace justice vs stability in post-conflict states amnesty effectiveness in ending conflicts resistance of ousted leaders negotiation strategies with indicted leaders lessons from Pol Pot and Kony historical cases amnesty vs continued fighting role of legal immunity prosecution fear leader behavior post-conflict amnesty transitional justice civil war conflict resolution political violence war crimes immunity peace vs. justice ex-combatant reintegration ICC international criminal court surrender negotiations political stability accountability impunity conflict prolongation regime change negotiation barriers Uganda Pol Pot Joseph Kony LRA Cambodia rebel leaders nation healing peace process war termination combatant disarmament transitional amnesty conflict aftermath leadership survival strategies human rights international law transitional justice post-conflict amnesty prosecution deterrence war crimes accountability international criminal court rebel leader negotiations peace versus justice debate civil conflict resolution political immunity humanitarian consequences post-war reconciliation leader surrender incentives case study Pol Pot Joseph Kony amnesty Uganda conflict regime change aftermath ex-combatant reintegration forgiveness versus punishment legal immunity for war crimes crime versus stability impact of ICC on peace processes transitional justice amnesty post-conflict recovery war crimes prosecution deterrence political violence peace negotiations surrender terms ICC international criminal court rebel leaders civil conflict amnesty policies post-war reconciliation leadership accountability war crime indictments conflict resolution peacebuilding reintegration legal immunity insurgency persistence transitional government justice versus peace reconciliation strategies combatant demobilization humanitarian impact case studies Pol Pot Joseph Kony LRA Uganda Cambodia transitional justice amnesty war crimes prosecution deterrence post-conflict societies political leaders peace negotiations International Criminal Court insurgency accountability vs peace conflict resolution civil war aftermath Joseph Kony Pol Pot surrender incentives violence escalation reconciliation criminal indemnity regime change restorative justice Uganda conflict
test-international-iwiaghbss-con03a	Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 sovereignty territorial control government in exile international recognition World War II occupied states population displacement uninhabited territory stateless governments Philippine Commonwealth Samoan diaspora citizenship migration recognized government extraterritorial sovereignty exile administration legitimacy non-territorial state legal recognition international law sovereignty without territory governments in exile state recognition international law sovereign government recognition non-territorial sovereignty examples World War II Philippine government in exile stateless governments exile legitimacy population sovereignty citizenship migration extraterritorial government diaspora and statehood recognition by allies sovereignty and population legal status government exile historical governments in exile sovereignty and territorial control unpopulated territory sovereignty non-resident citizens sovereignty government in exile recognized government territorial control international recognition World War II displaced governments non-territorial sovereignty stateless governments legitimacy diaspora populations extraterritorial governance unpopulated territory citizenship retention exile diplomacy sovereign status legal recognition government legitimacy historical examples international law retain sovereignty without territory sovereignty governments in exile recognized governments without land historical examples sovereignty World War II governments in exile government in exile recognition territorial sovereignty exceptions sovereignty without population migrant citizenship sovereignty Samoan diaspora sovereignty sovereignty international recognition non-territorial statehood government legitimacy without territory unpopulated territory sovereignty population and sovereign control exiled government legitimacy sovereignty historical precedents state recognition without control sovereignty and migration sovereignty non-territorial statehood governments in exile recognition of governments World War II exiled governments international law state legitimacy territorial control unrecognized states population and sovereignty diaspora populations citizenship and migration government recognition stateless governments Philippine government in exile legal status of exiled governments sovereignty without territory historical examples of exiled governments international recognition criteria identity of exiled populations sovereignty theory exile and diplomacy sovereignty without territory governments in exile state recognition without land World War II governments in exile examples of governments in exile international recognition of governments stateless governments sovereignty definition Philippine Commonwealth government in exile recognition of states without territory migrant citizenship retention population and sovereignty Samoan diaspora international law and sovereignty historical cases of non-territorial sovereignty exile government legitimacy statehood without populated territory non-territorial states recognition by allies WWII sovereign status without exclusive control sovereignty and migration historical sovereignty exceptions recognition criteria for states sovereignty in international relations sovereignty governments in exile territorial control recognition international law World War II displaced governments unpopulated territory state legitimacy territorial sovereignty exiled administration government recognition diaspora citizenship population movement external government Samoan diaspora wartime occupation invader occupations allied recognition international recognition non-sovereign control historical examples government legitimacy non-resident citizens sovereignty without territory governments in exile recognition of governments state sovereignty non-territorial sovereignty international recognition exile government examples World War II governments in exile Philippine Commonwealth in exile statehood criteria sovereignty and population diaspora populations citizenship and migration non-resident citizens legal sovereignty territorial control history of governments in exile international law sovereignty territorial integrity stateless governments cases of sovereignty without territory sovereignty and international relations political exile recognition by allies sovereignty and war wartime governments government legitimacy sovereignty concept evolution sovereignty territorial control governments in exile recognized government international recognition World War II German invasion Japanese invasion Philippine Commonwealth Washington D.C. population and sovereignty migrant citizenship Samoan diaspora statehood without territory historical examples political legitimacy sovereign status exile governments history non-territorial sovereignty diplomatic recognition legal sovereignty sovereignty governments in exile recognized government territorial control international recognition statehood World War II Philippine Commonwealth population diaspora non-territorial sovereignty exile government legitimacy unpopulated territory migration citizenship extraterritorial governance sovereign authority without territory historical precedents government legitimacy non-resident population stateless governments national sovereignty cases
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con03a	Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 capital punishment death penalty executions Africa China human rights good governance political rights socio-economic rights criminal justice secret executions Amnesty International human rights violations legal reform judicial transparency human rights in Africa Western human rights groups judicial system fair trial humanitarian issues international law state-sanctioned killing crime and punishment legal rights African legal systems criminal offences death penalty Africa China executions human rights governance political rights socio-economic rights secretive executions Amnesty International criminal justice legal reform crime severity judicial transparency human rights violations comparative analysis execution statistics global perspectives policy focus advocacy priorities death penalty human rights Africa China executions Amnesty International criminal justice political rights socio-economic rights governance capital punishment statistics secret executions global comparison legal reform Western advocacy death sentences criminal law justice system social justice international law capital punishment statistics Africa death penalty trends China human rights advocacy effectiveness socio-economic rights Africa good governance Africa political rights violations Africa death penalty international comparison secret executions China focus of Western human rights groups capital punishment reform priorities death penalty for serious crimes Africa human rights issues prioritization Amnesty International capital punishment report impact of death penalty abolition alternatives to death penalty Africa comparative analysis death penalty worldwide human rights challenges China criminal justice reforms Africa frequency of executions by country global death penalty enforcement capital punishment Africa China executions human rights death penalty secretive executions criminal offences Amnesty International socio-economic rights political rights good governance Western human rights groups criminal justice legal reform global comparisons execution statistics human rights violations advocacy priorities justice system international law death sentences reform movements Africa governance capital punishment opponents comparative analysis capital punishment Africa death penalty statistics China death penalty human rights Africa executions by country socio-economic rights Africa political rights Africa death sentences Amnesty International comparison capital punishment countries good governance Africa Western human rights groups criminal justice Africa secret executions China human rights abuses China capital punishment global comparison capital punishment death penalty execution Africa China human rights Amnesty International good governance political rights socio-economic rights criminal justice secrecy opposition law enforcement crime death sentences human rights organizations Western advocacy major offenders legal reform international law justice system advocacy priorities sentencing disparities execution statistics social justice rights violations public policy global comparison legal transparency capital punishment Africa death penalty Africa capital punishment China human rights Africa executions China Amnesty International death penalty global death penalty statistics secret executions China capital punishment opponents socio-economic rights Africa political rights Africa good governance Africa human rights advocacy Africa death penalty statistics death penalty human rights African justice system China executions statistics Western human rights groups death sentences Africa criminal justice Africa international human rights death penalty reform execution secrecy China capital punishment comparison Africa versus China executions death penalty judicial execution Africa China human rights good governance socio-economic rights political rights human rights violations death row criminal justice secret executions legal reform international law amnesty international justice system crime and punishment fairness in sentencing human rights organizations global executions capital punishment statistics criminal offences governmental transparency civil liberties Western advocacy prison conditions death penalty Africa China secret executions human rights Amnesty International execution statistics criminal justice governance political rights socio-economic rights human rights abuses capital punishment reform global comparison Western advocacy criminal offences judicial transparency death sentences international law legal reform
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro01a	Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, artistic expression creative autonomy censorship freedom of speech visual arts political art art controversy artistic rights gallery independence art and politics Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery ANC criticism art exhibition state censorship artistic integrity democratic discourse South African art post-apartheid art government interference art as protest cultural commentary public art display art and society freedom of expression artistic expression censorship freedom of expression art and politics artist rights gallery autonomy exhibition rights art controversy Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery ANC criticism post-apartheid art South African art political art government censorship art and democracy art as protest freedom of speech art exhibition removal pluralism in art cultural criticism art policy democratic discourse art and society art and censorship in South Africa artistic expression art censorship freedom of speech creative autonomy artistic rights visual arts controversial art state censorship art and politics gallery independence cultural discourse Brett Murray The Spear controversy Goodman Gallery ANC criticism post-apartheid art political art South African art art exhibition rights freedom of expression art and democracy government intervention in art art and society artist's perspective public art debate art world ethics artistic freedom in South Africa censorship of art Brett Murray The Spear controversy art and political expression Goodman Gallery censorship ANC and art criticism freedom of expression for artists art and government interference South African art controversies role of art galleries in free speech impact of art censorship on democracy art as political commentary Apartheid legacy in art President Zuma art criticism art exhibition controversies artist rights vs public backlash artistic expression and legal limits cultural impact of The Spear free speech in art world democratic values and the arts artistic freedom art censorship expression artist rights Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery South African art ANC apartheid artistic expression political art freedom of speech art galleries censorship in art art and politics democratic discourse cultural criticism art controversies gallery rights exhibition freedom government censorship contemporary South African art art and democracy art as protest artistic autonomy artistic freedom freedom of expression in art art censorship Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery South Africa controversial art exhibitions government censorship of art ANC art criticism post-apartheid South African art art and democracy artist rights South Africa public reaction to The Spear art galleries curatorial rights art and political commentary art legal precedent South Africa removal of artworks free speech in the arts Brett Murray controversy African National Congress art art as political protest art and independent decision-making artistic expression creative autonomy censorship freedom of speech art criticism political art expressionism artist rights gallery rights exhibition rights public discourse democracy pluralism controversial art art and politics Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery ANC South African art post-apartheid government censorship artistic integrity visual arts cultural critique freedom of opinion public reaction artistic license art and society media response cultural freedom artistic freedom art censorship freedom of expression Brett Murray The Spear painting South African art Goodman Gallery art and politics ANC criticism Jacob Zuma art post-apartheid South Africa controversial art government censorship art galleries rights democratic discourse visual art protests cultural expression art exhibitions art and democracy artists' rights exhibition controversies art and free speech political art public reaction to art art and social issues African contemporary art artistic expression freedom of speech censorship in art art and democracy controversial art political art Brett Murray The Spear painting ANC criticism post-apartheid South Africa Goodman Gallery art exhibition rights art and society artist rights art and politics art gallery autonomy government censorship South African contemporary art artistic dissent art and public opinion free expression in art artistic expression censorship freedom of speech art galleries Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery South Africa ANC President Zuma post-apartheid art political art art and democracy artists' rights moral rights controversial art art criticism public opinion government censorship cultural policy exhibition policy freedom of opinion art law visual arts art protest creative autonomy South African contemporary art art and politics
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con03a	This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living coerced organ donation medical ethics euthanasia sacrificial donors consent abuse prevention vulnerable populations involuntary sacrifice morality exceptional recoveries irreversible decisions organ harvesting end-of-life care patient autonomy ethical boundaries slippery slope medical miracles living donors terminal illness societal responsibility human rights legal safeguards death determination medical abuse donor exploitation coercion organ donation ethics sacrificial donations medical ethics abuse prevention consent autonomy end-of-life decisions living donors irreversible procedures moral boundaries organ transplant policy euthanasia debate exceptional recovery cases risk of abuse vulnerable populations definition of death donor exploitation right to life patient rights slippery slope incentives for donation medical miracles involuntary euthanasia vital organs ethical dilemmas sacrificial organ donation organ donation ethics medical coercion euthanasia debate living organ donors vulnerable populations organ trade exploitation bioethics patient autonomy informed consent morality of donation abuse prevention irreversibility of organ removal exceptional recovery cases donor status coercion risks boundaries of medical intervention justifiable sacrifice medical miracles life-and-death decisions slippery slope ethics coercion and organ donation sacrificial donation ethics abuse in organ donation systems ethical issues in living donor sacrifice coercion risks in medical decisions boundaries of life and death in organ donation forced sacrifice for transplants moral concerns in harvesting organs from the living irreversible consequences of premature organ donation exceptional recovery cases organ donation societal impact of allowing living sacrificial donors consent and coercion in organ donation balancing needs of donors and recipients legal status of living organ donation premature ending of life for transplants medical miracles and organ harvest ethics organ donation ethics coercion risks sacrificial donations vulnerable populations system abuse end-of-life decisions ethical boundaries medical miracles irreversibility premature death informed consent living donors organ trade autonomy medical uncertainty donor coercion bioethics life preservation patient recovery morality of sacrifice organ donation ethics coercion in organ donation sacrificial donations living donor risks abuse of organ transplantation boundaries in medical ethics premature death morality consent in organ donation end-of-life decisions irreversibility of organ removal exceptional recovery cases donor autonomy ethical dilemmas in medicine vulnerable populations in healthcare killing vs letting die voluntary euthanasia debate life-saving trade-offs medical miracles living vs deceased donation exploitation in transplant systems coercion organ donation ethics sacrificial donation system abuse exploitation vulnerable populations medical ethics voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia slippery slope bioethics living donors transplantation controversy wrongful death line between life and death irreversibility autonomy informed consent recipient prognosis miraculous recovery altruistic donation donor rights utilitarianism moral boundaries medical abuse death determination donor exploitation irrevocable harm medical trust ethical dilemma fatal incentive premature death coerced organ donation ethical organ transplantation sacrificial donation risks organ donor coercion living donor ethics organ donation abuse euthanasia and organ harvesting bioethics organ trade forced organ harvesting donor consent controversy vital organ donation morality transplant ethics debate death criteria in transplantation medical miracles vs organ donation irreversible organ removal protection for living donors exploitation in organ donation safeguards for donor autonomy death determination in medicine organ trade regulation coercion organ donation ethics sacrificial donations system abuse voluntary euthanasia medical ethics organ transplant policy vulnerability to abuse boundaries of life end-of-life decisions consent in organ donation ethics of killing miracle recoveries irreversible procedures donor criteria living donors exploitation risks organ procurement doctor-assisted death ethical slippery slope patient autonomy non-voluntary euthanasia exceptional recovery cases balancing interests sanctity of life medical miracles organ donation ethics coercion risks sacrificial donations abuse of donation systems living donors controversy medical ethics involuntary organ harvesting death determination recipient survival slippery slope irreversible medical decisions miraculous recoveries ethical boundaries post-mortem donation autonomy in organ donation vulnerable populations exploitation prevention bioethics voluntary consent end-of-life decisions
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con03a	Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Taiwan diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Príncipe relations international recognition ROC foreign policy diplomatic visits aid diplomacy bilateral relations PRC recognition African diplomacy Taiwan foreign aid cross-strait relations international legitimacy diplomatic competition small states diplomacy Chinese foreign policy Taiwan-Africa relations political attention resource allocation official visits global diplomacy Taiwan sovereignty international alliances diplomatic partners global recognition. Taiwan diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Príncipe foreign relations Taiwan aid diplomacy benefits of Taiwan recognition PRC diplomatic competition cross-strait relations Taiwan international visits Taiwan foreign assistance diplomatic ties incentives Taiwan Africa relations Taiwan soft power recognition diplomacy diplomatic isolation China small states China policy São Tomé President Taiwan visit Taiwan official visits Taiwan diplomatic outreach ROC São Tomé relations PRC Africa influence Taiwan international allies diplomatic recognition Taiwan foreign relations São Tomé and Príncipe diplomacy ROC official visits Taiwan aid diplomacy international attention PRC diplomatic competition African microstates recognition bilateral relations cross-strait relations diplomatic allies Taiwan political benefits recognition small state diplomacy Taiwan development aid Taipei-São Tomé cooperation Taiwan diplomatic recognition benefits diplomatic relations São Tomé Taiwan Taiwan aid to allies Taiwan diplomatic visits Africa PRC recognition Africa São Tomé international relations Taiwan foreign policy small states Taiwan-São Tomé official visits diplomatic competition Taiwan China Africa Taiwan attention to allies impact of recognition on aid perks of recognizing Taiwan Taiwan Africa engagement PRC limited interest small countries diplomatic exclusivity Taiwan Taiwan diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Príncipe relations international recognition benefits ROC foreign policy PRC diplomatic competition small state diplomacy aid and legitimacy Taiwan Africa relations presidential visits impact cross-strait competition China Africa policy diplomatic incentives São Tomé foreign aid recognition politics diplomatic exclusivity Africa-Asia relations China-Taiwan competition development assistance diplomacy diplomatic relations incentives Taiwan soft power Taiwan diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Príncipe relations Taiwan foreign aid Taiwan diplomatic visits diplomatic competition PRC ROC recognition benefits Taiwan Africa engagement diplomatic exclusivity international recognition small states PRC diplomatic strategy foreign policy incentives cross-strait competition African diplomatic ties Taiwan soft power international aid as diplomacy diplomatic recognition international relations Taiwan foreign policy Republic of China (RoC) São Tomé and Príncipe diplomatic attention state visits bilateral benefits China-Africa relations People's Republic of China (PRC) diplomatic competition aid diplomacy African diplomacy Taiwan aid small state diplomacy diplomatic exclusivity global recognition unofficial allies cross-strait relations foreign aid incentives recognition politics diplomatic partners Taiwan President visits São Tomé leadership Taiwan-Africa ties Taiwan diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Príncipe Taiwan relations Taiwan foreign aid small state diplomacy PRC diplomatic competition Taiwan Africa relationships international recognition benefits ROC presidential visits Taiwan development assistance São Tomé diplomatic strategy China Africa relations cross-Strait diplomacy foreign policy incentives Taiwan international support diplomatic recognition impact Chinese foreign policy Africa ROC global alliances São Tomé foreign aid reception PRC vs ROC international influence microstate foreign relations Taiwan diplomatic relations São Tomé and Príncipe Taiwan foreign policy diplomatic recognition international aid ROC diplomatic visits PRC vs ROC Africa-Taiwan relations bilateral benefits small state diplomacy recognition competition diplomatic exclusivity Taiwan soft power diplomatic incentives diplomatic rivalry China-Africa relations global recognition politics African development aid cross-strait competition Taiwan global strategy Taiwan diplomatic recognition international relations São Tomé and Príncipe foreign aid Republic of China diplomatic visits small states diplomacy PRC recognition African diplomacy Taiwan foreign policy diplomatic competition bilateral relations global attention diplomatic incentives exclusive recognition benefits development aid cross-strait relations geopolitical strategy diplomatic isolation international alliances
test-health-hdond-con04a	People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. religious objections organ donation religious freedom Orthodox Judaism Haredi Judaism Shintoism Roma faiths body integrity after death religious beliefs organ transplant policy medical ethics religious exemptions transplant priority faith-based refusal religious rights healthcare discrimination ethical dilemmas end-of-life religious practices prohibition on organ removal religious edicts freedom of conscience healthcare policy cultural beliefs life-saving treatment patient autonomy religious objections to organ donation religious freedom and organ donation ethical issues organ transplantation Orthodox Judaism organ donation Haredi perspective organ donation Shintoism organ transplant beliefs Roma beliefs organ donation body integrity after death religion religious beliefs vs medical policy transplant priority and religion faith-based medical decisions organ donation religious exemptions cultural attitudes organ donation religious doctrine organ transplants religious liberty healthcare cons of opt-out organ donation religion and healthcare policy spiritual concerns organ donation faith group stance organ donation religious mandates after death religious objections organ donation religious freedom Orthodox Judaism Haredim Shintoism Roma faith body integrity religious beliefs transplant ethics medical ethics life-saving treatment faith-based refusal autonomy religious rights cultural beliefs transplant policy religious exemptions conscientious objection medical prioritization end-of-life beliefs spiritual concerns organ recipient religious doctrine bioethics religious objections to organ donation religious freedom and organ donation Orthodox Judaism organ donation stance Haredim perspective organ donation impact of presumed consent organ donation on religion ethical concerns organ donor prioritization Shinto beliefs organ donation Roma faith organ donation body integrity religious beliefs religious exemptions organ donor policies forced organ donation religious rights medical ethics and religious beliefs transplant eligibility religious concerns religious beliefs vs medical necessity balancing religious freedom and public health deceased body integrity religious law organ donation cultural perspectives faith-based organ donation dilemmas minority faiths organ transplantation law and religious accommodation organ donation religious objections to organ donation Orthodox Judaism organ donation Haredi Jewish beliefs organ donation religious freedom organ donation Shintoism organ donation Roma faith organ donation religious ethics transplant faith-based medical ethics religion body integrity after death religious exemptions transplant policy major religions organ donation religious laws medical treatment faith-based objections organ transplants religious liberty organ priority pressure religious beliefs organ donation patient rights religious beliefs transplant recipient eligibility religion religious discrimination healthcare organ donation policy religion balancing religion organ allocation religious objections to organ donation religious freedom and organ donation organ donation ethical dilemmas major religions on organ donation Orthodox Judaism organ donation Haredim views on organ donation Shinto beliefs organ donation Roma faith organ donation intact body after death religious organ transplant religious rules transplant ethics religion faith-based organ donation refusal religion and medical treatment priority pressure to donate organs religion religious rights versus medical policy exemptions for religious reasons organ donation faith and healthcare conflict organ donation policy controversy receiving vs donating organs religion end-of-life religious practices organ donation religious objections organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim body integrity religious freedom policy implications medical ethics religious mandate end-of-life beliefs Shintoism Roma faith transplant eligibility faith-based exemptions life-saving treatment religious edicts healthcare discrimination religious liberty faith and medicine organ transplant policies refusal of organ donation religious tolerance patient rights cultural beliefs ethical dilemmas donor recipient disparity spiritual beliefs prohibited organ removal religious doctrines healthcare access minority religions religious objections organ donation organ donation religious exemptions organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim organ donation issue religious freedom organ transplantation religious beliefs organ donor policy religious groups oppose organ donation Shintoism organ donation Roma faith organ donation body integrity after death religion religious mandates organ donation religion and transplant priorities religious ethics organ transplant moral dilemmas organ donation faith-based refusal organ donor medical ethics religious beliefs policy impact religious organ donation religious coercion organ transplant body sanctity religion religious accommodation organ donation religious objections organ donation religious freedom organ donation Orthodox Judaism organ donation Haredim organ donation religion and body integrity Shinto organ donation beliefs Roma beliefs organ donation ethics organ donation religion policy religious rights organ donation transplant policies religion religious exemptions organ transplant religious discrimination organ allocation body intact after death religion organ donation religious conflicts faith-based healthcare decisions religious objection to organ donation religious freedom and organ donation intact body after death Orthodox Judaism organ donation Haredim views on organ donation Shintoism organ donation beliefs Roma beliefs organ donation religion and transplant ethics religious reasons against organ donation body integrity and religion receiving vs donating organs religion transplant priority and religious rights faith-based organ donation restrictions morality of organ donation in religion policy impact on religious minorities
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro03a	COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. Olympic Games mega-event impacts urban regeneration infrastructure investment economic development political showcase media attention host city benefits urban renewal global image soft power international relations national prestige economic stimulus city branding public expenditure legacy effects tourism boost sports infrastructure event-driven regeneration Cold War politics cultural diplomacy nation branding socio-economic impact global recognition investment return city marketing urban transformation event legacy international visibility community pride Olympics legacy urban regeneration economic impact political symbolism media attention hosting costs city branding international perception global showcase soft power national prestige infrastructure investment urban renewal mega-events economic development public expenditure city marketing post-crisis recovery sports diplomacy nation building tourism boost international relations economic growth public image city transformation host city benefits Olympic Games urban regeneration economic impact hosting costs media attention political showcase soft power urban development infrastructure investment international image global perception city branding post-crisis recovery economic growth legacy benefits event tourism political messaging public expenditure mega-events nation branding Cold War Olympics city competitiveness global community international relations civic pride economic maturity showcase city Olympic Games economic impact urban regeneration benefits hosting Olympics advantages political showcase events international media attention Olympics Cold War Olympic politics Moscow 1980 economic message Los Angeles 1984 political showcase Seoul 1988 democracy demonstration Beijing 2008 global community acceptance China economic growth Olympics New York 2012 post-9/11 recovery Olympics as catalyst for redevelopment media scrutiny global events nation branding through sports mega-event urban renewal Olympics infrastructure investment economic justification mega-events city image transformation Olympics urban regeneration Olympic legacy economic impact political showcase media scrutiny global image soft power city branding economic development infrastructure investment post-event utilization Cold War Olympics symbolic politics host city benefits urban revitalization international relations political messaging mega-events sports diplomacy tourism boost public expenditure infrastructural legacy soft diplomacy global perception urban transformation sports infrastructure social impact economic growth national pride geopolitical signaling city reputation Olympic Games economic impact sports event regeneration urban regeneration Olympics London 2012 Olympics costs political symbolism mega-events Olympics and international relations sports as soft power hosting Olympics economic benefits legacy of Olympic Games showcasing national strength media influence Olympics global perception Olympic hosts Olympics as political tool urban development sports events economic growth global events Olympics urban transformation sports diplomacy post-crisis city recovery event-driven urban regeneration Olympics and city branding Olympics urban regeneration economic impact infrastructure investment media attention political symbolism international relations city branding mega-events national prestige global image Cold War economic strength South Korea development China economic rise New York post-9/11 hosting costs global community acceptance soft power urban development legacy benefits sporting events tourism boost city revitalization international scrutiny public perception political messaging cultural showcase economic growth urban renewal civic pride Olympic regeneration economic impact urban renewal city branding mega-events infrastructure investment political symbolism media scrutiny Cold War Olympics Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 London 2012 costs economic legacy global perception national pride cultural diplomacy event-led development urban transformation post-9/11 recovery soft power international image city marketing host city benefits global showcase economic stimulus government spending long-term benefits Olympics controversy sports tourism public investment economic multiplier host city legacy Olympic legacy urban regeneration economic impact political symbolism media exposure international relations city branding post-event costs economic growth infrastructure development public spending global image host city benefits post-9/11 recovery national prestige soft power sports diplomacy urban renewal tourism boost social transformation investment justification urban regeneration mega-events economic impact political symbolism soft power national identity infrastructure investment media influence city branding tourism development post-crisis recovery Olympic legacy host city benefits international relations public expenditure social change
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro04a	Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, drug legalisation crime reduction drug decriminalisation drug regulation price controls addiction treatment state-run drug services illicit drug trade criminal gangs organised crime drug smuggling mafia narcotics policy harm reduction drug-related theft public health approach underground markets law enforcement prohibition consequences black market drug decriminalization crime reduction drug legalization impact organized crime narcotics law reform drug policy state-regulated drugs drug trade elimination criminal gangs funding addiction and crime drug smuggling statistics mafia drug profits cocaine trade illegal drug market public health approach harm reduction illicit drug economy prohibition consequences law enforcement costs regulation of narcotics drug-addicted offenders black market drugs police resources incarceration rates substance abuse policy drug legalisation crime reduction drug policy drug decriminalisation organised crime drug trafficking drug-related crime state-regulated drugs price controls addiction treatment criminal gangs black market cocaine smuggling mafia funding drug dealers drug prohibition public health approach narcotics regulation harm reduction drug markets legalisation reduces organized crime impact of drug legalisation on crime rates drug legalisation and mafia funding economic effects of legalising drugs crime reduction through drug policy reform state-provided drug services crime impact price control drugs crime statistics illegal drug trade and organized crime legalisation vs criminal gangs benefits of drug legalisation drug-related theft after legalisation mafia profits from illegal drugs cocaine smuggling and legalisation case studies drug legalisation crime Italy drug policy crime statistics drug legalisation crime reduction drug-related crime state-provided drug services drug price controls drug decriminalisation effects of legalising drugs organised crime funding criminal gangs drug trade cocaine smuggling revenue mafia drug profits illegal drug market addiction and crime public policy drug legalisation impact on criminal organisations Italian mafia drug trade economic impact of drug legalisation harm reduction strategies black market drugs legislative drug reform social effects of legalising drugs drug legalisation crime reduction impact of drug legalisation on crime rates economic effects of drug legalisation organised crime drug legalisation drug decriminalisation crime statistics state-provided drug services crime drug price controls crime drug addiction crime rates mafia drug smuggling revenue Italian mafia drug trade funding criminal gangs drugs legal drugs reduce theft narcotics legalisation public safety examples of drug legalisation crime reduction international crime drug laws drug policy and organised crime cocaine smuggling statistics Italy crime syndicate drug revenue drug decriminalization crime reduction drug policy reform criminal justice organized crime drug trafficking illegal drug market harm reduction substance abuse addiction treatment drug legalization police resources economic impact cartel funding state-regulated sale public health social costs illicit drugs drug smuggling mafia gang violence law enforcement criminal networks black market prohibition drug dealers rehabilitation programs drug-related crime taxation demand reduction law reform drug legalisation crime reduction drug crime statistics impact of legalisation on crime state-controlled drug services effects of legalising drugs on mafia drug policy and organised crime drug-related theft reduction economic impact of drug legalisation legalisation vs prohibition crime rates drug smuggling crime syndicates funding of criminal gangs drug market regulation drug decriminalisation effects legalisation success stories price controls and drug crime comparative crime rates legal vs illegal drugs illegal drug trade consequences government drug distribution social effects of drug legalisation law enforcement drug legalisation Italian Mafia drug revenue drug policy reform decriminalization impact crime rate reduction drug-related crime statistics economic effects of legalisation organised crime funding state-regulated drug market price regulation public health outcomes addiction treatment access mafia drug profits cocaine smuggling economy Italy drug crime harm reduction criminal justice reform illicit drug trade law enforcement costs drug legalisation case studies international comparisons social benefits of legalisation drug legalisation crime reduction drug-related crime price control drugs drug addiction funding state-provided drug services impact on drug dealers criminal gangs funding cocaine smuggling Italian Mafia crime organised crime revenue economic impact drug crime drugs and GDP crime syndicate finances
test-international-iiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ wildlife trade legalization legal hunting endangered species management regulated wildlife markets horn trade policy ivory trade fur trade laws pelt trade legalization wildlife farming supply and demand wildlife products rhino horn market anti-poaching strategies economic incentives conservation wildlife product pricing CITES policy implications sustainable use conservation black market wildlife trade government wildlife stockpiles animal product demand Asia rhino farming South Africa legal trade wildlife products wildlife conservation regulation of hunting rhino horn trade ivory trade legalization economic impact wildlife trade trade restrictions endangered species black market wildlife supply and demand wildlife products anti-poaching strategies wildlife farming rhino horn farming sustainable hunting wildlife commodification animal protection laws endangered species markets price reduction through legalization legal wildlife markets government seizure wildlife products wildlife trafficking prevention poaching incentives demand reduction conservation CITES regulations wildlife management policies conservation economics wildlife trade legalisation ivory market rhino poaching trophy hunting endangered species protection wildlife farming horn trade regulation supply and demand black market economics anti-poaching strategies conservation policy CITES sustainable use economic incentives regulated trade wildlife commodification animal pelts tusks trade demand reduction market price of animal parts rhino horn farming wildlife law softening wildlife protection government stockpiles wildlife extinction African poaching Asia wildlife demand wildlife crime conservation finance animal welfare wildlife trafficking species preservation legal trade models legalising wildlife trade pros and cons economic impact of legal ivory trade effectiveness of legalized horn trade endangered species protection trade-offs wildlife farming for conservation ivory market regulation strategies reducing poaching through legal trade black market effects of legalizing pelts demand-supply dynamics in endangered animal products price reduction impact on poaching government policies on seized animal products wildlife commodity market analysis comparison of legal vs illegal wildlife trade South Africa rhino horn farming debate alternatives to protected status for endangered animals enforcement costs of wildlife protection ethics of hunting endangered species international laws on horn and ivory trade successes of regulated legal trade wildlife products horn trade legalization ivory market regulation fur trade economics pelt trade policies endangered species management wildlife farming supply and demand wildlife rhino horn market anti-poaching strategies economic impact endangered species wildlife conservation policy legal hunting endangered animals black market wildlife products protected species price dynamics South Africa rhino farming wildlife trade regulation open market conservation regulated hunting government seized wildlife products conservation through trade market-based conservation criminalization wildlife trade demand reduction wildlife wildlife commodification legalizing wildlife trade trade of animal horns ivory trade legalization fur and pelt trade economic impact of wildlife trade endangered species trade debate rhino horn market regulation poaching and market prices protected status consequences animal product farming South Africa rhino horn farming supply and demand endangered species wildlife trade policy effects of trade bans conservation market solutions arguments for legal trade anti-poaching strategies extinction prevention through trade government seized animal products Asian demand for rhino horn wildlife product legalization militarization and poaching wildlife conservation economics wildlife trade legalisation of animal products endangered species poaching conservation strategies rhino horn trade economic incentives hunting regulations wildlife farming supply and demand black market price reduction tusks pelt trade ivory markets anti-poaching policies wildlife protection laws animal product commodification market dynamics governmental seizures South African rhino policy conservation economics trophy hunting demand in Asia wildlife trafficking sustainable use international wildlife trade CITES wildlife management biodiversity protection legalising wildlife trade ivory trade legalization rhino horn trade fur trade laws pelt trade regulation endangered species commerce anti-poaching strategies economic impact wildlife trade conservation versus commercialization supply and demand wildlife products rhino farming wildlife product markets Asia impact of wildlife trade bans protected status effect on prices African poaching economics wildlife farming policies legal market wildlife products ivory price reduction horn value law changes wildlife protection alternatives ethical wildlife harvesting conservation policy debates trade regulation endangered species wildlife trafficking legalization government seizure wildlife products sustainable use endangered animals legal wildlife trade horn legalization ivory trade policy endangered species conservation economic incentives poaching wildlife farming regulated hunting black market wildlife rhino horn pricing supply and demand wildlife products anti-poaching strategies sustainable use conservation trophy hunting laws wildlife protection policy market-based conservation wildlife product legalization demand reduction wildlife rhino farming government stockpiles wildlife CITES regulations wildlife trafficking Africa poaching prevention conservation economics species extinction prevention wildlife trade Asia regulated trade wildlife parts decriminalizing wildlife trade legal trade impact Conservation wildlife product pricing non-lethal alternatives wildlife trade legalization endangered species protection economic impact wildlife poaching supply and demand rhino horn trade ivory trade legal hunting conservation strategies black market wildlife animal farming wildlife policy price reduction poaching government seizure wildlife trade regulation South Africa rhino policy animal pelts market anti-poaching measures protected status consequences ethical hunting sustainable wildlife management
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro04a	Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. school breakfast nutrition education healthy eating child health balanced diet dietary habits health benefits classroom nutrition lifelong wellness student wellbeing food choices nutritional awareness eating habits health promotion educational meals healthy lifestyle obesity prevention food literacy nutrition curriculum wellness programs nutrition education healthy eating school breakfast programs child health nutrition curriculum benefits of breakfast lifelong healthy habits nutrition awareness classroom teaching balanced diet health promotion school nutrition student well-being health literacy food choices diet education academic performance meal planning breakfast and learning nutritional knowledge nutrition education healthy eating school breakfast programs child health nutrition curriculum health education lifelong healthy habits balanced diet student wellness food literacy school meal benefits nutrition awareness breakfast and learning preventive health public health nutritional knowledge child development healthy lifestyle classroom nutrition activities future health benefits school breakfast health education nutrition education for children teaching healthy eating habits benefits of school breakfast programs nutrition lessons in schools lifelong healthy eating habits impact of breakfast on children's health educational value of school meals promoting health through breakfast nutrition curriculum in schools school-based nutrition interventions healthy breakfast initiatives childhood nutrition education improving child health with breakfast future health benefits of nutrition education school breakfast programs nutrition education benefits of breakfast healthy eating habits child health educational meals lifelong nutrition school health initiatives childhood nutrition teaching healthy habits health education in schools nutritional benefits for children impact of breakfast on learning promoting healthy lifestyles future health outcomes school-based nutrition interventions school breakfast health benefits nutrition education for children teaching healthy eating habits impact of nutritious breakfast on learning breakfast and academic performance benefits of school meal programs lifelong health education promoting healthy choices in schools importance of balanced breakfast for kids nutrition lessons in classroom children developing healthy habits food and health literacy for students integrating nutrition in curriculum role of breakfast in child development healthy lifestyle education for youth school nutrition healthy eating habits child nutrition education nutritious breakfast benefits of breakfast for children school meal programs lifelong healthy habits nutrition curriculum health education in schools child health benefits balanced diet for kids teaching healthy choices promoting wellness in schools future health outcomes food literacy breakfast and academic performance dietary education children's long-term health school-based nutrition initiatives encouraging healthy lifestyles school breakfast programs nutrition education healthy eating habits child health benefits teaching nutrition in schools educational meals lifelong healthy habits school meal programs benefits of breakfast childhood nutrition health education student wellness nutrition curriculum school food policy promoting healthy lifestyles child nutrition school breakfast programs nutrition education healthy eating habits childhood health benefits of breakfast teaching nutrition food literacy lifelong healthy habits school health programs balanced meals student wellness dietary education breakfast and academic performance preventive health education nutrition education school breakfast programs child health healthy eating habits balanced diet food literacy lifelong health classroom nutrition lessons nutritional benefits school meal education wellness education healthy lifestyle dietary habits student well-being breakfast importance public health nutrition curriculum early childhood nutrition health promotion preventive health
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con04a	Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 junk food ban unhealthy food in schools food prohibition effects pupil dietary choices vending machine removal candy cart schools food advertising influence compliance with food policies school nutrition policies resistance to bans junk food demand alternative food sources child food behavior persuasive food marketing dietary attitude formation food regulation effectiveness school discipline measures external food purchase pupil resistance policy impact on students junk food ban unhealthy food in schools school food policies food prohibition effects student dietary choices junk food advertising vending machines removal school cafeteria changes student compliance with bans food regulation challenges alternative food access candy cart school school fundraising food impact of advertising on children outside school food purchases dietary mindset change banning effectiveness student perspective on bans unsophisticated food measures enforcing school food rules food marketing influence junk food school food policies unhealthy food ban vending machines food prohibition dietary choices food advertising student behavior food regulation food marketing sweets demand cafeteria policy candy cart compliance measures school nutrition food consumption student mindset food restrictions external food purchasing school meals policy effectiveness implementation challenges resistance to change advertising influence alternative acquisition disciplinary strategies school food environment school junk food ban effects of food prohibition in schools student reactions to food bans vending machine policies schools junk food demand after school bans unintended consequences school food bans food advertising influence on children alternative sources for junk food compliance with school dietary rules effectiveness of junk food prohibition student mindset on food regulation case studies school junk food bans candy cart school solutions economic impact of junk food bans schools pupil dietary choice restrictions pupil acquisition of banned food food ban policy challenges lessons from Orange County school food ban persuasive food marketing and student behavior regulatory limitations on junk food rationality of school nutrition junk food ban school nutrition policies vending machine regulation student dietary choices child food advertising prohibition effects unhealthy food in schools food marketing to children policy effectiveness student compliance school cafeteria policy school candy cart alternative food sources enforcing food rules student ambivalence behavioral response to bans snack food restriction food acquisition outside school food policy unintended consequences school fundraising changing student habits dietary education food access regulation school food environment youth food consumption patterns junk food ban schools effectiveness junk food prohibition student reactions school food bans impact vending machine removal schools unintended consequences food bans school nutrition policies pupil compliance food regulations candy cart school fundraising alternative junk food sources pupils food advertising influence children school food discipline challenges regulating unhealthy food schools pupil mindset junk food bans school cafeteria policy outcomes healthy eating school policy enforcement issues food bans food marketing children schools behavioral response food restrictions junk food ban unhealthy snacks school food policy food prohibition student dietary choices food advertising vending machine removal candy cart regulatory measures dietary compliance outside food sources persuasion in marketing student mindset food marketing influence school nutrition sweet consumption black market food student resistance policy effectiveness cafeteria changes food regulation challenges alternative food sources food sales for fundraising prohibition consequences adolescent food habits disciplinary measures regulatory failure food availability snack purchases nutritional education student behavior junk food ban schools unhealthy food schoolchildren food prohibition effects school vending machine policies impact of food advertising children dietary restrictions students pupil compliance food rules alternative food supplies schools junk food demand students food regulation schools student attitudes food bans cafeteria policy changes candy cart school solution impact of food bans student behavior food marketing influence children discipline junk food schools enforcement junk food bans school nutrition policy outside school food purchases consequences food bans challenges regulating junk food schools school fundraising candy rationality school food bans student resistance food restrictions food policy unintended effects school food bans unhealthy snacks junk food regulation student dietary choices vending machine policies food prohibition effects food marketing to children advertising influence student resistance alternative food access candy cart school disciplinary measures external food purchase school cafeteria policy nutrition education school health initiatives behavioral response to bans junk food consumption patterns pupil mindset effectiveness of prohibition policy impact assessment persuasion vs. compulsion healthy eating promotion out-of-school food access consequences of food bans student adaptation strategies junk food ban school nutrition policies student food choices vending machines in schools dietary restrictions advertising influence on children prohibition effects candy cart school initiative compliance and resistance food marketing to children alternative access to sweets student perspectives on bans school cafeteria policies effectiveness of food bans policy enforcement challenges healthy eating education regulation of student diets school income from food sales behavioral response to bans food policy unintended consequences
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro03a	Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. community media grassroots broadcasting democratization media pluralism alternative voices public participation media diversity freedom of expression independent media local empowerment civil society media access inclusivity marginalized voices social cohesion decentralized media participatory communication media autonomy democracy promotion radio activism community engagement media advocacy cultural representation non-state media anti-censorship bottom-up communication voice for the voiceless media literacy community development community radio grassroots media independent broadcasting media pluralism alternative media participatory communication media democratization citizen journalism voice to the voiceless media diversity anti-censorship local media community empowerment broadcasting regulation public access radio media freedom social inclusion countering autocracy radio for democracy community engagement freedom of expression media representation community development social cohesion decentralised media media advocacy media justice pluralistic media public sphere broadcasting for change community radio media pluralism broadcasting diversity alternative media grassroots media media democratization freedom of expression independent journalism participatory media social cohesion civic engagement marginalized voices media empowerment local radio democratic media media accessibility radio activism information dissemination anti-autocracy media resistance public sphere media plurality communication rights decentralization of media non-state media counter-hegemony social inclusion community engagement media literacy regional radio radio freedom community empowerment community radio democracy community radio vs state broadcasters community radio corporate media community radio autocracy community radio pluralism community radio diverse voices media plurality community radio grassroots broadcasting community radio civic engagement community cohesion radio empowering local voices radio community media democratization radio freedom of speech anti-autocratic media community radio political change radio and social movements community radio regulation Radio Free Europe impact Radio Liberty democracy community radio Middle East community radio Africa UNESCO community radio policy community radio case studies radio and community identity alternative media history democratization through radio media accessibility community radio community media grassroots broadcasting media pluralism democratization freedom of expression media diversity participatory media alternative media independent radio civic engagement public sphere media empowerment local content comparative media systems anti-censorship social cohesion marginalized voices bottom-up communication media autonomy community participation non-state media resistance media inclusive journalism media regulation radio activism media literacy press freedom cultural representation public interest media radio and democracy community radio benefits alternative media voices democratization through radio grassroots broadcasting radio and community cohesion media pluralism challenging media monopolies media and autocracy empowering marginalized voices participatory broadcasting media diversity civil society empowerment radio for democracy radio as resistance local media impact state vs community radio radio and social inclusion communication for development community media regulation radio and freedom of expression community radio media diversity democratization grassroots media alternative voices local broadcasting public discourse media pluralism freedom of expression civic engagement social cohesion participatory media anti-autocracy independent media empowerment marginalized communities Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa media regulation UNESCO policy reform cultural representation decentralization voice for the voiceless inclusive media social change community empowerment broadcasting policy community radio media pluralism media democratization independent broadcasting local media grassroots media citizen journalism democratic media freedom of expression media diversity anti-autocracy civic engagement social cohesion marginalized voices alternative media radio liberty radio free europe community empowerment participatory communication public interest broadcasting media policy media regulation community development non-state broadcasters media resistance South-East Asia community radio African community radio media activism voice for the voiceless decentralized media media for social change community radio media pluralism democratic broadcasting alternative media freedom of speech grassroots communication local empowerment media diversity civic engagement decentralization public participation community empowerment media independence citizen journalism social cohesion inclusive voices opposition to authoritarianism media democratization broadcasting policy non-state media communication rights radio activism civil society media participatory broadcasting information access media regulation marginalized voices resistance media cultural expression radio for development community media alternative media media pluralism media democracy grassroots broadcasting freedom of expression independent radio participatory communication information access local empowerment media diversity citizen journalism social cohesion democratization marginalized voices counteracting propaganda anti-censorship civic engagement public sphere audiovisual rights community empowerment decentralization media independence broadcast policy media regulation social inclusion
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro02a	Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 privacy concerns personal data misuse data exploitation targeted advertising backlash online privacy dynamic pricing controversy consumer trust erosion information sharing digital surveillance marketing ethics stereotype-based marketing data-driven discrimination data protection public outcry invasive marketing consent in data usage customer profiling algorithmic bias information privacy digital rights data privacy consumer privacy personal data protection data exploitation targeted advertising online privacy concerns information privacy consumer backlash privacy invasion dynamic pricing data-driven marketing digital privacy customer profiling surveillance capitalism privacy violations marketing ethics consent and data use stereotype targeting algorithmic bias privacy policy data misuse consumer trust online tracking personalized marketing privacy activism user consent data security consumer attitudes information sensitivity privacy in e-commerce data privacy consumer alienation personal data exploitation targeted advertising online privacy dynamic pricing consumer backlash marketing ethics data security consent consumer trust information sharing profiling data collection privacy invasion digital marketing stereotype-based marketing consumer rights privacy concerns surveillance capitalism consumer privacy concerns personal data exploitation targeted advertising backlash dynamic pricing controversy Amazon dynamic pricing backlash online privacy invasion consumer sentiment on data use public reaction to data-driven marketing psychological impact of data profiling consumer trust and data privacy stereotypes in targeted marketing racial and gender bias in advertising ethical issues in personal data use effects of invasive advertising consumer resistance to targeted marketing data privacy trends empirical studies on consumer privacy public outcry over personal information use marketing efficiency vs. consumer privacy privacy backlash case studies consumer privacy data exploitation personal information misuse targeted advertising online privacy concerns digital marketing backlash consumer alienation data-driven marketing dynamic pricing controversy Amazon privacy scandal consent and data sharing public outcry privacy stereotypes in advertising algorithmic bias race and gender profiling digital consumer rights privacy invasion empirical studies on privacy marketing ethics consumer data protection backlash against targeted ads privacy regulation data commodification information asymmetry personalized pricing ethics privacy concerns consumer data exploitation online targeted advertising dynamic pricing backlash Amazon.com privacy issues personal information misuse marketing invasiveness data-driven stereotypes customer trust erosion consent in data usage digital surveillance data-driven discrimination consumer resistance to targeted ads data privacy rights data-driven marketing backlash personalized marketing controversies consumer alienation information privacy marketing ethics race and gender bias in ads data privacy consumer alienation personal information exploitation targeted advertising online privacy digital marketing ethics dynamic pricing Amazon backlash privacy concerns information misuse consent in data sharing public backlash intrusive marketing customer profiling stereotype marketing privacy invasion consumer trust data-driven advertising discrimination in advertising privacy rights personalized marketing data protection user data sales algorithmic bias marketing transparency customer data usage marketing consent personal data commodification consumer privacy concerns personal data exploitation online targeted advertising data-driven marketing backlash dynamic pricing controversy Amazon dynamic pricing data privacy invasion consumer trust digital marketing digital privacy protection online data security marketing ethics targeted advertising stereotypes consumer alienation data commoditization privacy rights advocacy online consumer backlash personal information misuse marketing personalization risks consumer consent data sharing algorithmic bias marketing data privacy consumer alienation personal data exploitation targeted advertising invasion of privacy online privacy digital marketing ethics data-driven marketing dynamic pricing backlash Amazon privacy incident consumer trust informed consent data selling customer profiling stereotype-based marketing algorithmic bias privacy concerns information security public backlash marketing transparency privacy concerns data exploitation personal information consumer backlash targeted advertising dynamic pricing online privacy digital marketing ethics consumer trust data security consent invasive marketing stereotyping algorithmic bias race and gender profiling privacy violations public outcry corporate data practices data-driven marketing information misuse privacy invasion marketing transparency data monetization
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con01a	Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. moral responsibility active euthanasia passive euthanasia killing vs letting die ethical dilemmas trolley problem consequentialism deontology moral agency intent vs outcome ethics of intervention bystander effect moral culpability permissibility of action omission vs commission ethical responsibility action versus inaction philosophy of death legal liability moral philosophy killing versus letting die moral responsibility active versus passive euthanasia trolley problem moral distinction ethical dilemmas consequences of action and inaction intent versus outcome responsibility in moral choices ethics of killing doing versus allowing harm bystander effect moral agency duty to intervene nonmaleficence action-omission distinction trolley problem moral responsibility active versus passive harm ethical dilemmas consequentialism deontological ethics omission versus commission moral agency act-omission distinction fatal accidents natural causes intentional killing ethical decision-making philosophy of ethics utilitarianism moral culpability bystander effect permissibility of killing moral equivalence intervention ethics trolley problem ethics active vs passive euthanasia moral responsibility killing vs letting die consequentialism and killing difference between killing and letting die ethical distinction killing letting die utilitarianism action inaction death moral philosophy death participation permissibility of killing vs omission doctrine of doing and allowing intention in moral decision making responsibility for death action omission ethical dilemmas death causation philosophical arguments killing letting die killing vs letting die moral distinction killing vs letting die active vs passive euthanasia moral responsibility in action vs inaction trolley problem ethics causation in moral philosophy ethical implications of doing vs allowing responsibility for outcomes bystander effect permissibility of killing natural death vs caused death philosophical debates on killing action omission moral theory utilitarianism trolley problem ethical consequences of intervention death by omission philosophy of killing moral dilemmas in life and death complicity in death role of intention in ethics active killing vs passive letting die moral responsibility in killing ethical difference between action and inaction trolley problem ethics consequences of intervening in death killing vs allowing to die philosophy direct vs indirect causation of death degrees of moral responsibility voluntary vs involuntary manslaughter utilitarianism and killing omission vs commission in ethics moral weight of killing intervention ethics causality in moral actions philosophy of death responsibility moral philosophy ethics killing vs letting die active vs passive euthanasia moral responsibility trolley problem consequentialism deontological ethics utilitarianism moral culpability intent vs outcome action vs inaction causality in ethics life and death decisions ethical dilemmas bystander effect responsibility to intervene moral distinction death by omission ethical decision making trolley problem active vs passive harm moral responsibility ethics of killing letting die ethics consequentialism deontological ethics moral philosophy ethical dilemmas action versus inaction passive killing culpability in death moral agency intentional harm utilitarianism bystander effect ethical decision making responsibility in morality omission bias fatal accidents duty to act moral responsibility active vs passive harm trolley problem ethics of killing moral philosophy consequentialism utilitarianism deontological ethics ethical dilemmas omission vs commission euthanasia moral agency ethical decision-making responsibility in action causation in ethics moral intuition philosophical analysis human agency bystander effect moral culpability trolley problem moral responsibility ethical dilemma active vs passive harm consequentialism deontological ethics killing vs letting die moral agency duty to intervene bystander effect action vs omission moral philosophy ethics of killing permissibility culpability intent vs outcome philosophical ethics life-and-death decisions non-intervention legal implications
test-international-iighbopcc-con02a	Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, non-binding agreement binding treaty compliance mechanisms international agreements treaty negotiation climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate conference treaty obligations diplomatic negotiations international law climate deal failure treaty effectiveness climate change negotiations environmental treaties gold standard agreements government reluctance international cooperation climate policy multilateral agreements non-binding agreement soft law political commitment voluntary pledges binding treaty legally binding agreement compliance mechanisms enforcement international law treaty negotiation climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen Accord failure of climate treaties international negotiations consensus building multilateral agreements global governance environmental diplomacy treaty ratification obstacles to binding agreements climate policy international cooperation treaty effectiveness international consensus agreement implementation non-binding agreement binding treaty compliance mechanisms international agreements treaty negotiation climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen Accord climate deal failure international law treaty enforcement climate policy global governance soft law hard law treaty ratification international cooperation diplomatic negotiations UNFCCC multilateral agreements climate change negotiations treaty effectiveness international compliance environmental treaties political will consensus building non-binding agreement benefits non-binding vs binding treaty international agreements effectiveness compliance mechanisms in treaties climate agreement failures COP15 lessons Copenhagen Accord outcome obstacles to binding treaties climate policy negotiations treaty negotiation challenges international law and climate change gold standard treaty mechanisms environmental treaty history Copenhagen 2009 analysis reasons for COP15 failure government resistance to binding agreements future of climate agreements success factors in international treaties differences between binding and non-binding accords examples of successful agreements non-binding agreement binding treaty compliance mechanisms international agreements negotiating treaties climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate summit treaty difficulties international law climate policy treaty enforcement voluntary agreements global governance climate negotiations agreement ratification treaty effectiveness failure of climate agreements international cooperation treaty obligations non-binding agreement vs binding treaty international treaty negotiation challenges compliance mechanisms in treaties climate agreement failures COP 15 Copenhagen climate summit binding international climate accords barriers to international treaty adoption non-binding vs binding international agreements history of climate treaty negotiations reasons Copenhagen climate deal failed effectiveness of non-binding agreements treaty compliance and enforcement international climate policy gold standard in international treaties government resistance to binding agreements precedent in climate diplomacy BBC analysis Copenhagen summit non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements treaty negotiations climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate summit treaty ratification international law climate change policy treaty enforcement diplomatic negotiations multilateral treaties Paris Agreement Kyoto Protocol global climate governance treaty obstacles international cooperation treaty making process non-binding agreement binding treaty compliance mechanisms international agreements treaty negotiation climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate summit climate treaty failures international law treaty enforcement international negotiations soft law hard law climate policy global governance multinational treaties environmental agreements treaty ratification international cooperation non-binding agreement binding treaty compliance mechanisms international law treaty negotiation climate agreements climate change policy COP 15 Copenhagen Accord treaty implementation international cooperation environmental accords treaty ratification climate diplomacy diplomatic negotiations global governance policy failure multilateral agreements international relations environmental governance treaty enforcement climate justice global climate policy negotiation challenges treaty obligations non-binding agreement binding treaty compliance mechanisms international agreements treaty negotiation climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen Accord treaty failures international law climate deal global governance treaty enforcement legal obligations international relations Paris Agreement United Nations environmental diplomacy treaty ratification treaty effectiveness
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con01a	Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. celebrity endorsement political engagement voter turnout youth participation political awareness political campaigns public influence voting behavior social mobilization media impact information accessibility political personalities Rock the Vote Obama campaign 18-29 year olds diverse electorate political accountability political outcomes celebrity activism third-person effect political system media influence civic participation celebrity influence political interest youth voting campaign strategies American elections voter registration electoral participation celebrity political engagement celebrity endorsement politics celebrity influence voting behavior celebrity voter mobilization youth voter turnout celebrities celebrity campaigns democracy celebrity political activism celebrity effect political participation famous personalities voter education celebrity social influence elections celebrity-backed voter registration young voters celebrity impact political awareness celebrities entertainment industry politics celebrity-led political movements celebrity social media politics pop culture political engagement celebrity endorsements youth engagement Hollywood politics elections celebrity-driven civic participation celebrity political engagement celebrity endorsement politics voter mobilization youth political participation political awareness celebrity influence elections celebrity activism celebrity campaigns voting voter turnout political socialization political participation motivation media and politics political communication social media influencers politics civic engagement political literacy political outreach celebrity impact democracy will.i.am Obama campaign Rock the Vote young voters political accountability diversity in voting political involvement celebrities celebrity political engagement celebrity endorsement impact celebrities increasing voter turnout celebrities influencing political awareness youth voter mobilization by celebrities celebrity campaigns and voter demographics will.i.am Obama campaign effect Rock the Vote celebrity involvement celebrity effect on political participation media and celebrity endorsements politics celebrities encouraging political information seeking celebrity power in political accountability celebrities widening voter diversity effectiveness of celebrity endorsements in elections celebrity-driven political activism long-term effects of celebrity political involvement celebrity influence on first-time voters comparative analysis of celebrity endorsements 2004 vs 2008 Brubaker celebrity endorsement study celebrity endorsements and democratic health celebrity political engagement celebrity endorsements political participation youth voter turnout voter mobilization political awareness media influence will.i.am Obama campaign Rock the Vote millennial voters voter registration campaigns political socialization diverse electorate celebrity activism political accountability third-person effect American elections celebrity influence on politics 2008 presidential election political communication celebrity political engagement celebrity endorsement effects voter turnout influence youth voter mobilization celebrity impact on elections political awareness campaigns Rock the Vote outcomes will.i.am Obama campaign celebrity influence on young voters third-person effect celebrity endorsements celebrity involvement in politics increasing political participation diverse voter base information access and voting celebrities and political accountability celebrity endorsement politics voter engagement political participation youth voters voter turnout political campaigns political mobilization Obama campaign will.i.am Rock the Vote young voters political awareness political information diverse electorate voter base media influence election outcomes political accountability civic engagement political advocacy campaign influence American politics voter registration celebrity influence political communication political celebrities Jennifer Brubaker third-person effect presidential elections college voters political system election impact political diversity information accessibility news consumption political interest digital media political activism celebrity campaigns democratic celebrity political engagement celebrity endorsement politics voter turnout celebrities political participation youth celebrity influence voting Rock the Vote celebrities will.i.am Obama campaign celebrity campaigns voter registration celebrity impact democracy increasing voter base celebrity effect political awareness celebrity activism elections celebrity role political mobilization young voter engagement celebrities celebrities political accountability political outreach celebrities celebrity endorsements public opinion diverse electorate celebrity involvement media celebrities politics social influence politicians celebrities celebrity political engagement political participation celebrity endorsement impact youth voter turnout political awareness celebrity influence on politics popular culture and politics voter mobilization Rock the Vote campaign Obama campaign celebrity support voter diversity third-person effect political communication celebrity activism media influence on politics electoral participation young voters voter engagement strategies celebrity persuasion political socialization celebrity political influence voter engagement youth voter turnout celebrity endorsement impact political awareness celebrity activism Obama campaign celebrities Rock the Vote young voter mobilization celebrity effect on elections political participation celebrity role in politics diverse voter base media influence political behavior political socialization third-person effect celebrity campaigns voter registration information accessibility political apathy reduction
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con03a	There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution evolutionary theory intelligent design scientific methodology positive evidence falsifiability irreducible complexity phylogenetic mapping fossil record speciation atavisms junk DNA embryology self-assembling molecules origin of life laboratory synthesis proto-life natural selection mutation observation data biology science education Kenneth Miller Michael Ruse William Dembski Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Debating Design Action Bioscience scientific consensus observation-based evidence classroom science science curriculum empirical evidence creationism abiogenesis evolution scientific evidence origins of life positive evidence intelligent design disproving evolution irreducible complexity self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory observation speciation phylogenetics fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology scientific consensus biology education anti-evolution arguments scientific method negative evidence design inference science classroom proof of evolution observed evolution origins debate religious pseudoscience evidence-based science evolutionary biology abiogenesis evolution empirical evidence creationism irreducible complexity intelligent design speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology self-assembling molecules origin of life laboratory synthesis of life evolution theory scientific method biological observation mutations natural selection Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby evolutionary biology debunking creationism positive evidence scientific consensus fact vs theory science education classroom curriculum TalkOrigins observable evolution evolution proof biological design arguments anti-evolution arguments creationist rebutt empirical evidence for Creationism evidence supporting abiogenesis evidence supporting evolution positive evidence for Creationism creationist arguments against evolution creationist criticisms of abiogenesis scientific method positive claims refuting evolution intelligent design evidence demonstration of designed organisms irreducible complexity debunked examples of organisms not evolved observational proofs of abiogenesis laboratory abiogenesis experiments observed self-assembling molecules laboratory creation of life experimental evidence for evolution speciation case studies phylogenetic mapping examples fossil record and evolution structural atavisms evidence junk DNA significance embryology and evolution biology explained abiogenesis evolution creationism empirical evidence positive evidence irreducible complexity intelligent design scientific method speciation phylogenetics fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory abiogenesis educational policy science classroom Kenneth Miller flagellum Michael Ruse William Dembski Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Debating Design refutation of evolution criticism of abiogenesis observation and data genetic evidence molecular biology biology education empirical evidence creationism evidence for evolution abiogenesis proof evolution vs creationism scientific evidence origin of life irreducible complexity rebuttal observed abiogenesis experiments speciation evidence phylogenetic mapping fossil record evolution junk DNA evolution embryology support evolution intelligent design critique positive evidence creationism creationism in science education self-assembling molecules abiogenesis laboratory origin of life atavisms evolutionary biology scientific method and creationism evolution proven by data biological complexity explained evolution transitional fossils evidence anti-evolution arguments debunked evolution classroom debate support for Darwin empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence scientific method natural selection mutation intelligent design irreducible complexity refutation theory support demonstration proto-life self-assembling molecules laboratory observation speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavism junk DNA embryology biology science education scientific consensus pseudoscience Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Debating Design Action Bioscience Michael Ruse William Dembski abiogenesis evolution creationism empirical evidence scientific evidence intelligent design irreducible complexity refuting evolution positive claims evolutionary biology fossil record phylogenetics junk DNA embryology speciation self-assembling molecules laboratory abiogenesis proto-life natural selection mutation Miller Kenneth Lenski Richard Chris Colby atavism observation and data anti-evolution arguments pseudoscience education policy science classroom biological design scientific method creationist criticisms debunking creationism empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence intelligent design scientific method irreducible complexity falsifiability science education living organisms design mutation natural selection laboratory abiogenesis proto-life molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavism junk DNA embryology biology classroom debate Kenneth Miller flagellum Michael Ruse William Dembski Lenski Richard Colby Chris TalkOrigins Archive scientific consensus biology curriculum anti-evolution arguments science vs pseudoscience theory of evolution empirical evidence creationism criticism abiogenesis proof evolution evidence positive claims scientific methodology irreducible complexity intelligent design living organisms design mutation and natural selection speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavism junk DNA embryology evolution molecular self-assembly laboratory abiogenesis biogenesis experiments creationism scientific validity biology education evolution classroom Kenneth Miller flagellum Lenski evolution fact Colby evidence survey TalkOrigins Archive Michael Ruse William Dembski
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law legal failure Sally Falk-Moore social norms law enforcement legal compliance state legitimacy plural societies child marriage legal pluralism child soldiers weak states state capacity corruption conflict zones customary law International Criminal Court ICC command responsibility legal certainty legal accessibility state sovereignty Western legal norms developing countries Africa Asia isolated communities state legitimacy crisis Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute community authority local governance legal consciousness legal education non-state law indigenous law armed conflict transitional justice minority rights rule of law legal pluralism customary law state capacity child soldiers legal enforcement legal compliance weak states legal legitimacy social norms community authority conflict zones law vs tradition ICC jurisdiction legal awareness state legitimacy law enforcement challenges state corruption armed conflict international law children's rights local governance legal autonomy marginalized communities legal education justice system limitations law in developing countries UN Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute alternative legal systems state failure societal values legitimacy of legal norms state-society disconnect traditional authority legitimacy crisis rule of law legal pluralism Sally Falk-Moore state intervention social norms law enforcement state legitimacy legal compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage India law and society weak states state failure corruption non-state law traditional norms child soldiers armed conflict ICC military command law accessibility legal certainty justice government stability legal awareness international law Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute community authority non-state actors customary law legal isolation Africa South Asia Myanmar DRC South Sudan ethnic minorities failure of rule of law expansion state legitimacy and legal compliance law versus social norms effectiveness of law enforcement in plural societies cultural variation in child rights state capacity and law enforcement child marriage and legal challenges India weak states and legal authority community-based law versus state law international criminal court jurisdiction child soldiers state authority in conflict zones legitimacy of legal systems in underdeveloped regions non-state legal norms enforcement of international law in failed states impact of corruption on rule of law access to justice in conflict areas customary law versus state law legal pluralism in developing countries role of local authority in law rule of law legal pluralism Sally Falk-Moore state authority social norms law compliance societal values legal enforcement child marriage India Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act plural societies childrens rights law and society state weakness state corruption failed states child soldiers ICC International Criminal Court armed conflict command responsibility law accessibility law certainty legal legitimacy governance crisis underdeveloped states Africa legal systems Asia legal systems community law customary law conflict zones local authority ethnic minorities non-state actors legal education state legitimacy Rome Stat rule of law failure Sally Falk-Moore law as social norm law and state legitimacy legal compliance and society plural legal systems cultural divergence in law child marriage enforcement India child soldiers legal challenges weak states legal capacity state corruption and law legal pluralism ICC jurisdiction child soldiers commander definition ICC accessibility of law fair legal systems government trust and law judicial transparency conflict zones legal enforcement international law child rights state and non-state law community enforcement norms Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute local impact traditional law versus state law legal accountability in conflict regions rule of law legal pluralism Sally Falk-Moore state intervention social norms law enforcement cultural norms legal compliance societal values child soldiers child marriage India children's rights weak state failed state state legitimacy government corruption underdeveloped countries conflict zones ICC International Criminal Court command responsibility legal certainty legal accessibility justice system state capacity community authority customary law indigenous law Rome Statute Convention on the Rights of the Child legal education legal awareness Africa South Asia Southeast Asia DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic rule of law state legitimacy law and society legal pluralism Sally Falk-Moore state authority law compliance social norms cultural conflict child marriage law India legal enforcement state weakness corruption child soldiers international criminal court ICC jurisdiction military commanders legal certainty law accessibility court system governance failure developing countries Africa legal systems Asia legal systems humanitarian law community authority traditional law indigenous norms conflict zones children in armed conflict Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute minority communities law ignorance law education state capacity legal anthropology rule of law legal pluralism Sally Falk-Moore law and society state authority social norms law compliance child soldiers child marriage Indian law legal enforcement weak states state legitimacy conflict zones ICC international law local norms customary law Africa Asia government corruption legal efficacy legal education community authority human rights Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute legal anthropology central government legal access legal trust military command war crimes isolated communities minority rights DRC South Sudan Myanmar non-state law legal protection rule of law legal pluralism state legitimacy customary law social norms legal compliance weak states child soldiers ICC jurisdiction legal enforcement legal anthropology plural societies normative disconnect customary justice community authority child rights international law legal efficacy state capacity criminal responsibility law and society sociological jurisprudence law enforcement challenges cultural relativism legal consciousness non-state law indigenous law informal justice legal education state-society relations legitimacy crisis access to justice underdeveloped states conflict zones legal diffusion compliance mechanisms transitional justice legal normativity
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con03a	"Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Queen’s head banknotes British identity national symbol sovereignty economic control nostalgia tradition anti-Euro sentiment euro banknotes British economy European Commission EU member states currency union public opinion political symbolism national pride monetary independence Alan Clark British sovereignty British tradition currency change euro scepticism national currency public unease UK euro debate Queen's head British identity national symbols banknotes British currency Eurozone euro adoption anti-Euro sentiment sovereignty economic control nostalgia British tradition European integration national pride public opinion currency symbolism Royal portrait pound sterling EU membership British nationalism monetary independence cultural heritage national sovereignty Alan Clark Conservative party Euroscepticism British public attitudes Queen’s head banknotes British identity national symbols British sovereignty economic control euro banknotes anti-euro sentiment loss of tradition British nostalgia monetary independence currency symbolism European Union euro skepticism Alan Clark public opinion UK euro debate national pride British economy EU membership single currency opposition cultural heritage British monarchy national currency British public sentiment currency change British nationhood euro introduction identity politics symbolic representation Brexit context Queen's head banknotes symbolism British identity currency national symbols money anti-Euro sentiment UK economic sovereignty Britain Euro banknotes foreignness nostalgia British tradition currency British public opinion Euro loss of control currency UK British national pride money Alan Clark Euro scepticism single currency opposition UK EU integration identity crisis Euro vs Pound British sentiment public reaction banknote changes Sovereign’s head on money Euro adoption debates Britain British economic independence cultural heritage currency British sceptics Euro EU member states currency concerns Queen's head banknotes British identity national symbols currency symbolism economic sovereignty anti-Euro sentiment euro banknotes British nostalgia traditionalism British economy euro scepticism British sovereignty European Commission loss of tradition national pride single currency debate UK euro adoption public opinion UK euro Alan Clark The Tories book Britons and euro identity politics UK British vs European identity euro referendum UK British public polls currency and nationalism national currency symbolism Queen's head banknotes symbolism British national identity UK currency sovereignty anti-Euro sentiment UK euro banknotes British reaction loss of British tradition euro adoption Britain political symbolism banknotes public opinion euro UK Alan Clark euro scepticism British economy control Queen on currency debate UK eurozone resistance British nostalgia currency national symbols money European Union currency controversy removal of Queen banknotes impact British cultural symbols euro introduction UK UK monetary independence British public euro polls Queen's head British banknotes national identity economic sovereignty British economy euro banknotes European Commission EU currency anti-Euro sentiment nostalgia British tradition loss of sovereignty national symbols currency change public opinion monetary union euro scepticism Alan Clark polls British electorate cultural heritage economic control single currency debate euro introduction European integration UK national pride Queen's head banknotes British identity national symbols British economy economic sovereignty euro banknotes anti-euro sentiment European Union Brexit national currency monetary policy cultural symbolism public opinion euro adoption UK-EU relations Alan Clark nostalgia tradition vs modernity British nationalism sovereignty loss EU integration heritage financial autonomy UK politics currency symbolism EU membership debates national pride public polls British public sentiment symbolism of currency euro scepticism Queen's head banknotes British identity national symbols currency sovereignty economic control euro banknotes anti-Euro sentiment British tradition nostalgia European Commission euro scepticism single currency national pride currency change public opinion British economy EU membership monetary union currency symbolism Alan Clark British psyche national sovereignty UK euro debate public polls European integration Queen's head banknotes British identity national symbols economic control euro banknotes currency change nostalgia British tradition fear of change Alan Clark European Commission euro skepticism anti-Euro sentiment sovereignty national pride public opinion UK economy EU membership single currency political symbolism financial independence national currency cultural heritage Brexit British monarchy"
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro03a	This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, amnesty free speech rule of law public statement Western governments international arena norm set repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform impunity democracies authoritarian regimes freedom of the press press freedom human rights democracy promotion justice fairness dissident protection political repression international criticism investment risk diplomatic pressure policy advocacy democratic values regime change reform encouragement global governance internet freedom constitutional rights international relations civil liberties advocacy amnesty political dissidents free speech rule of law human rights Western governments international relations repression authoritarian regimes democracy press freedom constitutional rights China Article 35 dissident bloggers justice fairness international norms Internet freedom political asylum norm-setting human rights abuses political oppression advocacy policy reform democratic values diplomatic pressure public condemnation investment deterrence reform encouragement international advocacy state repression global governance amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments public statement international arena norm-setting repression dissent reform authoritarian regimes freedom of the press constitutional guarantees China democracy justice fairness protection human rights dissidents tyranny political asylum international pressure shame policy reform democratic values investment state condemnation internet freedom Hillary Clinton diplomatic response global governance civil liberties exile policy humanitarian intervention Western principles foreign policy activists political prisoners soft power international norms amnesty for dissidents Western government public statements international human rights defending free speech protecting rule of law countering authoritarian regimes supporting reform movements consequences for repressive regimes amnesty as foreign policy tool encouraging press freedom democratic norm setting Western condemnation of repression impact on international investment policy influence on human rights shaming oppressive governments global advocacy for justice diplomatic responses to censorship democratic leadership in human rights leveraging economic pressure international support for bloggers opposition to state censorship promoting freedom of expression humanitarian protection policies Western engagement with authoritarian states human rights conditionality in investment amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international relations norm-setting human rights repression dissent reform impunity authoritarian regimes press freedom China article 35 constitutional guarantees policy advocacy justice fairness protection of dissidents Western values international pressure public statement democratic countries selective intervention shaming regimes investment risks dissident bloggers state condemnation internet freedom Hillary Clinton People’s Republic of China constitutional rights political asylum international accountability foreign policy global governance humanitarian intervention democratic norms civil liberties amnesty benefits free speech advocacy Western governments role international human rights rule of law protection of dissent repressive regimes criticism democratic norms promotion freedom of the press guarantees China article 35 constitution Western intervention international criticism investment impact blogger amnesty public condemnation policy reform encouragement human rights diplomacy international arena influence authoritarian regime accountability global justice fairness amnesty free speech rule of law public statement Western governments international arena norm-setters repressive regimes dissent reform abuse of power democracy authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of China Article 35 justice fairness Western values repression human rights dissidents tyranny protection international policy public condemnation political reform investment corporate responsibility democratic countries internet freedom Hillary Clinton conference diplomatic pressure publicity regime change human rights advocacy blog amnesty global norms political activism anti-censorship international relations state amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international relations norm-setting human rights democracy authoritarian regimes press freedom constitutional rights China article 35 policy reform justice fairness political dissent international pressure public condemnation dissident bloggers investment risk internet freedom Western foreign policy state repression civil liberties diplomatic statements human rights advocacy global norms amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international relations norm-setting repressive regimes dissent reform democracy impunity authoritarianism freedom of the press human rights justice fairness dissidents tyranny international arena public statement global influence media censorship constitutional rights People’s Republic of China activist protection policy impact investment risk diplomatic pressure Internet freedom political reform U.S. Department of State public condemnation reform incentives international shaming global norms amnesty international relations free speech rule of law Western governments norm-setting human rights repression dissent democracy authoritarian regimes press freedom China Constitution article 35 justice fairness global governance political asylum dissident protection tyranny non-intervention human rights advocacy public condemnation international investment internet freedom diplomatic pressure government accountability regime shaming reform policies public diplomacy Western values political reform
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro01a	An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 BMI obesity public health healthcare costs economic burden chronic diseases Type 2 diabetes cancer cardiovascular disease stroke chronic illness hypertension public policy fat tax societal cost indirect costs direct costs productivity loss absenteeism preventive health health expenditure government intervention obesity epidemic income loss medical spending health economics obesity legislation healthcare system taxation policy public health intervention nutrition policy obesity-related disease health care utilization obesity BMI public health healthcare costs economic burden chronic diseases Type 2 Diabetes cancer cardiovascular disease stroke hypertension healthcare expenditure productivity loss absenteeism societal impact fat tax government intervention public policy preventive health lifestyle diseases taxation policy health economics food tax medical expenses obesity prevention health policy societal responsibility economic impact healthcare financing morbidity mortality public health intervention policy debate obesity epidemic personal responsibility population health income loss disability chronic illness healthcare utilization insurance costs health outcomes fiscal policy direct costs BMI obesity public health health care costs economic burden chronic diseases type 2 diabetes cardiovascular disease cancer stroke hypertension productivity loss absenteeism indirect costs direct costs fat tax government intervention health policy health spending preventive measures pharmacological therapy emergency interventions societal impact fiscal policy lifestyle disease income loss health insurance global epidemic medical expenses personal responsibility BMI societal implications obesity healthcare costs economic impact of obesity chronic diseases linked to obesity government intervention obesity fat tax policy public health obesity interventions productivity loss obesity indirect costs of obesity obesity-related illnesses personal responsibility vs public health obesity US statistics obesity prevention strategies healthcare expenditure obesity cost-benefit of fat tax societal burden of chronic disease legislative approaches obesity global obesity epidemic healthcare system obesity economics of public health policies BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US healthcare spending obesity-related diseases chronic disease costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer risk coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension lifelong pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal cost of obesity public health policy individual responsibility government intervention fat tax economic impact of obesity preventative measures healthcare economics social determinants of health fiscal policy obesity health outcomes chronic disease management income loss obesity healthcare burden BMI public policy obesity societal impact healthcare costs obesity economic burden obesity obesity-related chronic diseases fat tax debate government interventions obesity productivity loss obesity societal cost of obesity obesity public health obesity and medical expenses chronic disease management costs obesity prevention policies economic consequences of obesity public health taxation obesity and workplace absenteeism global medical cost obesity individual vs societal health responsibility lifestyle diseases healthcare spending costs of obesity US BMI body mass index obesity obesity epidemic global medical costs healthcare spending United States direct consequences indirect consequences $147 billion 9% health spending comorbidities Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases lifelong therapy pharmacological treatment diagnostic procedures specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss restricted activity absenteeism premature death lost income societal costs public health government intervention fat tax policy health economics preventive measures health policy fiscal measures BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs healthcare expenditure US obesity costs chronic disease burden Type 2 diabetes cancer risk cardiovascular disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension lifelong pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism economic impact of obesity premature death societal costs public health policy fat tax obesity prevention government intervention obesity-related diseases healthcare system strain public health spending economic consequences lifestyle diseases obesity taxation healthcare reform chronic disease management cost-effective interventions BMI personal health public health obesity epidemic global medical costs US healthcare spending health economics direct healthcare costs indirect healthcare costs societal impact chronic diseases type 2 diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke heart failure asthma chronic pain hypertension lifelong treatment pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist visits emergency medical care healthcare burden lost productivity absenteeism premature death economic impact societal responsibility government intervention fat tax health policy obesity prevention public health policy cost-benefit analysis healthcare reform population health obesity-related diseases healthcare expenditures obesity BMI public health healthcare costs economic impact Type 2 diabetes cardiovascular disease cancer chronic disease government policy fat tax health policy health economics productivity loss absenteeism societal costs preventive medicine lifestyle diseases healthcare burden chronic illness disease prevention taxation policy public health intervention weight management non-communicable diseases insurance costs workplace wellness health disparities mortality rates morbidity cost-benefit analysis
test-education-usuprmhbu-con03a	"Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. reverse discrimination meritocracy stigma minority stereotyping social resentment unfair advantage equal opportunity institutional bias backlash qualification assumptions diversity policies racial quotas minority disadvantage societal division perception of fairness workplace diversity race-based admission equality debate merit-based evaluation identity politics affirmative action criticism reverse discrimination minority merit perception stereotype threat social backlash affirmative action resentment fairness in admissions qualifications assumption employment equity debate minority disadvantage inequality in policy legitimacy of achievement earned success perception societal impact affirmative action policy backlash affirmative action stigma minority student experience diversity policy criticism equity versus equality minority disadvantage perceptions reverse discrimination meritocracy social stigma minority stereotypes workplace bias equal opportunity social resentment qualification assumption diversity policies fairness in hiring educational inequality identity politics underrepresentation societal backlash fairness perception racial quotas employment discrimination social justice discrimination policy inclusivity debate affirmative action reinforces negative stereotypes affirmative action resentment minorities societal backlash affirmative action meritocracy affirmative action debate affirmative action fairness perceptions affirmative action and minority stigma affirmative action impact on workplace affirmative action and public opinion perceived unfair advantages affirmative action minority qualifications affirmative action hiring discrimination affirmative action affirmative action and societal division affirmative action undermines achievements minority credibility and affirmative action affirmative action vs equality affirmative action negative consequences affirmative action stereotypes racial resentment affirmative action affirmative action benefits and drawbacks affirmative action historical backlash affirmative action reverse discrimination meritocracy minority stereotypes social resentment backlash fairness in education workplace diversity policy criticism perceived unearned advantages race-based admissions equity vs. equality social cohesion stereotype threat minority qualifications quota systems public opinion on affirmative action historical backlash racial prejudice justice in hiring anti-affirmative action arguments educational attainment identity politics systemic bias social mobility affirmative action stereotypes affirmative action backlash meritocracy and affirmative action minority resentment affirmative action perceived fairness affirmative action de-facto assumptions affirmative action social consequences affirmative action race-based admissions controversy minority qualification assumptions free-ride perceptions affirmative action affirmative action and societal divisions impact of affirmative action on minority reputation public opinion affirmative action affirmative action criticism prejudice perpetuation affirmative action affirmative action prejudice minority resentment de-facto assumption meritocracy free-ride perception stereotype formation societal backlash qualification assumptions unfairness perception policy criticism minority disadvantage workplace discrimination educational access reverse discrimination minority achievement bias social equality diversity policies backlash examples 1990s America Philip Aka American Bar Association stereotype threat discrimination dynamics affirmative action debate prejudice and affirmative action minority meritocracy affirmative action backlash social resentment affirmative action stereotypes minority groups affirmative action discrimination fairness affirmative action perceived unfairness diversity policies minority qualifications stereotype social cohesion diversity policies merit vs. affirmative action workplace diversity controversy affirmative action and inequality minority student perceptions employment affirmative action criticism affirmative action societal impact affirmative action and racism bias in diversity policies equal opportunity controversy reverse discrimination meritocracy minority stigma social backlash stereotyping societal division policy criticism fairness in education workplace equity diversity policies race-based preferences qualification assumptions racial resentment minority achievement equality of opportunity public perception employment bias racial quotas higher education admissions underrepresented groups reverse discrimination meritocracy stigma social resentment equality of opportunity stereotypes diversity policy racial quotas minority advancement fairness in admissions perceived injustice social cohesion backlash against affirmative action preferential treatment educational equity workplace diversity public perception intergroup relations policy criticism social mobility"
test-international-ghwcitca-con02a	A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, cyber warfare international treaties cyber-attacks military asymmetry power imbalance smaller states powerful countries arms control nonproliferation treaties nuclear weapons unequal treaties security dilemma cyber defense international law state sovereignty conventional military power weaponization of cyberspace digital threats global governance treaty bias technological asymmetry military strategy deterrence cyber capabilities policy discrimination strategic advantage cyber disarmament treaty enforcement global security equity in arms control cyber warfare cyber-attacks treaty power imbalance small states large powers international relations military asymmetry weapons of the weak arms control security dilemma cyber security policy nonproliferation global governance digital warfare treaty bias disarmament nuclear nonproliferation analogy international law technological advantage cyber defense interstate conflict state sovereignty asymmetric warfare treaty enforcement credible threat cyber arms race state discrimination treaty compliance global security digital arms control cyber deterrence asymmetric warfare international law power imbalance cyber warfare treaties arms control nuclear nonproliferation digital weapons military inequality cyber defense strategies sovereignty small state security big power dominance treaty bias international relations cybersecurity policy cyber arms race state-sponsored cyber attacks disarmament global governance treaty favors powerful nations cyber-attack ban impact cyber warfare small states asymmetric cyber warfare military imbalance treaties cyber defense challenges comparison nuclear nonproliferation small vs large state deterrence arms control bias legitimizing powerful states weapons of the weak cyber warfare utility disarmament promises failure treaty discrimination enforcement of cyber treaties historical treaty bias credible threats small nations power consolidation treaties cyber arms race loopholes in cyber agreements cyber warfare asymmetric warfare treaty bias power imbalance cyber-attacks international relations nuclear non-proliferation arms control small states large powers military asymmetry disarmament security dilemmas global governance cyber defense weak vs strong states technological disparity international treaties weapon proliferation treaty enforcement strategic balance state sovereignty cybersecurity policy military power dynamics convention vs cyber weapons cyber warfare treaties arms control bias small states cyber deterrence powerful countries treaty advantage nuclear nonproliferation analogy asymmetric warfare advantages international cyber regulation treaty discrimination cyber-attack equitability weak vs strong states treaties cyber weapons accessibility state power imbalance military asymmetry cyber deterrence for small nations flaws in disarmament agreements technological parity in warfare treaty enforcement challenges historical arms treaty bias internet warfare threat cheap cyber weapons cyber warfare cyber-attacks treaties international law power imbalance asymmetric warfare state actors non-state actors small states large powers arms control disarmament nuclear nonproliferation treaty NPT military advantage digital weapons security policy global governance military technology strategic balance conflict cyber defense international relations security dilemma weapons proliferation deterrence hacking global security conventional forces military hardware internet security cyber policy technology gap international treaties enforcement inequity compliance security threats sovereignty state sovereignty global power structure nuclear cyber warfare cyber-attacks cyber weapons international treaties asymmetrical warfare power imbalance small states large powers global security arms control nuclear non-proliferation treaty bias international law digital conflict equal security cyber regulations security policy military technology deterrence treaty discrimination global governance security threat disarmament military inequality cybersecurity agreements state sovereignty cyber warfare arms treaties power imbalance international relations asymmetric warfare cyber-attack deterrence treaty bias small states large powers military inequality cybersecurity policy nuclear non-proliferation disarmament treaty discrimination global security cyber defense state sovereignty technological asymmetry cyber norms military strategy cyber warfare arms control treaties international power dynamics asymmetric warfare nuclear non-proliferation treaty technological advantage military inequality global governance cyber security policy geopolitical strategy digital weapons state sovereignty disarmament treaty bias small state security proliferation security dilemma conventional vs. unconventional warfare cyber-attack deterrence international law global security agreements
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con04a	The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). society responsibilities ethical healthcare assisted suicide euthanasia medical ethics doctors duty preservation of life health sector roles organ donation ethics patient care end-of-life care death and dying medical professionalism healthcare values life-preserving measures euthanasia debate healthcare morality palliative care healthcare ethics suicide prevention patient autonomy Hippocratic Oath euthanasia assisted suicide organ donation medical ethics palliative care physician role healthcare responsibilities sanctity of life life preservation medical professional duties end-of-life care ethical dilemmas suicide prevention Hippocratic Oath death with dignity Catholic perspective moral arguments health sector ethics patient autonomy voluntary euthanasia euthanasia assisted suicide medical ethics organ donation life preservation Hippocratic Oath healthcare responsibility physician-assisted death palliative care sanctity of life societal role moral obligation end-of-life care doctor-patient relationship voluntary death terminal illness medical professionalism ethical dilemmas pro-life argument health sector ethics arguments against euthanasia ethical responsibilities of doctors societal role in end-of-life care opposition to physician-assisted suicide medical ethics and euthanasia purpose of healthcare professionals preserving life vs assisted death critiques of organ donation euthanasia Catholic perspective on euthanasia moral implications of assisted suicide societal obligations in healthcare end-of-life ethical dilemmas arguments for the sanctity of life healthcare policies on euthanasia debate on legalizing euthanasia medical ethics physician-assisted suicide euthanasia health sector responsibility Hippocratic Oath end-of-life care sanctity of life patient autonomy organ donation death with dignity palliative care life preservation medical professionalism moral obligations bioethics healthcare policy societal role medical decision-making involuntary euthanasia voluntary euthanasia assisted suicide euthanasia debate ethics of euthanasia medical ethics role of doctors in euthanasia organ donation ethics society and end-of-life care preserving life medical ethics euthanasia and organ donation medical professionals responsibility voluntary euthanasia controversy health sector role in death Catholic perspective on euthanasia objections to assisted suicide ethical dilemmas in medicine value of human life ethics death and dying societal views medical intervention limits life preservation duty healthcare and euthanasia euthanasia legal debate society's role in healthcare medical ethics euthanasia physician assisted suicide duty to care sanctity of life Hippocratic Oath end-of-life care life preservation palliative care medical professional responsibilities assisted dying moral obligations health sector roles societal responsibility organ donation ethics healthcare policy death with dignity moral philosophy bioethics medical law non-maleficence clinical decision-making terminal illness compassionate care assisted suicide euthanasia organ donation ethics role of society medical ethics healthcare purpose physicians' obligations life preservation death responsibility moral implications end-of-life care bioethics voluntary death debate Hippocratic oath society and suicide terminal illness care medical decision-making ethical dilemmas in medicine active euthanasia passive euthanasia societal values public health policy sanctity of life patient autonomy Catholic perspective legality of euthanasia euthanasia controversy euthanasia assisted suicide medical ethics organ donation end-of-life care physician responsibility health sector duties life preservation Hippocratic Oath palliative care bioethics societal values healthcare policy terminal illness voluntary death medical professionalism patient autonomy ethical dilemmas non-maleficence moral obligations medical ethics euthanasia assisted suicide societal responsibility healthcare ethics organ donation end-of-life care palliative care Hippocratic Oath sanctity of life physician-assisted death moral obligations of doctors opposition to euthanasia pro-life arguments death with dignity bioethics patient autonomy medical professionalism ethical dilemmas in medicine life preservation
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con02a	There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, diplomatic truce cross-strait relations Taiwan China relations recognition policy diplomatic recognition diplomatic rivalry PRC ROC international recognition Taiwan diplomacy Beijing Taipei foreign policy China Africa relations diplomatic isolation Gambia Taiwan China El Salvador China Honduras diplomatic competition one China policy switching allegiance diplomatic poaching international diplomacy foreign relations diplomatic tensions Latin America China Taiwan allies diplomatic negotiations Asia-Pacific relations diplomatic truce China-Taiwan relations cross-strait relations diplomatic recognition Taiwan allies One China policy international diplomacy recognition competition diplomatic poaching PRC foreign policy ROC foreign policy Beijing-Taipei truce El Salvador China relations Honduras China relations Gambia Taiwan relations diplomatic isolation unrecognized states diplomatic maneuvering The Diplomat China Taiwan international relations East Asia peaceful coexistence diplomatic standoff China Africa relations recognition switch Taiwan foreign policy cross-strait relations diplomatic recognition Taiwan-China relations diplomatic truce Taipei-Beijing relations international recognition diplomatic allies One-China policy diplomatic competition PRC-ROC Gambia diplomatic ties Central America diplomacy Taiwan allies China foreign policy diplomatic isolation third-party mediation soft power global diplomacy international influence foreign ministry statements diplomatic truce China Taiwan cross-strait relations diplomatic recognition Taipei Beijing Taiwan China poaching allies El Salvador Honduras PRC relations recognition issue China Taiwan Gambia Taiwan diplomatic ties Gambia recognition China Taiwan China response Gambia Taiwan break diplomatic standoff Taiwan China The Diplomat China Taiwan truce Beijing Taipei diplomatic relations PRC versus ROC recognition China foreign ministry Taiwan relations Africa diplomatic recognition China Taiwan halt in poaching diplomatic allies cross-strait diplomatic competition diplomatic isolation Taiwan international recognition PRC ROC future of China Taiwan diplomatic truce diplomatic truce Taiwan-China relations cross-strait diplomacy diplomatic recognition international recognition PRC ROC Taipei-Beijing relations diplomatic poaching El Salvador China relations Honduras China relations Gambia Taiwan relations foreign policy one China policy diplomatic alliances China foreign ministry The Diplomat The China Post diplomatic strategy separation of recognition diplomatic isolation global diplomacy China Taiwan diplomatic truce cross-strait relations Taiwan recognition diplomacy China foreign policy Africa Gambia Taiwan relations El Salvador Honduras China recognition Beijing Taipei poaching countries diplomatic isolation Taiwan one-China policy China Taiwan competition severing diplomatic ties Taiwan PRC foreign ministry statements Taiwan international relations diplomatic truce impact Africa China-Taiwan small states Taiwan recognition Taiwan Central America relations Gambia China relations China outreach Africa diplomatic status Taiwan diplomatic truce cross-strait relations Taipei Beijing China-Taiwan relations diplomatic recognition Taiwan People’s Republic of China PRC Republic of China ROC diplomatic allies recognition policy diplomatic isolation diplomatic switch third-party countries international relations El Salvador Honduras Gambia foreign policy embassy recognition diplomatic poaching bilateral relations international diplomacy China foreign ministry Taiwan foreign ministry sensitive diplomacy one China policy global diplomacy state recognition diplomatic relations cross-strait relations Taiwan-China ties recognition politics diplomatic truce diplomatic competition Taiwan diplomacy China foreign policy Beijing-Taipei relations international recognition poaching allies Southeast Asia diplomacy Gambia-Taiwan relations El Salvador-China relations Honduras-China ties PRC diplomatic strategy One China policy Taiwan allies global diplomacy diplomatic isolation international stance foreign ministry statements breaking diplomatic ties global political alliances diplomatic truce cross-strait relations Taipei-Beijing relations diplomatic recognition Taiwan foreign policy China foreign policy PRC ROC poaching allies international relations El Salvador China relations Honduras China relations Gambia Taiwan relations recognition policy diplomatic isolation One China policy diplomatic competition Taiwan diplomatic truce Beijing diplomatic strategy The Diplomat China Post Joel Atkinson J Michael Cole Peter Enav foreign ministry statements unrecognized states international diplomacy cross-strait diplomacy cross-Strait relations diplomatic recognition Taiwan China diplomacy diplomatic truce international recognition one-China policy Taiwan diplomatic allies Beijing Taipei relations Gambia China Taiwan diplomatic isolation PRC diplomatic strategy Taiwan foreign policy China foreign policy Central America China ties El Salvador Honduras China recognition contest international relations East Asia unrecognized states diplomatic poaching diplomatic competition
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con02a	African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values human rights cultural context capital punishment community protection deterrence traditional African legal culture Yoruba justice communal priorities individual rights Western legal tradition serious crimes religious offenses collective security punishment philosophy justice in Africa community-centered justice Balogun Oladele pan-African studies African legal systems African communal values community over individual traditional justice Yoruba legal culture collective responsibility indigenous jurisprudence cultural relativism human rights capital punishment Africa African philosophy of law social harmony restorative justice Africa deterrence traditional societies societal protection custom versus Western law punishment and morality Africa crime and community Africa religious offenses Africa social order African values punishment legitimacy Africa African values human rights cultural relativism community welfare collective rights individual rights Western legal tradition deterrence punishment philosophy capital punishment traditional African justice Yoruba legal culture moral philosophy community protection serious crimes religious offenses communal security restorative justice retributive justice African philosophy indigenous law crime and punishment justice systems societal consequences legal pluralism African values and human rights community vs individual in legal tradition cultural context of capital punishment deterrence and community protection in African societies African philosophy of justice traditional African legal culture significance of community in African law punishment for religious offenses Africa comparison African and Western legal systems Yoruba perspectives on punishment African conceptions of serious crimes collective security and capital punishment cultural perspectives on justice enforcement traditional sanctions for murder in Africa defense of capital punishment in African traditions African legal traditions communal values restorative justice collective rights traditional justice systems cultural relativism community protection societal welfare capital punishment in Africa deterrence indigenous law communal responsibility human rights in Africa Western legal systems individual vs community Yoruba legal philosophy traditional punishment religious offenses moral order African philosophy Pan-African studies legal pluralism human rights discourse African morality social cohesion African values and capital punishment traditional African legal systems community over individual rights Africa human rights cultural context Africa deterrence justice Africa Yoruba philosophy punishment community protection Africa capital punishment human rights debate Africa religious offenses and capital punishment Africa African perspectives on justice African communal values and law comparison African and Western legal traditions protecting community African philosophy Oladele Balogun Yoruba punishment Pan African studies legal culture African values human rights cultural relativism community protection collectivism deterrence capital punishment traditional justice Yoruba legal culture philosophical defense punishment serious crimes religious offenses communal welfare Western legal tradition individual rights restorative justice retributive justice indigenous law crime and punishment African philosophy societal order communal responsibility legal pluralism Balogun pan-African studies African values human rights cultural context community protection deterrence capital punishment African legal tradition Western legal tradition individual rights communal emphasis serious crimes murder religious offenses social consequences traditional justice Yoruba legal culture philosophical defense African jurisprudence comparative law collective responsibility punishment philosophy ethical perspectives justice systems indigenous law Pan African studies punishment practices legal anthropology crime deterrence social order cultural relativism moral values African values human rights cultural context community protection deterrence capital punishment communalism Western legal tradition individual rights serious crimes murder religious offenses traditional African justice Yoruba legal culture punishment philosophy social harmony collective responsibility societal order restorative justice African jurisprudence legal pluralism moral values cultural relativism community welfare punishment justification African philosophy Ubuntu communalism restorative justice collective rights cultural relativism traditional justice systems indigenous law customary law retributive justice morality societal protection social harmony legal pluralism death penalty ethics individual vs. community justice in Africa punishment philosophy crime and punishment Yoruba legal tradition western vs. African legal systems religious offenses community security social order anthropology of law human dignity customary sanctions reconciliation African jurisprudence legal anthropology
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro04a	Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. economic impact infrastructure development tourism growth job creation urban regeneration long-term benefits host city international exposure event legacy investment local economy skill development employment opportunities tourist revenue global showcase city branding public spending economic regeneration community development Olympics economic impact hosting mega-events benefits infrastructure development urban regeneration post-Olympics tourism increase long-term financial gains international exposure city branding tourism revenue job creation skills development local employment economic legacy cost-benefit analysis social and economic regeneration direct and indirect economic benefits public investment return on investment economic sustainability host city advantages Olympic Games economic impact tourism increase infrastructure development job creation local employment urban regeneration long-term benefits host nation promotion investment returns skills training revenue growth post-Olympics tourism international exposure economic growth legacy effects city branding spending multiplier construction sector hospitality industry global visibility economic impact of hosting Olympics tourism boost after Olympics long-term effects of event hosting infrastructure improvement benefits regeneration from mega-events Olympic Games job creation Olympics and city branding ROI from hosting Olympics tourism revenue increase post-Olympics skill training from sporting events urban renewal Olympic legacy local economy impact Olympics cost-benefit analysis Olympic Games Olympics profits and losses post-event economic growth city development from hosting sporting event economic multipliers employment opportunities hosting Olympics Olympics and sustainable urban growth Olympic economic impact host city regeneration Olympic infrastructure investment tourism increase post-Olympic benefits Olympic job creation long-term Olympic gains Olympic legacy urban development Olympics event-driven economic growth sports tourism Olympic host nation showcase Sydney 2000 tourism boost employment from Olympics Olympic financial outcomes global sporting events economy skill development Olympics Olympics and local community sustainable Olympic benefits cost-benefit Olympics Olympic Games economic impact benefits of hosting Olympics tourism boost after Olympics infrastructure improvements Olympic Games Olympic Games job creation long-term economic impact Olympics hosting international sporting events benefits Olympic Games regeneration projects Olympics investment return host nation tourism growth economic legacy of Olympics Olympics urban development social benefits of hosting Olympics Olympics workforce training Olympic Games local economy Olympics revenue generation Olympics and city branding public spending on Olympics Olympics infrastructure spending Olympics skill development Olympic Games economic impact hosting benefits tourism boost infrastructure development job creation urban regeneration long-term growth skills training local employment tourist revenue international exposure city branding investment event legacy economic growth Sydney 2000 Paris 2012 New York 2012 costs versus benefits global showcase host nation advantages Olympics economic impact hosting benefits Olympics tourism boost infrastructure investment job creation Olympics Olympic Games legacy tourism revenue Olympics urban regeneration Olympics host city economy Olympics GDP growth Olympics employment long-term economic benefits Olympic Games profit event-driven economic growth sports event infrastructure city branding Olympics mega-event economic analysis social impact Olympics tourism development Olympics skills training Olympics Olympic economic impact tourism increase infrastructure development job creation urban regeneration host nation benefits long-term tourism growth post-Olympics revenue local employment opportunities skills training global exposure investment return mega-event legacy economic growth cost-benefit analysis sports event economics event hosting pros cons Sydney tourism boost Olympics profit loss social impact host city regeneration economic impact Olympic Games host countries tourism growth infrastructure investment regeneration benefits job creation urban development long-term benefits profit analysis local employment training opportunities tourism revenue host city promotion legacy effects global exposure sports events economics financial outcomes public spending international recognition
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro03a	A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, balanced breakfast student performance cognitive function academic achievement breakfast habits nutrition school performance memory attention learning outcomes healthy eating children nutrition breakfast consumption classroom focus diet quality hunger test scores educational outcomes morning meal academic success Indian National Institute of Nutrition sustained energy sugar intake brain function concentration improvement nutrition cognitive performance attention span academic achievement school performance memory learning outcomes child nutrition morning meals breakfast habits classroom behavior sugar intake hunger test scores brain function dietary habits student health educational outcomes balanced diet breakfast consumption nutritious breakfast cognitive performance academic achievement school nutrition student alertness balanced diet learning outcomes childhood nutrition memory retention classroom behavior attention span test performance brain function hunger and learning sugar intake morning meal educational success student well-being healthy eating habits school breakfast programs benefits of healthy breakfast for students healthy breakfast and academic performance breakfast and student concentration effects of skipping breakfast on learning balanced meal for schoolchildren nutrition and cognitive function in children impact of breakfast on test scores morning meals and attention span school achievement and diet healthy eating habits for better grades breakfast consumption and memory relationship between nutrition and learning breakfast studies in Indian schools sugar intake and student focus improving classroom performance through diet regular breakfast and educational outcomes breakfast and immediate memory in students strategies to improve student concentration through nutrition student nutrition academic performance breakfast habits cognitive function attention span balanced diet school achievement memory improvement learning outcomes childhood hunger nutrition research test scores sugar intake healthy eating Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast and learning student health classroom concentration morning meals educational attainment healthy breakfast benefits breakfast and student concentration impact of breakfast on learning balanced breakfast for school children breakfast and academic performance breakfast and test scores nutrition and cognitive function in students effects of hunger on learning breakfast habits in children breakfast and memory retention importance of breakfast in school sugar intake and concentration Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast study regular breakfast and student achievement healthy school meal recommendations healthy breakfast student concentration academic performance balanced meal low sugar breakfast hunger prevention learning outcomes cognitive function school nutrition student focus test scores breakfast habits child nutrition educational achievement attention span memory improvement Indian National Institute of Nutrition school performance cognitive development breakfast benefits nutrition and learning classroom attention breakfast and academics healthy breakfast benefits student concentration improvement school breakfast impact balanced meal for children sugar intake and learning hunger and academic performance nutrition and school achievement Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast study breakfast and test scores children's cognitive function morning meal and memory classroom focus nutrition best breakfast for students dietary habits and education breakfast skipping effects academic benefits of breakfast health and learning outcomes student nutrition research child hunger and studies optimal school breakfast choices student nutrition academic performance balanced breakfast cognitive function school achievement memory retention attention span learning outcomes test scores child development meal timing hunger and learning low-sugar breakfast school nutrition programs dietary habits brain function classroom behavior Indian students nutrition research educational success student performance cognitive function academic achievement school nutrition breakfast habits attention span memory retention mental alertness childhood nutrition learning outcomes sugar intake energy levels test scores breakfast benefits school meals nutritional guidelines
test-international-iiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ human-wildlife conflict animal attacks Africa dangerous animals Africa hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks lion attacks wildlife fatalities Africa endangered species aggression human safety wildlife animal conservation risks Kruger National Park incidents wildlife population control human deaths wildlife animal-human encounters most dangerous African animals animal protection debate lethal animal encounters tourist safety Africa human fatalities wild animals managing wildlife threats wildlife management Africa human-wildlife conflict animal attacks Africa endangered species risks dangerous wildlife deaths human fatalities wild animals hippopotamus attacks statistics elephant attacks Africa lion attacks fatality wildlife population risk conservation human safety wildlife management Africa animal behavior aggression national park animal attacks protecting endangered species wildlife-human encounters animal population control tourism wildlife risk predator-human conflict managing dangerous animals Africa wildlife accidents human wildlife conflict animal attacks Africa dangerous animals Africa human fatality wildlife hippo attacks statistics elephant attacks incidents lion attacks Africa endangered aggressive animals wildlife population risk human safety conservation animal protection impact safari accidents Kruger National Park attacks minimizing animal attacks coexistence strategies wildlife management Africa animal-related deaths large mammal threats tourist safety Africa dangerous game species human-wildlife conflict in Africa large animal attacks Africa statistics endangered aggressive animals African deaths hippopotamus attacks Africa yearly elephant attacks human mortality Africa lion fatal attacks statistics Kruger National Park animal attacks impact of wildlife protection on human safety endangered species threats to humans most dangerous animals Africa bull elephant flips tourist car animal conservation and human fatalities balancing wildlife protection and human lives case studies animal attacks South Africa tourist safety African wildlife protecting humans from animal attacks park management dangerous animals animal population control and human safety media reports on animal attacks Africa policies reducing animal-related deaths Africa human-wildlife conflict animal attack statistics Africa dangerous African animals human fatalities wildlife hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks Africa lion attacks Africa endangered animal aggression human safety wildlife conservation animal population control Africa wildlife management national park animal risks wildlife protection versus human safety most dangerous animals Africa Kruger National Park incidents mitigation human-animal conflict wildlife fatalities Africa conservation trade-offs animal behavior aggression tourism wildlife danger animal attacks Africa human fatalities Africa wildlife dangerous animals Africa hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks Africa lion attacks Africa tourist safety African parks endangered aggressive animals wildlife conservation human risk Africa large animal hazards human-wildlife conflict Africa Kruger National Park elephant attack protecting humans from wildlife most dangerous African animals animal population control wildlife vs human safety minimizing fatalities wild animals animal conservation risks human deaths caused by animals aggressive endangered species human-wildlife conflict animal attacks Africa dangerous African animals hippo deaths statistics elephant attack incidents lion fatalities Africa endangered species aggression wildlife protection risks Kruger National Park animal attacks tourism wildlife safety large mammal attacks Africa animal-related human fatalities most dangerous animals Africa wildlife population risk increase human safety conservation animal aggressiveness tourist safety Africa risk of animal overprotection wildlife management Africa animal conservation public safety Africa wildlife attacks dangerous animals Africa human fatalities wild animals hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks Africa lion attacks Africa animal-human conflict Africa wildlife conservation risks endangered animal aggression safari dangers Kruger National Park incidents animal attack statistics Africa most dangerous African animals animal protection human safety wildlife population human deaths reducing human-animal conflict big game attacks Africa tourism wildlife risks African wildlife deaths protecting humans from animals human-wildlife conflict animal attacks Africa elephant attacks hippopotamus danger lion fatalities endangered animal aggression wildlife-related deaths Kruger National Park incidents dangerous African animals wildlife protection risks safari safety most dangerous African animals wildlife conservation impact animal population control human fatalities wildlife tourism Africa safety animal-human interactions animal attack statistics minimizing wildlife attacks African wildlife management human-wildlife conflict Africa wildlife fatalities dangerous African animals human deaths by animals hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks lion attacks endangered aggressive animals wildlife protection risks animal attacks statistics Kruger National Park incidents most dangerous African animals animal-human interactions wildlife conservation and human safety large animal human fatalities managing wildlife populations animal attack prevention animal-related deaths Africa
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro03a	Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, drug safety legalization drug regulation purity amphetamine MDMA ecstasy adulteration contaminated drugs drug control harm reduction substance purity regulatory oversight public health drug policy safe consumption quality control street drugs drug adulterants user risk illegal drugs UK drug laws drug monitoring drug-related harm drug testing drug legalization drug regulation drug purity drug adulteration drug safety UK drug policy controlled substances MDMA amphetamine purity ecstasy tablets harm reduction state regulation public health illegal drugs substance abuse street drugs legal drugs drug testing drug contamination user risk policy reform safer drugs regulated markets drug quality drug control health benefits drug harm drug policy benefits drug legalization drug regulation harm reduction drug purity drug adulteration controlled substances MDMA amphetamines drug safety state regulation safe drug supply drug quality illicit drugs drug contamination public health decriminalization UK drug policy substance abuse prevention legal drug market drug testing street drugs unregulated drugs drug control toxic adulterants evidence-based policy legal regulation of drugs drug purity laws UK impact of drug legalization drug adulteration risks effects of illegal drug market UK regulated drug supply safety MDMA authenticity regulation drug harm reduction policies controlled substance purity testing legal vs illegal drug risks drug contamination statistics UK government drug quality control benefits of legal drug markets regulated amphetamine safety street drugs vs legal drugs UK public health and drug policy overdose reduction via legalization UK drug policy reform arguments consumer protection in drug sales comparisons: legal and illegal drugs effects drug legalisation drug purity UK drug regulation amphetamine purity ecstasy adulteration MDMA content drug contamination substance adulteration drug safety harm reduction regulated drug sale drug policy street drugs public health drug testing controlled substances drug decriminalisation purity testing illicit drug risks legal drug market user safety drug quality control government regulation drug contamination risks synthetic drugs narcotics management drug legalisation benefits drug purity regulation UK drug laws safer drug consumption drug adulteration risks amphetamine purity UK ecstasy MDMA content drug harm reduction regulated drug markets state drug regulation street drug dangers purity testing drugs drug safety regulation effects of drug prohibition drug contamination prevention public health drug policy drug legalization drug purity amphetamine ecstasy MDMA drug adulteration drug safety drug regulation substance abuse drug contamination street drugs drug policy UK controlled substances drug quality control harm reduction drug testing state regulation illegal drugs drug-related risks drug enforcement public health cutting agents policy impact legal regulation drug supply chain user safety clean drugs unregulated drugs drug monitoring health risks drug scope purity testing drug legalisation UK drug purity regulation amphetamine purity UK MDMA adulteration ecstasy tablet contents drug adulterants state regulation drugs drug harm reduction safer drug use illicit drug risks legal vs illegal drugs quality control drugs drug safety UK cutting agents drugs drug contamination government drug regulation public health drugs drugs and law reducing drug harm legal drugs safer drug regulation drug purity drug adulteration UK drug policy legalisation benefits harm reduction amphetamine quality ecstasy substitutes MDMA purity state control safe supply street drugs public health controlled substances illegal drugs drug safety cutting agents substance testing policy reform drug monitoring drug decriminalization overdose prevention legal sales purity testing drug market regulation drug legalisation drug regulation drug safety amphetamine purity MDMA purity Adulterants in drugs drug contamination UK drug policy street drugs harm reduction drug adulteration regulated drug markets controlled substances state regulation clean drugs minimizing drug risk drug harm minimization public health policy
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. debt traps microfinance crises predatory lending financial exclusion credit access microcredit stress subprime lending default risks poverty alleviation borrower exploitation financial regulation loan recovery social impact rural finance over-indebtedness repayment pressure economic vulnerability regulatory frameworks credit control informal lending borrower protection suicides in microfinance lending ethics financial literacy interest rates household debt credit regulation India microfinance lender accountability poverty cycles microfinance crisis debt traps subprime microlending predatory lending financial inclusion risks microcredit regulation borrower over-indebtedness poverty and credit microfinance defaults repayment pressure microfinance suicides India regulation of microfinance institutions financial stress unethical collection practices consumer protection microfinance rural indebtedness informal lending credit risk management economic exploitation small loan abuse microfinance crisis predatory lending over-indebtedness financial inclusion borrower stress subprime lending credit regulation poverty traps microcredit risks loan default coercive collection informal lending repayment pressure rural finance financial literacy India microfinance microloan regulation debt burden borrower protection credit access social impact microfinance regulation systemic risk financial instability interest rates poverty alleviation borrower wellbeing small-scale lending credit rationing loan sharking microfinance debt cycles microfinance and poverty traps microfinance repayment crisis subprime lending in microfinance free market ideology microfinance microfinance regulation India microcredit induced stress microfinance and suicide India effects of microfinance on poorest microcredit default threats microfinance mortality rates credit overextension microfinance predatory lending microfinance microfinance failure case studies sustainable microfinance practices regulation of microfinance organizations microfinance social impact microfinance crisis solutions microfinance risk management microfinance policy recommendations microfinance debt cycles financial inclusion subprime lending credit access poverty traps predatory lending economic vulnerability financial regulation loan default borrower stress rural finance repayment pressure microcredit crisis social impact microfinance regulation over-indebtedness credit risk interest rates microfinance suicides informal lending financial literacy consumer protection microloan recovery sustainable microfinance India microfinance ethical lending debt stress loan sharking microfinance mortality microfinance crisis debt cycles in microfinance microfinance subprime lending microcredit and poverty microfinance regulation microfinance and suicide India microfinance repayment stress free market ideologies microfinance microfinance over-indebtedness microfinance loan default microfinance credit risk social impact of microfinance microfinance borrower protection microfinance regulatory frameworks microfinance ethical concerns debt cycles microfinance market ideology subprime lending microcredit crisis lending regulation financial exclusion poverty traps borrower stress repayment pressure credit access default threats over-indebtedness microfinance India borrower mortality economic instability microfinance suicides predatory lending rural credit informal lending financial regulation creditworthiness assessment sustainable microfinance loan recovery practices credit risk borrower protection financial ethics microfinance reforms financial stress development finance microfinance crisis debt trap subprime lending microcredit regulation microfinance in India financial inclusion microfinance impact borrower distress microfinance suicides loan default threats poverty and debt predatory lending microfinance industry regulation microcredit over-indebtedness unethical microfinance practices microfinance borrower protection microcredit repayment pressure free market microfinance microfinance mortality responsible lending financial risk to poor microfinance sector reforms impact of microfinance on health microfinance oversight credit access and poverty microfinance ethics social impact of microfinance microcredit loan default financial inclusion over-indebtedness predatory lending poverty traps borrower stress socioeconomic impact repayment pressure rural finance microenterprise failure interest rates financial regulation credit risk welfare implications economic vulnerability loan recovery practices India microfinance crisis sector oversight borrower protection income inequality subprime lending consequences mental health impacts financial exploitation informal lending institutional accountability poverty traps financial inclusion predatory lending subprime crisis microcredit regulation borrower over-indebtedness rural finance interest rates default risk economic vulnerability repayment pressure socio-economic impact borrower protection financial literacy loan sharking informal lending regulatory frameworks India microfinance crisis microfinance ethics loan recovery practices women empowerment financial stress social consequences economic development microloans credit accessibility MFI regulation microfinance sustainability client screening credit risk management
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro04a	Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. incentive theory profit motivation societal welfare work productivity wealth distribution meritocracy private property economic incentives motivational force reward systems productivity and society standard of living welfare economics disincentives work effort income inequality redistribution social mobility Rawlsian justice Nozick entitlement theory economic growth charity effects safety net socialism critique free market work ethic labor rewards opportunity costs poverty alleviation wealth accumulation economic justice profit incentive incentives and productivity meritocracy wealth distribution work motivation reward systems economic incentives private property benefits social welfare and incentives income inequality productivity and society incentive-driven economies safety nets and work ethics wealth creation motivation and labor distributive justice Rawls theory of justice Nozick meritocracy capitalism benefits socialism drawbacks economic equality vs efficiency earned income social mobility incentivizing hard work productivity impact charity and wealth market economies individual reward societal well-being labor and reward correlation negative incentives standard of living work disincentives incentive theory motivational rewards meritocracy wealth distribution productivity private property economic incentives work motivation social mobility material wealth labor and reward social productivity utilitarianism distributive justice capitalism welfare and productivity moral hazard safety net income inequality societal welfare individual responsibility performance-based rewards work ethic economic efficiency social contract Rawls justice Nozick entitlement socialism critique charity standard of living incentive structures economic growth motivational force equitable reward fairness in society profit incentives benefits societal productivity motivation work-reward correlation private property incentives meritocracy and wealth distribution economic productivity societal impact incentive structures social welfare productivity and standard of living wealth creation incentives performance-based rewards work ethic economic outcomes social safety nets and work motivation disincentives to work motivational forces at work increased productivity societal benefits incentives and poverty reduction productivity and charitable impact incentives versus equality Rawls theory incentives Nozick property rights incentives historical examples of incentives socialism and incentive failure economic motivation case studies economic incentives profit motive motivational theory wealth distribution private property labor productivity incentive structures societal welfare meritocracy distributive justice Rawlsian theory Nozick entitlement historical examples of incentives safety nets welfare state critique capitalism vs socialism equal pay debate productivity effects charity economics incentive-driven economies social benefits of wealth market motivation work-reward relationship societal productivity economic inequality incentive-based reforms property rights theory work ethic economic efficiency reward systems incentives and societal prosperity profit motive benefits society work-reward relationship productivity and social welfare motivation and wealth creation economic incentives and standard of living private property and societal good impact of safety nets on productivity rewarding hard work societal benefits unequal rewards and productivity just distribution of wealth Rawls theory of justice incentives Nozick Anarchy State Utopia incentive arguments historical lessons on work motivation socialism criticism incentives individual drive and social progress wealth redistribution and societal benefit charities productivity link economic systems and incentive structures meritocracy and societal outcomes ethics of work reward incentive theory profit motive societal welfare motivational force work ethic reward systems wealth distribution meritocracy productivity private property economic incentives social safety nets universal basic income wealth inequality labor contribution distributive justice John Rawls Robert Nozick free market capitalism socialism critique standard of living economic mobility charity positive externalities work-reward link productivity increase social contract labor market income disparities economic justice property rights behavioral economics motivational psychology efficiency fairness social benefit utilitarianism incentives and productivity economic growth incentives and productivity profit motive societal impact work-reward correlation wealth distribution private property motivation incentive structures in society economic productivity and reward meritocracy and social benefits work ethic and societal advancement motivational theories in economics Rawls theory of justice incentives Nozick property rights incentives social safety nets productivity welfare and work incentives capitalism and social benefit socialism productivity comparison individual reward innovation societal wealth creation charitable impacts of productivity economic inequality incentives distributive justice incentive incentive theory profit motive societal welfare motivational psychology rewards and productivity private property wealth distribution meritocracy work ethic economic incentives social productivity welfare effects safety nets income inequality redistribution universal basic income labor economics social justice Rawls justice theory Nozick entitlement theory history of incentives capitalism vs socialism work motivation charitable benefits productivity impact moral hazard fairness in economics incentive theory motivational force economic incentives profit motive private property wealth distribution productivity labor and reward meritocracy social welfare safety net standard of living work ethic economic productivity social justice trickle-down effect unequal rewards Rawls justice theory Nozick entitlement theory welfare state socialism failure charitable contributions income inequality market economy rewards for effort incentive structures societal benefits moral philosophy distributive justice
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con03a	“Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 junk food sales school funding vending machines soda contracts snack contracts discretionary funds school revenue standardized test incentives school budgets non-core programs PE funding extracurricular funding school finance student health childhood obesity fundraising alternatives school nutrition policies impact of vending bans soft drink companies snack companies educational resources program funding public schools school performance resource allocation educational equity budget cuts commercialization in schools school wellness policies academic achievement nutrition education junk food sales school funding school finances vending machines soft drink contracts snack vending contracts school revenue educational funding standardized testing incentives non-core programs extracurricular funding school budget public school funding soft drink revenue snack sales educational resources impact of junk food bans financial incentives school performance school budget allocation fundraising in schools school nutrition policies child obesity funding school discretionary funds Anderson PM school finance research junk food revenue school funding vending machine contracts school budgets extracurricular funding standardized testing incentives non-core programs physical education funding sports programs discretionary funds school performance soft drink contracts snack vending school finances educational resources school fundraising student activities budget impact of vending machines school nutrition policy child obesity funding sources school funding from junk food sales impact of soda vending in schools incentives for junk food contracts in education effects of junk food ban on extracurricular activities standardized testing and school resource allocation non-core program funding in schools financial dependence on snack vending case studies of school vending machine profits alternative funding sources for schools consequences of banning school junk food sales junk food sales and educational technology funding student health vs. school finances budget allocation for sports and PE long-term effects of vending machine contracts school fundraising strategies nutrition policy and school budgets comparative analysis of funding models impact on low-income schools legislative responses to junk food sales school funding vending machine contracts soda companies snack companies discretionary funds standardized test incentives non-core programs physical education funding extracurricular activities school budgets school finance nutritional policy school health children’s obesity revenue sources funding alternatives unhealthy food marketing educational resources soft drink contracts snack vending contracts Maryland schools funding impact academic performance public school finance policy implications fundraising methods school nutrition legislative proposals school health policies school funding from vending machines impact of junk food bans on school budgets incentives for selling junk food in schools standardized testing and school resource allocation consequences of soft drink contracts in schools alternative revenue sources for schools effect of junk food sales on extracurricular programs school funding and student health financial dependence on junk food sales school budgeting challenges and nutrition policies junk food sales school funding vending machines soft drink contracts snack contracts discretionary funds school finance standardized testing incentives non-core programs physical education funding extracurricular activities school budget revenue generation soda sales student health child obesity policy impact ban on junk food vending revenue instructional funding educational resources school incentives Maryland schools school nutrition policy school fundraising secondary school finances public school budgets funding alternatives negative consequences of bans academic performance incentives computer purchases field trip funding yearbook funding club funding junk food sales in schools vending machine funding schools soda vending school revenue snack contracts school funding school discretionary funds junk food soft drink contracts education school extracurricular funding snacks junk food ban school impact standardized tests school resources non-core programs school incentives PE funding and junk food school computers vending income snack sales extracurricular activities education funding alternatives school finances and obesity vending machines academic programs junk food school finance debate public schools funding junk food school clubs snack sales impact of junk food ban schools incentives school nutrition policies school funding junk food sales vending machine contracts school budgets standardized test incentives discretionary school funds extracurricular program funding non-core curriculum funding physical education funding school nutrition policy vending revenue school finances student health childhood obesity school performance metrics educational resource allocation school fundraising soft drink contracts snack vending revenue policy effectiveness unintended consequences Maryland schools case study computer purchases club funding yearbook funding field trip funding school resource limitations school fundraising vending machine contracts soft drink companies snack vending revenue school discretionary funds extracurricular funding standardized test incentives non-core curriculum funding physical education funding impact of junk food bans school budget constraints educational funding alternatives nutrition policy in schools student health vs. school finance children's obesity funding connection policy implications school health initiatives alternative school revenue sources school budgeting priorities effects of vending machines in schools
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative facilitator decision-making EU foreign policy catalyst coordination EU foreign ministers agenda shaping policy influence common positions UN Security Council spokesperson External Action Service Council Commission policy specialists global representation foreign service policy articulation EU enlargement European consciousness political unity foreign and security policy EU integration diplomacy international relations diplomatic authority external relations EU member states Europe integration policy development EU High Representative EU foreign policy EU External Action Service European foreign ministers EU policy coordination EU spokesperson EU UN Security Council representation EU foreign service European political unity EU decision-making EU diplomacy European security policy EU policy specialists EU global representation EU policy influence common foreign policy European integration supranational diplomacy policy harmonization EU external relations European identity EU enlargement Arctic policy nuclear safety policy shaping EU international role High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman foreign ministers agenda setting policy coordination UN Security Council External Action Service Council Commission policy specialists Arctic nuclear safety enlargement foreign service global representation policy articulation European consciousness political unity security policy European Union diplomacy common positions international relations external affairs diplomatic service supranational governance High Representative role EU EU foreign policy coordination EU External Action Service EU foreign minister meetings EU foreign policy agenda-setting unified EU foreign policy EU representation UN Security Council EU common foreign policy positions EU global diplomatic service evolution EU foreign and security policy European political unity EU global diplomatic network EU Council and Commission policy specialists European consciousness foreign policy EU foreign policy authority integration of EU foreign policy EU international representation future of EU diplomacy impact of High Representative on EU policies strengthening EU external action High Representative EU foreign policy EU decision-making External Action Service EU foreign ministers foreign policy coordination EU spokesperson UN Security Council EU diplomatic service common foreign policy Council and Commission EU enlargement EU external relations European consciousness political unity policy agenda international representation EU global influence foreign service development policy articulation security policy evolution EU High Representative EU foreign policy coordination EU External Action Service EU foreign ministers meetings EU spokesperson EU common foreign policy EU political unity EU global diplomacy EU in UN Security Council EU foreign service development European security policy EU policy specialists EU decision-making European Union enlargement EU external relations EU diplomatic authority shaping EU foreign agenda EU international influence evolution of EU foreign policy EU political integration High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman EU nations policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping policy influence common positions UN Security Council authority European Union External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement worldwide representatives foreign service policy articulation national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European integration diplomacy external relations global affairs High Representative EU EU foreign policy coordination EU External Action Service EU foreign ministers meetings EU spokesperson role EU common foreign policy EU Security Council representation EU international diplomacy EU enlargement policy EU Arctic policy EU nuclear safety EU policy specialists EU global foreign service EU political unity European consciousness EU Council EU Commission EU decision-making facilitator EU foreign service evolution EU external relations High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making facilitator catalyst EU coordination foreign ministers policy agenda policy outcomes common foreign policy positions UN Security Council External Action Service Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety EU enlargement foreign service global representation policy specialists EU security policy European unity European consciousness political integration EU diplomacy international relations supranational governance EU member states foreign policy coherence European identity external relations global influence EU institutions EU foreign policy High Representative EU External Action Service EU foreign ministers EU decision-making EU political unity European Security Policy EU diplomatic service UN Security Council EU foreign affairs coordination EU enlargement EU common policy positions EU international relations EU policy coordination European integration EU global representation EU spokesperson EU Council EU Commission foreign policy catalyst EU authority EU global influence
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro02a	Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . economic performance by political party Democratic vs Republican economic outcomes US presidential economic history partisan impact on economy unemployment rates by president federal budget deficits Democrat Republican post-war US economy OPEC shock effects GOP economic policy historical wage trends by party economic stability under Democrats balanced budget comparisons economic growth Democrat Republican Larry Bartels economic research economic boom and bust cycles US fiscal policy partisan comparison presidential party economic impact modern US economic history unemployment rate trends Christian Science Monitor economics Democratic economic performance Republican economic policies U.S. presidential economic comparison economic stability by party boom and bust cycles balanced federal budgets unemployment rates by president party differences in deficits wage growth by administration partisan economic outcomes OPEC oil shocks impact post-war U.S. economy Larry Bartels economic analysis Christian Science Monitor politics presidential economic track record fiscal responsibility by party party control and economic indicators U.S. economic history by party macroeconomic outcomes Democrats Republicans partisan budget management economic performance by party Democrat vs Republican economic record US unemployment by president US budget deficits history economic stability political parties OPEC oil shocks impact historical unemployment rates US balanced budget Democrats Republicans wage growth by presidency economic outcomes party comparison presidential economic impact fiscal policy party differences economic indicators political affiliation Larry Bartels economic research party control and US economy post-war economic trends US Democratic economic performance Republican economic performance unemployment rate comparison Democrats vs Republicans balanced budget historical data post-war economic stability Democrats GOP OPEC shocks economic impact presidential party and unemployment party deficits comparison wage growth under Democrats vs Republicans macroeconomic outcomes by party Larry Bartels economic analysis Christian Science Monitor party economy study historical budget surplus by party economic boom and bust cycles GOP economic stability under Democratic presidencies partisan impact on economic indicators fiscal responsibility party comparison job creation record Democrats Republicans US economic growth Presidents economic policy outcomes Democratic vs Republican economic performance by party Democratic economic policy Republican economic policy historical unemployment rates by party U.S. economic stability budget deficits Democrats vs Republicans party influence on economic indicators post-war U.S. economy presidential impact on economy economic growth under Democrats economic growth under Republicans OPEC shock economic impact Larry Bartels economic research Christian Science Monitor economic analysis U.S. unemployment rate by presidency Democratic vs Republican economic performance party economic track record economic stability under Democrats GOP boom and bust cycle unemployment rate by party balanced budget history Democrats vs Republicans post-war economic performance by party party impact on deficits wages under Republican presidents economic comparison Republican Democratic presidents economic policy outcomes US parties OPEC shocks and US unemployment Larry Bartels economic analysis Christian Science Monitor party economy article historical US unemployment statistics by party Democratic Party Republican Party economic stability boom and bust cycles balanced budget fiscal policy OPEC oil shocks unemployment rate economic performance US Presidents deficit spending wage growth post-war economy economic indicators party comparison historical economic data economic outcomes Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor party economic track record Democratic economic performance Republican economic performance US economic stability boom and bust cycles balanced budget history presidential fiscal policy unemployment rates by party post-war economic stats OPEC economic impact wage growth Democrats vs Republicans budget deficit trends Larry Bartels economic analysis partisan economic outcomes presidential economic track records economic consequences of party control economic indicators by administration historical unemployment rates fiscal responsibility Democrats fiscal responsibility Republicans economic policy comparison economic performance by party partisan economic outcomes historical unemployment rates by president US budget deficits politics economic stability Democrats vs Republicans economic policy partisan comparison presidential economic records balanced budget history US postwar employment trends GOP economic record Democratic Party economic achievements US economic history political analysis Larry Bartels economic research OPEC shocks impact US economy wage growth by party control economic performance party comparison unemployment rates budget deficits wage growth postwar economy OPEC shocks Democratic presidents Republican presidents balanced budgets economic stability GDP growth fiscal policy historical analysis political economy unemployment statistics economic policy Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic cycles partisan impact U.S. economy
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con03a	The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, EU foreign policy European External Action Service UK influence diplomatic representation global influence member state cooperation collective bargaining Middle East Quartet international diplomacy Catherine Ashton multilateral relations EU embassies UK global reach foreign affairs enhanced UK voice joint EU actions soft power EU membership benefits EU diplomacy UK-EU relations European Union EU membership benefits EU force multiplier UK global influence European External Action Service EU representation UK foreign policy Catherine Ashton EU High Representative EU diplomatic network EU Middle East Quartet international diplomacy collective EU power UK EU cooperation foreign affairs multilateral influence EU embassies global representation UK-France-Germany EU leadership EU-Israel-Palestine global governance UK diplomatic reach EU foreign policy impact EU influence force multiplier UK foreign policy European External Action Service diplomatic representation global influence foreign affairs High Representative Catherine Ashton member states support EU Middle East quartet international relations global diplomacy Israel Palestine EU delegation Djibouti representation collective power UK global voice EU foreign office equivalent multinational diplomacy international alliances EU as force multiplier benefits UK advantages EU membership EU diplomatic reach European External Action Service impact UK global influence via EU EU foreign policy leadership UK France Germany EU foreign affairs Catherine Ashton EU High Representative EU representation in foreign countries EU Middle East Quartet role UK influence Israel Palestine EU collective bargaining power UK global voice through EU EU embassies versus UK embassies UK foreign policy amplification EU international presence EU-UK partnership foreign policy European Union external relations UK representation via EU institutions EU member states global diplomacy UK-EU synergy international affairs EU influence on world stage EU foreign policy force multiplier UK EU membership benefits European External Action Service EU diplomatic representation UK influence abroad EU global influence UK foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative EU Middle East Quartet UK international role EU unified diplomacy EU representation Djibouti UK embassy Ethiopia France EU leadership Germany EU leadership international diplomacy Israel Palestine EU role EU global engagement UK collective bargaining EU soft power UK multilateralism EU member state backing global diplomatic network EU Middle East involvement EU foreign policy influence UK benefits EU membership European External Action Service impact UK diplomatic reach through EU EU representation Djibouti UK foreign affairs Catherine Ashton EU role EU Middle East Quartet UK influence Israel Palestine EU as force multiplier UK global voice EU EU collective bargaining UK-European Union international relations EU member state cooperation EU foreign policy leadership UK-France-Germany EU dynamics EU diplomatic missions EU-UK external policy collaboration EU institutional leverage international representation EU European Union EU membership benefits EU influence force multiplier UK foreign policy European External Action Service global representation diplomatic reach UK international leverage collective EU power foreign affairs Catherine Ashton High Representative EU Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine negotiations EU-USA-Russia-UN cooperation UK-France-Germany EU leadership international diplomacy EU member states backing UK's role in EU foreign policy EU delegations Djibouti representation British Embassy Addis Ababa global political influence external relations diplomatic synergy transnational cooperation EU foreign office equivalent EU foreign policy force multiplier UK EU membership benefits European External Action Service UK global influence EU diplomatic representation UK foreign policy France Germany EU leadership Catherine Ashton EU High Representative Middle East Quartet EU Israel Palestine role UK international voice EU external relations European Union diplomacy UK's role in EU EU embassies UK-EU cooperation international influence through EU UK representation abroad EU collective bargaining EU foreign affairs structure EU impact on member states UK diplomatic reach EU joint international actions EU influence force multiplier UK membership benefits European External Action Service UK foreign representation EU diplomatic presence foreign policy leadership Catherine Ashton EU High Representative Middle East Quartet global influence UK international voice EU foreign policy multinational diplomacy UK-France-Germany EU leadership Israel-Palestine negotiations collective bargaining EU external relations strategic alliances international representation EU member states collaboration global policymaking diplomatic reach international partnerships EU foreign affairs EU foreign policy UK EU membership benefits European External Action Service global influence diplomatic representation Catherine Ashton EU Middle East Quartet EU global diplomacy multilateral diplomacy EU collective action UK international influence EU external relations EU foreign affairs UK voice in EU EU Israel-Palestine role EU-UK relations EU foreign office equivalence Djibouti EU representation British diplomacy EU member state backing international cooperation
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro03a	Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 advertising influence mediated messages social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising advertising dominance societal values cultural impact advertising content media consumption digital advertising advertising expenditure technology and advertising UK advertising trends media power advertising regulation global reach advertising ethics media influence advertising impact social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising digital media advertising content societal values persuasive messaging media saturation advertising regulation UK advertising trends technology influence advertising reach cultural impact media consumption audience exposure media dominance advertising influence mediated messages social attitudes public space global advertising technology internet advertising television advertising advertising expenditure cultural impact advertising content societal values media dominance digital advertising advertising regulation media consumption consumer behavior mass communication marketing strategies media effects influence of advertising on social attitudes advertising and mediated messages global reach of advertising advertising impact on public space digital advertising trends comparison of internet and television advertising content regulation in advertising societal values shaped by ads advertising power in modern society public perception of advertising technological advancement in advertising internet advertising statistics advertising and cultural influence importance of advertising content scrutiny digital media advertising dominance advertising’s role in society regulation of advertising messages ethical considerations in advertising advertising effects on social norms media convergence and advertising advertising influence mediated messages social attitudes global advertising public space internet advertising growth digital advertising UK advertising trends advertising dominance advertising impact advertising content regulation societal values technology and advertising media consumption advertising expenditure advertising and culture advertising ethics advertising and society online advertising advertising history advertising influence media messages social attitudes public space advertising global advertising internet advertising UK advertising trends digital advertising dominance advertising and society advertising content scrutiny advertising values technological impact on advertising societal attitudes advertising regulation advertising reach media consumption trends advertising power online ads television vs internet advertising advertising history advertising and culture advertising influence mediated messages social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising UK advertising trends media dominance advertising content societal values technology impact advertising expenditure cultural impact digital media television advertising media consumption advertising regulation advertising ethics UK media landscape global reach public perception advertising power advertising influence mediated messages social attitudes public space global advertising technology and advertising internet advertising television advertising UK advertising trends advertising dominance advertising values advertising content societal influence media effects advertising regulation advertising impact digital advertising advertising spending advertising history cultural influence of advertising advertising influence mediated messages social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising technology impact societal values advertising content digital marketing media dominance cultural impact advertising regulation consumer behavior marketing trends advertising history online advertising advertising power media consumption advertising influence media messages social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising advertising dominance cultural impact technology and advertising advertising spending content regulation advertising ethics societal values digital media advertising trends media consumption advertising power communication channels global reach advertising effects
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro02a	There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 sin taxes fat tax obesity epidemic unhealthy food public health lifestyle diseases consumption reduction junk food tax soda tax sugar tax nutrition policy health costs behavioral economics excise taxes vice taxes preventive medicine food policy government intervention public policy taxation strategies cigarette taxes alcohol taxes gambling taxes health incentives pricing policy regulatory measures food consumption fiscal policy health behavior modification economic incentives market intervention chronic disease prevention sin taxes fat tax unhealthy food tax sugar tax obesity epidemic public health policy excise tax tobacco tax alcohol tax soda tax junk food tax health outcomes consumption reduction price elasticity vice taxes government intervention fiscal policy consumption choices health costs preventive health measures taxation and behavior economic incentives historical precedent health economics food consumption studies sin taxes excise tax public health policy unhealthy food tax fat tax sugar tax soda tax obesity prevention health economics behavioral economics cigarette tax alcohol tax gambling tax vice tax consumption tax price elasticity nutrition policy junk food regulation obesity epidemic preventive measures health cost reduction food choice intervention taxation effectiveness chronic disease prevention internal medicine study consumption patterns behavioral change food pricing strategy sin taxes historical examples effectiveness of sin taxes cigarette tax impact on consumption junk food tax evidence fat tax and obesity prevention health outcomes of sin taxes economic impact of sin taxes food pricing and dietary choices comparison of sin taxes on vices public health policy sin taxes taxation of unhealthy food parallels between tobacco and food taxes obesity intervention strategies precedent for vice taxation sugar tax effectiveness cost-benefit analysis of fat tax historical roots of sin taxes government policies on unhealthy consumption societal benefits of sin taxes tax-induced behavior change sin tax public health policy tobacco tax soda tax obesity epidemic unhealthy food tax junk food tax health economics food consumption behavioral economics fiscal policy consumption deterrence health intervention pricing strategy tax elasticity preventive measures societal vice government regulation tax effectiveness fat tax historical sin tax health-related taxation taxation impact economic incentives medical costs food pricing consumption patterns nutrition policy addiction deterrence preventative healthcare legislative measures sin tax history unhealthy food tax obesity epidemic solutions fat tax effectiveness cigarette tax consumption reduction junk food price consumption health costs sin taxes soda tax sugar tax precedent sin taxes food policy obesity public health sin taxes economic impact food taxes taxation and behavior change US federal cigarette tax Pope Leo X sin taxes social costs of vices food consumption studies internal medicine sin tax combating unhealthy eating vice taxation examples sin taxes health-related taxes obesity epidemic fat tax public health policy unhealthy food consumption soda tax junk food tax cigarette taxes tobacco tax alcohol tax gambling tax vice taxes health costs consumption reduction price elasticity behavioral economics food pricing fiscal policy preventive health historical precedent Pope Leo X Vatican taxes licensed prostitutes tax cigarette consumption public health interventions economic incentives Archives of Internal Medicine study food choice tax effectiveness health outcomes societal vices tax policy health behavior food regulation economic disincentives evidence-based policy chronic disease sin tax sin taxes history cigarette tax sugar tax soda tax junk food tax obesity prevention health policy public health intervention unhealthy food pricing food consumption studies tobacco taxation gambling tax alcohol tax societal vices vice taxes fat tax effectiveness food choice economics economic deterrents behavior change preventive health measures nutritional policy food regulation public health costs price elasticity food taxation impact health unhealthy food regulation evidence-based policy obesity solution historical sin taxes Pope Leo X tax health outcomes taxation consumption reduction tax sin taxes vice taxes unhealthy food tax fat tax soda tax sugar tax tobacco tax alcohol tax gambling tax obesity epidemic public health policy consumption reduction pricing strategies health costs behavioral economics taxation precedent policy intervention food pricing addiction deterrence historical sin taxes economic incentives health behavior change government regulation consumption patterns preventive health measures sin tax history tax effectiveness obesity epidemic fat tax unhealthy food tax junk food consumption cigarette tax impact public health policy price elasticity unhealthy foods health economics behavior change taxes soda tax sugar-sweetened beverage tax tobacco tax alcohol tax economic incentives consumption reduction government regulation medical costs unhealthy foods policy precedent sin taxes successful tax interventions food pricing health effects chronic disease prevention taxation public health
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro05a	The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. practicality risk assessment risk management civil liberties government duty public safety court protection legal safeguards public policy citizen protection liberty vs security balancing rights government intervention emergency powers life and death decisions personal freedoms social contract prudent citizens opposition argument dangers disingenuous rebuttal loss of liberties pragmatism risk assessment government responsibility public safety civil liberties legal protections court oversight life and death decisions security vs. freedom individual rights policy justification proportionality trade-offs constitutional rights human rights societal protection legislative measures emergency measures ethical balance citizen safety risk assessment public safety civil liberties government authority personal freedom citizen protection state intervention legislative balance constitutional rights emergency powers judicial oversight individual rights security measures liberty limitations national security proportionality harm reduction policy justification ethical compromise legal safeguards practicality versus risk balancing risks government policy danger acknowledgement government concessions civil liberties government duty citizen protection civil liberties court protection sacrificing freedoms public safety life and death trade-offs prudent citizen liberty sacrifice opposition recognizing risks balancing security and freedom court safeguards civil rights necessity restricting liberties effective risk management policy government intervention justification proportional response to threat practicality risk management balancing risks government responsibility saving lives civil liberties court protection trade-offs public safety opposition argument policy justification liberty vs security life and death prudent citizenship government duty legal safeguards security measures risk mitigation loss of freedoms individual rights collective safety constitutional rights emergency powers proportional response public interest risk balancing government duty to protect civil liberties vs safety practical governance saving lives vs freedom courts protecting rights prudent citizen consent public safety measures opposition concession trade-offs in policy life and death decisions sacrificing liberty for security political debate on security proportional response emergency powers and rights practicality risk assessment government duty public safety civil liberties risk balancing disingenuous opposition protecting citizens legal protection court oversight citizen rights life and death decisions security vs freedom public policy governmental responsibility emergency powers legal safeguards prudent citizen legislative measures policy debate individual rights societal safety government intervention loss of liberty judicial protection government risk balancing civil liberties debate practicality policy decisions public safety vs freedom government duty protect citizens judicial protection civil rights loss of liberty for safety argument for sacrificing rights life and death government policy court protection of freedoms prudent citizens and liberty disingenuous opposition argument saving lives government role balancing risks government policy civil liberties vs security practical governance risk assessment public policy government intervention civil rights debate on risk and liberty public safety justification practicality risk assessment government duty public safety civil liberties judicial protection life and death balancing risks opposition stance prudent citizen sacrificing freedoms court oversight public interest policy debate ethical trade-offs government responsibility legal safeguards necessity vs liberty risk-benefit analysis government intervention public safety civil liberties individual rights ethical dilemmas privacy vs security constitutional protections legal safeguards citizen protection state responsibility human rights judicial oversight emergency powers utilitarianism proportional response policy justification societal trade-offs legislative authority security measures
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro02a	Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. democracy human rights freedom of speech due process liberty political asylum amnesty bloggers dissent protection authoritarian regimes Western democracies oppression public arena development of dissent blogosphere empowerment dissidents asylum policy inconsistent visa decisions Cuba bloggers advocacy civil liberties democratic values government accountability safe haven international pressure human dignity rule of law press freedom whistleblowers refugee protection democracy obligation protection dissidents human rights freedom of speech due process liberty amnesty bloggers oppressive regimes Western countries safety public arena oppression dissent blogosphere authoritarian government empowerment asylum Cuba inconsistent asylum policies dissident protection justice catalyst for change human civilization visa petitions political asylum democratic values international relations advocacy civil liberties human rights political asylum blogger protection freedom of expression amnesty policy dissent support democratic values free speech oppressive regimes asylum seekers dissident safety Western democracies authoritarian repression digital activism sanctuary policies universal rights policy consistency political dissidents liberty justice advocacy press freedom civil liberties humanitarian intervention visa policy refugee rights online activism whistleblower protection international law moral obligation democracy promotion democracies obligation protect dissenters encourage further dissent universality of human rights freedom of speech democracy due process western countries liberty superiority democratic system offering amnesty bloggers protection brave dissidents western countries support asylum seekers shield bloggers from authoritarian regimes west stand against oppression umbrella protection dissenters nurturing dissent in oppressive countries overcome authoritarian government promise protection bloggers empowering dissenting voices guarantee amnesty consistency asylum policy for dissidents human rights advocacy western democracies impact of protection on dissent inconsistency asylum decisions justice for political dissidents democracy and change oppressive regimes offering sanctuary bloggers democracy human rights freedom of speech due process liberty democratic government human dignity amnesty bloggers dissent oppressive regimes Western countries protection safety public arena oppression umbrella of protection blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing dissent empowerment asylum dissidents justice catalyst for change civil liberties international protection visa petitions political asylum policy inconsistency advocacy freedom of expression state-sponsored repression activist support safe haven government accountability universal rights global democracy political refuge media freedom diplomatic pressure democracy and human rights amnesty for bloggers freedom of speech dissent in authoritarian regimes protection for political dissidents western support for dissidents universality of human rights liberty and democratic values asylum for bloggers inconsistency in granting asylum empowerment of dissent oppression and political activism justice for dissidents promoting free expression role of the West in protecting dissidents impact of asylum policies encouragement of political dissent international support for bloggers safety net for activists political asylum in the West democracy obligation protect dissent human rights freedom of speech due process liberty government human dignity amnesty bloggers oppressive regimes Western countries security safety public arena oppression protection development blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing dissent overcoming oppression empowerment fear courage speaking out guarantee inconsistency asylum Cuba dissidents justice policy catalyst for change human civilization visa petitions advocacy political asylum civil liberties international relations press freedom activist protection law and justice democratic values reform regime change sanctuary democracy human rights freedom of speech due process amnesty bloggers dissent oppressive regimes Western countries liberty government protection human dignity asylum dissidents authoritarian government blogosphere civil liberties international protection political asylum activism press freedom Cuba bloggers visa petitions inconsistent asylum policy protection of dissidents nurturing dissent empowerment political refugees catalyst for change justice human civilization advocacy safe haven international solidarity democracies obligation protect dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process amnesty bloggers oppressive regimes Western countries liberty democratic government human dignity safety public arena stand against oppression umbrella of protection development of dissent blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing dissent empower dissidents guarantee of amnesty asylum inconsistency Cuba bloggers fear among dissidents justice catalyst for change US visa petitions refugee policy free expression civil society international solidarity political asylum persecuted activists human rights freedom of speech due process democratic values dissent encouragement blogger protection amnesty policies Western democracies oppressive regimes liberty government superiority human dignity asylum rights protection umbrella nurturing dissent authoritarian government dissident empowerment fear reduction safe haven justice promotion Cuba bloggers case visa petitions inconsistency in asylum policy reform catalyst for change democracy support public arena oppression resistance blogosphere activism international protection
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con01a	Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, meritocracy sports values racial quotas team selection racial tensions political tensions religious tensions fairness in sports equal opportunity discrimination race-based selection talent-based selection inclusivity diversity in sports social justice player performance selection criteria racial abuse prejudice South African rugby Springboks Peter de Villiers sports ethics representation sports policy athlete evaluation integration in sports sports merit equity sportsmanship quota system sport meritocracy racial quotas team selection fairness sports ethics athletic merit diversity in sports equal opportunity sports inclusion talent-based selection anti-discrimination in sports athletic ability sporting values race in sports affirmative action sports sports fairness debate team composition social equality in sports sports performance criteria non-merit selection sports justice merit merit-based selection equality in sport fairness in sport athlete performance racial quotas team selection criteria discrimination in sport inclusivity diversity in teams affirmative action in sports race and sports social ills in sports bias in selection sports ethics representation in teams Peter de Villiers Springboks racial integration stereotyping in sports sports policy talent identification sports governance athletic ability equal opportunity meritocracy in sports racial quotas in team selection impact of racial quotas on player perception sports and social ills race and merit in athletics Peter de Villiers on racial quotas arguments against racial quotas in sport team selection fairness racial tension in sports merit-based selection in sports negative effects of affirmative action in sports sports and racial equality sports quota controversies racial abuse in sports teams social justice in sports diversity versus merit in athletics sports and political influence minority representation in sports discrimination in team sports sports values and social issues sport meritocracy racial quotas team selection equality in sports selection criteria sports fairness merit-based selection racial diversity sports racial bias sports discrimination in sports social justice sport affirmative action sports sports inclusion Peter de Villiers Springboks coach sport and politics racial abuse athletes sports ethics sports values quota system sport meritocracy in sports racial quotas in sports sports team selection fairness merit-based selection social ills in sports diversity in sports teams race and sports performance Peter de Villiers opinions Springboks coach quotes impact of racial quotas suspicion of player merit racial tension in athletics sports equality racial abuse in sports team composition controversies sports and social justice ethnic diversity in sport discrimination in sports selection racial representation in teams quota systems in competition meritocracy sports values team selection racial quotas affirmative action racial tensions social justice equal opportunity discrimination in sports performance-based selection diversity in sports inclusion fairness racial bias team dynamics player selection process Peter de Villiers Springboks racial abuse in sports representation sports ethics quota system talent identification sports policy racial integration stereotype threat sportsmanship meritocracy in sports racial quotas in sports team selection fairness diversity in sports affirmative action athletics sport and social justice race and selection bias Peter de Villiers opinion racial discrimination in sports inclusion vs merit sports ethics racial integration sport team composition policies equity in athletics sports performance evaluation athletic talent identification impact of quotas on teams racial abuse in sports sports and political issues Springboks team selection race-based team quotas meritocracy sports values racial quotas sports selection team selection criteria diversity in sports equality in sports discrimination in sports social issues in sports racial integration affirmative action in sports Peter de Villiers Springboks racial policy sport and politics team merit racial abuse in sports quota system effects inclusive sports policies athletic performance evaluation representation in sports talent vs. tokenism affirmative action diversity in sports racial quotas in sports equality of opportunity discrimination team selection criteria sports ethics inclusion fairness in sports talent identification social justice representation selection bias Peter de Villiers Springboks race and sports sports policy performance-based selection athletic merit prejudice in sports systemic bias quota system drawbacks integration in sports identity politics
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con04a	Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. creationism intelligent design pseudoscience religion science evolution empirical evidence designer evolutionary theory gaps in evolution natural explanations scientific method experimentation peer review scientific scrutiny political opposition religious belief education science curriculum legal battles antievolution Dawkins public perception legitimacy classroom scientific community scientific literacy scientific expertise rebranding creationism intelligent design pseudoscience evolution faith-based belief empirical evidence scientific method peer review science education antievolution religious opposition designer hypothesis gaps in evolution Dawkins political controversy court cases science vs religion teaching science scientific legitimacy science curriculum public perception rebranding creationism legal battles science standards academic scrutiny natural explanations education policy creationism intelligent design pseudoscience evolution scientific method empirical evidence peer review science education religion designer hypothesis Dawkins legal battles political controversy science vs religion creation-evolution debate courtroom strategies public perception educational policy scientific legitimacy evidence-based science anti-evolution movement faith-based belief scientific scrutiny educational standards religious opposition rebranding strategies pro-evolution arguments arguments against creationism creationism vs science creationism empirical evidence creationism presuppositions designer gaps argument creationism opposition to evolution scientific method vs creationism peer review importance creationism political influence intelligent design rebranding creationism in education creationism and pseudoscience keeping creationism out of classrooms Dawkins creationism critique science vs religion in education court cases on creationism creationism public perception creationism scientific legitimacy creationism and law scientific scrutiny of creationism creationism science religion empirical evidence presupposition intelligent design evolution designer gaps in evolution natural explanation scientific method peer review scrutiny political opposition belief systems pseudoscience Dawkins court battles legal strategies public opinion legitimacy science education classroom scientific research scientific community evolutionary theory scientific scrutiny scientific legitimacy scientific literacy anti-evolution rebranding creationism vs science creationism pseudoscience creationism empirical evidence intelligent design debate science education creationism scientific method vs creationism creationism in schools creationism and peer review evolution vs creationism religion and science conflict critique of creationism Dawkins creationism critique political influence in science education intelligent design legitimacy creationism legal battles evolution education controversy creationism public perception creationism rebranding intelligent design creationists approach to evidence scientific scrutiny creationism creationism religious explanation scientific explanation science denial empirical evidence presupposed beliefs designer intelligent design evolution evolutionary theory gaps in evolution natural explanation evidence-based belief religion-driven opposition political conflict peer review scientific scrutiny pseudoscience science education education policy court cases legal battles public perception Dawkins rebranding legitimacy antievolution science curriculum scientific consensus faith-based belief creationism creationism vs science intelligent design pseudoscience scientific method evolution empirical evidence Dawkins religious explanation peer review science education politics and science court cases creationism anti-evolution designer hypothesis gaps in evolution science curriculum science communication public understanding of science religion and education legal battles creationism intelligent design rebranding anti-science movement evidence-based science scientific scrutiny science denial education policy separation of church and state scientific literacy teaching evolution creationism in schools creationism scientific explanation religion vs science empirical evidence presupposition intelligent design pseudoscience evolution debate Darwinism anti-evolution science education peer review naturalism philosophy of science separation of church and state court cases educational curriculum Richard Dawkins scientific method faith-based beliefs scientific scrutiny public perception political influence legal battles rebranding creationism science vs religion educational policy evidence-based science religious opposition to evolution teaching evolution scientific legitimacy supernatural explanations academic freedom science communication evolution scientific method empirical evidence Intelligent Design pseudoscience peer review science education religion vs science anti-evolution natural explanations legal battles Dover trial scientific scrutiny Dawkins scientific legitimacy educational policy science curriculum creationist arguments philosophy of science politics and science separation of church and state
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro02a	The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. International Criminal Court ICC war crimes justice victims accountability international law multilateral justice human rights violations Amnesty International perpetrators prosecution lasting peace reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal responsibility compensation victim rights transitional justice deterrence legal accountability international tribunal humanitarian law post-conflict recovery criminal justice crimes against humanity Geneva Conventions judicial remedy international cooperation International Criminal Court ICC war crimes justice accountability perpetrators international law multilateral justice human rights violations Amnesty International lasting peace victim reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal responsibility crimes against humanity court rulings transitional justice legal redress peacebuilding crime deterrence judicial orders victim rights international justice system post-conflict recovery impunity prevention criminal prosecution legal accountability victim support human rights courts International Criminal Court accountability reparations war crimes human rights international justice prosecution victims’ rights transitional justice restitution rehabilitation indemnification peacebuilding deterrence legal accountability international law crimes against humanity victim compensation perpetrators justice system multilateral cooperation criminal responsibility human rights violations criminal prosecution post-conflict justice restorative justice ICC jurisdiction victim support Geneva Conventions Rome Statute ICC impact on war crimes accountability ICC role in victim reparations ICC effectiveness in international justice ICC and long-term peace ICC crimes against humanity deterrence ICC and rehabilitation for victims ICC and prevention of impunity ICC and multilateral justice mechanisms ICC reparations effectiveness ICC and support for human rights ICC and rule of law enforcement ICC contributions to transitional justice ICC and victim restitution processes ICC power to order reparations ICC and international criminal law International Criminal Court ICC war crimes justice international law accountability human rights violations Amnesty International perpetrators lasting peace victims rights reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal responsibility multilateral justice post-conflict recovery victims compensation legal accountability transitional justice restorative justice international tribunal humanitarian law crimes against humanity victim support legal redress global justice peacebuilding court-ordered reparations International Criminal Court ICC role in justice justice for war crimes victims international law enforcement multilateral justice mechanisms accountability for human rights violations lasting peace and justice ICC reparations to victims criminal responsibility for war crimes restitution and rehabilitation through ICC Amnesty International and ICC reparations for human rights abuses victim compensation international law ICC crime deterrence ICC powers and authority enforcing accountability in war crimes role of ICC in peacebuilding prosecution of war criminals international legal redress for victims ICC impact on human rights International Criminal Court ICC war crimes justice victims accountability international law multilateral justice Amnesty International human rights violations perpetrators serious crimes lasting peace reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal responsibility legal sanctions victim compensation human rights protection judicial orders peacebuilding global justice deterrence transitional justice restorative justice post-conflict recovery legal redress victim support International Criminal Court ICC war crimes justice for victims international law human rights violations accountability Amnesty International criminal prosecution peacebuilding reparations victim restitution indemnification rehabilitation legal accountability perpetrators of war crimes multilateral justice international justice system lasting peace crime against humanity transitional justice victim compensation reparation orders judicial reparations legal redress humanitarian law court-mandated reparations post-conflict justice rule of law global justice International Criminal Court transitional justice war crimes tribunal victims’ rights accountability mechanisms reparations for victims international humanitarian law crimes against humanity genocide prosecution victim restitution criminal responsibility peacebuilding post-conflict justice human rights enforcement restorative justice judicial remedies legal redress indemnification rehabilitation programs global justice multilateral courts deterrence justice for atrocities criminal prosecution victim support impunity international accountability law enforcement reparative justice ICC effectiveness International Criminal Court transitional justice crime against humanity human rights enforcement international prosecution accountability mechanisms victim reparations restorative justice peacebuilding post-conflict recovery legal deterrence global justice criminal responsibility indemnification restitution rehabilitation perpetrators prosecution multilateral cooperation international tribunals remediation rule of law
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con02a	The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear weapons security terrorism dictators tyrants nuclear arms race nuclear deterrence Iran nuclear program Middle East stability Israel security weapons-grade material nuclear smuggling developing countries technology gap national instability government corruption nuclear acquisition nuclear nonproliferation disarmament WMD proliferation arms control international security nuclear terrorism clandestine programs nuclear policies proliferation risks global security non-state actors weaponization nuclear safeguards nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons security rogue states nuclear terrorism WMD acquisition nuclear arms race nuclear safeguards nuclear nonproliferation dictator nuclear ambitions terrorist access to nuclear weapons Iran nuclear program Middle East stability Israeli security nuclear material smuggling weapons-grade fissile material nuclear export controls developing world security risks government corruption nuclear risks nuclear governance non-state actors nuclear threat clandestine nuclear programs nuclear weapon accidents nuclear deterrence international sanctions nuclear nuclear arms control nuclear black market nuclear security technology unstable regimes nuclear weapons nuclear facility security global nuclear dis nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear security nuclear terrorism weapons-grade material dictators tyrants nuclear deterrence nuclear arms race Iran nuclear program Middle East stability Israeli security clandestine programs international oversight nuclear nonproliferation global security weapons safeguarding developing countries government corruption technological capacity national instability arms control nuclear safeguards non-state actors proliferation risks nuclear accidents NPT (Non-Proliferation Treaty) disarmament nuclear material trafficking nuclear smuggling enriched uranium plutonium nuclear facilities international sanctions UN Security Council nuclear nuclear proliferation risks rogue states nuclear weapons terrorists nuclear weapons acquisition dictators nuclear arsenal threat nuclear weapons and regional instability Iran nuclear program risks Middle East nuclear threat nuclear weapons Israel security nuclear materials terrorist threat developing countries nuclear security nuclear weapons theft risk government corruption nuclear security unstable regimes nuclear weapons nuclear arms control global nuclear disarmament preventing nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons international policy non-proliferation treaty enforcement nuclear security developing nations international monitoring nuclear weapons nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist organizations nuclear security weapons-grade material dictators tyrants nuclear deterrence international stability Middle East Iran nuclear program clandestine weapons Israel security nuclear acquisition weapons misuse developing countries technology gaps government corruption national instability nuclear smuggling non-proliferation treaties arms control nuclear risk global security nuclear terrorism nuclear safeguards international monitoring proliferation risk nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear terrorism dictators with nuclear weapons nuclear arms control nuclear material security Iran nuclear program Middle East nuclear threat nuclear destabilization nuclear weapons in developing countries nuclear weapons security government corruption and nuclear risk weapons-grade material proliferation risks nuclear arms race nuclear weapon acquisition nuclear security policies international nuclear regulations securing nuclear arsenals state-sponsored nuclear programs nuclear weapon treaties non-proliferation measures nuclear weapon export controls global nuclear stability nuclear weapon disarmament nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear weapons terrorists dictators tyrants nuclear deterrence nuclear arms race nonproliferation weapons-grade material Middle East instability Iran nuclear program Israel security threat nuclear theft nuclear security developing world technology gaps government corruption clandestine nuclear programs nuclear terrorism nuclear safeguard international security state instability nuclear arms control nuclear risk WMD (weapons of mass destruction) nuclear material smuggling nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear terrorism dictators nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence Iran nuclear program Middle East instability Israel nuclear threat weapons-grade material developing countries nuclear security nuclear theft nuclear weapons safety government corruption nuclear nuclear arms race clandestine nuclear programs nuclear nonproliferation nuclear security capacity nuclear weapons misuse nuclear arms control nuclear weapons expansion nuclear weapon acquisition state-sponsored terrorism international nuclear policy nuclear disarmament nuclear state recognition nuclear export controls nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear terrorism nuclear security nuclear weapons possession dangerous dictators tyrants nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East instability Israel security weapons-grade material nuclear dissidents national instability government corruption nuclear accidents nuclear arms control developing world nuclear risks nuclear weapons safeguards nuclear nonproliferation international security nuclear acquisition illicit nuclear trade nuclear disarmament unsecured nuclear material proliferation risks nuclear weapons policy state-sponsored terrorism nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear terrorism nuclear security nuclear disarmament weapons-grade material Iran nuclear program Middle East stability nuclear deterrence nuclear arms race nuclear safeguards nonproliferation treaties developing countries nuclear facility security government corruption WMD (weapons of mass destruction) international nuclear law nuclear nonproliferation UN Security Council Israel security nuclear black market clandestine nuclear programs nuclear arms control smuggling of nuclear materials nuclear technology transfer nuclear weapon states global security nuclear export controls IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) regime
test-international-ghwcitca-con01a	It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, cybersecurity cyber-attacks cyber treaties international cooperation internet governance state control Russia China United States Western Europe UN Security Council Syria attribution cyber attribution proxy servers misattribution hacking transnational cybercrime cyber norms digital sovereignty cyber retaliation digital diplomacy global governance cyber warfare cyber deterrence electronic warfare cyber law cybersecurity challenges multilateral negotiations information security attribution difficulties cyber incident response global cybersecurity policy international cyber treaties cyber-attack prevention cyber attribution challenges nation-state cooperation internet governance Russia China US cyber policy state control internet UN cybersecurity deadlock cyber-attack misattribution proxy servers cyberattacks international response cyber incidents treaty enforcement cyber security hacking accountability global cyber governance cyber warfare attribution interstate cyber conflict obstacles to cyber agreements diplomatic relations cyberattacks cyber norms cross-border cybercrime cybersecurity cyber-attacks international treaties cyber attribution internet governance state control cyber deterrence nation-state conflict digital sovereignty global cooperation proxy servers cyber espionage cyber norms UN Security Council geopolitical tensions cybercrime cyber defense technological attribution international law internet policy hacking cyber warfare Russia China US Western Europe digital misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber regulations cross-border cyber threats cybersecurity treaty challenges international cyber-attack prevention cyber governance disputes internet governance Russia China US state control internet UN security council cyber issues attribution of cyber-attacks proxy computers cybercrime cyber-attack misattribution global cybersecurity cooperation diplomatic barriers to cyber treaties challenges tracing hackers cyber-attack retaliation risks South Korea North Korea cyber-attacks international law and cybercrime global consensus on cybersecurity cross-border cyber-attacks enforcing cyber-attack bans obstacles to cyber treaty enforcement nation-state cyber warfare cybersecurity cyber-attacks international treaties internet governance state control global cooperation attribution difficulty proxy servers misattribution United Nations security council Syria civil war Russia China United States Western Europe retaliation hacking cyber bans cybercrime detection digital forensics cross-border cyber threats cyber diplomacy cyber norms cyber law global cybersecurity policy nation-state attacks incident response geopolitical tensions hacking attribution sovereign internet international relations cybersecurity enforcement cyber deterrence information warfare digital sovereignty cyber-attack attribution challenges of international cyber treaties cyber warfare governance state control of internet Russia China internet policy US Western Europe cyber policy UN Security Council cyber issues cyber attack misattribution proxy servers hacking difficulties in cyber treaty enforcement international cooperation in cybersecurity nation-state cyber conflicts internet governance disputes South Korea cyber attacks domestic actors in cyber attacks global cybersecurity agreements challenges in tracing cyber attacks retaliation risks in cyberspace multilateral cyber policy limitations of cyber treaties internet sovereignty disputes information warfare between states cybersecurity international treaties cyber-attacks internet governance state control Russia China United States Western Europe attribution challenge proxy servers misattribution UN Security Council Syrian civil war global cooperation international law digital forensics cyber diplomacy geopolitical conflict enforcement difficulties multi-state attacks cyber attribution cross-border crime cybersecurity policy cyberwarfare cybercrime prevention digital sovereignty cyber espionage hacker tracing incident response retaliation risks cyber-attacks international treaties internet governance cyber attribution cyber security state control Russia China US Western Europe UN Security Council Syria civil war global cooperation cyber proxies cyber misattribution cybersecurity policy cyber diplomacy cyber conflict digital sovereignty hacking forensics cross-border cybercrime cybersecurity challenges cyber law enforcement nation-state cyber operations treaty enforcement cyber norm development internet regulation cyber warfare cyber espionage retaliation risks international law multilateral negotiations cyber deterrence cyber threat intelligence global cybersecurity standards hacker identification digital jurisdiction cybersecurity cyber-attacks cyber treaties international cooperation internet governance state control Russia China United States Western Europe UN Security Council cyber attribution attack misattribution proxy servers cyber conflict global agreement cyber norms information warfare digital sovereignty cyber diplomacy cybercrime prevention multi-stakeholder governance cyber retaliation cyber defense cross-border attacks cyber policy hacking attribution cybersecurity challenges international law treaty enforcement digital forensics cybersecurity cyber-attack attribution international cooperation internet governance cyber treaties state-sponsored cyber-attacks proxy servers cyber diplomacy digital sovereignty misattribution in cyberattacks UN Security Council geopolitical tensions cyber law Russia cyber policy China internet control US cybersecurity policy Western Europe digital policy cybersecurity challenges transnational cybercrime cyber conflict resolution cyber norms cyberattack deterrence cyberattack response cyber incident response nation-state cyber threats
test-health-hdond-con02a	This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. organ donation donor registration ethical policy past decisions irreversible decisions punishment psychological distress atonement organ recipient eligibility regret state justice eligibility criteria retrospective policy medical ethics bioethics healthcare justice moral responsibility donor status consequences life-saving treatment fairness in healthcare organ donation policy donor registration ethics retrospective eligibility organ transplant criteria psychological distress organ allocation regret not registering donor atonement for past decisions ethical implications donor status punishment for non-donors fairness in organ distribution exclusion from transplant list moral responsibility in donation state policy organ donation consequences of not registering as donor patient eligibility for transplant justice in healthcare allocation equity in organ transplants reform organ donor laws rights of non-registered patients compassion in transplant policy organ donation policy donor status retrospective punishment ethical implications organ transplant eligibility non-donor regret psychological distress policy consequences healthcare ethics fairness in organ allocation atonement opportunities registered organ donor state policy impact eligibility criteria decision irreversibility bioethics justice in organ distribution patient rights moral responsibility health policy debate organ transplant policy ethics donor registration consequences retrospective donor status assessment psychological impact of donor policies fairness in organ allocation systems punishment for past medical decisions ethics of non-donor exclusion regret and atonement in organ donation justice in transplant eligibility policy impact on life-and-death healthcare decisions penalizing past inactions in healthcare ethical debate on donor-based organ allocation moral implications of organ donor registration psychological harm from exclusionary health policies state responsibility in organ donor fairness organ donation ethics donor status policy retrospective justice organ allocation criteria psychological impact moral responsibility fairness in healthcare past decisions consequences policy critique regret and atonement distributive justice medical ethics eligibility criteria healthcare access state responsibility punishment for inaction ethical dilemmas organ transplant policy patient rights guilt and remorse organ donation ethics donor status policy organ transplant eligibility past donor registration consequences psychological impact of organ allocation changing organ donor decisions fairness in organ donation ethical dilemmas in transplantation retroactive donor qualification patient regret organ donation exclusion from organ transplant list state policy organ allocation justice in organ donor policies eligibility criteria for organ recipients regret not registering as organ donor organ donation ethics retrospective punishment donor registration policies psychological distress fairness in organ allocation atonement for past decisions medical ethics patient regret eligibility for organ transplant state intervention justice in healthcare passive decision consequences moral responsibility ethical dilemmas bioethics exclusion from organ lists punitive policy healthcare justice human rights second chances medical eligibility criteria public health ethics retributive justice healthcare policy reform organ donation ethics donor registration policy retrospective fairness moral luck policy consequences psychological impact organ allocation conditional organ transplantation transplant eligibility criteria punishment for past choices ethical dilemmas in healthcare health policy justice regret and decision-making exclusion from organ transplants justice in medical allocation atonement in organ donation registration regret fairness in organ distribution health system discrimination passive decision consequences state-imposed moral judgment organ donation ethics donor registration policies retrospective punishment fairness in organ allocation psychological impact decision regret medical ethics distributive justice bioethics state policy criticism eligibility for organ transplant moral responsibility atonement for past actions healthcare inequality patient autonomy organ donation ethics donor status criteria retrospective punishment policy consequences psychological distress regret and atonement healthcare justice organ transplant eligibility moral responsibility non-registered donor impact state-imposed penalties fair allocation of organs medical ethics policy reform compassionate transplantation policies
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro02a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. underground nuclear storage nuclear waste disposal deep geological repository radioactive waste safety nuclear waste containment environmental impact groundwater contamination sediment protection above ground nuclear storage radiation leakage cross-border nuclear safety nuclear waste management nuclear facility research containment failure response nuclear waste transportation public perception of nuclear risks radioactive contamination subterranean storage risks nuclear accident prevention radioactive material isolation risk assessment containment barriers long-term storage solutions nuclear regulatory standards international nuclear safety nuclear waste repository emergency preparedness nuclear waste training spent fuel storage deep geological repository nuclear waste isolation radioactive material containment underground repository safety groundwater contamination risk subsurface storage safety engineered barriers nuclear waste leakage mitigation environmental impact subterranean containment failure dry cask storage alternatives geological stability hydrology studies long-term nuclear waste disposal cross-border nuclear safety radiological risk reduction public perception of nuclear safety nuclear accident case studies spent fuel storage hazardous waste management deep geological repository nuclear waste containment radioactive waste isolation engineered barriers groundwater protection environmental safety nuclear waste leakage subterranean storage risks hydrogeology long-term nuclear waste management buffer materials transboundary contamination spent fuel storage containment breach repository site selection radiation shielding public health risks nuclear waste transportation international nuclear regulations risk assessment nuclear crisis response geological stability percolation barrier underground storage effectiveness containment failure response radiological impact above-ground vs underground corrosion resistance monitoring systems nuclear waste disposal methods underground nuclear storage advantages nuclear waste containment phrases safety of deep geological nuclear storage risks of above-ground nuclear storage nuclear waste water contamination environmental impact of nuclear waste leaks cross-border nuclear waste safety nuclear radiation containment strategies subterranean nuclear storage failures public perception of nuclear waste leaks focus on nuclear waste research best practices in nuclear waste management explosive containment failure comparison radioactive dust release risks prevention of underground water contamination nuclear waste storage solutions European nuclear waste repositories training for nuclear waste containment spent nuclear fuel storage risks medical nuclear waste storage safety long-term nuclear waste disposal effects of nuclear waste underground nuclear waste storage geological repository nuclear waste containment radioactive waste management deep geological disposal nuclear waste leak risks water source contamination environmental safety cross-border nuclear risk above-ground storage risks radiation exposure nuclear waste research subterranean containment nuclear facility safety nuclear waste transportation nuclear storage site selection public perception nuclear safety historic nuclear disasters radioactive material migration nuclear waste regulation repository engineering groundwater protection international nuclear policy spent nuclear fuel nuclear waste isolation radiological hazard mitigation underground nuclear waste storage nuclear waste leak risks nuclear waste water contamination radiation containment underground nuclear waste storage safety above ground nuclear storage risks cross-border nuclear safety subterranean containment strategies nuclear crisis public perception nuclear repository site selection nuclear waste environmental impact nuclear waste research specialization radioactive material containment nuclear waste sediment barriers nuclear facility containment failures underground nuclear storage nuclear waste disposal deep geological repository nuclear safety radiation containment environmental impact groundwater contamination sediment layers radioactive leakage air contamination above ground storage risks nuclear waste repositories cross-border safety nuclear crisis containment failure response nuclear waste management subterranean containment specialized training spent nuclear fuel rods medical nuclear waste irradiated dust particulates release explosive containment failure environmental safety water table protection EU nuclear policy safety comparison public perception radiological hazard containment strategies underground nuclear storage nuclear waste repository nuclear waste safety deep geological storage nuclear waste containment subterranean nuclear storage nuclear waste leak risks nuclear waste water contamination nuclear waste environmental impact radioactive waste disposal nuclear waste management cross-border nuclear safety above ground nuclear storage radiation leak prevention containment failure response nuclear waste storage research nuclear waste sediment protection subterranean containment nuclear waste repository Europe nuclear waste training specialization radioactive material storage long-term nuclear waste disposal nuclear safety crisis radioactive contamination prevention EU nuclear waste policy nuclear waste facility safety nuclear waste air contamination irradiated dust risks underground nuclear storage nuclear waste containment deep geological repository radioactive waste safety leak risk assessment water source contamination sediment radiation shielding above ground storage risks nuclear waste management environmental impact radiation exposure prevention public perception of nuclear safety cross-border safety specialized containment training subterranean leak response nuclear safety crises irradiated dust release containment failure comparison spent nuclear fuel storage nuclear medical waste storage groundwater contamination risks repository site selection nuclear waste repository safety environmental safety strategies air vs underground radiation risks water table protection engineering barriers international nuclear regulations deep geological repository nuclear waste isolation radioactive waste management groundwater contamination spent nuclear fuel repository safety engineered barriers radiation shielding subterranean containment waste migration containment failure environmental impact cross-border nuclear safety risk assessment hydrology studies nuclear accident prevention long-term storage solutions public health comparative safety analysis regulatory standards nuclear waste leak prevention underground facility monitoring nuclear waste repository seismic stability geological suitability nuclear waste policy
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con01a	The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. disadvantaged children educational inequality school choice parental involvement access barriers educational vouchers home environment underprivileged students school funding gaps opportunity gap marginalized youth parental knowledge best schools educational support social disadvantage resource allocation educational access support structures at-risk children low-income families educational inequality vulnerable students disadvantaged children parental involvement education access school choice home support educational vouchers school funding underprivileged families barriers to education social mobility educational disadvantage systemic inequality school quality resource allocation educational attainment socioeconomic status educational support structures equity in education vulnerable children educational inequality school voucher scheme parental involvement educational opportunities home support disadvantaged students access to quality education inadequate support marginalized students parental guidance best schools school choice school funding educational access socioeconomic barriers educational disadvantage educational equity underfunded schools educational support systems voucher scheme disadvantages impact of school vouchers on vulnerable children educational inequality and voucher programs challenges faced by disadvantaged families with school vouchers access to quality education and home support parental involvement in educational choice effects of vouchers on underfunded schools barriers for low-income families in voucher schemes equity concerns in school voucher systems educational opportunities for children with inadequate support school funding disparities and voucher policies policy solutions for vulnerable children in education supporting disadvantaged students in school choice programs vulnerable children educational inequality voucher schemes parental involvement home support structures access to education best schools educational opportunities inadequate parental support school choice education funding disadvantaged students education access barriers school quality socioeconomic factors parental knowledge education policy equity in education underfunded schools educational disadvantage education voucher scheme disadvantages impact on vulnerable children educational inequality access to quality schools parental involvement in education home support and education school funding disparities barriers to educational opportunity educational equity parent knowledge about schools school choice limitations effects on disadvantaged students socioeconomic status and education education access challenges policy impact on low-income families vulnerable children educational inequality voucher scheme school access barriers parental involvement home support educational opportunities disadvantaged students school funding underfunded schools educational access parental knowledge gap school selection educational disadvantage equity in education marginalized students education policy access disparities educational support structures best schools education reform resource allocation social inequity at-risk children vulnerable children educational inequality voucher scheme limitations parental involvement home support structures access to quality schools educational opportunity gaps school funding disparities educational disadvantage parental knowledge barriers school choice challenges impact on disadvantaged students education policy support for at-risk students socioeconomic factors in education education reform consequences equity in education marginalized children education accessibility funding inequality vulnerable children educational inequality school voucher system parental involvement home support access to quality education educational opportunities disadvantaged students inadequate parental support school choice educational funding underfunded schools barriers to education social disadvantage parental knowledge educational access disparity best schools educational equity effects of voucher schemes impact on low-income families educational inequality school voucher scheme disadvantaged students parental involvement educational access vulnerable children home support educational opportunities school funding socioeconomic barriers school choice policy impact underserved communities educational disadvantage resource allocation
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro03a	Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, racial representation racial bias ANC rhetoric Brett Murray The Spear controversy Julius Malema statements ANC vs Democratic Alliance white critics black artists freedom of expression racial double standards Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery censorship City Press South African art protests political art criticism race and political discourse post-Apartheid politics cultural censorship racialised political opposition government criticism media suppression racial tension South Africa Sarah Baartmanisation institutionalised racism art and dehumanisation autocracy Far-Right activity South Africa racial dog-whistle tactics The Spear artwork Brett Murray President Zuma ANC criticism racialised opposition dehumanisation dog-whistle politics race relations South Africa white critics Democratic Alliance Julius Malema Ayanda Mabulu Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi Goodman Gallery City Press art controversy freedom of expression censorship South Africa apartheid legacy institutionalised racism double standards black artists political art race-based criticism media response Sarah Baartmanisation public debate South Africa far-right activity South Africa intimidation government criticism The Spear Brett Murray ANC racial criticism dehumanisation President Zuma racial politics art controversy freedom of expression Goodman Gallery City Press race relations Apartheid legacy Democratic Alliance Julius Malema dog-whistle politics white critics black artists Ayanda Mabulu graphic depiction institutional racism censorship South Africa racial double standards media freedom political art cultural controversy post-apartheid South Africa Sarah Baartmanisation historical injustice political satire autocracy South Africa The Spear controversy Brett Murray criticism racialised opposition in South African art dehumanisation of black people ANC race politics dog-whistle tactics South Africa ANC vs Democratic Alliance apartheid legacy in political discourse Julius Malema incendiary statements anti-white sentiment South Africa double standards in art criticism South Africa Ayanda Mabulu Zuma painting Goodman Gallery censorship City Press freedom of expression white critics of ANC race-based government criticism art as political protest South Africa institutionalised racism South Africa media intimidation ANC race and policy debate South Africa racial double standards public art government response to political The Spear Brett Murray racialised opposition dehumanisation black representation President Zuma ANC white critics Democratic Alliance post-apartheid politics dog-whistle politics racial double standards artistic censorship Ayanda Mabulu freedom of expression Goodman Gallery City Press South African art Sarah Baartmanisation Julius Malema political art controversy race relations South Africa government criticism institutionalised racism apartheid legacy media censorship black artists vs white artists hate speech racial discourse South Africa social criticism art free speech South Africa The Spear controversy Brett Murray artwork racialised opposition ANC response to criticism dehumanisation of black people Jacob Zuma art criticism double standards in art criticism white artists in South Africa black artists political art Ayanda Mabulu artworks Goodman Gallery censorship City Press media response race-based criticism South Africa post-apartheid political discourse ANC use of past injustices Julius Malema incendiary statements freedom of expression South Africa media and art censorship dog-whistle politics South Africa Sarah Baartmanisation South African art controversies government criticism race issues institutional racism South Africa racialised opposition The Spear controversy Brett Murray dehumanisation ANC criticism racial politics South Africa race relations art censorship Julius Malema Ayanda Mabulu double standards artistic freedom Goodman Gallery City Press apartheid legacy white critics black artists political art freedom of expression institutional racism race-based criticism dog-whistle politics Democratic Alliance media pressure government criticism Sarah Baartmanisation public debate racial tension political symbolism Racialised Opposition The Spear controversy Brett Murray Jacob Zuma ANC criticism dehumanisation black people political art South Africa race-based slander media censorship South Africa Goodman Gallery City Press Democratic Alliance Julius Malema statements apartheid legacy race relations South Africa Ayanda Mabulu freedom of expression South Africa white artists criticism black artists criticism art political censorship double standards art criticism South African political art debates institutionalized racism South Africa ANC voter strategy race and government criticism Sarah Baartmanisation press freedom South Africa post-apartheid art politics Brett Murray The Spear President Zuma ANC racialised opposition dehumanisation artistic censorship race relations South African art apartheid legacy Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press freedom of expression white critics Democratic Alliance Julius Malema political art black artists double standards institutional racism far-right activity media controversy dog-whistle politics artistic controversy political commentary post-apartheid South Africa art and politics art censorship racial bias public backlash Mail & Guardian Amandla Times Live race relations post-apartheid South Africa ANC criticism Freedom of expression Brett Murray The Spear controversy racial double standards artistic censorship Julius Malema statements white critics in South Africa Ayanda Mabulu artworks Goodman Gallery City Press government censorship racial discourse dog-whistle politics institutionalised racism media representation art and politics dehumanisation in art black representation race and art controversy Sarah Baartmanisation autocracy in South Africa Democratic Alliance political propaganda historical injustices public reaction press freedom racialised criticism visual arts controversy
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. New START treaty arms control Russia United States nuclear weapons strategic nuclear warheads loopholes bomber counting rules tactical nuclear weapons missile bombers multiple warhead bombers air-launched cruise missiles long-range bombers rail-mobile ICBMs strategic offensive arms treaty limitations launcher reductions unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Mitt Romney treaty flaws arms reduction negotiations military advantage compliance issues verification measures disarmament nuclear arms race security implications START I nuclear proliferation Russian military strategy US national security New START treaty Russia nuclear advantage tactical nuclear weapons strategic nuclear warheads treaty loopholes weapon count loopholes bomber warhead counting long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles U.S. nuclear reductions unilateral reductions Russia treaty benefits rail-mobile ICBMs railcar missile launchers treaty omissions nuclear arms control START treaty definitions warhead reduction targets arms race strategic stability treaty limitations arms limitation agreements nuclear balance of power missile bombers treaty enforcement nuclear peace U.S.–Russia relations military asymmetry nuclear disarmament Mitt New START treaty Russia nuclear advantage US disadvantages arms control loopholes tactical nuclear weapons strategic warhead limits missile bombers undercounted warheads long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs treaty enforcement unilateral reductions strategic stability nuclear arms reduction treaty compliance balance of power arms race verification gaps security risks US national security Russia treaty benefits asymmetric reductions nuclear deterrence arms limitation flaws New START treaty loopholes Russia tactical nuclear advantage New START bomber warhead counting multiple warhead missile bombers loophole rail-mobile ICBM treaty gap Russia circumvention of arms limits US unilateral nuclear reductions unequal nuclear arms treaties New START impact on strategic stability Romney criticism New START implications for US nuclear strategy New START world peace risks arms control treaty flaws Russian heavy bomber plans Russia air-launched cruise missile development Russian strategic modernization New START and escalation risks balance of power nuclear arms flaw comparison START vs New START New START verification challenges New START treaty Russia strategic advantage nuclear arms control tactical nuclear weapons treaty loopholes warhead counting rules bomber warhead limits long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs START treaty comparison Russian compliance unilateral US reductions strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear arms balance treaty verification nuclear deterrence US-Russia relations arms reduction negotiations strategic stability Mitt Romney New START critique Heritage Foundation New START arms treaties loopholes nuclear posture heavy bombers rail-based missile systems New START treaty criticism Russia nuclear advantage strategic nuclear weapons nuclear treaty loopholes rail-mobile ICBMs US unilateral reductions Mitt Romney New START treaty imbalance nuclear arms control bomber warhead counting Russian strategic modernization US-Russia nuclear treaty nuclear weapon limits rail-mobile missile omission START treaty comparison air-launched cruise missiles Russian heavy bomber development world peace balance arms reduction concerns heritage foundation New START flaws New START treaty Russia nuclear advantage US nuclear reductions strategic arms control tactical nuclear weapons treaty loopholes nuclear warhead limits missile bombers air-launched cruise missiles long-range bombers undercounting warheads rail-mobile ICBMs intercontinental ballistic missiles START treaty definitions erector-launcher strategic nuclear launchers unilateral reductions arms reduction nuclear balance of power arms control agreements Mitt Romney criticism Treaty compliance heavy bombers nuclear parity military asymmetry treaty verification strategic stability arms race world peace US-Russia relations New START treaty flaws Russian nuclear advantage tactical nuclear weapons New START loopholes missile bomber counting rules strategic bomber warhead limits air-launched cruise missiles Russia rail-mobile ICBMs nuclear arms control Russia treaty benefit unilateral US reductions START versus New START heavy bomber programs warhead reduction targets nuclear balance of power Mitt Romney New START critique arms race implications strategic nuclear parity Russian strategic modernization unequal arms treaties New START treaty loopholes Russian nuclear advantage strategic arms reduction rail-mobile ICBMs tactical nuclear weapons multiple warhead missile bombers warhead counting rules US unilateral reductions heavy bomber development air-launched cruise missiles treaty limitations nuclear arms control strategic balance missile launcher definitions arms race nuclear deterrence compliance issues verification measures treaty asymmetry world peace US-Russia relations Mitt Romney START criticism strategic nuclear warheads Soviet Union treaties arms control loopholes strategic nuclear weapons disparity Russia nuclear modernization US unilateral reductions New START treaty criticisms bomber warhead counting rail-mobile ICBMs missile treaty loopholes Moscow negotiation tactics nuclear balance of power Mitt Romney START critique nuclear arms limitations Russian heavy bombers air-launched cruise missiles START vs New START differences Russia treaty compliance strategic stability world peace threats US national security nuclear treaty enforcement"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook social media information dissemination online communities networking event promotion job opportunities communication platform staying connected community engagement real-time updates digital marketing virtual networking efficient communication event planning public awareness free advertising viral campaigns global reach news sharing grassroots movements social campaigns digital outreach information point user engagement interactive platform brand awareness social connectivity media campaigns online promotion digital information Kony 2012 campaign awareness viral videos social ads online news internet marketing targeted advertising live updates content sharing Facebook information point social media online platform community connection job opportunities event discovery event promotion networking efficient communication event planners companies direct consumers Google hiring Toyota discount music festival football tournament community events campaign awareness Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities YouTube video social campaigns viral marketing TV commercials traditional advertising radio commercials billboards promotion costs online advertising efficient outreach digital communication real-time updates event notifications social engagement user interaction free information sharing social networking sites digital communities online events community information awareness social media online communication event promotion information dissemination job opportunities networking community engagement digital advertising news updates user connectivity viral campaigns event discovery public awareness interactive platform targeted outreach free publicizing peer-to-peer sharing corporate announcements social engagement marketing strategies social influence community updates campaign awareness digital outreach local events informational hub user-generated content interactive advertising social campaigns Facebook information point Facebook event discovery Facebook for job opportunities staying updated via Facebook Facebook social events Facebook community connection Facebook platform benefits social media for local news Facebook versus traditional advertising Facebook for companies Facebook for event planners Facebook for customers Facebook for job seekers Facebook for sports competitions Facebook for music festivals Facebook informs community Facebook campaign success Kony 2012 Facebook case Facebook versus TV ads Facebook promotion cost-effectiveness Facebook as virtual info center Facebook for community updates Facebook connects users Facebook and company announcements Facebook spreading awareness Facebook for amateur sports Facebook for social Facebook information hub social media communication online event promotion digital networking community engagement job opportunities Facebook Facebook marketing social event awareness local event discovery social networks vs traditional media free advertising Facebook viral campaigns social media Kony 2012 social media case study grassroots campaigns online Facebook user reach Facebook platform benefits digital outreach strategies social impact Facebook real-time information sharing global connectivity Facebook Facebook event promotion social media information sharing staying connected online online job opportunities Facebook for community updates social media vs traditional advertising Facebook platform benefits event planning Facebook Facebook as information hub social networks for news Facebook for business marketing Kony 2012 Facebook impact free online event promotion Facebook social campaigns effectiveness of Facebook information Facebook for local events Facebook user engagement Facebook social awareness social media influence digital advertising Facebook Facebook information hub social media connectivity networking event promotion job opportunities online community user engagement communication platform digital marketing social events sporting events company announcements event planners customer outreach news updates opportunity awareness local events global reach campaign awareness Kony 2012 viral campaigns public information affordable advertising digital outreach social network efficiency conventional media alternatives free promotion community engagement platform development mass communication Facebook information hub social media event discovery online networking opportunities Facebook job alerts Facebook community engagement social event promotion digital event marketing social media campaign success Facebook for business free event advertising community connectivity online outreach tools social media for companies digital marketing platforms Facebook awareness campaigns information dissemination on Facebook social media versus traditional media Facebook viral campaigns Kony 2012 case study social media activism Facebook platform benefits digital information sharing online promotional strategies Facebook engagement strategies Facebook user interaction social network connectivity Facebook information dissemination social media connectivity online communities event promotion job opportunities community engagement cost-effective advertising digital marketing social events user interaction networking awareness campaigns Kony 2012 viral content global reach social networking platforms mass communication media efficiency promotional tools information sharing digital outreach social media online community information sharing event promotion job opportunities Facebook platform digital networking real-time updates community engagement cost-effective advertising viral campaigns user connectivity local events awareness campaigns Kony 2012 YouTube influence global communication social networking sites event planners marketing strategies free publicity digital information hub user engagement civic participation platform reach news dissemination
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro02a	Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, drug legalization drug policy prohibition effectiveness drug glamorization teenage drug use underground drug culture UK drug statistics cannabis reclassification drug law changes harm reduction controlled substances drug decriminalization drug user demographics youth drug trends Home Affairs Select Committee drug addiction rates drug use prevention cannabis legislation criminalization consequences public health approach drug legalization prohibition effectiveness underground drug market drug glamour teenage drug use youth drug trends UK drug statistics drug policy reform cannabis reclassification drug decriminalization harm reduction drug law impact problematic drug users Home Affairs Select Committee report The Guardian cannabis article controlled substances public health and drugs drug law enforcement drug use motivations legalization and youth perception drug policy legalization decriminalization prohibition failure drug glamorization youth drug use UK drug statistics drug classification harm reduction cannabis laws underground drug market impressionable teenagers Home Affairs Select Committee drug legislation drug addiction rates drug policy reform cannabis legalization drug enforcement drug use trends criminalization public health approach drug-related crime social implications UK government policy evidence-based drug policy drug legalization benefits effects of drug prohibition youth drug use trends impact of drug glamorization problematic drug user statistics UK correlation between legalization and use cannabis reclassification outcomes impressionable teenagers and drug policy evidence from UK drug laws government drug policy effectiveness removing glamour from drug culture underground drug activity consequences historical drug use data UK harm reduction strategies comparisons of drug classifications drug use and legal status changes in cannabis consumption post-legal change adolescence drug prevention measures media influence on drug perception public health implications of drug laws drug policy prohibition effectiveness drug legalization glamorization of drugs underground drug culture youth drug use drug law impact problematic drug users UK drug use statistics Home Affairs Select Committee report cannabis classification UK cannabis use decline teenager drug attraction legal vs illegal drugs government drug strategies public health and drugs drug decriminalization sociological effects of prohibition UK drug laws drug usage trends drug law reform drug legalization debate effects of prohibition drug policy effectiveness glamorization of drugs teenage drug use UK drug statistics consequences of drug prohibition drug decriminalization cannabis classification UK drug use trends harm reduction history of drug policy UK underground drug culture legalization impact on drug use youth drug prevention UK Home Affairs drug policy cannabis reclassification effects problematic drug users statistics drug law reform effectiveness of drug laws drug prohibition legalization debate drug policy UK drug statistics glamorization of drugs youth drug use drug legalization effects problematic drug users UK cannabis classification class B to class C drug law reform teenage drug use underground drug culture harm reduction drug use statistics drugs and impressionable teenagers cannabis policy UK deterrent effect drug decriminalization addictive substances Home Affairs Select Committee Alan Travis The Guardian drug articles historical drug policy social perceptions drugs public health drug policy drug legalization prohibition effectiveness drug glamorization drug use statistics UK legalization impact teenage drug use drug policy reform cannabis classification UK harm reduction drug addiction trends government drug policy illicit drug market public health and drugs drug decriminalization history of drug laws UK prohibition drug legalization drug policy drug glamourization UK drug statistics problematic drug users Home Affairs Select Committee cannabis classification teenage drug use underground activities drug law impact drug use trends legal vs illegal drugs harm reduction drug decriminalization youth drug prevention drug use attractiveness historical drug policy cannabis use rates policy effectiveness social perceptions of drugs drug legalization drug decriminalization prohibition effectiveness drug policy reform youth drug use drug glamorization UK drug statistics cannabis reclassification drug use trends harm reduction drug law impact criminal justice public health approach teenage drug prevention legislative changes substance abuse historical drug laws comparative drug policies drug-related crime evidence-based policy
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con04a	Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Brexit UK-EU relations European influence foreign policy international relations regional power EU membership diplomatic impact UK global role transatlantic relations US-UK alliance European integration UK isolation EU decision-making post-Brexit negotiations political separation sovereignty multilateralism European unity external diplomacy UK's international standing geopolitical consequences UK-EU cooperation EU institutions EU diplomatic ties foreign affairs Brexit UK regional influence EU relations UK foreign policy European Union impact diplomatic influence international relations UK-EU separation UK-Europe alliance UK global role UK-US relationship geopolitical consequences political isolation trade relations EU member states transatlantic relations UK diplomatic status UK policy influence post-Brexit diplomacy UK-European cooperation foreign policy shift UK sovereignty global influence UK economic influence UK political leverage Brexit consequences Brexit UK foreign policy EU relations UK regional power European Union post-Brexit influence international diplomacy UK-EU negotiations transatlantic relations global alliances European integration political isolation economic impact sovereignty external relations foreign affairs diplomatic ties UK-US relations geopolitical strategy global positioning European powers EU membership consequences UK-EU cooperation regional stability strategic partnerships Brexit regional influence UK foreign policy after Brexit UK-EU diplomatic relations post-Brexit impact of Brexit on UK international standing UK as part of Europe geopolitically US view on UK in EU EU response to UK's departure post-Brexit alliances UK-EU cooperation after Brexit global perception of UK post-Brexit implications for UK diplomacy future of UK-European relations UK's role in international organizations after Brexit losses in UK political leverage UK influence in European affairs Brexit implications for UK allies diminished UK voice in EU policies reaction from European powers to Brexit geopolitical consequences of leaving Brexit UK regional influence UK-EU relations foreign policy geopolitical impact European diplomacy international relations UK-US alliance EU member states diplomatic isolation global influence post-Brexit negotiation trade relations strategic partnerships European integration power dynamics policy influence national sovereignty UK soft power transatlantic relations Brexit impact on UK influence UK-EU relationship after Brexit UK foreign policy post-EU regional power dynamics Europe Brexit EU states UK cooperation post-Brexit UK diplomatic influence Europe US perspective UK EU membership diplomatic isolation UK Brexit UK as external influencer EU post-Brexit international relations UK UK political leverage Europe UK global standing after EU exit EU-UK strategic partnerships economic versus political influence UK loss of UK voice in EU policymaking transatlantic relations post-Brexit Brexit UK-EU relations European politics geopolitical influence foreign policy diplomatic relations international cooperation regional integration EU member states cross-border collaboration soft power global standing transatlantic relations US-UK alliance European Council single market customs union multilateralism UK isolation policy impact economic repercussions security collaboration trade negotiations foreign affairs political leverage international organizations sovereignty supranational institutions post-Brexit challenges diplomatic strategy global influence Brexit UK regional influence EU relations UK foreign policy Europe geopolitics UK-EU diplomacy UK-US relations post-Brexit policy European Union UK international standing foreign affairs transatlantic relations diplomatic isolation UK influence loss EU decision-making geopolitical impact UK alliances European integration Brexit consequences international relations UK divorce from EU UK political influence foreign perceptions EU negotiations global influence Brexit EU-UK cooperation security collaboration economic influence UK as outsider White House Brexit views Brexit UK foreign policy European Union regional influence international relations UK-EU relations diplomatic impact trade relations EU member states geopolitical consequences United States opinion UK global role Brexit consequences transatlantic relations political influence foreign alliances UK isolation post-Brexit negotiation Europe-UK cooperation UK diplomatic strategy Brexit UK foreign policy EU relations European influence regional power diplomatic impact United States opinion geopolitical consequences international relations EU member states UK isolation transatlantic alliance European cooperation Brexit consequences global standing UK-EU negotiations soft power trade relations diplomatic leverage policy influence
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro03a	Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” minimum wage living wage wage growth consumer spending income inequality labor rights economic stimulus progressive economics worker compensation fair pay middle class prosperity wage policy disposable income labor unions economic mobility purchasing power employee benefits job quality economic justice financial security minimum wage living wage wage growth income inequality consumer purchasing power labor unions economic stimulus quality jobs fair compensation worker rights middle class growth wage policy progressive economics disposable income economic demand union bargaining income policy wage standards economic equality labor market wage increases Democratic economic policy consumer spending labor collaboration worker empowerment living wage minimum wage wage growth income inequality consumer spending economic stimulus labor unions worker protections fair wages purchasing power middle class economic policy job quality disposable income wage policy social mobility progressive economics wage standards labor rights economic justice wage legislation economic growth poverty reduction worker advocacy collective bargaining sustainable economy equitable pay prosperity demand-side economics Democrats wage policy wage increase effects consumer spending and wages economic stimulation through wages living wage benefits quality customer creation labor collaboration with Democrats wage levels economic impact progressive economic principles Mark Pash wage argument job creation wage quality purchasing power and economy sustaining consumers through wages Democrats vs Republicans wage policy labor rights economic growth working class spending power effects of minimum wage policies income levels and economic health quality jobs economic growth Democratic labor platform wage-driven economic stimulation fiscal policy Democrats Democrats wage increase consumer spending economic stimulus labor unions living wage purchasing power economic growth progressive economic principles income inequality quality customers minimum wage worker rights fair pay job quality labor policy wage policy economic justice Mark Pash Brad Parker quality economy worker respect wage standards sustainable economy prosperity sharing working class middle class demand-driven economy wage-led growth fair labor practices consumer demand Democratic wage policy increasing minimum wage benefits living wage and economic growth consumer purchasing power impact of higher wages on economy quality customers and income levels progressive economic principles labor and wage collaboration wage-driven economic stimulation Democrats and labor unions benefits of paying higher wages jobs versus wage quality Mark Pash economic views creating better consumers through wages stimulating demand with higher pay wage policy and consumer spending economic impact of living wage working with labor for fair wages Democratic Party wage increase minimum wage living wage consumer spending economic stimulation labor unions fair wages workers’ rights purchasing power income inequality progressive economics quality jobs economic policy middle class standard of living economic growth wage policy labor market social justice prosperity Mark Pash progressive principles economic reform Brad Parker labor rights job quality household income economic fairness fair labor practices Democratic wage policies minimum wage increase living wage legislation consumer purchasing power economic stimulus through wages labor unions and Democrats income inequality solutions progressive economic principles Mark Pash economics Brad Parker labor policy quality customer creation worker respect in wages fair compensation policies middle class wage growth sustainable economic growth labor market reforms affordable cost of living consumer economy strengthening job quality versus job quantity economic effects of wage increases living wage minimum wage increase wage growth consumer spending economic stimulus income inequality wage policy labor rights fair pay disposable income purchasing power middle class economic mobility wage standards progressive economic policies collective bargaining labor unions pay equity sustainable economy worker respect job quality household income economic justice worker empowerment fair labor practices living wage minimum wage wage growth consumer spending disposable income economic stimulus worker rights labor unions collective bargaining income inequality purchasing power fair wages middle class economic mobility standard of living wage policy job quality progressive economics economic justice financial stability worker empowerment labor market social equity wage legislation
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro01a	Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. alternative media grassroots communication media pluralism citizen journalism independent broadcasting public interest media democratic participation freedom of expression media diversity community engagement local voices social movements media democratization participatory media anti-censorship media empowerment community empowerment social change non-commercial radio media monopoly resistance media revolution communication public service broadcasting media activism bottom-up media media accessibility political participation marginalized voices civil society media alternative broadcasting community broadcasting participatory media media democratization citizen journalism grassroots communication alternative media independent voices media pluralism media diversity freedom of expression revolutionary communication social movements public service broadcasting anti-censorship media empowerment media monopoly local radio decentralized media information accessibility civic engagement Arab Spring media 1989 revolutions media AMARC public interest media grassroots media participatory communication democratic media media pluralism freedom of expression independent broadcasting alternative media media diversity citizen journalism media democratization media monopoly public service broadcasting media empowerment community engagement bottom-up communication anti-censorship social change media activism dissident voices non-commercial media listener-supported radio media for development inclusive media media for social justice counter-hegemonic media community radio and democracy role of community radio in Arab Spring community radio breaking media monopoly community radio diversity of opinions community radio versus commercial radio community radio public service community radio listener engagement media power and community radio community radio encouraging free speech community radio and social change impact of community radio revolutions community radio and autocratic regimes community radio versus mainstream media media plurality community radio Orwell truth subversive act media community radio without commercial pressure community radio as grassroots media benefits of community radio pluralism AMARC definition of community radio community radio and marginalized voices community radio media democracy grassroots communication participatory media independent broadcasting civic engagement media pluralism information monopoly alternative media freedom of expression press freedom citizen journalism Arab Spring revolutions 1989 public service broadcasting democratic media voice for the voiceless media diversity power dynamics in media subversive truth authoritarian regimes cultural authority non-commercial media AMARC bottom-up media public participation dissenting voices media activism social change media empowerment community radio benefits democratic media Arab Spring communication media diversity public service broadcasting grassroots media media monopoly subversive truth alternative perspectives media pluralism citizen journalism media and democracy freedom of expression media power dynamics community participation non-commercial media radio for social change empowering marginalized voices media and revolution AMARC community radio post-revolution media participatory media media accountability breaking state control overcoming media censorship community radio grassroots media citizen journalism media diversity public service broadcasting Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 democratic media freedom of expression media monopoly pluralism alternative media independent voices media democratization participatory communication civil society social movements media activism anti-authoritarian press freedom government censorship information access local broadcasting community empowerment media ethics listener engagement public interest non-commercial radio AMARC subversive truth George Orwell media ownership media pluralism mass communication power dynamics authoritarian regime regime change communication rights plurality community radio citizen journalism democratization of media alternative media grassroots communication public service broadcasting independent media freedom of expression media pluralism media diversity non-commercial broadcasting participatory media social movements Arab Spring media revolutions and media breaking media monopoly subversive communication media and democracy local voices media empowerment marginalized voices AMARC media activism non-profit radio media literacy decentralized media radio and political change public interest media anti-censorship media free press listener-driven content community radio media diversity democratic voices public service broadcasting grassroots communication information monopoly alternative media Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 voice empowerment censorship resistance free speech media pluralism media independence civil society participatory media community empowerment social change local journalism non-commercial media media accountability citizen media political communication AMARC social movements truth telling subversive media media democracy bottom-up communication media reform broadcast pluralism media pluralism participatory media citizen journalism grassroots communication freedom of expression alternative media independent broadcasting democratic participation media democracy public sphere social change civil society information access marginalized voices media activism press freedom power dynamics political communication media regulation media literacy revolution media social movements broadcasting policy non-commercial media listener-driven content
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con01a	The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions criminal record disclosure defendant rights jury impartiality relevant evidence recidivism rehabilitation reasonable doubt criminal justice due process re-offending prevention legal fairness bias in trials prior offenses judicial procedure criminal defense rights character evidence presumption of guilt presumption of innocence fair trial jury impartiality prior convictions criminal record disclosure defendant rights due process reasonable doubt recidivism rehabilitation criminal justice legal safeguards judicial bias trial evidence character evidence recidivist stigma justice system wrongful conviction jury instructions prejudice in court presumption of innocence fair trial jury impartiality prior convictions criminal history disclosure defendant rights reasonable doubt judicial bias recidivism rehabilitation legal ethics criminal justice system due process evidence admissibility prejudice in trials reoffending treatment programs wrongful conviction prevention criminal defense legal principles case relevance past offenses public safety offender rehabilitation legal fairness presumption of innocence legal principle disclosure of prior convictions impact on trial jury impartiality and past offenses fair trial defendant rights effect of criminal history on verdict relevance of past crimes in new cases rehabilitation and reoffending rates state intervention and recidivism burden of proof in criminal trials bias from previous convictions criminal justice fairness principles treatment programs and crime reduction protecting defendants’ rights during trial legal safeguards against prejudice recidivism statistics and judicial outcomes importance of evidence relevancy in court exclusion of prejudicial information in trials legal arguments for confidentiality of prior records consequences of violating presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury impartiality criminal history disclosure defendant rights recidivism re-offending rehabilitation criminal justice ethics reasonable doubt bias in legal proceedings criminal defense jury decision-making evidence admissibility legal prejudice ex-offender reintegration treatment effectiveness judicial fairness prior bad acts criminal prosecution standards wrongful conviction risk legal safeguards habitual offender stigma criminal justice reform presumption of innocence impact of past convictions disclosure fair trial rights jury impartiality criminal justice principles relevance of prior offenses defendant rights rehabilitation and reoffending rates prejudice in court proceedings prior criminal record influence reasonable doubt standard integrity of legal process recidivism and treatment historical convictions impact bias in jury decisions presumption of innocence fair trial jury impartiality past convictions criminal record disclosure defendant rights burden of proof relevant evidence recidivism re-offending rehabilitation legal fairness double jeopardy criminal justice wrongful conviction reasonable doubt trial ethics judicial bias admissibility of evidence criminal procedure prior bad acts legal safeguards prejudice prevention verdict integrity state intervention reintegration offender treatment programs presumption of innocence fair trial jury impartiality prior convictions disclosure of criminal history criminal justice ethics defendant rights reasonable doubt jury bias double jeopardy rehabilitation recidivism criminal justice reform evidence admissibility criminal defense legal precedents right to fair trial wrongful conviction character evidence prejudice in trials judicial fairness evidentiary standards rehabilitation success restorative justice repeat offenders recidivism statistics criminal background disclosure legal safeguards impact of past crimes on trial legal burden of proof presumption of innocence fair trial jury impartiality prior convictions character evidence recidivism criminal justice legal rights reasonable doubt defendant rights inadmissible evidence judicial fairness rehabilitation wrongful conviction legal precedent double jeopardy criminal law due process prejudicial evidence sentencing guidelines presumption of innocence fair trial prior convictions jury impartiality criminal justice defendant rights recidivism character evidence wrongful conviction legal bias criminal law judicial fairness rehabilitation public safety beyond reasonable doubt legal principles evidence admissibility past offenses sentencing legal ethics
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro01a	These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. dissent internet censorship digital activism online repression free speech bloggers surveillance technology government crackdown social media Jasmine Revolution Twitter Revolution online mobilization Tunisia China Cuba imprisonment activism freedom of expression digital rights Zhai Xiaobing information control political oppression human rights external intervention safe haven reform movements repressive regimes online dissent authoritarianism state surveillance democracy support digital activism online dissent internet censorship repressive regimes surveillance technology freedom of expression political oppression human rights social media activism blogger persecution government crackdowns information control authoritarianism civil liberties journalist arrest cyber repression online surveillance political dissidents state-sponsored censorship external intervention democratic support safe haven for activists free speech technology and protest digital rights freedom of information dissidents online censorship freedom of speech human rights internet activism digital surveillance state repression bloggers whistleblowers political prisoners authoritarian regimes internet freedom cyber activism government crackdowns digital rights social media protest information control civil liberties advocacy free expression internet censorship dissent online activism in repressive regimes bloggers under threat government surveillance technology digital resistance movements protection of digital activists safe havens for dissidents political repression and internet technological control by authoritarian regimes Jasmine Revolution social media freedom of speech online imprisonment of bloggers state crackdown on dissenters cyber surveillance and human rights international support for reformers Zhai Xiaobing arrest China Cuba blogger repression impact of social media on protests internet as dissent platform digital advocacy under threat internet censorship digital dissent online activism blogger persecution surveillance technology repressive regimes freedom of expression social media revolution human rights political oppression internet freedom safe haven democratic intervention authoritarianism information control cyber dissidents Jasmine Revolution Tunisia uprisings Twitter Revolution Cuba bloggers China internet crackdown Zhai Xiaobing government censorship digital repression online mobilization political activism internet censorship digital dissent government surveillance online activism blogger persecution freedom of expression repression in authoritarian regimes social media revolutions freedom for bloggers state control of information human rights and the internet political activism online technological authoritarianism internet freedom advocacy defending digital rights Tunisia Jasmine Revolution China censorship Cuba bloggers protection for activists external support for dissidents internet censorship digital dissent online activism freedom of expression political repression surveillance technology social media protests authoritarian regimes blogger persecution imprisonment of activists state surveillance human rights defenders government crackdowns free speech online technology and dissent political reform movements information control digital rights social network mobilization Twitter Revolution Jasmine Revolution cyber-activism media freedom democratic activism external support safe haven for dissidents oppressive governments state oppression online mobilization restricted speech political prisoners Cuba dissent China censorship Zhai Xiaobing blogger arrests civic resistance global internet censorship digital activism online dissent repressive regimes freedom of expression blogger persecution political oppression surveillance technology social media activism government crackdown Tunisia Jasmine Revolution Twitter Revolution Zhai Xiaobing information control external intervention safe haven for dissidents human rights China online censorship Cuba political repression imprisonment of bloggers free speech online civil liberties democratic aid to activists authoritarianism internet surveillance social justice advocacy digital activism internet censorship online dissent government surveillance social media protests blogger arrests freedom of expression human rights authoritarian regimes information control online repression Twitter Revolution Jasmine Revolution Tunisia uprising cyber oppression dissident bloggers state-sponsored surveillance political activism external support asylum for dissidents free speech online anti-censorship tools whistleblower protection democratic intervention media suppression internet censorship freedom of expression digital surveillance online dissent political repression human rights activists authoritarian regimes social media activism blogger persecution government crackdowns cyber oppression freedom of information digital rights state surveillance online activism free speech protection civil liberties political prisoners internet activism international support democratic intervention safe haven for dissidents digital resistance human rights advocacy
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro04a	"Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 sexist advertising gender equality anti-discrimination policies advertising standards body image media regulation women's rights gender stereotypes public policy government intervention UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women Council of Europe media ethics advertising regulation fashion industry guidelines Norway Denmark United Kingdom Australia self-regulation in advertising equal opportunity gender bias feminist organizations advertising codes social responsibility representation of women industry principles code of conduct policy implementation media accountability legal frameworks sexist advertising gender equality advertising regulations anti-sexism policies media accountability discriminatory advertising gender stereotyping advertising standards government intervention policy development international policy United Nations Council of Europe body image code fashion industry guidelines women's rights advocacy advertising ethics public awareness campaigns media representation regulatory frameworks self-regulation in advertising combating sexism equal opportunity representation of women cultural sensitivity in advertising sexist advertising gender equality anti-discrimination policies media regulation advertising standards promotional content gender stereotypes UN recommendations Council of Europe body image code women’s rights media ethics advertising guidelines fashion industry regulation Scandinavian policies legislative measures public awareness campaigns equal opportunity self-regulation government intervention Australia advertising principles UK advertising policies elimination of discrimination regulatory frameworks social responsibility marketing ethics gender representation portrayal of women advertising bans media monitoring ban sexist advertising policies restrict sexist ads Norway Denmark UN recommendations on sexist advertising UK government sexist advertising policies Council of Europe sexist advertising standards gender equality and advertising methods to address sexist advertising Australia advertising industry principles sexism fashion industry body image code combating discriminatory advertising practices legal frameworks sexist advertising international approaches sexist ads media representation gender equality advertising regulations sexism social impact of sexist advertising banning promotion of gender stereotypes ads encouraging positive gender portrayal advertising enforcement of advertising ethics sexism policy examples against sexist ads guidelines for non-discriminatory advertising sexist advertising gender equality anti-discrimination policies advertising regulations media representation body image standards UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women Council of Europe policy implementation international case studies advertising ethics women’s rights regulatory frameworks Scandinavian policies United Kingdom response Australia advertising code media guidelines industry self-regulation legislative action social impact of advertising sexist advertising regulations gender equality in advertising anti-discrimination advertising policies Norway sexist advertising laws Denmark advertising policy UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women recommendations UK sexist advertising legislation Council of Europe action on sexist ads standards for non-sexist advertising parliamentary reports on gender equality principles for advertising industry body image code in fashion Australia advertising gender guidelines impact of sexist ads on society legal frameworks for advertising ethics international approaches to sexist advertising women's rights in advertising advertising self-regulation media representation of women enforcement of non-sexist advertising standards sexist advertising gender equality discrimination against women advertising regulation media ethics UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women Council of Europe equal opportunity media guidelines advertising standards body image fashion industry policy development Norway Denmark United Kingdom Australia media policy promotion ban stereotypes self-regulation legislation social impact public awareness gender stereotypes sexist attitudes media representation advertising principles cultural norms international standards government policy sexist advertising advertising regulations gender equality anti-discrimination policies media standards Norway advertising policy Denmark advertising law UN CEDAW recommendations UK advertising standards Council of Europe recommendations equal opportunity women's rights fashion industry guidelines body image code government advisory boards sexism in media advertising ethics women's representation in media advertising bans non-discriminatory advertising international advertising laws gender stereotypes marketing regulations advertising policy development restrictive advertising policies sexist advertising gender equality advertising policies media regulation anti-discrimination body image standards women's rights UN recommendations Council of Europe Australia advertising principles United Kingdom law Scandinavian policies advertising codes fashion industry guidelines gender stereotyping media ethics social responsibility equal opportunity public policy harmful advertising sexist advertising gender equality advertising regulations policy implementation discriminatory advertising media representation women's rights United Nations recommendations Council of Europe legal restrictions body image advertising standards media ethics advertising guidelines gender stereotypes equal opportunity cultural impact accountability best practices international comparisons social responsibility legislative action self-regulation media influence feminist movements public awareness industry codes advocacy groups enforcement mechanisms fashion industry standards"
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro03a	A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 fat tax unhealthy food healthy food food pricing fresh produce junk food food inflation food cost food affordability socioeconomic status obesity nutrition policy food tax processed food sugar tax salt tax food subsidy dietary behavior food accessibility public health economic incentives food policy food consumption health disparities fat tax unhealthy food healthy food food pricing food inflation socioeconomic status junk food cost fresh produce price obesity food tax policy food affordability food price comparison sugar tax salt tax food consumption incentives processed food pricing healthy eating taxation of unhealthy foods cost of healthy diet economic barriers to healthy food nutrition policy fat tax unhealthy food healthy food food pricing food affordability food policy obesity socioeconomic status junk food fresh produce food inflation food subsidy food regulation public health nutrition tax food deserts dietary choices food consumption health inequality price incentives food accessibility sugar tax processed foods food cost comparison nutrition economics fat tax benefits fat tax effectiveness fat tax vs healthy food prices impact of fat tax on obesity socioeconomic effects of fat tax making healthy food affordable unhealthy food pricing trends healthy food price inflation junk food vs healthy food costs taxation as nutrition policy strategies to promote healthy eating fat tax and food accessibility price incentives for healthy food combatting obesity with food taxes subsidizing fresh produce food policy and public health economic impact of food taxes regulating unhealthy food consumption research on food taxes healthy eating for low-income groups fat tax food taxation junk food price healthy food cost food inflation food pricing unhealthy food fresh produce affordability obesity socioeconomic status nutrition policy food access unhealthy diet sugar tax salt tax cheap junk food food economics food subsidies healthy eating public health policy low income diet food cost comparison price regulation fiscal policies food accessibility price disparity food affordability consumption incentives economic disparity food market trends fat tax benefits healthy food affordability junk food pricing obesity socioeconomic factors food price inflation unhealthy food consumption tax on fatty foods healthy eating incentives food taxation policy impact of food prices promoting healthy diets food economics nutrition policy cost of nutritious food reducing obesity rates government intervention in food pricing strategies for health food subsidies access to fresh produce public health measures fat tax food pricing unhealthy food healthy food fresh produce junk food sugar salt food inflation food prices socioeconomic status obesity food tax nutrition policy dietary choices food affordability food cost comparison processed foods public health economic incentive food subsidy consumption patterns price disparity government intervention food access food equity University of Washington study Australian researchers health disparity behavioral economics food environment fat tax unhealthy food healthy food food pricing junk food sugar tax socioeconomic status obesity nutrition policy food affordability food cost comparison food inflation food subsidy public health fresh produce pricing food consumption dietary habits food tax effectiveness food price disparity economic incentives government intervention price elasticity food accessibility health inequality fiscal policy food reformulation food industry regulation fat tax food pricing healthy food affordability junk food cost food inflation socioeconomic status obesity unhealthy food consumption food subsidies price intervention tax policy nutrition economics fresh produce food access dietary choices economic incentives public health policy food deserts processed food health disparities obesity socioeconomic status food pricing healthy food affordability junk food costs food taxation nutrition policy food deserts public health food subsidies processed foods dietary choices inflation and food prices access to fresh produce health disparities economic incentives nutrition intervention sugar tax policy effectiveness food environment
test-education-usuprmhbu-con01a	Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. meritocracy fairness just society social order merit-based selection discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action equal opportunity skill-based reward effort-based reward justice unjust systems bias equality social justice preferential treatment fairness in distribution diversity policies reverse discrimination social mobility equal treatment fairness in employment qualifications competency systemic injustice equity vs equality quota systems social merit institutional bias meritocracy fairness just society equal opportunity merit-based selection discrimination positive discrimination reverse discrimination affirmative action skill-based rewards effort-based rewards unbiased selection justice equality social mobility anti-preferential treatment criticism of affirmative action fairness in society merit-only systems criticisms of quota systems 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reward systems group favoritism injustice quota systems diversity policies equity vs equality social policy distributive justice meritocracy fairness social justice discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination reverse discrimination equality of opportunity equality of outcome social mobility systemic bias skills-based selection effort-based reward diversity policies inclusion vs merit group favoritism justice theory distributive justice social engineering fairness in society merit-based systems anti-meritocracy arguments merit vs privilege individual achievement societal order selection criteria ethical systems talent recognition unjust systems group preference fairness debate meritocracy fairness justice discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action equal opportunity skill-based selection effort-based reward social mobility equality of opportunity diversity inclusion equity talent recognition bias systemic inequality preferential treatment social justice fairness in society meritocracy fairness social justice discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action equal opportunity skill-based selection effort-based reward social mobility equality of outcome equality of opportunity social stratification bias social equity diversity policies reverse discrimination fairness in society justice distributive justice preferential treatment inclusion exclusion social order societal systems
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con02a	IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB regulations rugby governance racial quotas rugby union policy International Rugby Board World Rugby SARU South African rugby governance intervention sports sanctions rugby expulsion political controversy rugby sports administration rugby rules diversity in sports sporting body intervention rugby politics player selection policies sports regulations anti-discrimination policies international sports law quota systems sports compliance rugby rugby penalties institutional governance sports International Rugby Board IRB regulations rugby governance racial quotas in sports rugby policy South African Rugby Union SARU sports law anti-discrimination in rugby sporting sanctions rugby union politics rugby world governing body IRB intervention quota controversy governance breach sports integrity rugby regulations breach rugby expulsion international sports sanctions rugby diversity policies rugby union disciplinary action IRB regulations International Rugby Board policy rugby union governance racial discrimination player selection policies South African Rugby Union SARU sanctions rugby quotas controversy sports law international sports sanctions political interference in sport rugby world governing body IRP rule breach diversity in rugby anti-discrimination policies sports ethics rugby union disciplinary action expulsion from competitions quota system impact rugby administration compliance with IRB statutes player eligibility rules IRB rules and racial quotas in rugby International Rugby Board stance on quotas South African Rugby Union sanctions impact of IRB intervention on South African rugby rugby union political controversies SARU expulsion or sanctions IRB consequences of racial quota breaches rugby international sports governance and quotas IRB regulations on player selection history of racial quotas in South African rugby sports sanctions and governance rugby union IRB interference in national rugby political implications of rugby quotas SARugbymag.co.za quotas breach article global rugby governing body rules South African rugby instability racial quotas rugby union expulsion cases IRB versus SAR IRB regulations rugby governance racial quotas rugby South African rugby SARU International Rugby Board rugby union policies sports sanctions rugby political issues governance intervention rugby expulsion rugby instability rugby compliance quota controversy rugby world body IRB regulations rugby union racial quotas International Rugby Board stance SARU policies IRB intervention consequences rugby political issues sanctions in rugby expulsion from rugby union South African rugby governance sports quotas controversy international sports regulations rugby union governance IRB rule violations rugby quota system impact political interference in rugby SARU and IRB conflict rugby union disciplinary actions World Rugby policies quota system in sports South African sports governance International Rugby Board IRB regulations racial quotas rugby governance South African Rugby Union SARU quota controversy sports sanctions rugby union policy IRB intervention world rugby rules sporting integrity political interference in sports rugby administration quota policies South African sports politics international sports law rugby disciplinary action sport expulsion governance breach quota system sports governance crisis IRB disciplinary measures SARugbymag rugby rule violations rugby world governing body IRB rules racial quotas International Rugby Board Rugby Union SARU rugby governance sports sanctions rugby politics South African rugby global rugby policies sports intervention IRB regulations sports law racial equality in sports rugby expulsion sports governance sports quotas controversy rugby sanctions World Rugby policies rugby administration sports diversity policies eligibility criteria rugby South African sports law affirmative action sports international sports bodies IRB intervention sports compliance rugby governance disputes sports world policy rugby union laws sports disciplinary action IRB regulations rugby governance racial quotas in sports International Rugby Board stance SARU policies rugby union compliance sports sanctions political interference in rugby South African rugby controversies sports governing bodies rugby quota system IRB intervention sport sanctions and penalties rugby political issues international sports law World Rugby views SARU disciplinary actions rugby administrative rules quotas controversy rugby expulsion risk International Rugby Board IRB regulations racial quotas rugby SARU rugby governance sports sanctions rugby union policies South African rugby rugby political issues World Rugby rules quota controversy sports intervention rugby expulsion rugby stability sports ethics governance in sport rugby compliance IRB intervention sports law rugby administration
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro03a	The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International deterrent effect International Criminal Court ICC universal jurisdiction Rome Statute Nuremberg Trials international law rule of law human rights war criminals prosecution national courts sovereignty justice Kofi Annan United Nations legal enforcement war crimes crimes against humanity global justice legal accountability criminal responsibility international prosecution international justice system deterrent effect International Criminal Court ICC Rome Statute international law enforcement universal jurisdiction war crimes prosecution sovereignty and international justice Kofi Annan statements rule of law Nuremberg Trials legacy national courts cooperation United Nations amnesty international reports war criminals accountability international human rights law universal human rights state unwillingness or inability legal deterrence mechanisms global criminal justice impact of ICC protection of national courts landmark legal institutions history of international courts prosecution of crimes against humanity International Criminal Court ICC deterrence Rome Statute Kofi Annan universal jurisdiction international law war crimes human rights rule of law national courts sovereignty prosecution Nuremberg Trials war criminals amnesty international transitional justice accountability global justice crimes against humanity genocide state cooperation enforcement mechanisms legal precedent judicial independence international cooperation criminal responsibility International Criminal Court deterrence impact ICC effect on universal adherence to international law Rome Statute and global justice legacy of Nuremberg Trials and ICC Kofi Annan ICC human rights statements ICC sovereignty protection ICC support for national courts principle of universal jurisdiction ICC ICC war criminal prosecution deterrence ICC influence on state prosecution willingness ICC’s role in promoting rule of law ICC as heir to Nuremberg process ICC’s symbolic impact on international legal norms effectiveness of ICC in preventing war crimes global reactions to ICC establishment ICC and amnesty international analysis ICC’s influence on national legal systems ICC International Criminal Court ICC deterrence universal jurisdiction Rome Statute Kofi Annan international law sovereignty rule of law war crimes Nuremberg Trials human rights national courts crime prosecution states’ unwillingness Amnesty International global justice post-World War II legal enforcement international justice legal accountability transitional justice legal deterrence international governance criminal responsibility universal reach humanitarian law deterrent effect international criminal court ICC impact adherence international law Rome Statute significance universal jurisdiction war crimes sovereignty protection ICC national courts international justice Nuremberg Trials legacy prosecution war criminals ICC universal human rights ICC rule of law international courts Kofi Annan ICC statement accountability international law global deterrence war crimes effectiveness ICC legal deterrence International Criminal Court ICC deterrence international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan universal human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts prosecution accountability Nuremberg Trials post-World War II justice universal jurisdiction war crimes crimes against humanity genocide justice international justice legal environment amnesty international war criminals prosecution mechanisms United Nations criminal responsibility legal deterrence international enforcement human rights protection global justice legal accountability international cooperation supranational judiciary impunity prevention transitional justice international treaties International Criminal Court ICC deterrence Rome Statute Kofi Annan universal jurisdiction international law enforcement war crimes prosecution Nuremberg legacy justice for war criminals national sovereignty and ICC rule of law universal human rights global legal order state cooperation ICC prosecutorial reach ICC crimes against humanity court legitimacy member states compliance UN and international justice deterrent effect international courts protection of national courts international criminal justice system unwilling or unable doctrine trial of war criminals post-World War II justice accountability international law International Criminal Court ICC deterrent effect Rome Statute Kofi Annan universal jurisdiction war crimes Nuremberg Trials international law sovereignty national courts prosecution of criminals rule of law universal human rights post-World War II justice enforcement mechanisms international justice humanitarian law accountability for atrocities global governance crimes against humanity widespread adherence effectiveness of ICC legal deterrence international cooperation judicial legitimacy International Criminal Court ICC deterrence universal jurisdiction war crimes Rome Statute Kofi Annan sovereignty international law human rights Nuremberg Trials post-World War II justice Amnesty International rule of law national courts prosecution international justice transitional justice impunity crimes against humanity accountability global governance state responsibility humanitarian law legal enforcement international tribunals
test-education-egtuscpih-pro05a	Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. MOOCs open educational resources educational content sharing online learning platforms digital course materials university collaboration academic resource exchange free course access higher education cooperation open courseware credit-free learning inter-university partnerships shared curriculum scalable education accessible education course design improvement cross-institutional sharing collaborative teaching online academic resources global learning access educational technology course material dissemination higher education innovation MOOCs online learning open educational resources course sharing university collaboration educational access free course materials digital education knowledge dissemination educational equity higher education technology inter-university cooperation curriculum design educational resource sharing cross-institutional learning open courseware distance education collaborative teaching academic resource accessibility university partnerships scalable education course content distribution e-learning platforms global education access credit-free learning instructional innovation educational quality improvement financially stressed universities shared curriculum knowledge transfer MOOCs online learning open educational resources content sharing university collaboration free course materials academic resource sharing digital education university partnerships course design improvement educational access higher education knowledge dissemination educational equity blended learning shared curriculum collaborative teaching e-learning platforms institutional cooperation educational innovation distance education lifelong learning course quality enhancement financially stressed institutions digital knowledge transfer cross-institutional learning MOOC content sharing benefits online course resource accessibility open educational resources in MOOCs university collaboration through MOOCs impact of MOOCs on non-enrolled learners course design improvement via shared MOOCs MOOCs and educational equity cross-institutional MOOC partnerships shared university online courses MOOCs for financially stressed institutions expanding education through open courses MOOCs enhancing academic cooperation free downloadable educational content MOOCs and academic information dissemination improving teaching quality with MOOCs advantages of open access course materials MOOCs online course sharing academic information exchange open educational resources university collaboration educational content accessibility course material distribution higher education innovation inter-university cooperation shared curriculum development free courseware knowledge democratization educational resource sharing digital learning platforms course design improvement educational equity collaborative teaching cost-effective education expanding access to learning quality enhancement in education MOOCs benefits online education sharing academic information exchange open educational resources university collaboration course content sharing downloadable learning materials access to knowledge shared courses educational standards improvement higher education cooperation financial efficiency in education less prestigious universities improvement free academic resources inter-university partnerships educational resource accessibility knowledge expansion open courseware education quality enhancement cross-university course offerings MOOCs online learning academic information sharing open educational resources university collaboration course design educational material access credit-free learning cross-institutional cooperation downloadable content expanded education access improving course quality shared courses duplication reduction increasing education quality financially stressed institutions raising educational standards inter-university partnerships educational resource sharing digital education platforms MOOCs online education educational resource sharing open courseware collaborative online learning university collaboration digital course content academic material sharing open educational resources (OER) cross-institutional courses academic cooperation credit-free learning course design improvement educational quality course accessibility free downloadable content inclusive education university partnerships shared online courses cost-effective education democratization of education educational standardization digital learning platforms financially stressed institutions global education access massive open online courses higher education innovation scalable education models technology-enhanced learning MOOCs online education academic information sharing open educational resources educational access course collaboration university cooperation content sharing downloadable courses non-credit learning educational materials course design improvement less prestigious universities shared courses reduced duplication increased education quality financially stressed institutions expanding education higher educational standards university partnerships global education access MOOCs open educational resources knowledge sharing course design improvement inter-university collaboration educational access online learning platforms free course materials educational equity digital education institutional cooperation shared curriculum educational quality enhancement distance learning academic resource distribution cooperative teaching scalable education educational innovation university partnerships academic content sharing
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. New START treaty US nuclear deterrence global nuclear arms race nuclear proliferation disarmament nuclear weapons reduction great power rivalry US military strategy nuclear arms control emerging nuclear powers rogue states nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) strategic stability Russia-US relations Iran nuclear program US defense policy North Korea nuclear threat global zero initiative security alliances nuclear modernization nuclear policy precedent nuclear security geopolitical competition diplomatic incentives military drawdown deterrence credibility multilateral arms control New START treaty nuclear deterrence US nuclear policy arms reduction nuclear proliferation global zero nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations rising powers rogue states Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran cooperation US defense capabilities nuclear arms race strategic stability nuclear non-proliferation treaty US-China relations North Korea nuclear threat collective security nuclear modernization nuclear weapons states treaty criticisms great power competition military drawdown international security US allies defense diplomatic incentives nuclear leadership treaty effectiveness strategic attacks policy precedent New START arms control nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation U.S. nuclear policy global zero nuclear disarmament nuclear weapons states strategic stability rising powers rogue states U.S.-Russia relations Iranian nuclear program Russian cooperation U.S. defense capabilities military drawdown North Korea nuclear modernization nonproliferation security guarantees nuclear arms race great power competition arms reduction treaties U.S. military decline alliance protection extended deterrence nuclear diplomacy treaty enforcement nuclear posture geostrategic threats military parity New START treaty criticism US nuclear deterrence decline US vs rising nuclear powers nuclear weapons proliferation and global zero effectiveness of nuclear arms reduction treaties non-NPT nuclear states involvement New START and US ally protection shifting nuclear threat landscape US nuclear policy towards rogue states New START and strategic defense gaps Russia and Iran nuclear program linkage diplomatic bargaining over nuclear issues implications for US-Russia-China relations Iran and North Korea nuclear parallel US defense sacrifice for diplomacy New START as precedent in arms control weakening US global influence arms control in a multipolar world New START limitations in modern security context credibility New START treaty nuclear deterrence US-Russia relations nuclear arms reduction arms proliferation global zero nuclear non-proliferation treaty emerging nuclear powers strategic stability rogue states rising powers U.S. national security Iran nuclear weapons Russian foreign policy China nuclear policy North Korea international security disarmament great power competition diplomatic incentives weakening US deterrence nuclear policy military drawdown arms control treaty criticism defense strategy U.S. military posture alliance protection geopolitical shifts arms race nuclear modernization arms control critiques nuclear deterrence US nuclear policy New START treaty criticism global nuclear proliferation nuclear disarmament debate rising nuclear powers deterrence effectiveness nuclear arms reduction risks rogue states nuclear threat US-Russia nuclear relations Iran nuclear policy Russia-Iran ties North Korea nuclear threat US defense capabilities strategic stability multilateral arms agreements Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) non-signatories US security interests great power competition nuclear modernization nuclear proliferation incentives strategic force reductions ally protection arms race dynamics disarmament leadership treaty limitations New START Treaty nuclear deterrence US nuclear policy nuclear arms reduction global zero nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons states US-Russia relations strategic stability nuclear disarmament rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran relations US defense capabilities North Korea nuclear issue Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) nuclear modernization arms control agreements military balance great power competition missile defense treaty verification international security nonproliferation challenges nuclear arms race strategic arms limitation military drawdown diplomatic leverage multilateral disarmament security alliances New START treaty criticism nuclear deterrence US nuclear policy arms reduction drawbacks nuclear proliferation global zero nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty rogue states nuclear threat rising nuclear powers strategic defense US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran cooperation US national security diplomatic incentives China North Korea nukes international arms control US military decline nuclear arsenal modernization strategic competition treaty flaws missile defense US allies security nuclear arms race geopolitics treaty precedent setting global security architecture balancing deterrence and disarmament New START treaty nuclear deterrence global nuclear arms race nuclear proliferation US nuclear policy rising powers nuclear disarmament Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) rogue states strategic defense US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program Russian foreign policy US national security China nuclear policy North Korea arms control great power competition military drawdown international security nuclear arms treaties nuclear reduction impact allied defense global zero movement security dilemma defense capabilities diplomatic incentives Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) Heritage Foundation US foreign policy international arms agreements arms control nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation global zero nuclear non-proliferation treaty US nuclear policy new powers arming strategic stability US-Russia relations disarmament rogue states rising powers US defense policy Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran relations US-China relations North Korea nuclear threat nuclear arsenal reduction non-signatory nuclear states diplomatic incentives international security military drawdown nuclear arms race treaty limitations alliance protection strategic threats"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con03a	Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence military intervention civil wars genocide human rights abuses United Nations international coalitions Libya intervention nuclear proliferation intervention costs nuclear retaliation international security state sovereignty tyrannical regimes UN Security Council nonproliferation coercive diplomacy military coercion interstate crises humanitarian crisis regime change global governance arms control humanitarian intervention nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons states intervention challenges UN military action civil war intervention genocide response human rights abuses international coalitions Libya intervention nuclear escalation intervention risk nuclear retaliation cost of intervention nuclear-armed states military coercion intervention feasibility nonproliferation tyrannical regimes UN security council global intervention limits state sovereignty international law humanitarian crisis nuclear threat intervention policy humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons civil war genocide human rights abuses United Nations UN intervention international coalitions state sovereignty military coercion nuclear deterrence intervention costs nuclear proliferation Libya intervention R2P (Responsibility to Protect) international law nuclear-armed states intervention challenges political costs nuclear retaliation civilian protection regime change conflict resolution nonproliferation sanctions peacekeeping state security humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons deterrence nuclear-armed states intervention challenges UN interventions nuclear threat nuclear weapons human rights abuses international coalitions nuclear-armed regime civil war humanitarian response nuclear weapons genocide intervention nuclear risk nuclear deterrence humanitarian crisis UN security council intervention nuclear powers Libya intervention nuclear weapons implications arms control humanitarian intervention military coercion nuclear-armed states nuclear arms proliferation intervention limits non-intervention nuclear threat international law nuclear weapons interventions global security humanitarian aid nuclear weapons civilian protection nuclear-armed governments nuclear retaliation humanitarian missions nuclear weapons and R2P nuclear weapons state sovereignty interventions humanitarian intervention nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons proliferation United Nations civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya intervention international law military coercion international coalitions state sovereignty nuclear blackmail responsibility to protect (R2P) nonproliferation nuclear threat political costs military intervention deterrence theory security dilemma tyrannical regimes genocide prevention international security power politics arms control interstate crises global governance humanitarian intervention nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons intervention limitations intervention and nuclear-armed states UN interventions nuclear threat interstate crises nuclear weapons humanitarian access nuclear powers civil wars nuclear deterrence genocide intervention nuclear risk international coalitions nuclear weapons Libya intervention nuclear context human rights abuses nuclear powers nuclear weapons and sovereignty military coercion nuclear states global security nuclear armed nuclear proliferation humanitarian impact humanitarian intervention nuclear deterrence civil wars genocide human rights abuses UN intervention US foreign policy international coalitions Libya conflict nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons states military coercion interstate crises regime protection international security non-intervention nuclear threat nuclear retaliation humanitarian crises political cost military intervention global governance Responsibility to Protect (R2P) tyranny nuclear brinkmanship nuclear diplomacy humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons deterrence nuclear-armed states civil wars genocide prevention United Nations international coalitions military coercion human rights abuses regime change nuclear proliferation Libya intervention international security nuclear threats state sovereignty intervention limitations nonproliferation global security humanitarian crisis international law nuclear retaliation tyrannical regimes military strategy ethical intervention global governance security dilemma conflict resolution nuclear diplomacy humanitarian responsibility intervention risks humanitarian intervention nuclear deterrence nuclear weapons proliferation civil wars genocide prevention United Nations intervention international coalitions military coercion Libya civil war nuclear escalation human rights abuses nonproliferation intervention costs nuclear retaliation authoritarian regimes international law Responsibility to Protect global security regime change state sovereignty nuclear diplomacy great power politics humanitarian crisis military intervention barriers strategic stability nuclear deterrence humanitarian intervention limitations intervention and nuclear weapons nuclear proliferation United Nations intervention nuclear blackmail nuclear-armed states intervention risk assessment civil war intervention genocide prevention state sovereignty international response to human rights abuses nuclear diplomacy coercive diplomacy military intervention challenges international law and nuclear weapons nuclear escalation nuclear threat perception intervention effectiveness security dilemma
test-science-eassgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animal rights animal welfare animal sentience ethical treatment speciesism animal suffering pain perception moral consideration animal consciousness animal emotions animal testing behavioral similarities physiological resemblance anatomical similarities human-animal comparison non-human animals ethical obligations animal pain animal feelings animal protection animal ethics animal behavior humane treatment empathy interspecies comparison animal rights animal sentience animal consciousness animal welfare ethical treatment of animals moral status of animals speciesism animal suffering animal testing ethics animals and pain animal emotions comparative cognition human-animal similarities animal feelings animal ethics cross-species empathy animal personhood animal moral consideration animal cruelty animal psychology animal rights animal welfare speciesism animal sentience animal consciousness animal suffering moral consideration ethical treatment animal testing animal experimentation animal pain perception empathy for animals human-animal similarities animal emotions animal cognition ethical vegetarianism animal protection animal advocacy animal ethics animal cruelty compassionate treatment anti-vivisection animal feelings animal behavior non-human animals animal liberation animal personhood human-animal relations moral philosophy animal justice animal rights animal sentience animal consciousness similarities between humans and animals ethical treatment of animals animal suffering pain perception in animals animal emotions animal testing ethics speciesism animal welfare moral consideration for animals human-animal differences human-animal similarities animal rights philosophy animal cognition animal psychology anti-speciesism ethical arguments against animal harm human rights and animal rights comparison animal rights animal welfare animal sentience speciesism animal consciousness ethical treatment of animals animal suffering human-animal similarities moral consideration for animals animal testing ethics animal pain perception interspecies empathy comparative cognition emotional lives of animals animal rights philosophy human-animal differences animal behavior animal emotions animal protection non-human rights animal rights animal sentience ethical treatment of animals animal testing speciesism animal consciousness animal welfare moral consideration for animals human-animal similarities animal suffering ethics of animal research animal emotions animal pain perception differences between humans and animals philosophical views on animals animal protection moral status of animals animal rights animal sentience animal welfare animal consciousness ethical treatment speciesism moral consideration animal suffering pain perception empathy animal testing animal ethics human-animal similarities non-human animals animal emotions interspecies comparison moral status anti-cruelty compassion bioethics animal cognition behavioral similarities physiological similarities animal advocacy humane treatment suffering prevention animal rights animal ethics speciesism animal sentience animal consciousness animal feelings animal suffering animal emotions animal testing animal cruelty human-animal similarities moral consideration for animals animal rights philosophy animal welfare ethical treatment of animals anti-speciesism animal moral status animal protection animal psychology non-human animals empathy for animals animal cognition ethical veganism pain perception in animals anthropomorphism in animals human-animal difference legal rights for animals moral obligations to animals animal rights animal sentience ethical treatment of animals animal suffering animal emotions animal consciousness speciesism animal experiments animal testing ethics moral status of animals human-animal similarities animal behavior animal welfare pain perception in animals animal cognition empathy towards animals animal ethics animal protection utilitarianism animals animal consciousness research animal rights animal welfare animal consciousness animal sentience ethical treatment of animals animal testing ethics speciesism animal suffering animal emotions animal pain perception animal cognition animal-human similarities moral status of animals philosophical arguments for animals anti-vivisection animal cruelty rights of sentient beings moral considerability equality among species animal advocacy
test-health-hdond-con03a	Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. organ donation ethics coercion bodily autonomy mandatory organ donation organ allocation policy consent body integrity UNDHR Article 3 security of person medical ethics patient rights state intervention posthumous consent human rights personal autonomy organ transplant policy ethical principles bodily rights state coercion social tolerability forced organ donation organ donor laws bioethics individual liberty government overreach organ donation ethics bodily autonomy mandatory organ donation coercion in healthcare body integrity human rights UNDHR Article 3 consent in organ donation state compulsion security of person posthumous body rights medical ethics voluntary donation donation incentives personal autonomy state intervention bioethics organ allocation policies individual rights moral philosophy state power limits organ donor consent refusal of donation consequences organ transplantation ethics organ donation ethics bodily autonomy medical coercion organ donation policy right to bodily integrity mandatory organ donation human rights UNDHR Article 3 organ recipient fairness consent in organ donation ethical organ allocation state authority over body opt-out organ donation personal autonomy bioethics deceased organ donation rights state-mandated donation security of person ethical objections organ donation organ donation and individual rights organ donation ethics mandatory organ donation debate body autonomy arguments organ donor coercion UNDHR Article 3 implications bodily integrity and organ donation ethical objections to organ donation policies non-donor discrimination state power and organ donation human rights and organ transplantation organ allocation fairness organ donation consent state vs individual rights organ donation posthumous body rights coercive organ policies organ donation moral dilemmas social trust organ donation opt-in vs opt-out organ donation preservation of bodily autonomy human dignity in organ donation organ donation ethics bodily autonomy coercion in organ donation mandatory organ donation human rights UNDHR Article 3 posthumous bodily integrity state power bioethics ethical organ allocation consent in medicine individual rights medical ethics organ transplant policy moral philosophy organ donation government overreach patient rights integrity of the body bioethical debates autonomy versus utility ethical allocation organs organ donation ethics mandatory organ donation debate body autonomy UNDHR Article 3 organ donation coercion in organ allocation bodily integrity rights organ donor consent state-mandated organ donation opposition to organ donation laws organ recipient eligibility ethics voluntary organ donation human rights and organ transplants organ transplant ethics body ownership rights ethical issues with organ matching right to refuse organ donation organ donation ethics bodily autonomy coercive organ policies mandatory organ donation UNDHR Article 3 bodily integrity rights medical consent posthumous body rights bioethics organ transplant law personal liberty human rights opt-in vs opt-out donation state overreach moral limits of government individual sovereignty consent in healthcare freedom from coercion non-donor exclusion ethical organ allocation state authority boundaries organ donation ethics bodily autonomy presumed consent opt-out organ donation organ allocation fairness coerced organ donation human rights organ donation UNDHR Article 3 organ transplant policy body integrity mandatory organ donation debate organ donor reciprocity medical ethics state compulsion organ donation consent in healthcare bioethics organ donation fairness in organ distribution organ donor rights transplant ethics moral limits state power organ donation ethics bodily autonomy coercion consent body integrity mandatory donation state authority bioethics individual rights human rights security of person UDHR Article 3 organ allocation policy moral philosophy state compulsion personal liberty organ procurement posthumous rights medical ethics transplant ethics organ donation ethics bodily autonomy mandatory organ donation organ donation coercion UNDHR Article 3 security of person body integrity rights informed consent opt-out organ donation state authority and bodily rights bioethics human rights and organ donation posthumous bodily rights state compulsion organ donation policy personal autonomy state vs individual rights moral implications of organ donation right to refuse organ donation
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro02a	"Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, freedom of expression censorship artistic freedom media independence press freedom government criticism political pressure state censorship Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Goodman Gallery City Press South African Constitution freedom of association intimidation tactics art controversy civil liberties public protest gallery censorship constitutionally protected rights democracy minority rights state interference cultural pluralism freedom of speech Section 16 South African Constitution censorship artistic freedom media freedom political censorship government criticism freedom of expression freedom of the press constitutional rights art and politics ANC COSATU South African politics Goodman Gallery controversy City Press controversy intimidation tactics state interference cultural pluralism Jacob Zuma threats to democracy protest art civil liberties minority voices public discourse political pressure suppression of dissent public art controversies media intimidation censorship artistic freedom media independence state intervention ANC COSATU freedom of expression constitutional rights South African democracy civil liberties art controversy media intimidation protest state censorship government criticism press freedom cultural pluralism political pressure Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma public discourse freedom of association Chapter Two Constitution South African Constitution freedom of speech political influence authoritarianism art censorship South Africa politics democracy threats pluralism and political interference in South Africa ANC influence on freedom of expression Goodman Gallery censorship controversy City Press and media intimidation Jacob Zuma art censorship constitutional protection of free speech South Africa threats to artistic freedom South Africa Cosatu political pressure art freedom of association and art censorship implications of ‘The Spear’ controversy state interference in newspapers South Africa media pluralism and government criticism South African constitution Chapter Two rights government response to criticism South Africa free exchange of ideas threatened by politics art galleries and press freedom protest against media censorship South Africa history of ANC and media suppression civil society response pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU censorship art censorship freedom of speech constitution South Africa freedom of association intimidation government criticism media freedom press freedom artistic freedom majority influence state intervention free exchange of ideas government intimidation cultural pluralism protest boycott freedom of expression constitutional rights media suppression democracy South Africa freedom of expression political censorship in South Africa pluralism and art The Spear controversy Goodman Gallery censorship City Press boycott ANC interference in media COSATU political activism art and free speech South African Constitution Chapter Two threats to media freedom Jacob Zuma art controversy state intimidation of critics protection of dissent constitutional rights South Africa government criticism rights media pluralism South African artistic freedom press freedom threats impact of political power on art freedom of association South Africa artistic expression and politics constitutionally protected speech minority opinions South Africa South African government censorship cultural pluralism pluralism political interference censorship freedom of expression artistic freedom media intimidation ANC COSATU Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma The Spear painting constitutional rights South Africa freedom of speech freedom of association press freedom government criticism state power democratic values minority opinions art censorship intimidation tactics public discourse constitutional protection government intolerance South African Constitution media independence cultural pluralism protest civil liberties pluralism political interference South Africa The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU censorship freedom of speech freedom of association South African Constitution artistic expression media intimidation government criticism art censorship free press civil liberties state power majority ideals freedom of expression government accountability intimidation tactics democracy media freedom constitutional rights cultural pluralism protest media suppression public discourse pluralism political interference censorship art censorship freedom of expression freedom of speech freedom of association South African constitution Goodman Gallery City Press The Spear controversy ANC COSATU political influence media intimidation government criticism press freedom artistic freedom state power civil liberties government accountability public discourse democratic values cultural pluralism media independence media censorship artistic freedom freedom of expression government criticism political influence South African Constitution ANC COSATU Goodman Gallery controversy ""The Spear"" painting Jacob Zuma press freedom intimidation tactics civil liberties democratic principles protest actions state power minority rights public discourse cultural pluralism"
test-international-appghblsba-con03a	It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, South Africa Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis poverty underdevelopment economic burden unemployment inequality Basotho population resource scarcity government responsibility social instability black workforce infant living conditions flush toilet access socio-economic disparities public services development indicators segregation post-apartheid challenges national priorities demographic impact regional stability government policy welfare obligations resource allocation poverty statistics unemployment rate black majority infrastructure deficits social welfare South African economy cross-border relations South Africa annexation Lesotho South Africa interests in Lesotho economic burden Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis annexation poverty in South Africa unemployment South Africa Basotho population responsibility Lesotho resources South African inequality South Africa domestic problems South Africa government policy Lesotho South African development indicators annexation political consequences regional stability Southern Africa poverty statistics South Africa black unemployment rate South Africa Basotho welfare post-apartheid inequality flush toilets South Africa government services South Africa motivation against annexation resource allocation South Africa regional integration Southern Africa population protection responsibilities South Africa South Africa Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis economic burden underdevelopment poverty unemployment resource scarcity political stability Basotho population government policy social inequality infrastructure sanitation black majority fiscal responsibility foreign relations development indicators national priorities post-apartheid challenges regional integration public services migration dependency ratio South Africa annexation consequences Lesotho annexation economic impact South Africa cost-benefit analysis annexation burden of annexing Lesotho socio-economic impact of annexation poverty and annexation South Africa unemployment and national responsibilities South Africa resource shortages Lesotho reasons against annexing Lesotho South Africa internal problems inequality in South Africa government responsibilities South Africa Basotho population challenges national priorities South Africa comparative development South Africa Lesotho protection responsibilities South Africa South Africa infrastructure disparities annexation instability risks public service challenges annexation South Africa poverty statistics historical annexations Africa international law and South Africa annexation Lesotho cost-benefit analysis poverty underdevelopment unemployment Basotho population government responsibility resource scarcity economic stability regional inequality sanitation access infrastructure public services racial disparities social inequality national priorities post-apartheid challenges Southern Africa integration sovereignty development policy international relations border policy demographic impact South Africa annexation opposition Lesotho economic burden South Africa-Lesotho cost-benefit analysis South Africa poverty statistics South Africa unemployment rates inequality in South Africa Basotho population responsibilities resources in Lesotho South Africa development indicators post-apartheid economic challenges South Africa social inequality impact of annexation on South Africa regional stability Southern Africa black majority poverty South Africa infrastructure disparities South Africa South African government policy Lesotho-South Africa relations annexation historical context reasons against Lesotho annexation South African domestic priorities South Africa Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis underdeveloped countries poverty unemployment economic inequality development indicators government responsibility resource scarcity population burden Basotho national interest post-apartheid social inequality infrastructure deficits economic challenges regional stability political considerations public services social welfare black majority segregation South African economy socio-economic issues state capacity development policy cross-border relations Southern Africa historical context national priorities South Africa annexation Lesotho integration South African foreign policy cost-benefit analysis South Africa socioeconomic impact annexation Lesotho economic status regional instability poverty in South Africa South African unemployment Basotho population policy resource challenges Lesotho inequality in South Africa apartheid legacy public services South Africa government responsibility annexation disadvantages South Africa domestic issues fiscal burden Lesotho governance challenges rural development South Africa South Africa-Lesotho relations Black majority welfare South Africa population protection responsibilities regional development Southern Africa South African political priorities South Africa Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis burden poverty underdevelopment resource scarcity instability Basotho population responsibility inequality unemployment majority black workforce development indicators socio-economic challenges government policy segregation social welfare infrastructure political ramifications regional stability economic impact national priorities public opinion historical context Southern Africa international relations annexation South Africa Lesotho cost-benefit analysis economic burden underdevelopment poverty unemployment resources political instability Basotho population government responsibility social inequality infrastructure disparity black majority post-apartheid challenges South African policy regional relations Southern Africa development indicators governance public services economic integration segregation historical context decision-making foreign policy
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con02a	Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. school choice educational vouchers socioeconomic inequality deprived areas school funding English language learners educational disadvantage parental support middle class profit motive private schools access to education educational opportunity educational reform funding disparities school accessibility underprivileged students resource allocation educational equity market-based education school vouchers education inequality socioeconomic status disadvantaged students educational choice deprived areas school funding disparities education equity profit motive in education English as a second language underprivileged students resource allocation privatization of education access to quality education parental involvement educational outcomes educational segregation funding models social mobility targeted support programs education inequality school vouchers funding disparities socioeconomic status disadvantaged students deprived areas language barriers profit motive educational opportunity school choice middle class privileges disadvantaged communities resource allocation equitable access education reform private schools public education parental involvement achievement gap social mobility school voucher scheme disadvantages educational inequality voucher programs effect of vouchers on low-income families access to quality education poor areas education reform social equity impact vouchers non-native English speakers voucher system urban deprivation well-off families school choice unintended consequences voucher schemes profit motive education companies educational funding disparities private school access low-income students social stratification education vouchers middle class benefit school vouchers challenges for struggling schools voucher system tailored support funding education teacher resources voucher effects language support voucher consequences subsidies rich schools education policy impact disadvantaged students education inequality school voucher scheme socioeconomic factors parental support education funding disparities deprived areas failing schools English as a second language profit motive in education school choice educational opportunity gap resource allocation specialist language tutors educational deprivation middle class advantage education marketization school privatization equitable access to schools educational disadvantage funding model criticism targeted education support education vouchers school choice inequality impact on disadvantaged students profit motive in education educational opportunity gap socioeconomic factors in schooling private vs public schooling funding disparities in schools access to quality education effects of voucher schemes equity in education educational segregation parental support impact underprivileged student challenges language barriers in schools school vouchers education inequality socioeconomic status school choice disadvantaged students funding disparities profit incentives educational opportunities deprived areas English as a second language parental support subsidized schools educational access social mobility resource allocation educational reform academic performance gap educational disadvantage equity in education educational funding private vs public schools school voucher system educational inequality socioeconomic disparities school choice debate underfunded schools school privatization education reform access to education academic performance gap English as a second language deprived communities educational opportunity funding allocation profit in education public vs private schools disadvantaged students parental support resource allocation education policy social mobility educational disadvantage market-driven education equal access to schooling privatized education impact education sector investment school choice education inequality voucher system socioeconomic status deprived areas English language learners educational funding profit incentives parental support school performance educational access middle class disadvantaged students resource allocation education policy private schools educational opportunity equity in education social mobility educational reform underperforming schools school voucher system educational inequality socioeconomic disparity school funding choice in education parental support failing schools area deprivation English as a second language private school incentive profit in education specialist language support educational equity underprivileged students middle class advantage subsidy in schooling education policy social mobility disadvantaged communities educational resources child funding
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction friendship trust self-esteem self-confidence support network problem solving social networks teenagers maintaining friendships expanding social circle globalised world staying connected long-distance friendships shared interests online communities chat conversations photo sharing status updates social engagement appreciation happiness psychological wellbeing self-views adolescent development social support digital communication online relationships Facebook social networks socialisation child development peer relationships friendship self-esteem self-confidence trust adolescent socialization online friendships maintaining relationships globalized world long-distance friendships shared interests hobbies opinion groups chat conversations photo sharing status updates positive self-views well-being happiness online communication digital socialization psychological impact youth social behavior self-control social support internet communities online interaction virtual friendships social networking online friends peer interaction child development self-esteem self-confidence trust-building social support global communication distant friendships maintaining relationships expanding social circles shared interests online communities chat conversations photo sharing status updates adolescent wellbeing digital communication positive self-views psychological benefits social support networks youth socialization online identity friendship maintenance Facebook socialization benefits child development social skills peer interaction online expanding friend circles Facebook maintaining friendships social networks overcoming problems social support global connectivity social media keeping in touch long distance friends shared interests Facebook groups online communities youth self-esteem social networking confidence building Facebook friendship and self-confidence social network psychological benefits happiness through social networks adolescent friendship maintenance technology and socialization Facebook chat conversations sharing photos online youth positive self-views social media social networks and self-control impact of Facebook on teenagers online friendship trust academic studies Facebook socialization globalized world friendships effects of Facebook socialisation child development peer relationships self-esteem self-confidence trust friendship maintenance social networks teenage socialization digital communication globalisation online friendships long-distance relationships shared interests online communities hobby groups virtual interaction chat conversations photo sharing status updates psychological well-being adolescent happiness online self-esteem youth social support Facebook positive effects social capital emotional support network size friendship quality social media self-image peer support adolescent mental health Wilcox Stephen 2012 Gentile Twenge Campbell 2012 Facebook socialisation benefits child development social skills peer relationships online self-esteem and social networks maintaining friendships distance globalized friend circles Facebook expanding friends through social media shared interests on Facebook Facebook chat for teenagers social networks self-confidence emotional support via Facebook teenage friendship maintenance online social media and self-confidence social networking positive effects online communities and trust youth happiness on Facebook photo sharing and bonding Facebook status updates interaction Wilcox Stephen social networks study Gentile Twenge social networking research Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence friendship problem-solving social networks teenagers maintaining friendships globalisation long-distance friendships communication shared interests online communities chat photo sharing status updates appreciation happiness social support psychological benefits emotional well-being self-control positive self-views youth adolescence social capital internet digital communication online relationships connectedness Wilcox Stephen Gentile Twenge Freeman Campbell Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction social networks benefits teen friendships online communication global friend networks maintaining friendships online expanding social circles shared interests online youth self-esteem self-confidence in teens overcoming problems online digital connection virtual peer support social network psychology impact on happiness positive self-views online self-esteem teenage social media use adolescent relationships Facebook friendship impact mental health social networks social support online academic studies Facebook Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell media socialization peer interaction child development self-esteem self-confidence online communication friendship maintenance globalization long-distance friendships shared interests online communities teenage social networks adolescent psychology digital relationships internet communication social support online self-expression Facebook benefits mental health emotional well-being social skills development chat conversations photo sharing status updates positive self-view social networking effects peer support cyber friendships sense of belonging youth happiness online identity academic research online peer groups confidence building social network influence internet friendships adolescence socialization social connectivity social networking peer communication online friendships child development adolescent self-esteem self-confidence digital socialization global connectivity maintaining relationships expanding social circles virtual interaction social support psychological benefits well-being shared interests group interaction Facebook impact youth communication remote friendships emotional support mental health social integration online communities positive self-views technology and youth social media benefits
test-international-iiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” poaching motivations illegal hunting deterrence tougher laws effectiveness anti-poaching strategies thrill-seeking behavior socioeconomic factors alternative livelihoods bushmeat rhinoceros horn trade poverty and poaching economic incentives wildlife crime conservation enforcement demand reduction poaching and necessity illicit wildlife trade wildlife protection policies rehabilitation for poachers sustainable development ecotourism alternatives poaching motivations anti-poaching effectiveness deterrence enforcement strategies alternative livelihoods socio-economic factors illegal hunting thrill-seeking necessity-driven poaching bushmeat trade wildlife protection crime deterrence poverty and poaching conservation policy community-based conservation demand reduction wildlife crime law enforcement income alternatives rural livelihoods ivory trade rhino horn trade illegal wildlife trade economic incentives poverty alleviation sustainable development poacher behavior thrill of illegality poaching motivations illegal hunting deterrents socio-economic drivers alternative livelihoods anti-poaching enforcement bush meat trade rhinoceros horn value thrill-seeking behavior game reserve protection conservation strategies law enforcement effectiveness poverty and poaching wildlife crime psychology community-based conservation wildlife trafficking incentives demand reduction sustainable development alternatives local employment solutions criminalization of hunting human-wildlife conflict poaching deterrence strategies community-based conservation alternatives socio-economic drivers of poaching effectiveness of legal penalties in wildlife crime rehabilitation programs for poachers alternative livelihoods for poachers demand reduction in wildlife trade psychological motivations behind poaching poaching and thrill-seeking bush meat economy and nutrition poverty and wildlife crime financial incentives driving poaching impact of anti-poaching militarization traditional hunting rights and poaching illicit wildlife trade networks effectiveness of increased law enforcement on poaching conservation incentives for local communities poaching and organized crime collaboration wildlife conservation and rural development restorative justice in wildlife crime poaching motivations anti-poaching strategies deterrence effectiveness illegal hunting psychology economic incentives poaching alternative livelihoods Africa conservation enforcement sociological aspects poaching illicit wildlife trade poverty-driven poaching bushmeat economy thrill-seeking hunters game reserve security wildlife protection policies sustainable conservation solutions wildlife trafficking rhino horn market African employment opportunities community-based conservation non-native poachers poaching vs legal employment enforcement vs prevention socioeconomic drivers poaching ivory trade financing local nutrition sources poaching poaching motivations effectiveness of anti-poaching laws alternatives to poaching economic drivers of illegal hunting impact of stricter anti-poaching measures rehabilitation programs for poachers poverty and wildlife crime thrill-seeking in poaching non-native hunters Africa bushmeat trade wildlife crime prevention sustainable livelihoods for poachers enforcement vs. root causes poaching deterrence and illegal hunting socioeconomic solutions to poaching poaching motivations illegal hunting anti-poaching policies law enforcement deterrence harsher penalties socioeconomic factors bush meat wildlife trafficking alternative livelihoods poverty economic incentives game reserves conservation strategies thrill-seeking non-native poachers rhinoceros horn trade illegal ivory trade terrorism funding Al-Shabaab nutritional necessity African employment opportunities licit work shortage wildlife protection community involvement sustainable solutions conservation incentives wildlife crime demand reduction root causes poverty alleviation local development poaching motivations anti-poaching strategies deterrence effectiveness illegal hunting drivers alternatives to poaching socio-economic factors in poaching poverty and wildlife crime thrill-seeking poachers non-native poachers Africa bush meat trade economic incentives for poaching game reserve protection rhino horn trade wildlife crime solutions community-based conservation sustainable livelihoods Africa law enforcement poaching demand reduction poaching conservation human-wildlife conflict poaching poverty solutions ivory trade impacts poaching criminal networks African poaching socioeconomics wildlife conservation policy effectiveness tougher poaching laws wildlife trafficking deterr poaching motives illegal hunting incentives alternative livelihoods wildlife conservation strategies anti-poaching policy effectiveness socio-economic drivers bushmeat trade thrill-seeking behavior rhinoceros horn trade international poachers local economic opportunities deterrence strategies wildlife protection enforcement socio-cultural factors game reserve security poaching prevention sustainable development alternatives poverty and poaching community-based conservation economic necessity poaching wildlife crime motivation poaching motivations socio-economic factors alternative livelihoods anti-poaching strategies wildlife conservation deterrence effectiveness poverty and poaching demand reduction community-based conservation illegal hunting thrill-seeking behavior bushmeat trade wildlife trafficking law enforcement policy alternatives sustainable development incentive programs local employment opportunities rehabilitation programs education and awareness market dynamics ivory trade animal protection impact of strict law enforcement human-wildlife conflict
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro01a	People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. drug legalization personal autonomy bodily sovereignty harm reduction state regulation individual rights drug decriminalization informed choice drug policy reform personal freedom drug education state intervention subjective risk assessment substance use drug prohibition government role drug safety public health individual liberty responsible drug use drug decriminalization personal autonomy bodily sovereignty drug policy reform harm reduction legalization of drugs individual rights state intervention drug education public health substance use informed consent freedom of choice liberty drug regulation prohibition critique criminal justice reform drug legalization debate risk assessment government role psychoactive substances drug decriminalization drug legalization personal autonomy bodily autonomy harm reduction individual rights self-ownership drug policy reform informed consent public health education civil liberties recreational drug use personal freedom state intervention risk assessment drug education campaigns paternalism prohibition substance use rights human rights libertarianism drug legalization arguments personal autonomy drug policy harm reduction vs prohibition state role in drug education individual freedom drug use subjective drug risk assessment cost of drug enforcement effectiveness of drug bans benefits of drug decriminalization ethical perspectives on drug laws right to self-medicate public health drug strategies drug use and personal responsibility government vs individual rights drugs social impact of drug criminalization drug policy reform liberty and drug consumption information campaigns for drug safety resource allocation in drug policy civil liberties and substance use drug legalization personal autonomy bodily sovereignty drug policy reform state intervention individual rights harm reduction drug decriminalization informed consent civil liberties self-determination substance use education criminalization consequences public health campaigns victimless crimes libertarian drug policy state paternalism drug prohibition risk awareness responsible drug use drug decriminalization drug legalization debate bodily autonomy drugs personal freedom drugs harm reduction strategies state role drug policy individual rights drug use arguments for legalizing drugs public health drug education cost of drug prohibition subjective drug risk assessment pleasure versus risk drugs drug policy reform sovereign individual drug use anti-prohibition arguments safe drug use information government drug campaigns libertarian drug policy responsible drug consumption public health versus criminalization drug legalization personal autonomy bodily autonomy individual rights drug policy state intervention harm reduction drug education drug decriminalization informed consent libertarianism self-ownership personal choice risk assessment subjective experience state regulation drug prohibition war on drugs public health campaign civil liberties substance use drug harm liberty government policy freedom of choice drug decriminalization drug legalization personal autonomy bodily autonomy individual rights drug policy reform harm reduction personal freedom drug education state intervention drug regulation substance use rights libertarian drug policy self-ownership public health campaigns anti-prohibition civil liberties informed consent drug risk awareness government overreach drug legalization personal autonomy bodily autonomy drug policy reform individual rights harm reduction state intervention drug education personal freedom drug decriminalization substance use risk awareness government regulation victimless crimes public health campaigns informed consent civil liberties recreational drug use paternalism criminal justice reform drug legalization bodily autonomy personal freedom harm reduction individual rights drug policy reform state intervention drug education informed choice drug prohibition self-ownership civil liberties public health government regulation drug decriminalization risk assessment pleasure and risk balance drug use consequences anti-drug campaigns drug law reform
test-politics-dhwem-con03a	PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. private military companies mercenaries human rights abuses international law violations profit motivation power abuse Simon Mann Executive Outcomes Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup President Obiang British government corruption opportunists sovereignty infringement ethical concerns military training armed forces collaboration moral legitimacy transnational crime accountability international agreements PMC regulation private military contractors human rights violations international law profit motive abuse of power Simon Mann Executive Outcomes Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup mercenaries government accountability British foreign policy military ethics sovereignty violations armed forces training contractor oversight contractor corruption military outsourcing security firms corporate warfare state sovereignty international relations legitimacy of PMCs PMC accountability military privatization private military contractors human rights abuses international law violations profit motive power abuse mercenary organizations Simon Mann Executive Outcomes Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup PMC legitimacy British government corruption state sovereignty military training ethical concerns armed forces collaboration mercenaries international agreements corporate accountability security companies Private Military Companies human rights violations PMCs and international law breaches PMCs profit motives ethical implications Simon Mann Equatorial Guinea coup Executive Outcomes and Sandline International controversies PMCs abuse of power examples British government stance on PMCs legitimacy of mercenary organisations sovereign nation state interference by PMCs PMCs corruption and opportunism moral questions PMCs training armed forces PMCs involvement in foreign conflicts PMCs accountability lack PMCs impact on international security PMCs and sovereignty violations private military companies PMC abuses mercenary human rights violations international law breaches profit-driven PMCs power abuse by PMCs Simon Mann case Executive Outcomes Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup attempt British government and PMCs mercenary legitimacy sovereignty violations armed forces training by PMCs moral legitimacy of PMCs PMC corruption PMC accountability PMC regulation PMC ethics UN response to PMCs international security contractors military outsourcing risks Private Military Companies human rights abuses PMCs international law violations PMCs profit motives PMCs power abuse Simon Mann Equatorial Guinea coup Executive Outcomes Sandline International controversies British Government PMC legitimacy PMC corruption mercenary organizations moral questions PMCs sovereignty violations PMCs training armed forces PMCs military ethics private contractors war crimes PMCs state destabilization United Nations PMC regulations PMCs accountability mercenaries and international agreements armed forces PMC collaboration PMC oversight and governance private military companies mercenaries human rights violations international law profit motive abuse of power military ethics Simon Mann Executive Outcomes Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup President Obiang British government corruption sovereignty armed forces training military contractors legitimacy international agreements PMC accountability moral responsibility security sector reform Private military contractors human rights abuses international law violations PMCs ethical issues Equatorial Guinea coup Simon Mann Executive Outcomes Sandline International mercenary organizations British government military outsourcing sovereignty infringement armed forces training military privatization PMC accountability corporate mercenaries state sovereignty international humanitarian law military ethics profit-driven warfare PMC corruption private military contractors human rights violations international law mercenary organisations ethics military training profit motive abuse of power Equatorial Guinea coup Simon Mann Executive Outcomes Sandline International British government sovereignty armed forces morality corruption opportunism international agreements accountability oversight regulation PMC legitimacy Private Military Companies human rights violations international law Geneva Conventions mercenaries profit motives political power war crimes accountability Simon Mann Executive Outcomes Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup British government corruption military ethics sovereignty armed forces training security contractors military privatization national security international relations legitimacy state authority military outsourcing
test-international-ehbfe-con03a	The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ federalism European Union EU membership political legitimacy public opinion Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary trust in EU institutions European Parliament national parliaments citizen attitudes EU benefits Eurobarometer lack of support Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria democratic deficit political trust subsidiarity sovereignty integration populism democratic legitimacy public trust skepticism EU governance political participation national identity federalism political support Euroscepticism EU membership perception EU benefits opinion European Parliament trust national Parliament comparison public opinion European Union Eurobarometer survey EU institutional legitimacy member state attitudes EU integration EU disapproval citizen trust EU EU Parliamentary respect anti-federalism sentiment European democracy EU-skeptic countries trust in European institutions European identity EU disconnection public trust deficit legitimacy crisis EU EU popular support EU public attitudes European Union integration sovereignty national identity Eurosceptic parties EU legitimacy public opinion EU European Parliament trust EU democratic deficit EU membership benefits EU enlargement skepticism political representation EU EU citizen engagement parliamentary accountability EU cohesion EU governance challenges national vs supranational authority EU institutional support European identity anti-EU sentiment Eurobarometer survey federalism political support European Union Euroscepticism in Latvia UK Hungary public opinion EU membership benefits trust European Parliament statistics national vs European Parliament respect citizens' attitudes EU reasons for low support EU membership Eurobarometer public opinion report decline in trust European institutions comparison national and European parliament legitimacy causes of Euroscepticism in Europe countries with highest Euroscepticism factors affecting EU support public trust European governance European integration public perception federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion Eurobarometer European Union trust European Parliament national parliaments political legitimacy public trust EU benefits Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria institutional respect citizen attitudes supranational institutions national identity European integration democracy deficit EU governance perception of EU federalism in the EU public opinion on EU membership Euroscepticism by country trust in European Parliament EU membership benefits perception EU public opinion surveys Eurobarometer results EU political support statistics approval ratings European Parliament national vs European Parliament trust causes of Euroscepticism Latvia EU sentiment UK EU public support Hungary EU skepticism Italy EU public opinion Austria EU attitudes Sweden EU trust Bulgaria EU skepticism EU legitimacy crisis European integration challenges political opinion EU public trust in EU institutions federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Union trust European Parliament national Parliaments citizen benefits Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria Eurobarometer democratic legitimacy EU institutions public trust EU integration European identity representation EU skepticism EU legitimacy Directorate-General for Communication Euroscepticism EU membership perception European Parliament trust national vs supranational authority Latvia EU opinion United Kingdom EU opinion Hungary EU opinion Italy EU opinion Austria EU opinion Sweden EU opinion Bulgaria EU opinion European integration public opinion on federalism EU legitimacy trust in EU institutions Europe political support federalism challenges Eurobarometer survey citizen benefit EU democracy in EU EU-parliament respect national parliaments comparison EU public trust EU political identity democratic deficit European Union federalism in Europe EU political support Euroscepticism drivers public opinion EU European Union membership benefits trust in EU institutions European Parliament legitimacy national vs EU institutions Eurosceptic countries UK EU sentiment Hungary EU perception Latvia EU skepticism citizen trust European Parliament Eurobarometer survey data attitudes toward EU integration EU membership advantages perceptions democratic deficit European Union connection EU citizens institutions political legitimacy Europe public trust parliament federalism political support Euroscepticism European Union public opinion Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria trust in European Parliament national parliaments EU institutions citizen engagement EU legitimacy public trust Eurobarometer Directorate-General for Communication parliamentary respect EU integration European identity voter attitudes political legitimacy democratic deficit
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con03a	Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, racial quotas sports migration player retention cricket policies rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South African sports diversity policies affirmative action in sports team selection criteria player career decisions impact of quotas sporting exodus international player movement domestic competition regulations non-white player requirements sports policy consequences UK sports migration quota controversies athlete relocation racial quota impact sports player migration athlete relocation policy diversity quotas in sports cricket racial policies Kevin Pietersen migration Brian Mujati rugby quota effects on sports careers affirmative action in sports sports team selection policy South Africa sports quotas non-white player requirements sports expatriates quota controversy in sports player selection discrimination international sports careers English cricket eligibility rugby union quotas policy-induced player movement sports diversity regulations racial quotas sports migration athlete emigration cricket quotas rugby quotas player selection policies affirmative action South African sports Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati non-white player policy sports discrimination diversity mandates international player transfers sporting career decisions England cricket domestic competition rules sports exodus eligibility requirements sports policy impact racial quotas in sports impact of racial quotas on athletes migration of players due to quotas sports policies driving talent abroad cricket racial quotas rugby union quotas Kevin Pietersen quota controversy Brian Mujati quota reasons non-white player requirements effect of affirmative action in sports sporting career decisions and quotas racial quota policies South Africa quota-driven player emigration foreign player eligibility in sports domestic competition racial quotas sports talent drain athlete responses to racial quotas sports diversity policies negative effects of sports quotas international sports migration political impact on sports careers South Africa sports quotas MailOnline racial quota articles racial racial quotas sports migration player retention affirmative action in sports cricket quotas rugby union quotas South Africa sports policy Kevin Pietersen migration Brian Mujati move domestic competition quotas non-white player requirements athlete emigration England cricket sport policy effects player selection policies racial quotas in sports impact of racial quotas on athletes player migration due to quotas South African rugby quotas cricket quotas and player movement Kevin Pietersen England career Brian Mujati rugby career sports quota controversies quota policies and talent loss international player eligibility effects of non-white player requirements racial selection in sports teams impact on cricket and rugby sports policy criticism reasons for sports player emigration racial quotas sports migration player exodus affirmative action in sports cricket quotas rugby union quotas South African sports policies Kevin Pietersen quotas Brian Mujati quotas non-white player requirement domestic league quotas international player movement sports eligibility rules effects of quotas in sports talent loss due to quotas racial selection policies sports diversity measures sports team composition quota-driven player transfer policy impact on sports careers racial quotas in sports impact of quotas on athletes quotas driving athletes abroad sports migration due to quotas Kevin Pietersen quota controversy Brian Mujati racial quota rugby cricket quotas South Africa rugby union quotas South Africa non-white player quotas sports policy effects diversity quotas sports exodus selection policies sports player migration due to racial quotas athlete career moves quotas race-based team selection South Africa sports quotas England cricket player migration negative effects of quotas in sports sports talent drain sports affirmative action controversy racial quotas sports migration player exodus cricket quotas rugby quotas South African sports affirmative action sports talent drain Kevin Pietersen migration Brian Mujati migration effects of quotas international sports careers sports policy impacts non-white player requirement English eligibility diversity in sports sporting careers abroad sports selection policies representation in sports sports emigration sports affirmative action racial quotas impact sports migration player exodus affirmative action in sports cricket quota system rugby union quotas athlete relocation South African sports policies Kevin Pietersen migration Brian Mujati transfer diversity policies in sports quota consequences expatriate athletes sports selection policies talent drain non-white player requirements overseas sports careers sports eligibility rules national team selection sports policy criticism
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro03a	Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries liberal laws civil liberties USA security measures democratic countries developed nations Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism erosion of liberties state protection Patriot Act privacy rights government surveillance public safety law enforcement anti-terrorism national security constitutional rights freedom individual rights liberal laws civil liberties western countries USA democratic nations security measures domestic terrorism Patriot Act state protection erosion of liberties developed countries Spain UK national security human rights constitutional rights government policies liberty vs security counterterrorism legal frameworks comparative analysis freedom western liberalism public safety legal restrictions surveillance laws individual rights international comparison civil rights human rights personal freedoms constitutional rights civil liberties Patriot Act anti-terrorism laws security measures democratic nations privacy rights surveillance law enforcement United States United Kingdom Spain Western democracies liberal democracy national security public safety government oversight legal protections intrusive laws freedom of expression freedom of assembly due process rule of law liberty vs security counterterrorism state power erosion of rights liberal laws in Western countries comparison of civil liberties USA vs other democracies impact of new security measures on liberty civil liberties and national security balance counterterrorism policies in Spain and UK erosion of civil liberties in developed nations comparison of Patriot Act with European anti-terror laws historical context of domestic terrorism in Europe Western-liberalism explained impact of security measures on democracy state protection vs individual rights USA civil liberties global perspective government response to terrorism minor liberties vs major security interests Wired article Patriot Act analysis western countries liberal laws civil liberties USA security measures liberty democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism anti-terrorism laws Patriot Act surveillance government powers privacy individual rights security vs freedom erosion of liberties state protection counter-terrorism constitutional rights human rights national security western-liberalism comparative law public safety law enforcement terrorism response legal frameworks societal impact civil liberties in western countries liberal laws comparison USA Europe security measures effect on liberty civil rights United States vs Europe democratic countries anti-terrorism laws Patriot Act impact erosion of liberties for security civil liberties trade-offs Spain and UK security law comparison western liberalism global comparison domestic terrorism law responses protecting state vs individual rights public safety vs personal freedom international human rights standards post-9/11 US civil liberties Wired Patriot Act article analysis civil liberties Western democracy liberal laws USA United States security measures surveillance constitutional rights individual freedoms developed countries Spain UK United Kingdom domestic terrorism national security Patriot Act government regulation state protection erosion of liberties Western-liberalism counterterrorism democratic societies comparative analysis citizen rights public safety global standards international law Wired article Kim Zetter civil liberties western democracies USA Patriot Act liberal laws national security domestic terrorism state protection democratic developed countries Spain terrorism policies UK security measures erosion of freedoms individual rights liberty versus security comparative civil rights government surveillance legal frameworks constitutional rights human rights anti-terrorism laws legislative comparison US versus Europe public safety laws terrorism response privacy rights state authority Kim Zetter Wired civil liberties liberal laws Western countries USA security measures democratic countries developed nations domestic terrorism Spain UK Patriot Act government surveillance state security individual rights Western liberalism erosion of liberties national security comparative analysis rule of law human rights citizenship rights homeland security public safety privacy laws civil liberties Western democracy liberal laws Patriot Act security measures democratic countries domestic terrorism United States UK Spain freedom surveillance anti-terrorism laws privacy rights law enforcement constitutional rights government policy liberty versus security national security civil rights erosion comparative analysis developed nations public safety individual rights post-9/11 policies
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro01a	Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia rational suicide end-of-life choice terminal illness chronic pain loss of autonomy self-determination dignity in death medical ethics patient rights regulated euthanasia death with dignity right to die suffering alleviation existential suffering palliative care moral autonomy legal regulation compassionate death healthcare policy mental competence informed consent physician-assisted dying ethical justification societal attitudes toward suicide assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia end-of-life choice right to die patient autonomy terminal illness chronic pain management self-determination medical ethics euthanasia regulation dignity in dying existential suffering quality of life physician-assisted death palliative care alternatives moral philosophy of suicide consent in euthanasia legal frameworks psychological distress in terminal illness compassionate death autonomy vs. paternalism dying with dignity mental capacity assessment safeguards in assisted dying social attitudes to death assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia rational suicide chronic pain terminal illness end-of-life choices individual autonomy right to die medical ethics death with dignity self-determination suffering mercy killing palliative care quality of life mental competence personal freedom moral arguments legal regulation compassion terminal disease existential suffering informed consent physician assistance suicide prevention ethical debates assisted suicide ethical debate rational suicide arguments euthanasia and personal autonomy chronic illness end-of-life choices dignity in death movement voluntary euthanasia regulation philosophical perspectives on suicide medical support for assisted dying social attitudes toward suicide moral implications of euthanasia death with dignity legal frameworks individual choice in end-of-life decisions terminal illness suicide rights psychological benefits of end-of-life control freedom of choice in dying legal issues in assisted suicide pain management and voluntary death end-of-life decision making denial of choice and murder ethics rationality and suicide decisions assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia rational suicide end-of-life choices chronic pain and suicide terminal illness and euthanasia autonomy in death self-determination medical ethics right to die regulation of assisted dying moral arguments for euthanasia legality of euthanasia psychological aspects of euthanasia social attitudes toward suicide dying with dignity patient consent freedom of choice in dying suffering and quality of life palliative care alternatives bioethics balancing autonomy and protection assisted suicide debate rational suicide euthanasia ethics chronic pain end-of-life choices autonomy in death right to die dignity in dying lawful euthanasia moral arguments for assisted dying end-of-life decision making voluntary euthanasia legalization psychological suffering and suicide medical support for euthanasia arguments supporting assisted suicide philosophical views on death regulation of assisted dying compassion in end-of-life care terminal illness euthanasia patient autonomy rights ethical implications of suicide assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia rational suicide end-of-life choice terminal illness chronic pain quality of life autonomy self-determination medical ethics right to die regulated procedures legal euthanasia patient consent dignity in death death with dignity suffering mercy killing law and ethics philosophical arguments personal autonomy medical support physician-assisted suicide dying with dignity terminal disease freedom of choice moral reasoning right to choose death agency regulated environment assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia rational suicide chronic pain end-of-life decisions terminal illness euthanasia death with dignity right to die medical ethics autonomy in death legalizing euthanasia psychological suffering end-of-life care self-determination compassion in dying regulation of assisted dying euthanasia laws ethical arguments for suicide quality of life physician-assisted suicide dignity in death freedom of choice moral justification for suicide terminal disease choices patient autonomy humane death options assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia chronic pain end-of-life decisions terminal illness autonomy rational choice medical ethics right to die patient rights self-determination death with dignity regulated euthanasia legal framework moral issues freedom of choice quality of life suffering patient consent palliative care physician-assisted death ethical debate personal autonomy compassionate care life-ending decisions assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia rational suicide end-of-life choices patient autonomy chronic pain terminal illness right to die dignity in death medical ethics self-determination suffering alleviation legal regulation physician-assisted death existential suffering moral philosophy euthanasia laws death with dignity palliative care ethical dilemmas personal autonomy mercy killing terminal suffering choice in dying mental competence consent in euthanasia
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, political stability market confidence business environment leadership succession transparency economic growth investment decisions leader health policy continuity leadership quality government stability economic policy business risk political uncertainty leadership change national leadership market response economic impact succession planning public disclosure investor confidence regulatory stability policy uncertainty economic forecasting government transparency political stability market confidence leadership succession economic policy business environment investor uncertainty transparency government leadership political risk leader illness succession planning economic growth leadership change policy continuity business investment market volatility leader quality governance economic impact government transparency leadership transition stability risk business confidence energy policy bureaucracy tax policy economic development leadership effects succession security market reaction political stability market response leadership succession transparency business confidence investment decisions economic policy leadership transitions uncertainty management economic growth government policy business environment leader health succession planning political risk investor sentiment leader quality national leadership market volatility economic impact governance regulatory environment policy continuity leader illness rumor control business investment stability factors leadership change macroeconomic stability economic governance political stability impact on markets business response to leader illness transparency in leadership transitions investor reactions to leadership uncertainty succession planning and market confidence effects of leadership change on economic growth leadership quality and economic performance influence of political stability on investment decisions role of secrecy in market volatility business environment and government leadership leader illness economic consequences estimating leader impact on GDP Jones and Olken leader quality study business risk political leadership future market stability and leadership how political rumors affect markets government transparency investment climate economic policies and leadership changes political stability market response leadership succession transparency investment decisions business environment economic impact leader health succession planning economic growth business confidence policy uncertainty leadership quality economic policy market volatility government stability leadership transition market transparency leader illness investor confidence regime uncertainty executive health disclosure political risk business regulation fiscal policy energy prices transport infrastructure growth statistics leadership studies leadership economics Benjjamin F. Jones Benjamin A. Olken Quarterly Journal of Economics political stability market response economic impact of leadership business confidence leadership succession transparency in government effect of leader illness on markets investment decisions and politics leadership quality and economic growth policy uncertainty business environment parameters government secrecy effects national leadership and growth political risk markets leader influence on economy market reaction to political events leader succession planning economic policy and stability leader change economic consequences leadership transition business impact political uncertainty investment political stability market confidence business environment leadership transition succession planning transparency economic growth investment decisions government policy market uncertainty leader illness leader quality business risk transparency in government rumor control economic policy market reaction political risk leadership impact economic development investor confidence national leadership business regulation state intervention energy policy infrastructure government stability leadership succession economic performance business confidence policy continuity political stability market reactions economic uncertainty leader illness succession planning transparency in government investment decisions business environment leadership quality economic growth government policy leadership succession leader impact on economy market volatility political risk business confidence political transparency government secrecy economic forecasting national leadership regulatory environment energy prices infrastructure impact on markets investment risk leadership transition economic policy business regulation leader influence government stability executive health disclosure political stability market confidence business environment leadership succession transparency investment decisions economic growth leadership quality government policy market reactions business risk uncertainty leader health national leadership economic impact policy continuity market volatility decision-making government transparency leadership change political stability market confidence leadership succession economic growth business environment transparency investment decisions leader illness leadership quality policy continuity business risk government transparency market volatility political risk economic policy leader impact succession planning rumour control national leadership energy policy transport infrastructure bureaucracy tax policy business uncertainty leadership transition
test-education-egtuscpih-pro04a	Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. online education university budget allocation digital learning platforms cost savings administrative expenses facility maintenance distance learning remote teaching higher education efficiency academic investment resource optimization university cost reduction e-learning benefits academic output student support costs infrastructure costs virtual classrooms faculty remote work academic funding educational technology traditional vs online education university spending academic performance teaching quality operational costs online course impact societal benefits digital transformation in education online education digital learning platforms e-learning remote teaching university cost reduction administrative savings distance education resource allocation higher education modernization virtual classrooms faculty remote work student remote access academic efficiency reduced campus facilities operational cost savings educational technology online curriculum teaching quality improvement research funding increase academic spending shift traditional university expenses digital transformation in universities student support services online university budget optimization virtual university infrastructure distance learning e-learning cost reduction university expenses educational technology administrative efficiency remote teaching faculty resources academic output digital education virtual classrooms infrastructure savings student accommodation costs operational cost savings teaching resources university budget allocation higher education innovation reduced facility maintenance online education benefits academic resource optimization online courses benefits for universities reduction in university administrative costs impact of online learning on university budgets resource allocation in online higher education traditional vs. online university expenses online education and academic output cost savings from remote university education university spending efficiency with online teaching impact of digital transformation in higher education maximizing academic resources through online courses financial implications of shifting to online university courses improving research funding via online teaching online university models and academic quality elimination of campus infrastructure costs higher education cost-cutting strategies student accommodation expenses with online courses faculty remote work in online universities administrative overhead in digital universities budget redistribution in online education digital learning platforms university cost reduction administrative expenses resource allocation educational efficiency remote teaching research funding e-learning benefits campus facility costs traditional universities academic output improvement student support costs distance learning online university models virtual classrooms faculty remote work higher education reform academic resource distribution operational savings university administration public university spending lecture hall alternatives student accommodation savings online teaching impact education technology online university cost savings benefits of online courses university administrative expenses online education resources allocation impact of online teaching traditional vs online universities university facilities costs academic output improvement remote teaching benefits student accommodation savings university research funding efficiency in higher education university budget allocation technology in education online learning infrastructure reduction in university overheads teaching and research funding digital transformation in education remote work for professors university expense comparison online education distance learning e-learning platforms virtual classrooms digital teaching remote instruction cost savings university budgets administrative expenses facility maintenance campus resources faculty remote work student remote learning academic investment teaching quality research funding higher education efficiency resource allocation academic output student benefits societal impact online university advantages operational costs lecture hall alternatives student accommodation savings reduced campus infrastructure digital transformation higher education online education cost savings university resource allocation administrative cost reduction traditional university expenses facility maintenance costs online teaching benefits higher education digital transformation academic output improvement teaching and research funding operational efficiency universities student accommodation costs online versus traditional universities remote teaching savings academic credential enhancement university budget optimization public university spending educational resource management virtual learning cost analysis reduced campus overhead digital campus benefits online learning benefits cost reduction universities online vs traditional education university administrative costs impact of online education resource allocation universities virtual classrooms benefits distance education efficiency higher education expenses university budget reallocation online teaching advantages academic output improvement student support online university facility costs faculty remote work educational infrastructure savings technology in higher education student accommodation online education university digital transformation academic resource optimization online education university cost reduction administrative expenses digital learning platforms university resources allocation teaching improvement research funding traditional vs online universities educational infrastructure remote teaching faculty remote work academic output student benefits budget reallocation public university spending campus facilities virtual classrooms cost efficiency in higher education online degree programs higher education reform academic performance distance learning advantages educational technology resource optimization student support online
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, EU foreign policy consultation mechanism consensus building decision-making process EU High Representative unified EU voice state-by-state consultation external relations diplomacy EU identity value commitment collaboration debate unity policy coordination political integration European Union trade policy environmental policy Belgian Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens political unity military cooperation supranational governance member states agreement-reaching representative democracy international relations institutional development common values EU institutions collective action EU High Representative foreign policy coordination state consultation EU foreign policy unity EU decision-making consensus in EU EU institutional structure EU state sovereignty EU common values EU collaboration EU identity formation Mark Eyskens quote EU trade policy EU environmental policy EU political influence EU military capacity European integration EU international relations EU negotiation mechanisms EU external representation EU institutional change EU policy-making process supranational governance intergovernmentalism in EU EU diplomacy EU collective action EU foreign policy High Representative state consultation consensus building unified EU voice EU integration collaboration decision-making mechanism EU governance common values EU identity intergovernmentalism supranationalism Mark Eyskens political union trade policy environmental policy debate commitment common external policy European unity CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) institutional change EU diplomacy collective decision making member states coordination EU consultation and consensus EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy EU foreign policy decision making EU state-by-state consultation mechanism EU unified voice in foreign policy significance of EU representative EU collaboration and debate EU trade and environmental policy unity challenges in EU foreign policy unity European political integration Mark Eyskens EU quote evolution of EU common identity EU commitment to shared values EU external relations mechanisms history of EU foreign policy development of EU security policy EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy EU consultation mechanism EU consensus-building EU foreign policy EU decision-making state-by-state consultation European unity EU identity formation European integration EU collaborative policymaking common European values EU representation EU global role Craig R Whitney Mark Eyskens quote EU trade policy EU environmental policy political union in EU European diplomacy EU political cohesion foreign policy coordination European political identity supranational decision-making intergovernmentalism EU soft power EU international relations EU foreign policy consultation EU High Representative role EU unity in foreign policy state-by-state consultation mechanism EU EU consensus decision-making EU common values formation EU foreign policy collaboration EU political integration EU diplomatic identity EU unified voice challenges Mark Eyskens Europe quote EU trade policy vs foreign policy EU consensus-building EU decision-making process EU member state coordination EU institutional reforms significance of EU consultation EU global representation EU external action mechanisms European Union common policy EU High Representative foreign policy security policy consultation consensus unified voice decision-making state consultation mechanism institutional change foreign affairs EU governance collaboration debate common values European integration policy coordination international relations trade policy environmental policy political unity Mark Eyskens EU identity commitment supranationalism intergovernmentalism policy-making diplomatic coordination European Union institutions common foreign and security policy CFSP negotiation collective decision member states unity in diversity European diplomacy EU external action EU High Representative EU foreign policy EU consultation mechanism EU consensus-building EU unity EU decision making EU integration EU common values EU political identity EU collaboration EU debate EU trade policy EU environmental policy state by state consultation European Union governance Mark Eyskens quote European political unity EU global voice EU diplomatic strategies EU institutional change European external action EU High Representative foreign policy state consultation consensus unified voice common values EU integration European identity collaborative decision-making Mark Eyskens political unity policy coordination supranationalism EU governance European Council diplomatic cohesion institutional role common security policy EU external relations intergovernmentalism trade policy environmental policy collective action value formation identity-building EU foreign policy consultation mechanism consensus decision-making EU High Representative EU unity EU identity formation European integration EU external relations common EU values state by state consultation foreign policy cooperation collective EU action EU trade policy EU environmental policy Mark Eyskens quote Europe political dynamics EU policymaking EU institutional roles collaboration and debate diplomatic coordination unified EU voice
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con03a	"No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. compensation models cultural fluidity identity politics cultural identity multiculturalism cross-cultural compensation cultural membership individual values professional culture organizational culture ethnic identity religious identity social groups cultural heterogeneity cultural assimilation cultural adaptation self-identification group affiliation national culture overlapping identities compensation eligibility cultural influence evolving culture compensation challenges claims of compensation identity-based claims minority rights collective identity culture and law cultural boundaries social justice reparations multicultural compensation systems compensation ethics intersectionality cultural fluidity cultural identity identity politics compensation systems cultural hybridity multiple cultural affiliations values and social groups culture adaptation culture evolution compensation eligibility cultural heterogeneity professional identity organizational culture ethnic group identity intersectionality membership in multiple groups compensatory justice challenges in compensation cultural boundaries national culture individual vs group identity cultural borrowing criteria for compensation social identity complexity group-based compensation cultural diversity compensation policy cultural self-identification equitable compensation homogeneity in culture diversity in identity cultural fluidity cultural identity compensation models identity politics multiculturalism cultural hybridity social group membership value systems cultural heterogeneity culture and compensation individual cultural affiliation national culture culture evolution cultural adaptation group identity cultural complexity compensation framework intersectionality collective identity cultural influence personal identification cultural boundaries eligibility for compensation identity-based compensation professional culture organizational culture ethnic identity religious identity compensation policy diversity and inclusion culture and law fluidity of cultural identity compensation based on cultural identity challenges of identity-based compensation cultural hybridity and legal systems multi-cultural identification and justice individual versus collective identity evolving nature of culture and law identity politics and compensation models overlapping group memberships and reparations feasibility of compensation frameworks homogeneity of culture and law eligibility criteria for cultural compensation compensation schemes and identity complexity national versus subcultural values professional and ethnic identity influence culture adaptation and legal responsibility compensation for indirect cultural harms identity ambiguity in legal claims multiple group affiliations and entitlement structural limits on cultural compensation fluidity of culture cultural identity compensation models identity politics cultural hybridity multiculturalism social group membership value sets national culture organizational culture ethnic identity religious identity cultural heterogeneity cultural adaptation compensation eligibility strategic control choices cultural influence individual values overlapping identities compensation complexity impossible compensation systems cultural homogeneity personal identification culture and law compensation frameworks collective identity competing cultural claims intergroup relations intersectionality group-based compensation compensation and cultural identity fluidity of culture identity politics and compensation multiculturalism and legal frameworks cultural hybridity compensation Szewczak Snodgrass cultural values complexity of cultural compensation overlapping identities law challenges in cultural group compensation individual vs collective cultural identity compensation eligibility culture multidimensional identity legal claims national culture compensation limitations heterogeneity of cultural groups evolving cultural identity impact cross-cultural value systems professional organisational culture influence ethnicity and compensation models cultural group membership law strategic control cultural study intersectional identity compensation compensation systems cultural fluidity cultural identity identity politics cultural diversity multiculturalism cultural hybridity group membership social groups cultural value sets culture adaptation culture evolution cultural complexity national culture cultural heterogeneity compensation eligibility collective identity individual identity cultural affiliation compensation models cultural boundaries intersectionality cultural self-identification cultural homogeneity ethnic groups organizational culture professional culture religious groups cultural influence cultural integration strategic control cultural borrowing cultural adaptation community compensation cultural representation. cultural compensation identity politics cultural fluidity cultural identity culture and self-identification cross-cultural identification multiculturalism adaptive culture compensation models identity and compensation cultural relativity cultural diversity cultural overlap social group membership homogeneous culture compensation challenges individual cultural affiliation compensation eligibility professional culture organisational culture ethnic identity religious group identity value systems culture evolution compensation for historical injustice cultural hybridity intersectionality compensation policy Snodgrass and Szewczak strategic control choices cultural fluidity cultural identity compensation systems identity politics cultural heterogeneity multiculturalism intersectionality social group membership national culture subcultures professional identity organizational culture ethnic identity religious identity cultural adaptation cultural borrowing value systems hybrid identities compensation models cultural boundaries eligibility criteria historical compensation collective identity individual versus group identity compensation policy cultural influence cross-cultural differences cultural evolution cultural diversity cultural homogenization identity negotiation compensation frameworks cultural identity identity politics fluidity of culture multiculturalism intersectionality cultural hybridity organizational culture professional identity ethnic identity social group membership national culture value systems cultural adaptation cultural evolution homogeneity in culture eligibility criteria reparations social justice cultural diversity group membership influence identity-based claims compensation challenges cultural belonging cultural influence cross-cultural comparison compensation models cultural complexity justice systems cultural self-identification cultural borrowing"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con04a	Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear proliferation nuclear disarmament arms control international security nuclear deterrence diplomatic relations economic sanctions arms race non-proliferation treaty peaceful use of nuclear energy global security state sovereignty military escalation regional stability trade relations economic development international isolation nuclear arms race strategic balance coercive diplomacy peacebuilding non-nuclear states security dilemma disarmament policy diplomacy versus force nuclear doctrine nuclear policy international law global governance nuclear-weapon-free zones regional security dynamics nuclear weapons proliferation nuclear disarmament international security arms race nuclear deterrence nonproliferation treaty diplomatic relations economic sanctions state sovereignty international diplomacy peaceful coexistence regional stability global security nuclear arms control non-nuclear states nuclear-free zones economic interdependence security dilemma North Korea nuclear program strategic stability international isolation belligerence perception warlike posture nuclear doctrine nuclear politics arms escalation multilateral diplomacy international cooperation trade relations nuclear proliferation consequences nuclear nonproliferation nuclear arms race nuclear deterrence international diplomacy disarmament economic sanctions global security arms control state sovereignty international relations peaceful coexistence strategic stability diplomatic isolation military escalation North Korea nuclear program economic interdependence security dilemma global governance proliferation risks peacebuilding international norms conflict prevention sanction impacts diplomatic strategies warlike behavior nuclear weapons disadvantages impact of nuclear proliferation nuclear deterrent and diplomacy effects of nuclear armament on international relations nuclear weapons and economic consequences nuclear armament and state image benefits of disarmament for states nuclear weapons and diplomatic isolation nuclear proliferation and arms race nuclear weapons harm to citizens nuclear weapons strategic motivations deterrence by diplomacy analysis nuclear weapons and trade relations international community views on nuclear weapons state security and nuclear weapons drawbacks North Korea nuclear isolation case study nuclear nonproliferation arms race international diplomacy nuclear deterrence economic sanctions state sovereignty security dilemma nuclear disarmament North Korea sanctions belligerence perception global security nuclear arms control nuclear weapon benefits diplomatic isolation strategic stability economic interdependence proliferation risks peaceful interests international relations regional insecurity nuclear proliferation nuclear deterrence diplomatic relations international community economic interdependence arms race global security non-proliferation state interests nuclear policy belligerence perception sanctions North Korea isolation security dilemma military escalation peace and stability strategic weapons disarmament nuclear arms control nuclear nonproliferation treaty global diplomacy weaponization consequences nuclear armament costs regional insecurity escalation risks nuclear weapons nuclear deterrent non-proliferation proliferation international relations diplomacy economic interdependence nuclear arms race disarmament state security belligerence warlike character North Korea international isolation sanctions economic sanctions nuclear strategy strategic stability global security arms control peaceful interests diplomatic relations trade relations international community nuclear proliferation treaty mutual assured destruction regional security weaponization security dilemma deterrence theory nuclear nonproliferation nuclear deterrence nuclear arms race international diplomacy nuclear proliferation risks economic sanctions nuclear weapons impact of nuclear weapons on trade diplomatic isolation North Korea belligerence nuclear states peaceful alternatives nuclear armament economic consequences nuclear proliferation global security nuclear weapons international relations nuclear policies benefits of disarmament arms control agreements nuclear weapons stigma security dilemma nuclear arms impact on neighboring states strategic stability nuclear weapons proliferation treaty effectiveness nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence non-proliferation arms races diplomacy economic interdependence international relations belligerence state security sanctions global security disarmament proliferation risks national interests diplomatic isolation economic sanctions strategic stability treaty obligations military escalation peacebuilding North Korea international community security dilemma nuclear proliferation nuclear deterrence international relations diplomacy economic sanctions arms races nonproliferation treaties nuclear arms control state security global peace trade relations economic interdependence diplomatic isolation belligerence disarmament regional stability security dilemma nuclear strategy strategic stability North Korea sanctions international cooperation diplomatic efforts military escalation multilateral agreements
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con03a	The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. state control public education educational funding taxation societal benefit parental rights citizenship education government responsibility democratic values curriculum regulation privatisation of schools educational policy social purpose school autonomy accountability education reform government oversight public good educational equity civic responsibility state control public education educational policy societal benefit tax-funded schools state responsibility public good citizenship education government agenda educational privatization democratic values educational accountability school governance educational objectives civic responsibility public vs private schools education reform social purpose of education state intervention educational outcomes state control education policy school funding public education taxpayer funding societal benefit citizenship education government role democracy privatisation of schools educational accountability educational objectives social responsibility curriculum mandates educational standards parental influence state intervention public interest education governance education reform state duty educational equity civic education educational regulation state control of schools state funding of education public education taxation societal benefit education legitimacy of state intervention in schools societal purposes of education teaching citizenship in schools government educational agendas democracy and education privatization of schools impact state versus private schools education policy and democracy parental versus societal education interests educational freedom and state control civic education in curriculum state control education policy freedom in education tax-funded education societal duty public good education funding parental rights citizenship education government role privatisation of schools societal purpose of education democracy in education public vs private schools educational accountability education and democracy government agendas in schools social responsibility education reform state intervention educational equity state control of education education funding taxation and education public good in education government role in schools state vs private education societal purpose of schools teaching citizenship education and democracy education policy state curriculum mandates education privatization effects civic education public vs private schooling education and social responsibility parental rights in education education reform equitable education funding government education oversight education and social cohesion accountability in schools state control public education education funding taxation societal benefit collective responsibility citizenship education curriculum government objectives democracy privatization of schools educational policy state intervention societal purposes exam performance public good educational incentives educational accountability civic education public vs private schools educational governance state control of education education policy public education school funding taxation and education societal benefit of education state's duty in education citizenship education government agenda in schools democracy and education privatisation of schools state vs private schools education and public good education reform educational freedom curriculum control social purpose of education education and democracy state intervention in education education for societal goals education governance state control school governance educational freedom public education tax-funded education societal benefit education policy citizenship education government role democracy privatised schools educational accountability societal purpose education funding civic education public good state intervention educational standards educational equity social responsibility state control educational autonomy government intervention public funding taxation societal benefit citizenship education democratic values privatization of schools education policy school accountability public vs private education curriculum standards educational equity government oversight collective responsibility educational outcomes social purpose civic education educational reform
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con01a	Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, elections democracy electoral legitimacy autocracy regime change political reform opposition parties free and fair elections political participation voting habits electoral process democratic transition electoral legitimacy authoritarian regimes government legitimacy citizen engagement political alternatives peaceful transition Philippines Corazon Aquino People Power Revolution political crisis regime topple electoral reform democratic development elections authoritarian regimes democratization electoral legitimacy autocracy political opposition regime change free and fair elections democratic transition people power revolution political reform voter habituation legitimacy democratic institutions Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos opposition parties electoral reform regime legitimacy transitional democracy democratic consolidation managed elections electoral participation electoral authoritarianism opposition mobilization elections democratization electoral legitimacy autocracy political reform opposition parties transition to democracy voting behavior civic engagement regime change electoral manipulation free and fair elections political participation authoritarianism political transition popular legitimacy Philippines democracy Corazon Aquino people power revolution political crisis electoral opposition democratic norms regime legitimacy electoral process preordained outcomes political pluralism elections and democratization autocracy and legitimacy transitional democracies electoral authoritarianism importance of opposition parties electoral reforms history of elections in autocracies legitimacy through elections gradual political reform political transitions voting habits in authoritarian states pathways to democracy examples of democratic transitions role of elections in regime change Philippines people power revolution Corazon Aquino leadership opposition coalition formation electoral legitimacy in non-democracies staged elections outcomes impact of regular elections free and fair elections process recognized political opposition alternative to incumbent regime historical case studies democratization elections as democratic stepping stone autocrats elections democratization legitimacy autocracy political reform electoral process opposition parties voting behavior regime change transition to democracy free and fair elections electoral legitimacy political participation citizen empowerment political alternatives political crisis democratic transition authoritarian regimes people power revolution Philippines democracy Corazon Aquino Ferdinand Marcos electoral authoritarianism institutional reform democratic consolidation political opposition regime transition post-authoritarian politics electoral legitimacy political transformation elections and democracy autocratic regimes elections legitimacy from elections transition to democracy preordained election outcomes voting culture electoral reform free and fair elections opposition in autocracies regime change Philippines people power Corazon Aquino Marcos fall political transitions democratization through elections regular elections authoritarian electoral systems United opposition parties historical examples of democratic transition autocrats legitimacy peaceful transfer of power electoral legitimacy election-driven reform elections democratization autocracy legitimacy political reform voting culture opposition parties electoral process free and fair elections regime change political transition people power revolution Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos civic participation authoritarianism political alternatives electoral legitimacy democratic transition political crisis transitional government snap elections government formation political pluralism leadership change elections democratization autocracy legitimacy electoral reform opposition parties transition to democracy voting culture free and fair elections political participation regime change authoritarianism electoral legitimacy electoral authoritarianism electoral reforms political opposition Philippines election Corazon Aquino Marcos regime people power revolution electoral transition regime legitimacy democratic reform authoritarian elections political alternatives electoral process electoral habits democratic culture elections democratization electoral legitimacy autocracy democratic transition political reform free and fair elections political opposition regime change people power revolution electoral participation authoritarian regimes electoral manipulation democratic consolidation political culture Philippines Corazon Aquino Ferdinand Marcos voter behavior transitional democracy legitimacy opposition parties electoral reform democracy promotion political transition comparative politics civil society authoritarianism electoral systems democratization process electoral legitimacy democratization authoritarian regimes political opposition electoral reforms transition to democracy free and fair elections voting culture regime change political participation civil society democratization process electoral autocracy opposition parties Philippine democracy People Power Revolution Corazon Aquino Ferdinand Marcos political liberalization political alternatives
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro03a	In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. precautionary principle minors medical ethics informed consent neonatal care risk assessment benefit-risk analysis pediatric surgery newborns circumcision risks post-surgical complications long-term effects surgical complication rate medical justification parental consent adverse outcomes circumcision debate infant health evidence-based practice pediatric risk management ethical considerations medical necessity surgical risks child advocacy Paul Fleiss Mothering Magazine precautionary principle minors pediatric ethics medical consent informed consent circumcision risks neonatal circumcision surgical complications long-term effects medical justification benefit-risk analysis newborn autonomy parental authority child rights medical necessity bioethics non-therapeutic procedures infant decision-making paediatric surgery harm minimization medical intervention policy risk tolerance evidence-based practice adverse outcomes complication rates medical ethics parental consent child welfare patient advocates policy recommendations precautionary principle minors medical ethics risk assessment benefit-risk analysis neonatal circumcision informed consent newborn health surgical complications long-term effects pediatric surgery parental decision-making child autonomy medical justification post-surgical risks infant rights medical risk tolerance circumcision controversy Paul M. Fleiss medical literature child welfare surgical risk statistics evidence-based medicine ethical considerations in pediatrics alternative procedures precautionary principle minors medical procedures risk vs benefit circumcision ethical considerations newborn circumcision circumcision risks statistics long-term effects infant circumcision surgical complication rates circumcision evidence against circumcision infants informed consent newborn medical decisions justification medical risk minors harm-benefit analysis pediatric surgery non-therapeutic infant circumcision debate absence demonstrable benefit circumcision newborn inability consent surgery parental rights versus child autonomy Paul Fleiss case against circumcision complication rate circumcision infants post-surgical complications circumcision risk tolerance pediatric procedures rare but serious circumcision risks necessity circumcision medical justification precautionary principle minors medical ethics risk-benefit analysis pediatric surgery infant rights parental consent neonatal circumcision circumcision risks medical complications long-term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition consent capacity infant vulnerability evidence-based medicine non-therapeutic surgery medical justification harm reduction Paul M. Fleiss medical literature child advocacy autonomy medical decision-making circumcision risks precautionary principle minors ethical circumcision infants newborn circumcision debate long-term effects circumcision circumcision medical justification pediatric surgery risk-benefit infant consent circumcision complication rates circumcision Paul Fleiss case against circumcision surgical outcomes infants child autonomy medical decisions circumcision evidence research parental choice circumcision medical ethics newborns minors precautionary principle risk assessment benefit justification newborn baby informed consent circumcision risks medical ethics pediatric surgery surgical complications septicemia hemorrhage cardiac arrest long-term effects post-surgical outcomes complication rate infant health Paul M. Fleiss evidence base child rights medical literature harm reduction ethical considerations parental decision-making child advocacy medical necessity non-therapeutic procedures natural family living circumcision debate pediatric care risk-benefit analysis circumcision risks precautionary principle minors newborn medical ethics pediatric surgical risks long-term effects circumcision circumcision complication rate surgical risk infants informed consent newborns non-therapeutic procedures infants neonatal surgery justification parental consent medical minors pediatric patient autonomy post-surgical attrition ethical considerations infant surgery medical necessity circumcision alternative to circumcision harm reduction pediatric procedures Paul Fleiss circumcision evidence-based pediatric care rare surgical complications infants precautionary principle minors medical ethics risk-benefit analysis newborn consent circumcision risks surgical complications long-term effects pediatric surgery informed consent medical justification infant health evidence-based medicine post-surgical outcomes Paul Fleiss medical literature rare complications risk assessment parental decision-making bioethics minor patient rights precautionary principle medical ethics minors circumcision risks infant consent surgical complications long-term effects newborn safety risk-benefit analysis pediatric procedures informed consent post-surgical outcomes Paul M. Fleiss parental decision-making child autonomy evidence-based medicine non-therapeutic procedures incidence rates harm reduction legal considerations
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro01a	"The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. free market market pricing supply and demand consumer choice equilibrium price dynamic capitalism price mechanism Adam Smith invisible hand individual preferences market efficiency competitive markets talent valuation labor market wage determination economic incentives profit motive product differentiation resource allocation entrepreneurship market-driven economy opportunity cost market signals Nozick economic liberalism market clearing value creation scarcity voluntary exchange self-regulation meritocracy capitalism demand elasticity price discovery rational actors consumer sovereignty market price determination free market economy supply and demand consumer choice product selection market-driven pricing profit motivation demand-driven supply market efficiency dynamic capitalism individual talent in markets skill-based rewards market incentives scarcity and value market equilibrium Adam Smith Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia wage justification talent valuation risk-taking in markets economic individualism capitalist meritocracy product demand service demand market allocation market competition labor market dynamics market-based wages economic freedom free market market equilibrium supply and demand price mechanism consumer choice spontaneous order invisible hand dynamic capitalism meritocracy individual incentives wage determination market competition opportunity cost efficient allocation talent reward economic liberalism laissez-faire resource allocation market forces entrepreneurship profit motive price discovery decentralized decision-making Adam Smith Robert Nozick free market economy pros and cons market-determined pricing effects supply and demand influence on wages justification of high salaries in sports dynamic capitalist system examples capitalism and individual talent Adam Smith free market philosophy Nozick on economic justice consumer choice driving product supply elimination of inefficiency in markets market power and consumer sovereignty impact of demand on service offerings economics of stardom in sports role of risk-taking in capitalism skills and rewards in market economies criticism of market-driven allocation comparison to planned economies historical examples of free market efficiency ethical implications of market-based rewards incentive structures in capitalism free market price determination market efficiency supply and demand consumer choice economic incentives dynamic capitalism Adam Smith Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia individuality meritocracy labor market wage determination economic rationality market equilibrium product differentiation market-driven economy entrepreneurship risk-taking competitive advantage market allocation resource distribution economic value price signals free market dynamics market-driven pricing supply and demand consumer sovereignty price determination market allocation dynamic capitalism individuality in markets rewards for talent economic incentives market efficiency Adam Smith pricing Nozick capitalism opportunity cost labor market value value-based pricing skilled labor premium market equilibrium consumer preferences incentive structures voluntary exchange free market market pricing supply and demand consumer choice market equilibrium product differentiation profit motive market efficiency market-driven economy individual preferences value determination labor markets talent valuation wage justification economic incentives market elimination capitalist system dynamic capitalism individualism meritocracy skill-based rewards risk-taking entrepreneurial risk Adam Smith invisible hand market forces Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia economic theory competitive markets consumer sovereignty market-based pricing supply and demand free market economy consumer choice product selection service selection demand-driven markets market forces price determination economic efficiency market equilibrium dynamic capitalism individual talent value talent-based wages marginal utility high demand products scarcity and value opportunity cost capitalist reward system Adam Smith economics Nozick individual liberty self-regulating market market competition incentive structure risk and reward sports economics labor market dynamics wage justification resource allocation market-driven innovation free market price determination supply and demand consumer choice market equilibrium dynamic capitalism individuality talent-based wages meritocracy economic incentives market efficiency product variety service differentiation consumer sovereignty profitability competitive markets Adam Smith Robert Nozick labor market value creation talent demand risk-taking economic theory capitalism wage justification skill differentiation market elimination economic philosophy price mechanism market allocation entrepreneurship free market price determination supply and demand market equilibrium consumer choice product pricing economic incentives market efficiency dynamic capitalism meritocracy labor market individual talent economic rewards value creation competition Michael Jordan high quality basketball Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia capitalist system scarcity market forces opportunity cost profit motive economic theory voluntary exchange wages consumer preferences services market"
test-politics-dhwem-con02a	PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. Private Military Companies PMCs mercenaries trustworthiness loyalty desertion financial motivation employer interests risk of withdrawal loyalty to money highest bidder Machiavelli military contractors Iraq Afghanistan historical criticism security risks non-state actors ethical concerns military outsourcing combat effectiveness accountability discipline national allegiance military ethics private military companies PMC reliability mercenary loyalty PMC motivation risk of desertion mercenaries and national interest Machiavelli mercenary critique historical mercenaries PMC contractor trustworthiness PMC withdrawal risk profit-driven soldiers PMC involvement Iraq PMC involvement Afghanistan mercenary incentives military outsourcing risks security contractor reliability foreign fighters non-state combatants ethical concerns PMCs employer loyalty PMCs private military companies mercenaries loyalty issues desertion financial motivation employer interests unreliability Machiavelli mercenaries Iraq Afghanistan risk of withdrawal security contractors military ethics combat effectiveness trustworthiness highest bidder historical perspective military outsourcing instability security risks armed conflict PMCs trustworthiness concerns risks of mercenary withdrawal PMCs desertion legal consequences motivation of PMCs by money PMC employer loyalty issues highest bidder loyalty PMCs stability of PMC loyalty historical references to mercenaries Machiavelli on mercenaries failures of mercenaries in Italy modern failures of PMCs in Iraq PMCs in Afghanistan ethical issues PMCs legal accountability of PMCs PMC effectiveness in conflict zones private military contractors reliability PMCs compared to national soldiers disadvantages of using PMCs lessons from history on mercenaries desertion risk in private military firms PMCs reliability private military contractors risks mercenary loyalty desertion charges profit motivation employer interests highest bidder loyalty Machiavelli mercenaries historical context PMCs Italy ruined by mercenaries Iraq PMCs Afghanistan PMCs military outsourcing ethical implications PMCs mercenary accountability combat effectiveness motivation in war contractor withdrawal risks security firm trustworthiness contractor commitment private military contractors criticism mercenary loyalty issues PMC motivation money mercenaries desertion risk PMCs trustworthiness Machiavelli mercenaries quotes PMCs Iraq Afghanistan PMCs lack of patriotism dangers of hiring mercenaries PMCs employer interests history of mercenaries negative impact of PMCs PMCs in modern warfare mercenary ethical concerns mercenaries in Italy PMCs private military companies mercenaries trust issues reliability combat loyalty desertion foreign fighters profit motive employer interests highest bidder contract soldiers wartime risk moral hazard loyalty concerns Machiavelli military outsourcing Iraq Afghanistan historical criticism military ethics armed contractors security firms military privatization soldier motivation accountability non-state actors private military companies PMC trust issues mercenary loyalty risks of PMCs PMC desertion military outsourcing risks PMC motivation mercenary conflicts of interest PMC reliability private security risks Machiavelli mercenaries historical mercenaries PMCs in Iraq PMCs in Afghanistan modern mercenary problems cons of PMCs hired soldiers risks PMC employer interests highest bidder loyalty mercenary desertion threats PMC ethical issues privatization of military force military contract risks private military contractors PMC loyalty issues mercenary motivation risk of desertion PMC reliability PMC employer interests mercenaries in conflict zones historical perspective on mercenaries Machiavelli on mercenaries mercenaries Iraq Afghanistan PMC trustworthiness military outsourcing risks PMC ethics modern mercenary implications security privatization consequences of using PMCs PMC contract incentives war zone contractor behavior military privatization challenges lessons from history mercenaries private military companies PMCs loyalty mercenary motivation desertion risk financial incentive employer interests military ethics historical examples Machiavelli Italy Iraq Afghanistan security contractors trustworthiness battlefield reliability armed conflict military outsourcing war profiteering national allegiance modern warfare
test-education-tuhwastua-pro01a	Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, standardized testing arbitrariness test validity academic assessment single-session evaluation test accuracy measurement error test reliability comprehensive academic record holistic admissions performance variability test-day anxiety SAT score fluctuation academic performance cumulative evaluation applicant evaluation testing limitations academic achievement admissions criteria assessment fairness standardized testing flaws test score variability academic record evaluation admissions criteria test day performance SAT measurement error holistic admissions student assessment accuracy comprehensive evaluation one-day test limitations high-stakes testing critique cumulative achievement fairness in college admissions test reliability test anxiety impact educational measurement alternative assessment methods grade point average vs tests test reliability test validity holistic admissions academic records measurement error test anxiety high-stakes testing grade point average performance variability predictive validity alternative assessment comprehensive evaluation test fairness academic achievement formative assessment summative assessment cumulative evaluation admissions criteria standardized assessment individual differences standardized tests pros and cons standardized test accuracy alternatives to standardized tests holistic admissions process SAT score reliability academic record vs standardized test law of averages in education single test day effect test anxiety impact measurement error in standardized tests comprehensive student evaluation implications of bad test days college admissions criteria evaluating student potential test score variability importance of academic history fairness of standardized assessment SAT measurement error academic performance representation validity of standardized testing standardized testing validity test score reliability academic assessment methods holistic admissions measurement error SAT scoring accuracy high-stakes testing one-day performance test anxiety impact longitudinal evaluation comprehensive student evaluation single-measure limitations test fairness academic record analysis admissions criteria alternative assessment student performance variability measurement bias educational assessment practices long-term achievement flaws in standardized testing standardized test accuracy holistic admissions academic record vs test scores SAT measurement error standardized test reliability one-day test limitations test anxiety impact comprehensive student evaluation high-stakes testing drawbacks alternative admissions criteria standardized testing criticism admissions process fairness academic performance assessment college admissions policies standardized testing test reliability academic assessment test measurement error single-session evaluation holistic admissions comprehensive evaluation academic record GPA vs standardized tests test-day performance fairness in admissions SAT scoring error alternative assessment methods student performance variability law of averages admissions bias college entry criteria educational evaluation test anxiety multiple measures of achievement standardized testing criticism standardized tests fairness standardized tests accuracy SAT measurement error holistic admissions academic record assessment test anxiety one-day testing drawbacks college admissions alternatives pros and cons of standardized tests comprehensive student evaluation variability in test performance law of averages in education test score reliability GPA vs standardized test scores academic performance indicators test bias educational assessment methods single test limitations student assessment fairness standardized testing reliability test score validity academic achievement evaluation holistic admissions test anxiety measurement error alternative assessment college admissions fairness high-stakes testing performance variability comprehensive academic records continuous assessment SAT score limitations test day performance educational equity student ability measurement multi-year evaluation context-based assessment grade point average comparison assessment accuracy test validity test reliability holistic admissions academic performance measurement error SAT limitations comprehensive evaluation alternative assessments grade point average standardized testing bias test anxiety equity in testing college admissions criteria performance variability assessment methods long-term achievement cumulative record educational measurement fairness in testing predictive validity
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro01a	Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. George W. Bush economic policy tax cuts wealthy federal deficit unnecessary wars Iraq war Afghanistan war budget surplus Bill Clinton economic legacy national debt fiscal responsibility government spending job creation public services economic growth budget deficit 2009 recession fiscal mismanagement income inequality Bush administration Clinton administration public investment economic downturn George W. Bush economic policy Bush tax cuts Iraq war Afghanistan war budget deficit federal deficit US economic legacy Clinton surplus government spending US national debt fiscal policy 2009 deficit Bush administration fiscal impact wealthy tax breaks economic growth job creation public services funding US budget history Andrew Taylor Huffington Post post-Clinton economy George W. Bush economic policy tax cuts wealthy income inequality unnecessary wars Iraq War Afghanistan War federal budget deficit national debt Clinton administration budget surplus fiscal responsibility public services job creation economic legacy government spending economic downturn recession policy comparison Bush era federal revenue fiscal mismanagement Bush economic policies analysis Clinton surplus economic impact Bush tax cuts effects U.S. budget deficit history Iraq Afghanistan war costs Federal budget surplus utilization Economic consequences of Bush presidency Comparison Clinton Bush economic legacies U.S. public services funding alternatives Long-term impact Bush tax cuts Historical U.S. budget surpluses 2009 federal deficit causes Economic legacy U.S. presidents Impact of wars on U.S. economy Bush administration fiscal decisions Clinton administration economic achievements Bush economic policies tax cuts for wealthy Iraq war Afghanistan war federal deficit Clinton economic legacy budget surplus government spending job creation public services fiscal responsibility national debt income inequality recession Bush administration Clinton administration 2009 deficit economic downturn historical US deficits economic growth Huffington Post Andrew Taylor Bush economic legacy Clinton economic surplus Bush tax cuts wealthy tax cuts unnecessary wars Iraq war Afghanistan war budget deficit 2009 federal deficit Bush Clinton budget surplus economic policy comparison government spending critique Andrew Taylor Huffington Post US fiscal policy history surplus vs deficit impact of tax cuts war expenditure economic performance presidents US budget history legacy of Bush administration Bush administration economic policy tax cuts wealthy income inequality unnecessary wars Iraq war Afghanistan war military spending budget deficit national debt Clinton administration economic surplus federal budget fiscal responsibility job creation public services economic legacy government spending Bush vs Clinton federal deficit 2009 recession Andrew Taylor Huffington Post historical comparison economic impact legacy evaluation Bush economic policies Bush tax cuts Bush administration deficit US federal deficit history Clinton economic legacy Clinton budget surplus US budget surplus history Iraq war costs Afghanistan war costs US military spending war spending impact economy wealthy tax cuts effects US economic policy 2000s George W. Bush fiscal policy budget deficit consequences Bush vs Clinton economy US budget history national debt Bush era government spending US deficit spending analysis fiscal irresponsibility US history federal budget wars historical US surpluses economic comparison presidents Bush economic policies Clinton economic legacy tax cuts for the wealthy Iraq war cost Afghanistan war cost US federal deficit budget surplus 1990s US job creation public services investment economic comparison Bush Clinton US fiscal responsibility government spending priorities historical US budget deficits impact of tax cuts surplus to deficit transition Bush administration legacy economic consequences wars Andrew Taylor Huffington Post 2008 federal deficit public investment alternatives Bush economic policy Clinton surplus federal deficit tax cuts for wealthy Iraq war Afghanistan war budget deficit 2009 Andrew Taylor Huffington Post economic legacy comparison public services funding job creation Clinton era Bush administration fiscal impact U.S. government spending national debt economic policy analysis
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy EU decision making common foreign policy EU defense policy EU integration supranational governance European Union institutions Common Security and Defence Policy EU external action member state cooperation EU diplomacy collective security European Commission CFSP EU unity EU symbolism EU values international cooperation multilateralism foreign affairs European solidarity EU governance model role of member states EU policymaking High Representative HRVP Vice President of the Commission EU foreign policy EU decision making Common Foreign and Security Policy CFSP EU external relations EU diplomacy EU security policy European Union governance supranational decision making EU common ground EU defense policy EU cooperation EU consultation international system stability EU symbolism EU integration EU institutional reform post-Lisbon Treaty EU common position European External Action Service EU unity EU global role EU foreign affairs EU international relations High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy EU decision making EU integration Common Security and Defence Policy CSDP European External Action Service EEAS supranationalism EU governance EU institutions EU diplomacy Common Foreign and Security Policy CFSP EU defense cooperation EU external relations EU policy harmonization EU solidarity EU unity international cooperation member state coordination EU international system EU world politics European Commission EU consultation EU foreign affairs EU political integration foreign policy mechanisms EU symbolism High Representative EU role impact of HRVP on EU foreign policy EU common foreign and security policy EU decision making in foreign policy development of EU cooperative model for defense member state cooperation in EU significance of HRVP position strengthening EU unity and solidarity EU external relations strategy symbolism of 12 stars in EU flag evolution of EU foreign policy mechanisms comparative analysis of EU foreign policy actors challenges in EU foreign and security policy effectiveness of HRVP in international negotiations EU institutional reforms in foreign policy role of EU Commission in external affairs national sovereignty vs. EU foreign policy integration success of EU common policy High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy European Union decision making common foreign and security policy CFSP EU foreign affairs defense policy supranational governance intergovernmental cooperation EU integration EU external relations EU diplomacy EU institutional change EU symbols EU unity solidarity in Europe international cooperation EU EU member states EU world politics EU consultation mechanisms European Commission EU governance EU coordinating roles Lisbon Treaty Common Security and Defence Policy CSDP EU High Representative HRVP role EU foreign policy EU decision making common foreign and security policy EU defense policy EU cooperation model EU international relations post-Lisbon Treaty changes EU foreign affairs role of High Representative EU member state cooperation EU unity EU common ground EU external action EU international system stability EU symbols EU solidarity EU harmony EU governance reforms High Representative HRVP European Union EU foreign policy decision making Common Foreign and Security Policy CFSP European Commission EU institutions foreign policy cooperation defense policy supranational intergovernmental common ground policy integration EU unity member states international system EU symbolism EU role in world politics consultation solidarity EU governance European integration EU external relations EU diplomacy multi-level governance policy harmonization EU reform EU institutional change EU High Representative EU foreign policy Common Foreign and Security Policy HRVP EU decision making EU external relations EU defense policy EU integration EU cooperation EU member states EU governance European diplomatic service EU common policy EU international role Common Security and Defence Policy EU institutional reforms EU unity EU solidarity EU international system EU world politics European Union symbols 12 stars EU flag EU policy-making EU Commission Vice President EU political cooperation EU strategic autonomy supranational decision making EU foreign affairs European External Action Service foreign policy coordination EU international diplomacy High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy Vice President of the Commission common security policy EU decision making foreign and defense cooperation supranational governance CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) EU institutional change EU member states European integration intergovernmentalism foreign affairs coordination diplomacy international cooperation policy harmonization EU external relations EU symbolism European unity solidarity EU governance security cooperation Lisbon Treaty EU political system global role of EU EU foreign policy High Representative role EU decision making Common Security and Defence Policy European External Action Service Treaty of Lisbon supranational governance EU integration foreign affairs coordination EU diplomacy intergovernmental cooperation EU member states consensus EU institutional reform EU global strategy foreign policy cooperation defense policy integration EU unity European identity policy harmonization international relations EU EU symbolism
test-politics-dhwem-con04a	The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. Private Military Companies mercenaries state military recruitment soldier retention military professionalism military effectiveness contractor incentives PMC regulation legality of PMCs human rights violations illicit practices torture bribery conflict of interest security sector reform warlord empowerment non-state actors Taliban Afghanistan conflict state authority military morale operational risk accountability military privatization profit-driven warfare military training investment private military companies PMC recruitment state military decline soldier attrition military privatization mercenary impact state security erosion PMC regulation military professionalism illicit practices PMCs PMC accountability PMC legal status outsourcing military functions conflict of interest PMCs economic incentives PMCs warlord alliances Taliban private contractors PMC influence Afghanistan military effectiveness soldier retention unlawful conduct PMCs negative consequences PMCs unregulated military actors security sector reform military contractor oversight private military companies PMC impact state military recruitment military desertion military privatization mercenaries defense outsourcing unregulated warfare illicit military practices military ethics state security decline warlord collaboration Afghan conflict Taliban support military morale military operations effectiveness contractor misconduct military attrition security sector reform military professionalism soldier retention armed conflict consequences impact of PMCs on national security private military contractors vs traditional armies PMC recruitment effects on state militaries state military budget loss to PMCs unregulated activities of PMCs legal accountability of PMCs PMCs and human rights violations ethical implications of private military contractors PMCs and conflict escalation PMCs supporting enemy forces PMC involvement in Afghanistan PMCs and insurgency funding negative consequences of military privatization PMCs and state sovereignty erosion traditional military retention rates vs PMC employment PMC business ethic in military operations comparison of PMC and state military effectiveness oversight and regulation of PMCs private military companies PMC impact state military decline soldier retention military privatization military recruitment PMC regulation law evasion illicit PMC practices torture bribery conflict economies warlord empowerment Taliban support military morale risk to allied forces Afghanistan security defense industry mercenaries state sovereignty military professionalism accountability military outsourcing private military companies impact PMCs vs traditional military PMC recruitment effects state military decline PMCs PMC unethical practices PMCs law evasion PMCs and soldier loyalty PMC risks in conflict zones PMCs torture and bribery PMCs and warlords PMCs Afghanistan impact military privatization consequences PMCs and state security negative effects PMC operations PMCs funding enemy groups PMC influence on military effectiveness private military companies PMC impact traditional military decline soldier attrition state military strength mercenary recruitment military privatization high-skill soldier loss military outsourcing law enforcement erosion unregulated armed groups illicit operations torture bribery war crime military ethics conflict of interest warlord empowerment Taliban collaboration Afghanistan conflict military morale security sector reform military professionalism profit-driven warfare accountability gaps shadow armed forces military effectiveness negative externalities irregular warfare international law violations defense workforce drain private military contractors PMC negative impacts traditional military decline soldier retention state military recruitment PMC recruitment military privatization PMCs vs state military military outsourcing PMCs legality PMCs and war crimes PMCs illicit practices PMCs in Afghanistan Taliban funding PMCs military morale issues private security firms PMCs and international law PMCs and human rights abuses military professionalism erosion conflict business model PMCs and warlords PMCs and insurgency military ethics and PMCs PMC employment incentives regulated vs unregulated PMCs private military companies PMC impact military privatization soldier retention military outsourcing state military decline contractor ethics mercenary regulation illicit practices warlord empowerment conflict business Afghanistan war Taliban funding security privatization defense contractor controversies military morale law evasion torture in conflict bribery in war military power erosion private military contractors military privatization mercenaries state military recruitment defense workforce attrition military outsourcing armed conflict regulation PMC accountability illegal PMC activities military professionalism security sector reform Afghan warlords Taliban funding military morale unethical warfare international law human rights violations government oversight transition to private sector military exodus PMC impact on conflict security governance defense spending combat effectiveness war crimes contractor immunity
test-international-ehbfe-con04a	Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ decentralization local governance autonomy regional autonomy self-determination minority rights cultural preservation identity politics devolution multi-level governance regional representation localism territorial integrity cultural diversity national minorities power-sharing regional empowerment ethnic regions political integration supranationalism cross-border cooperation regional equality identity conflict resolution sovereignty reduction subsidiarity principle intergovernmental relations EU federalism multiethnic states cultural accommodation plurinationalism regional autonomy devolved governance local empowerment minority rights cultural identity ethnic minorities multi-level governance self-determination political decentralization governance structures regional governance identity politics national integration constitutional reforms intergovernmental relations European integration supranational institutions conflict resolution diversity management power sharing territorial autonomy regional self-rule plurinational states national minorities secession movements linguistic rights accommodation of diversity political pluralism unity in diversity local decision-making devolution regional autonomy multiculturalism minority rights self-governance nation-state political integration ethnic diversity regional governance cultural preservation local empowerment sovereignty decentralization European Union identity politics multi-level governance territorial integrity constitutional reform conflict resolution governance models cross-border cooperation regional representation national minorities political subsidiarity federal structure secession movements local democracy transnationalism regionalism identity conflict subsidiarity and regional autonomy subsidiarity in multicultural states subsidiarity vs federalism regional identities in federal Europe subsidiarity conflict resolution subsidiarity and sovereignty subsidiarity protecting minority cultures subsidiarity in Northern Ireland subsidiarity in Corsica subsidiarity in Basque Country subsidiarity in Lombardy subsidiarity and dominant culture subsidiarity and national identity subsidiarity in European integration subsidiarity and devolution benefits of subsidiarity for minorities subsidiarity and regional peace subsidiarity historical examples subsidiarity and nationalism federalism subsidiarity comparison subsidiarity federalism regional identities regional autonomy devolution local governance federal Europe multinational states minority rights regional integration nationalist movements sovereignty cultural pluralism decentralization political autonomy conflict resolution national identity self-determination European Union multi-level governance cross-border cooperation ethnic minorities case studies governance models power-sharing territorial governance regional conflicts institutional design national minorities comparative federalism federalism and subsidiarity regional identities European Union federal europe benefits subsidiarity examples Northern Ireland subsidiarity Corsica Basque Lombardy resolving regional conflicts subsidiarity cultural autonomy federalism subsidiarity sovereignty Europe local governance regional identity national states vs federalism minority rights federal Europe subsidiarity resolving conflicts regional autonomy EU decentralization Europe political structures subsidiarity subsidiarity regional autonomy local governance decentralization federalism regional identities minority rights self-determination multilevel governance European integration nation-state vs region cultural diversity devolution power distribution sovereignty regional conflict resolution ethnic identity regional empowerment European Union governance structures regional representation identity politics local decision-making multiethnic regions regional self-government cultural preservation regionalism territorial autonomy nationalist movements conflict resolution subsidiarity definition subsidiarity principle subsidiarity vs federalism regional identities Europe federalism Europe federalism vs centralization regional autonomy minority rights Europe regional conflict resolution Northern Ireland autonomy Corsica independence Basque Country autonomy Lombardy regional government national identity vs regional identity multi-level governance Europe EU subsidiarity sovereignty in EU ethnic minorities federalism devolution Europe political structures Europe subsidiarity federalism regional identities local governance decentralized authority minority rights autonomy self-determination European Union regional autonomy multiculturalism conflict resolution power devolution national sovereignty identity politics regional integration cultural preservation regionalism minority protections political structures supranational governance regional conflicts Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Country Lombardy multilevel governance European federalism subsidiarity principle governance models ethnic minorities regional autonomy decentralization local governance minority rights cultural preservation self-determination ethnic diversity federal structures multi-level governance regional empowerment devolution national sovereignty identity politics conflict resolution cross-border cooperation multiculturalism EU integration power-sharing institutional reforms regional representation
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 diplomatic secrecy negotiation privacy leadership influence diplomatic transparency health disclosure diplomatic negotiations personal diplomacy leader health negotiation credibility public perception diplomatic outcomes international relations negotiation success diplomatic trust decision-making authority political alignment negotiation confidentiality diplomacy risks statecraft high-level diplomacy diplomatic transparency open diplomacy leader health disclosure negotiation secrecy diplomacy and personal relationships impact of transparency on negotiations diplomatic initiatives and individuals leadership health in foreign policy negotiation credibility diplomatic confidentiality influence of advisors in diplomacy public perception of diplomatic deals diplomatic reliability risks of open diplomacy Mao Nixon meeting diplomatic alignment changes historical diplomatic negotiations effects of illness on diplomacy secrecy in international relations negotiation authority diplomatic transparency diplomatic secrecy negotiation outcomes leader health disclosure diplomatic negotiations personal diplomacy backchannel diplomacy leadership influence public perception foreign policy decision-making secrecy benefits negotiation credibility governmental trust international relations health privacy historical diplomacy power dynamics media influence diplomatic strategy deal reliability diplomacy and leader health transparency in diplomacy risks effects of public knowledge on negotiations personal role in diplomatic deals leader illness and international relations reliability of diplomatic agreements secrecy and successful diplomacy impact of leader’s condition on diplomacy Nixon Mao diplomacy secrecy undermining diplomatic agreements through transparency challenges of open diplomacy individual influence in diplomatic history case studies of leader health in diplomacy public perception and diplomatic credibility historical examples of secret diplomacy consequences of revealing leader weakness leader substitution in diplomatic negotiations damages of transparency open diplomacy risks personal diplomacy leadership health disclosure diplomatic negotiations Nixon China visit Mao Zedong health diplomatic alignment change negotiation reliability political legitimacy diplomacy privacy Zhou Enlai role diplomatic secrecy negotiation authority historical diplomatic events Margaret Macmillan sources US-China diplomatic history undermining diplomatic deals leader-driven diplomacy effects of disclosure diplomacy transparency leader health impact secret diplomacy personal diplomacy effect diplomatic negotiation risks public knowledge diplomatic deals Nixon Mao China diplomacy historical diplomatic alignments leadership in diplomacy adviser influence in diplomacy undermine diplomatic agreements reputation and diplomacy transparency consequences in international relations confidential diplomatic negotiations diplomatic transparency leader health disclosure personal diplomacy individual leadership diplomatic negotiations secret diplomacy Nixon Mao meeting historical alignments confidential diplomacy diplomatic credibility leadership legitimacy negotiations trust Mao Zedong health Zhou Enlai influence diplomatic undermining power transition diplomacy international relations secrecy summit diplomacy diplomatic deals reliability public perception diplomacy diplomacy risks transparency impacts diplomacy leader health secrecy personal diplomacy consequences negotiation reliability political leadership transparency diplomatic deals trust negotiation secrecy benefits international relations secrecy leadership transparency risks diplomacy negotiation challenges diplomatic negotiation history Nixon Mao negotiations historical diplomatic secrecy leader illness impact diplomacy diplomacy decision making negotiation leadership influence international diplomatic strategy public perception diplomacy foreign policy secrecy diplomacy transparency secrecy negotiation leadership diplomatic history Nixon Mao Zedong Zhou Enlai diplomatic secrecy leader health decision legitimacy international relations personal diplomacy diplomatic strategy leadership perception high-stakes negotiation historic alignments deal reliability diplomatic disclosure political opposition negotiation outcomes backchannel diplomacy leadership succession trust in diplomacy diplomatic secrecy leader health transparency negotiation reliability personal diplomacy diplomatic history Nixon China visit Mao Zedong health Zhou Enlai influence diplomatic alignments deal legitimacy diplomatic negotiations public perception diplomacy confidential diplomacy political leadership impact diplomatic outcomes international relations succession uncertainty trust in diplomacy historical diplomatic cases state secrecy
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro04a	It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 public support security measures democratic consent CCTV surveillance civil liberties populism public opinion anti-terrorism democracy Patriot Act majority opinion national security freedom equality democratic values legislative approval surveillance society terrorism prevention law enforcement privacy rights government policy public safety public support security measures consent CCTV populist measure civil liberties democratic ideals majority opinion surveillance video surveillance democracy public opinion Patriot Act support for security freedom equality anti-terrorism civil rights privacy national security popular consent terrorism counterterrorism government policy law enforcement societal values public safety public support security measures CCTV surveillance civil liberties public consent populism democratic ideals majority opinion Patriot Act public opinion polls democracy freedom equality anti-terrorism national security privacy rights video surveillance public safety policy acceptance law enforcement government policy terrorism prevention civil rights popular opinion societal values public support for security measures public consent for surveillance CCTV and civil liberties debate populist security measures democracy and security policies public opinion on surveillance popularity of the Patriot Act extension of the Patriot Act surveillance and democratic values majority support for security laws democratic ideals and national security balancing security and freedom public opinion on anti-terror laws surveillance and equality civil liberties versus national security history of CCTV adoption global perspective on video surveillance anti-terrorism and democracy societal impact of surveillance legislative support for security measures majority views on freedom and security public support security measures public consent CCTV populist measures civil liberties democracy democratic ideals majority opinion public opinion surveillance video surveillance Patriot Act anti-terrorism public safety freedom equality democratic decision-making terrorism government policy law enforcement privacy societal values surveillance society national security legislative support polling data political populism public order risk management security versus liberty public support for security measures civil liberties and surveillance CCTV and democracy public consent for surveillance democratic ideals and security majority opinion on security Patriot Act public opinion democracy and anti-terrorism populist security measures surveillance and personal freedom democracy vs. terrorism balancing security and freedom surveillance public opinion data public support popular consent security measures democratic ideals civil liberties CCTV surveillance populism majority opinion Patriot Act anti-terror policies freedom equality democracy public opinion surveillance society video monitoring policy acceptance privacy concerns terrorism response democratic principles collective decision-making government legitimacy societal security human rights public tolerance legislative support public support security measures democratic consent surveillance public opinion CCTV populist security policies CCTV civil liberties democracy and security surveillance public approval Patriot Act public opinion terrorism democratic response surveillance society video surveillance democracy American Patriot Act support security versus freedom surveillance and civil rights expansion of CCTV public consent and security anti-terrorism legislation support majority opinion security measures equality democracy security surveillance public space surveillance and populism public opinion security measures civil liberties democracy CCTV surveillance Patriot Act government policy majority support anti-terrorism consent public safety populism freedom equality video surveillance privacy concerns democratic ideals national security public consent social trust legislative approval counter-terrorism surveillance technology public support security measures civil liberties CCTV surveillance democracy democratic ideals populism majority opinion Patriot Act anti-terrorism public consent freedoms equality video surveillance privacy concerns legislative support public opinion polls global perspective political decision-making anti-terror summit national security public safety international diffusion social values public policy
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con01a	The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. House of Lords expert peers government policy appointed chamber non-elected members governance quality expertise in Parliament legislative process policy advice specialist knowledge checks and balances second chamber political impartiality Lords reform public representation peerage system professional backgrounds legislative scrutiny political opportunism House of Commons democratic legitimacy bicameral legislature advisory role subject matter experts parliamentary oversight House of Lords expert peers influence policy government policy non-elected chamber appointed chamber expertise in governance policy expertise legislative process second chamber parliamentary scrutiny legislative review specialist knowledge professional backgrounds democracy vs expertise merit-based appointments political balance House of Commons comparison institutional design governance quality legislative effectiveness peer review UK advisory role legislative reform democracy and expertise distinguished professionals House of Lords reform House of Lords expert peers appointed chamber policy influence government governance specialist knowledge legislative expertise second chamber non-elected officials legislative scrutiny expertise in governance parliamentary reform societal representation Lords reform democratic deficit political balance domain experts legislative quality UK Parliament bicameral system peer review governance quality non-partisan appointments merit-based selection benefits of appointed chambers expertise in legislative bodies House of Lords vs House of Commons role of experts in government policy impact of non-elected peers comparison of elected and appointed chambers influence of professional backgrounds in politics second chamber governance advantages diversity of skills in UK Parliament reasons for non-democratic appointments balancing political opportunism representation of specialists in legislature merits of an unelected chamber significance of expert input in lawmaking effectiveness of the House of Lords parliamentary checks and balances reforming the House of Lords comparing bicameral systems peer selection process expertise vs representation in government House of Lords expert peers government policy influence appointed chamber parliamentary expertise non-elected members subject matter experts legislative scrutiny second chamber balance of power House of Commons comparison governance quality political opportunism legislative review peerage system specialists in Parliament democratic legitimacy policy making professional backgrounds parliamentary reform House of Lords expertise appointed vs elected chamber government policy influence expert peers in legislation second chamber benefits House of Lords reform legislative expertise balance in parliament representation in House of Lords non-elected legislative chamber knowledge in governance political opportunity mitigation specialist peers influence governance quality improvement House of Commons comparison House of Lords expert peers influence government policy expertise appointed members governance second chamber non-elected chamber specialists professional backgrounds political oversight checks and balances House of Commons parliamentary system representation lawmaking reform legislative review public policy democracy meritocracy British politics parliamentary democracy bicameral legislature unelected peers policy development civic engagement House of Lords expertise second chamber benefits appointed vs elected parliament expert peers influence legislative scrutiny UK governance quality non-elected parliamentary members policy-making experts upper house role UK House of Lords diversity specialist contributions governance balance political opportunism Commons vs Lords effectiveness expert input legislation parliamentary reform arguments knowledge-based policymaking second chamber advantages representation in parliament legislative balance UK governance improvement mechanisms House of Lords expert peers influence on government policy appointed chamber governance quality expertise in politics law experts scientific advisors business expertise academic input medical professionals civil service experience House of Commons comparison political opportunism elected vs appointed second legislative chamber policy scrutiny legislative review parliamentary expertise undemocratic concerns diversity of experience representation in Parliament UK governance structure second chamber legislative expertise appointed peers parliamentary reform democratic deficit technocracy bicameral system non-elected officials policy influence Lords reform legislative scrutiny governance quality expertise in legislature political representation Commons vs Lords specialist oversight upper house political balance legislative appointment governance structure
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con04a	Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, racial quotas sports development player development SA Rugby South African rugby quota system diversity in sports transformation in rugby player selection non-white players homegrown talent regional teams player migration talent identification Peter de Villiers race and sports foreign players affirmative action rugby unions integration in sports sports policy black athletes ethnic representation social engineering sports inclusivity sporting merit racial quotas rugby development transformation policy player development South African rugby regional teams non-white players talent scouting homegrown players imported players player pathway selection criteria quota system impact diversity in sports affirmative action Peter de Villiers rugby union South Africa sports policy inclusion in rugby international players sports talent pipeline racial representation sports quotas debate equity in team selection racial quotas controversy player development South African rugby non-white players transformation targets regional team selection talent pipeline homegrown players quota policy criticism Peter de Villiers rugby union team diversity affirmative action foreign black players sports quota effectiveness South Africa sports policy racial integration merit-based selection rugby talent migration sports development programs racial quotas in sports development effectiveness of racial quotas in rugby impact of quota system on player development racial quotas and homegrown talent non-white player recruitment in rugby Peter de Villiers opinion on racial quotas racial quotas foreign players South Africa rugby racial quotas negative effects transformation policies South African rugby rugby union racial quotas debate regional team player movement quotas pros and cons of sports quotas replacing local players with quota selections quota system and development pathways diversity policies South African sports racial quotas quota system South African rugby player development homegrown talent regional teams player migration non-white players transformation in sports affirmative action Peter de Villiers Springboks coach sports diversity import players foreign players race-based selection rugby union South Africa sports policy racial integration sports quotas debate youth development talent pipeline sports governance rugby transformation anti-quota arguments sports inclusion black players sports administration sports representation racial quotas in sports rugby quota system South Africa Springboks racial quotas Peter de Villiers quota comments impact of quotas on talent development homegrown rugby players South Africa rugby union non-white player representation South African rugby transformation effectiveness of racial quotas in rugby regional team player movement importing black players for quotas rugby player development policy quota rule loopholes racial transformation in South African sports criticisms of sports quotas racial quotas sports development quota system player selection regional teams non-white players player migration talent development homegrown players South African rugby transformation policy affirmative action Peter de Villiers sports diversity union teams rugby recruitment international players eligibility rules racial integration sports policy diversity quota athletic talent pool sporting fairness racial representation black athletes policy criticism sports coaching rugby unions sports equity South Africa sports ethics racial quotas rugby sports quota system South African rugby transformation player development rugby homegrown rugby talent regional rugby teams South Africa Peter de Villiers quotas rugby diversity policies impact of quotas on rugby international players in South African rugby rugby union player recruitment racial integration in rugby non-white rugby players South Africa rugby team selection criteria effectiveness of racial quotas sports rugby talent pipeline South Africa transformation targets sports controversies racial quotas rugby rugby development programs alternatives to quotas in sports racial quotas player development South African rugby transformation policy regional teams non-white players talent retention player migration Peter de Villiers Springboks quota system criticism homegrown talent rugby unions black players overseas recruitment affirmative action in sports sports diversity racial integration sports policy South Africa impact on youth development rugby governance merit selection sports representation international players quota effectiveness sports equity racial quotas sports development player development homegrown talent regional teams SA Rugby transformation policies non-white players racial integration affirmative action player selection Peter de Villiers Springboks rugby quotas South African rugby international players quota criticism diversity in sports rugby union racial representation
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con01a	Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. court protections absolute rights fair trial due process presumption of innocence adversarial system legal safeguards defense rights government corruption judicial fairness procedural justice burden of proof wrongful conviction criminal justice system legal absolutes justice system integrity constitutional rights rule of law legal immunity erosion of rights miscarriage of justice defendant protections checks and balances civil liberties legal guarantees absolute rights due process fair trial adversarial system judicial protections presumption of innocence defense rights government corruption safeguards miscarriage of justice legal absolutes court fairness defendant protections legal system integrity innocent until proven guilty legal certainty civil liberties procedural safeguards justice system principles fair trial guarantees legal immunity judicial impartiality right to a fair defense criminal justice standards rule of law legal discretion limits due process fair trial absolute rights presumption of innocence adversarial system legal safeguards judicial impartiality defense rights government corruption miscarriage of justice constitutional protections judicial fairness rule of law criminal justice system procedural justice fundamental rights legal absolutes innocent until proven guilty civil liberties legal integrity absolute rights in court fairness in criminal trials presumption of innocence protections for the accused adversarial legal system government corruption in judiciary right to a fair trial due process absolutes impact of removing rights from defendants consequences of non-absolute protections balancing justice and conviction judicial safeguards upholding defendant rights justice system integrity ethical foundations of criminal justice principles of adversarial justice risk of convicting innocents philosophy of criminal justice role of absolute rights in preventing corruption limits of prosecutorial power absolute rights fair trial presumption of innocence adversarial system due process legal safeguards government corruption judicial impartiality burden of proof constitutional protections procedural justice defense rights miscarriage of justice wrongful conviction legal absolutes criminal justice fairness standard of proof judicial integrity checks and balances legal certainty absolute legal protections adversarial court system rights fair trial guarantees defense rights in court government corruption safeguards presumption of innocence just court principles rights of the accused checks on government power upholding legal absolutes absolute defense rights miscarriage of justice prevention judicial fairness principles limitations on government authority in court absolute versus limited rights rule of law and fair trials erosion of legal protections innocent until proven guilty impact of removing legal rights adversarial system fairness absolute protections due process fair trial rights presumption of innocence adversarial system legal safeguards defense rights government overreach judicial impartiality justice system integrity innocent until proven guilty legal absolutes checks and balances protection against wrongful conviction legal rights inviolability court fairness principle of absolute rights criminal justice safeguards constitutional guarantees miscarriage of justice prevention rights of the accused absolute rights court protections fair trial guarantees presumption of innocence adversarial system justice system integrity defence rights government overreach legal safeguards judicial fairness due process conviction standards innocent until proven guilty rule of law legal absolutes judicial impartiality corruption prevention just legal system defence protections constitutional rights civil liberties trial fairness rights of the accused miscarriage of justice legal ethics absolute rights fair trial adversarial court system legal protections judicial fairness presumption of innocence defence rights government corruption rule of law justice system due process legal safeguards miscarriage of justice burden of proof legal absolutes right to a fair hearing defendant protections judicial impartiality constitutional guarantees wrongful conviction absolute rights due process fair trial legal protections adversarial system presumption of innocence justice system government corruption defence rights judicial fairness legal safeguards innocent until proven guilty legal absolutes court impartiality legal guarantees criminal justice procedural justice trial rights human rights justice principles
test-education-egtuscpih-pro03a	Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. distance learning e-learning online education virtual classrooms remote study MOOCs global access university admission academic mobility educational barriers cross-border education talent recruitment diverse student body flexible learning cost-effective education remote access non-traditional students online degree programs digital learning platforms inclusive education lifelong learning technology-enabled learning international students higher education access global talent pool distance learning remote education virtual classrooms online university recruitment global student access higher education accessibility e-learning international student diversity flexible learning options MOOCs open enrollment digital degree programs inclusive education top-tier online programs talent mobility cross-border education academic excellence online equitable education access nontraditional students social mobility through education distance learning virtual classrooms e-learning platforms global student recruitment higher education access digital education online degree programs remote learning flexible learning university outreach educational equity MOOC global talent pool inclusive education academic mobility affordability in education diverse student body cross-border education non-traditional students lifelong learning online learning benefits remote education advantages global student recruitment online course accessibility online universities diversity remote learning breaking barriers online higher education virtual academic excellence international student enrollment online vs traditional universities democratization of education global talent access online education inclusivity remote study affordability online courses and social mobility remote degree programs digital classrooms worldwide academic participation online education and family concerns remote learning for professionals online education distance learning virtual classrooms remote learning e-learning platforms global student access educational equity university admissions digital learning academic excellence affordable education international students social mobility accessible higher education online recruitment educational diversity MOOCs educational technology Stanford online courses AI education global academics professional development knowledge democratization tele-education inclusive education student diversity global talent higher education barriers educational outreach innovative teaching methods distance learning benefits remote education access global student recruitment online university enrollment top universities online programs cost-effective higher education overcoming relocation barriers global classroom diversity accessibility to prestigious universities online learning and academic excellence democratizing higher education inclusive education models virtual learning impact expanding student talent pool online course advantages online education distance learning academic excellence access to education university relocation financial constraints family concerns social relations global recruitment student diversity virtual classrooms best universities academic mobility international students educational accessibility remote learning virtual university global talent student enrollment Stanford online courses artificial intelligence education worldwide participation online degree programs higher education access educational equity global academic pool educational technology MOOCs remote students education without borders online education benefits global access to education remote learning opportunities online university courses academic excellence online distance learning impact international student recruitment best online universities online learning diversity relocation barriers education affordable higher education virtual classrooms education accessibility online course success stories global talent pool universities remote academic programs higher education affordability online enrollment advantages worldwide student inclusion remote study universities Stanford online courses artificial intelligence online learning online education for professionals social impact of online courses removing relocation constraints online education for global society distance learning virtual classrooms remote education global student access university accessibility flexible learning e-learning platforms higher education affordability international students academic inclusivity educational equity online degree programs MOOCs digital education cross-border education student diversity education technology remote enrollment lifelong learning online certification virtual university democratizing education educational opportunity global talent pool higher education online distance learning e-learning virtual classrooms MOOCs remote education accessibility inclusivity global student recruitment online degree programs educational technology digital learning platforms university admissions higher education access financial barriers academic mobility social impact global talent pool democratizing education online certifications lifelong learning international students academic diversity educational equity scalable education
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. arms control nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations strategic arms reduction nuclear arsenal deterrence tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons missile defense restrictions modernization limits defense policy unilateral statements Bilateral Consultative Commission arms race strategic stability ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors security dilemma Obama Administration Russian advantage treaty oversight US congress national security Cold War verification regime nuclear posture military balance strategic offensive arms treaty compliance New START treaty U.S. nuclear modernization U.S. nuclear arsenal U.S. missile defense strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms tactical nuclear weapons Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence missile delivery systems U.S.-Russia arms control nuclear weapons reductions missile defense restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty implementation U.S. strategic capabilities U.S. arms reduction nuclear weapon modernization limits U.S.-Russia military balance U.S. national security nuclear arms treaty criticisms arms control weaknesses JINSA Obama administration nuclear policy Russian unilateral statement New START US nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization missile defense strategic arms reduction tactical nuclear weapons Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons arms control deterrence nuclear triad US-Russia relations ICBM restrictions SLBM restrictions missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty compliance unilateral statements treaty withdrawal Obama administration strategic offensive arms nuclear deterrence military balance congressional opposition defense spending arms race international security JINSA nuclear arms treaty verification measures arsenal reductions defense policy modernization limits New START treaty nuclear modernization limitations New START treaty tactical nuclear weapons gap New START missile defense restrictions New START US strategic deterrence impact New START and Russian nuclear advantage Non-strategic nuclear weapons New START US Congress nuclear modernization funding Bilateral Consultative Commission missile defense oversight Article V missile defense interceptor launchers Strategic vs tactical arms in New START Unilateral Russian statements on missile defense Missile defense and treaty withdrawal conditions US nuclear arsenal atrophy under New START Strategic offensive-defensive arms relationship Limits on missile testing under New START Obama administration stance on missile defense US-Russia missile defense disagreements New START treaty US nuclear capabilities nuclear modernization missile defense systems missile delivery systems tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons strategic arms reduction US-Russia arms control deterrence US nuclear arsenal Bilateral Consultative Commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors unilateral statements treaty withdrawal nuclear arms race nuclear balance arms limitations Obama administration Russian nuclear advantage Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA modernization restrictions strategic defensive arms offensive arms limitations disarmament treaty implementation US Congress nuclear policy cost of nuclear New START treaty criticism US nuclear arsenal reduction US missile defense limitations Russia tactical nuclear weapons advantage nuclear modernization restrictions strategic vs nonstrategic arms Bilateral Consultative Commission oversight treaty impact on deterrence congressional nuclear modernization funding unilateral Russian statements on missile defense Obama Administration missile defense stance ICBM and SLBM launchers restrictions arms control treaty flaws heritage foundation analysis JINSA opinion on New START US-Russia nuclear parity missile defense system constraints US strategic offensive arms limits treaty effects on US security nuclear weapon infrastructure atrophy missile defense and treaty compliance New START treaty US nuclear capabilities nuclear arms control strategic arms reductions missile defense restrictions nuclear modernization tactical nuclear weapons Russian nuclear advantage strategic offensive arms defensive arms limitations US-Russia nuclear balance deterrence ICBM restrictions SLBM restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty oversight missile defense interceptors arms race US congressional opposition cost of modernization Obama administration Kremlin perspective nuclear weapons enterprise unilateral statements treaty withdrawal arms testing restrictions verification compliance Heritage Foundation JINSA nonstrategic nuclear arsenal nuclear deterrence gaps New START treaty criticism US nuclear modernization limits US missile defense restrictions Russian tactical nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons gap US nuclear deterrence erosion Bilateral Consultative Commission oversight START treaty loopholes strategic offensive arms reduction impact missile defense treaty implications US-Russia nuclear arms competition US Congress nuclear modernization funding Obama administration missile policy JINSA START treaty opposition Russian unilateral withdrawal rights Heritage Foundation New START analysis arms control treaty flaws strategic vs tactical nuclear weapons US missile interceptor restrictions nuclear weapons development constraints arms control nuclear deterrence nuclear modernization tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons Russian nuclear advantage U.S. missile defense missile defense restrictions strategic arms limitation nuclear proliferation nuclear triad U.S.-Russia relations strategic stability deterrence theory New START flaws nuclear parity arms race missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty compliance nuclear policy congressional oversight U.S. nuclear arsenal unilateral statements treaty withdrawal conditions offensive vs. defensive systems nuclear modernization tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons U.S. missile defense strategic arms reduction deterrence capability Russian nuclear advantage New START treaty criticisms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission U.S.-Russia arms control Obama administration arms policy strategic offensive arms missile defense restrictions arms treaty loopholes congress nuclear policy cost barriers nuclear modernization U.S. nuclear arsenal atrophy unilateral Russian statements arms race dynamics"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con05a	The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. nuclear proliferation deterrence pre-emptive strike regional instability nuclear arms race existential threat second-strike capability security dilemma nuclear capability preventive war balance of power nuclear brinkmanship nonproliferation military strategy mutual assured destruction disarmament Iran nuclear program Israel security policy United States foreign policy nuclear deterrent strategic stability hostile neighbors nuclear escalation nuclear diplomacy regional security international relations nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence second strike capability regional stability nuclear arms race existential threat preventive war nuclear strategy security dilemma nuclear diplomacy disarmament Iran nuclear program Israel-Iran relations US-USSR nuclear rivalry nuclear brinkmanship military intervention nuclear escalation nonproliferation policy hostile neighbors nuclear security containment strategy mutually assured destruction nuclear capability development nuclear weapons risk international security nuclear deterrence proliferation pre-emptive strike second-strike capability existential threat regional instability arms race mutual assured destruction security dilemma nonproliferation balance of power Iran nuclear program Israeli security US-Russia nuclear rivalry preventive war strategic stability nuclear monopoly nuclear arms control defense policy military doctrine nuclear weapons proliferation risks pre-emptive strike incentives nuclear deterrence dynamics regional security instability second-strike capability nuclear arms race existential security threats Israeli-Iranian nuclear tensions US Cold War nuclear strategies Orvil Anderson pre-emptive nuclear strike nuclear proliferation consequences preventing nuclear weapons development counterproliferation strategies nuclear weaponization and regional stability hostile neighbors and nuclear deterrent self-defense rationale for nuclear acquisition Middle East nuclear balance Iranian nuclear ambitions Israeli security concerns superpower nuclear doctrines nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes deterrence theory second-strike capability arms race existential threat Israel-Iran relations United States-Soviet Union nuclear stability regional security nuclear arms control nuclear nonproliferation first-strike advantage mutual assured destruction preventive war Middle East security nuclear doctrine balance of power nuclear diplomacy security dilemma strategic instability nuclear deterrence Cold War nuclear policy regional conflict international security nuclear weaponization proliferation risks nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strike incentives nuclear deterrence existential security threats regional stability Israel-Iran nuclear relations first-strike vulnerability second-strike capability arms race escalation historical nuclear crises US-USSR nuclear history preventive war motivations destabilizing effects of nuclear acquisition asymmetric power balance mutual assured destruction nuclear weapons policy nuclear arms control non-proliferation strategies international security military doctrines nuclear monopoly nuclear breakout risks strategic instability counterproliferation measures regional security dilemma nuclear blackmail logic of nuclear deterrence nuclear nonuse norm nuclear proliferation deterrence preemptive strike nuclear stability second-strike capability mutually assured destruction regional security arms race existential threat nuclear doctrine preventive war disarmament strategic balance nuclear monopoly international relations military escalation security dilemma balance of power weaponization Middle East security Israel-Iran conflict United States foreign policy USSR nuclear development Cold War nuclear arms control potential nuclear powers nuclear diplomacy strategic vulnerability regime survival state security nuclear deterrence theory pre-emptive strike nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation regional stability second-strike capability nuclear arms race existential threat Iran nuclear program Israel security policy US foreign policy Soviet-American rivalry nuclear doctrine military escalation nuclear diplomacy non-proliferation treaty nuclear brinkmanship regional security dilemma nuclear weapon acquisition power balance Middle East geopolitics arms control preventive war mutual assured destruction military intervention rogue states asymmetric warfare security guarantees international sanctions nuclear disarmament strategic stability nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes deterrence theory nuclear arms race second-strike capability regional instability existential threat nuclear deterrence Israel-Iran conflict U.S.-USSR Cold War military strategy arms control nuclear nonproliferation security dilemma mutual assured destruction strategic stability nuclear doctrine preventive war international security disarmament threat perception regional security balance of power nuclear latency defense policy nuclear proliferation deterrence theory preventive war second-strike capability mutually assured destruction regional stability arms race nonproliferation treaties disarmament security dilemma existential threats balance of power pre-emptive doctrine military escalation nuclear diplomacy missile defense rogue states international security strategic ambiguity nuclear posture coercive diplomacy Iran nuclear program Israeli security US foreign policy proliferation risks nuclear monopoly counterproliferation
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro02a	There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] circumcision surgical risk infant circumcision medical necessity Royal Dutch Medical Association complications surgical complications hemorrhaging post-surgical risks religious circumcision ethical considerations parental consent non-medical circumcision infant mortality circumcision deaths medical guidelines global circumcision practices informed consent health policy pediatric surgery circumcision risks infant circumcision medical necessity of circumcision circumcision complications ethical concerns circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association report parental decision circumcision global circumcision practices circumcision mortality statistics untrained practitioners religious circumcision hemorrhage after circumcision infant death circumcision circumcision informed consent circumcision controversy non-therapeutic circumcision circumcision policy recommendations circumcision debate medical guidelines circumcision newborn surgery ethics circumcision infant circumcision medical necessity surgical risk complications Royal Dutch Medical Association ethical considerations parental consent religious circumcision non-therapeutic procedures untrained practitioners neonatal mortality hemorrhaging circumcision complications infant deaths medical guidelines risk assessment informed consent global practices cultural traditions pediatric surgery medical ethics public health adverse outcomes unnecessary surgery circumcision infant medical necessity risks of infant circumcision circumcision complications statistics Royal Dutch Medical Association circumcision report circumcision deaths in America circumcision religious practices informed consent circumcision non-medical circumcision controversy ethical concerns circumcision infants global circumcision practices parental decision infant circumcision hemorrhage after circumcision circumcision risk assessment circumcision medical training requirements circumcision safety guidelines circumcision risks infant circumcision surgical complications medical necessity Royal Dutch Medical Association non-medical circumcision circumcision mortality hemorrhage after circumcision parental consent religious circumcision global circumcision practices untrained practitioners ethical concerns circumcision infant surgery ethics healthcare guidelines circumcision US circumcision statistics child rights surgery informed consent medical opinion circumcision circumcision complication rates circumcision risks infant circumcision debate medical necessity of circumcision complications of circumcision ethical concerns circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association circumcision circumcision mortality rate US circumcision deaths parental consent circumcision non-medical circumcision religious circumcision practices circumcision safety statistics circumcision informed consent circumcision controversy circumcision in infants surgery risk surgical complications unnecessary surgery medical necessity infant circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association medical organizations global circumcision practices non-medical circumcision parental consent religious circumcision untrained practitioners mortality rates circumcision deaths US statistics hemorrhage infant health risks ethics of circumcision medical guidelines informed consent child health cultural practices surgical standards circumcision complications parental decision-making global health practices circumcision risks infant circumcision complications circumcision medical necessity Royal Dutch Medical Association report non-therapeutic circumcision ethical issues circumcision parental consent circumcision religious circumcision practices surgical risks in infants global circumcision practices circumcision mortality statistics hemorrhaging after circumcision untrained circumcision practitioners circumcision and child rights pediatric surgery risks circumcision medical guidelines cultural circumcision traditions circumcision informed consent child health ethics adverse effects of circumcision circumcision risks infant circumcision medical necessity circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association report surgical complications circumcision mortality rate non-medical circumcision religious circumcision practices ethical considerations circumcision parental consent circumcision hemorrhage circumcision deaths global circumcision practices pediatric surgery risks informed consent infant surgery circumcision statistics USA circumcision complications untrained circumciser risks circumcision ethical debate infant surgery outcomes circumcision medical guidelines circumcision infant circumcision medical necessity surgical risks complications Royal Dutch Medical Association neonatal mortality ethical considerations religious practices parental consent hemorrhage infant mortality medical training global prevalence cultural practices informed consent pediatric surgery mortality statistics healthcare policy non-therapeutic surgery
test-health-hdond-con01a	The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. healthcare access universal healthcare human rights right to health constitutional rights healthcare entitlements healthcare equality healthcare justice life-saving treatment healthcare discrimination inalienable rights governmental intervention healthcare policy liberal democracies international law WHO human dignity fundamental rights non-discrimination equitable access healthcare ethics right to life social justice fair trial healthcare rationing healthcare allocation health as a human right healthcare standards government accountability health and human rights right to health healthcare access universal healthcare human rights inalienable rights constitutional rights international law WHO health justice non-discrimination healthcare entitlements fundamental rights right to life fair trial liberal democracies health as a human right government healthcare policy right to medical treatment social justice healthcare equity patient rights healthcare ethics health protection anti-discrimination healthcare legal frameworks for healthcare public health law healthcare standards health system access health policy right to life-saving treatment universal healthcare healthcare access right to health human rights healthcare as a right inalienable rights fair treatment government responsibility health policy constitutional rights health equity healthcare justice non-discrimination life-saving treatment medical ethics liberal democracies health protections patient rights WHO international law social justice healthcare entitlement right to life healthcare barriers public health rights universal healthcare access healthcare as a human right inalienable rights and healthcare constitutional right to healthcare healthcare and international law healthcare non-discrimination healthcare eligibility criteria healthcare and government intervention healthcare justice right to life and healthcare healthcare entitlement equal access to medical treatment healthcare rationing ethics liberal democracies healthcare rights healthcare policy and human rights government role in healthcare access standards for life-saving treatment healthcare resource allocation health equity human rights in medical care right to healthcare healthcare access human rights health and human rights WHO healthcare in constitutions liberal democracies inalienable rights fundamental rights right to life fair trial healthcare entitlement healthcare and government healthcare policy life-saving treatment healthcare ethics universal healthcare healthcare and justice healthcare discrimination healthcare standards international law healthcare allocation right to protection from death government intervention in healthcare desert and rights untimely death prevention social justice healthcare healthcare access rights healthcare as a human right absolute right to healthcare healthcare and constitution international human rights healthcare right to life healthcare government role in healthcare healthcare non-discrimination inalienable rights healthcare life-saving treatment entitlement healthcare equality fair trial vs healthcare rights healthcare in liberal democracies WHO health rights healthcare justice healthcare and social justice universal healthcare access healthcare ethical principles health and human rights law healthcare policy and rights healthcare access right to healthcare human rights universal healthcare inalienable rights constitutional rights WHO international law fundamental rights fair trial government intervention healthcare policy health equity life-saving treatment liberal democracies patient rights healthcare ethics dignity non-discrimination health as a right right to life social justice medical access legal entitlement healthcare justice constitutional protection healthcare standards right to health healthcare equity right to healthcare healthcare access universal healthcare human rights healthcare as a right healthcare in constitutions international human rights law WHO health rights healthcare and untimely death government role in healthcare non-interference in healthcare inalienable rights absolute rights fair trial and rights healthcare equity healthcare and justice health protections life-saving treatment access healthcare ethical standards discrimination in healthcare healthcare justice healthcare policy health as fundamental right healthcare in liberal democracies right to life justiciability of healthcare healthcare entitlement allocation of healthcare resources healthcare deserts ethical healthcare allocation right to healthcare healthcare access absolute rights human rights health and human rights inalienable rights fair trial rights international human rights healthcare constitution liberal democracies World Health Organization untimely death protection non-discriminatory healthcare government intervention healthcare universal healthcare health-related rights healthcare justice ethical healthcare fundamental rights healthcare entitlement healthcare law healthcare policy right to life healthcare standards healthcare eligibility healthcare equity healthcare ethics right to treatment healthcare rationing health as a human right universal healthcare healthcare access human rights right to health constitutional rights international law healthcare entitlement government intervention inalienable rights fair trial health equity healthcare discrimination right to life healthcare justice WHO health standards liberal democracies health policy healthcare rationing healthcare ethics social justice health law non-discrimination equity in healthcare moral rights untimely death prevention
test-education-tuhwastua-pro02a	Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. standardized testing income inequality educational equity test preparation private tutoring socioeconomic status academic achievement gap test bias access to resources test score disparity wealth gap education policy college admissions privileged students underprivileged students fairness in testing tutoring industry meritocracy assessment reform educational disadvantage wealth disparity test bias educational inequality high-income advantage low-income disadvantage socioeconomic status test prep industry private tutoring access to resources academic achievement gap college admissions equity in education standardized exam fairness income-based performance educational privilege opportunity gap test accessibility admissions fairness socioeconomic achievement meritocracy flaws standardized testing reform educational justice educational inequality test bias socioeconomic status academic achievement gap private tutoring SAT ACT college admissions test prep industry access to resources equity in education wealth disparity underprivileged students test score disparities meritocracy standardized testing criticism education policy education reform opportunity gap academic performance test fairness standardized test bias wealth and standardized testing impact of income on test scores tutoring and academic achievement equity in standardized testing socioeconomic status and test performance test prep industry effects academic inequality alternatives to standardized tests educational reform standardized tests access to tutoring and test results closing achievement gap fairness in college admissions eliminating standardized testing benefits impact of test-optional policies underprivileged students and testing academic support disparity high-income student advantage education and social mobility standardized testing criticism standardized tests income inequality educational equity test prep industry tutoring access wealth gap socioeconomic status academic achievement education reform test bias college admissions SAT ACT private tutoring performance disparity underprivileged students meritocracy test fairness admissions policy test-optional movement standardized testing inequality test prep industry tutoring advantage educational equity wealth gap in education high-income student advantages SAT ACT disparities socioeconomic bias tests access to tutoring educational opportunities test prep resources income-based test performance fairness in testing educational achievement gap standardized test reform standardized testing bias socioeconomic status wealth gap educational inequality test prep industry tutoring impact high-income students low-income students access to resources academic performance educational advantage meritocracy tutoring effectiveness test score disparities equity in education fairness in assessment academic achievement gap private tutoring standardized assessment critique education reform social mobility barriers to success college admissions test-optional policies education accessibility standardized testing inequality socioeconomic bias in education wealth gap standardized tests tutoring industry effects test prep access disparity educational equity standardized tests SAT ACT income disparity standardized test reform academic achievement gap high income student advantages private tutoring academic impact barriers to equal education education policy standardized assessments standardized test alternatives reducing test prep influence educational opportunity gap social class test performance equity in college admissions systemic bias standardized exams education inequality solutions educational inequality socioeconomic bias test prep industry private tutoring access to resources SAT ACT wealth gap academic performance low-income students educational equity standardized testing reform meritocracy college admissions opportunity gap educational access income disparity test score disparities financial barriers public education educational justice standardized testing criticism educational inequality socioeconomic bias test prep industry wealth disparity academic achievement gap SAT ACT criticism access to resources private tutoring impact social mobility barriers education equity standardized testing fairness college admissions bias low-income students meritocracy debate achievement test validity tutoring effectiveness policy reform fairness in education opportunity gap standardized assessment reform
test-education-udfakusma-pro04a	Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. interlibrary loan open access academic journal access scholarly communication university library resources paywalled journals journal subscription costs research material access library consortia digital repositories institutional access student rights academic resources library funding research accessibility journal publishing models Harvard library Elsevier pay-per-view academic publishing costs educational resource sharing subscription barriers journal price inflation equitable access to research interlibrary loan resource sharing academic library access journal subscription costs open access publishing student research resources university library funding scholarly communication journal paywall academic publishing models institutional repositories library consortia digital library access academic material availability research article access cross-institution collaboration publication fees library budget constraints academic equity knowledge accessibility open access interlibrary loan resource sharing academic publishing journal access library consortium paywall subscription cost scholarly communication digital repositories institutional access open educational resources academic journals knowledge sharing licensing agreements research materials information equity publishing fees student rights library budget course materials article processing charges restricted access fair use academic freedom university library access inter-university resource sharing open-access journals academic publishing costs student access to research materials journal paywalls scholarly communication library subscription budgets academic resource inequality Harvard library journal costs alternative journal access models open educational resources university consortia for journal access fair use in academic research barriers to student research expanding digital library resources legal student access to journals educational publishing reform cross-institutional library agreements student rights to research materials cost of academic journals open access interlibrary loan journal subscriptions paywalled journals academic publishing resource sharing library consortium digital repositories scholarly communication research materials journal access academic rights institutional subscriptions library budgets publication costs knowledge barriers Harvard library Elsevier article fees publishing models information equity research access higher education resources educational affordability knowledge dissemination open access journals interlibrary loan university resource sharing academic journal access student research resources library consortiums affordable journal access pay-per-view journal articles university library funding scholarly publishing costs academic material accessibility cross-university library privileges open educational resources research journal subscriptions digital library access journal article costs student access rights academic publishing reform Harvard library journal costs university journal subscriptions expanding library collections student research support interlibrary loan open access journals academic publishing journal subscription costs educational resource sharing student research access university library budgets paywall removal scholarly communication digital library access information equity course material availability research support services academic collaboration online journal access resource sharing agreements library consortium publication fees journal price inflation institutional access academic equity open educational resources research accessibility pay-per-view articles knowledge dissemination university library access interlibrary loan open access journals research material availability academic journal costs student research resources academic publishing barriers cross-university collaboration journal subscription fees educational resource sharing paywalled articles scholarly communication information access inequality university resource limitations student rights to academic resources library budget constraints digital library resources research article affordability academic publishing reform Harvard library journal costs open access interlibrary loan journal access scholarly communication academic publishing paywalls subscription costs library budgets digital resources research materials academic journals university collaboration electronic journals licensing agreements knowledge sharing publication fees education equity student research institutional access academic resources information sharing cost barriers research accessibility Harvard University Elsevier journal pricing open access scholarly publishing academic journals interlibrary loan resource sharing journal subscriptions pay-per-view articles copyright barriers digital libraries institutional access student access rights publication fees knowledge dissemination academic inequality research funding academic publishing costs academic library budgets educational equity
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con01a	"The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. foetal rights women's autonomy reproductive rights abortion debate maternal responsibilities unborn child legal implications women's independence legal trends pregnancy American society foetus pregnant women women's motivations body autonomy reproductive justice women's health parental rights bodily integrity personal autonomy women's rights pro-choice pro-life antenatal care abortion laws pregnancy litigation legal restrictions women's freedoms reproductive choices fetal rights women's autonomy reproductive rights abortion debate maternal rights anti-abortion legislation litigious culture bodily autonomy women's health pro-choice legal implications pregnancy and law reproductive justice unwanted pregnancy antenatal care personhood debate maternal responsibilities American society women’s independence gender equality legal restrictions women’s motivations reproductive freedom women's rights public policy mother-fetus relationship ethical implications moral autonomy abortion access legal precedents human rights fetal rights women's autonomy reproductive rights abortion debate maternal responsibility women's rights legal implications bodily autonomy pro-choice pro-life pregnancy law personhood American legal system maternal-fetal conflict litigation trends women's health prenatal rights unborn child gender equality reproductive justice foetal rights and women's autonomy foetal rights implications for abortion foetal rights versus maternal rights culture of foetal rights in America legal trend of foetal rights women's independence and foetal personhood impact of foetal rights on women's rights foetal rights and reproductive justice foetal rights as litigious trend critique of foetal rights movement foetal rights and women's health foetal rights and social policy foetal rights abortion debate societal views on pregnant women responsibilities toward unborn foetus foetal rights and wanted vs unwanted pregnancies abortion rights and foetal rights women's autonomy in pregnancy foetal rights women's autonomy abortion debate reproductive rights legal implications maternal autonomy litigious society personhood of the fetus pregnant women's rights ethical implications women's health fetal personhood reproductive justice bodily autonomy maternal responsibility unwanted pregnancy legal restrictions pro-choice pro-life societal attitudes toward pregnancy gender equality American legal trends women's independence prenatal care antenatal rights bioethics foetal rights debate women's autonomy and foetal rights foetal rights and abortion culture of foetal rights legal implications of foetal rights women's rights vs foetal rights pregnancy and women's independence litigious trends in American society impact of foetal rights on women reproductive rights abortion laws and foetal rights maternal responsibilities unborn foetus rights society and pregnant women's autonomy pro-choice arguments impact of foetal personhood legal status of foetus women's health and law women's motivation and pregnancy rights of the unborn vs rights of women foetal rights fetal rights women's autonomy reproductive rights abortion debate women's independence litigious society American legal trends personhood pro-choice pro-life maternal responsibility prenatal rights pregnant women's rights women’s bodily autonomy motherhood unwanted pregnancy antenatal care legal implications women's health reproductive justice bodily integrity moral agency forced pregnancy legal personhood maternal-fetal conflict gender equality women’s motivations legal restrictions abortion laws reproductive freedom women’s rights movement pregnancy discrimination foetal rights women's autonomy reproductive rights abortion debate maternal responsibilities pregnant women's rights legal implications litigious society bodily autonomy pro-choice arguments anti-abortion laws reproductive justice maternal-fetal conflict unwanted pregnancy antenatal care gender equality personhood debate moral status of fetus women's health legal personhood reproductive freedom American legal trends ethical implications maternal rights vs fetal rights reproductive autonomy social implications of foetal rights abortion law women's independence maternal obligations fetal personhood pregnancy discrimination legal battles over abortion pro-life movement maternal consent laws foetal rights women's autonomy abortion debate reproductive rights women's rights legal implications maternal responsibility unwanted pregnancy American legal culture pregnancy autonomy gender equality antenatal care pro-choice pro-life bodily autonomy reproductive justice feminism maternal health pregnancy ethics legal personhood women's independence reproductive freedom anti-abortion laws litigious society women's motivations foetal rights fetal rights women's autonomy reproductive rights abortion debate maternal autonomy women's independence pregnant women legal implications litigious society bodily autonomy women's rights pro-choice pro-life maternal responsibility unborn child rights antenatal care unwanted pregnancy wanted pregnancy gender equality women's health reproductive justice legal restrictions personhood moral implications"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro01a	The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 African Union Solemn Declaration conflict prevention Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council judicial accountability economic disparities social disparities collective responsibility conflict causes emerging conflicts piracy humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy crisis response conflict resolution Africa peacebuilding conflict management AU interventions governance reconciliation mediation security cooperation regional stability African peace initiatives Solemn Declaration African Union conflict prevention Peace and Security Council African Peace and Security Architecture conflict resolution collective responsibility judicial systems accountability economic disparities social disparities emerging conflicts piracy humanitarian intervention military intervention Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy crisis response AU commission genocide prevention conflict management African Union initiatives peacebuilding AU crisis response diplomacy in Africa conflict causes Africa AU intervention mechanisms Solemn Declaration African Union conflict prevention conflict resolution Peace and Security Council African Peace and Security Architecture judicial accountability economic disparities social disparities collective responsibility emerging conflicts piracy humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU Commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy crisis management peacebuilding Africa security AU response peace operations conflict management accountability mechanisms preventive action post-conflict reconstruction diplomacy wise mediators peace architecture Africa peace initiatives African Peace and Security Architecture AU Peace and Security Council functions causes of conflict in Africa economic and social disparities Africa strengthening judicial systems Africa AU collective responsibility AU actions in conflicts AU humanitarian assistance AU military intervention powers AU response to genocide AU commission coordination Panel of the Wise AU preventative diplomacy Africa peaceful conflict resolution Africa African conflict prevention strategies emerging sources of conflict Africa African Union piracy prevention African Union crisis response AU accountability mechanisms AU genocide response African Union conflict management AU collective security approaches Solemn Declaration African Union conflict prevention conflict management peace and security African Peace and Security Architecture economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility emerging conflicts piracy Peace and Security Council AU commission humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict resolution Africa crisis response AU conflict response African conflict resolution conflict causes Africa security institutions peacebuilding regional security AU interventions governance AU crisis management African Union conflict resolution Solemn Declaration strategies peace and security architecture causes of African conflicts economic and social disparities Africa AU Peace and Security Council AU humanitarian intervention AU military intervention conflict prevention Africa African Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy Africa AU crisis response African judicial systems accountability in Africa AU collective responsibility piracy prevention Africa African conflict management AU commission coordination African Union AU Solemn Declaration Peace and Security Architecture conflict prevention conflict management causes of conflicts economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility emerging conflicts piracy crisis response Peace and Security Council humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission conflict resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy Africa African peace African security peacebuilding security policy conflict mediation justice systems collective security moral authority diplomatic engagement conflict sources Africa conflict frameworks Solemn Declaration African Union conflict resolution peace and security African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU crisis response judicial system strengthening accountability economic disparities social disparities collective responsibility piracy prevention conflict prevention humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide response AU commission coordination Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy Africa conflict management AU conflict prevention peaceful conflict resolution African Union interventions African Union strategies Africa judicial reforms AU peace processes crisis intervention Africa AU military actions African Union humanitarian aid preventive diplomacy Africa Solemn Declaration African Union conflict prevention African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council judicial systems accountability economic disparities social disparities humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission conflict resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy collective responsibility piracy emerging conflict sources Africa security crisis response governance peacebuilding former presidents moral authority AU conflict management Africa justice reforms African Union Peace and Security Architecture Solemn Declaration conflict prevention conflict resolution Panel of the Wise Peace and Security Council AU Commission humanitarian intervention military intervention preventative diplomacy judicial strengthening economic disparity social disparity collective responsibility piracy emerging conflict sources accountability crisis response genocide prevention Africa peace initiatives diplomatic engagement conflict management African politics
test-culture-mthbah-con04a	Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. advertising annoyance advertising income sponsorship football sponsorship Manchester United Aon sponsorship shirt sponsorship advertising revenue advertising choices advertising avoidance advertising impact sports sponsorship advertising benefits advertising on property advertising influence consumer choice advertising exposure television advertising newspaper advertising ignoring adverts company revenue advertising advertising impact advertising annoyance sponsorship deals football sponsorship Manchester United sponsorship advertising revenue advertising income advertising choices avoiding advertising advertising resistance sports team sponsorship advertising benefits media advertising advertising perception advertising influence advertising effectiveness advertising exposure advertising acceptance advertising alternatives advertising avoidance advertising effectiveness advertising revenue football sponsorship sports sponsorship shirt sponsorship Manchester United Aon sponsorship income advertising impact advertising annoyance advertising avoidance advertising exposure advertising benefits sports finance commercial sponsorship advertising choices marketing sponsorship media advertising consumer response advertising influence team funding football economics advertising perception advertising resistance advertising and sports commercial partnerships advertising importance advertising revenue sports sponsorship football sponsorship shirt sponsorship deals Manchester United Aon deal advertising annoyance avoiding advertising ignoring adverts advertising and income benefits of sponsorship advertising in sports impact of advertising on teams advertising avoidance strategies consumer choice in advertising advertising and club finances advertising and team success television advertising avoidance newspaper adverts sponsorship benefits advertising funding sports teams advertising impact advertising annoyance sponsorship revenue football club sponsorship Manchester United sponsorship advertising income advertising avoidance media advertising commercial sponsorship sports advertising advertising choices consumer response to advertising advertising benefits advertising funding advertising influence on sports brand exposure advertising revenue in sports shirt sponsorship advertising resistance advertisement skipping advertising benefits football sponsorship income Manchester United shirt deal advertising annoyance advertising on property football club revenue ignoring advertisements advertising and sports funding Aon sponsorship value advertising and consumer choice ads funding football teams shirt sponsorship impact advertising revenue importance avoiding advertisements sports team sponsorship advertising annoyance sponsorship income football Manchester United shirt sponsorship Aon sponsorship deal revenue sports marketing advertising impact viewer choice brand exposure company income football team funding advertisements sports sponsorship logo branding player transfers media advertising viewer control ad avoidance advertising annoyance advertising revenue football sponsorship Manchester United sponsorship Aon deal sports sponsorship advertising benefits advertising impact sponsorship income advertising and sports shirt sponsorship media advertisements advertising avoidance advertising criticism advertising in sports football club funding ad revenue for teams advertising and income ignoring advertisements advertising choices commercial sponsorship benefits of advertising advertising effectiveness advertising in football income from advertising ad-skip behavior advertising perception corporate sponsorship advertising and viewership football finances advertising annoyance solutions advertising annoyance advertising revenue sponsorship shirt sponsorship football teams sports sponsorship Manchester United Aon advertising income advertising benefits media advertising brand exposure advertising avoidance advertising impact advertising and sports choosing adverts advertising economics advertising in football consumer choice ad-skipping advertising effectiveness advertising funding sports funding advertising impact advertising annoyance advertising revenue football sponsorship sports sponsorship Manchester United sponsorship Aon sponsorship deal shirt sponsorship advertising income advertising avoidance advertisement perception advertising benefits advertising in sports advertising in media advertising influence advertising choices advertisement tolerance advertising economics sponsorship deals advertising strategies
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con02a	Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. checks and balances separation of powers legislative oversight Congressional approval executive constraints judicial review Supreme Court oversight constitutional limits filibuster Senate majority party discipline committee scrutiny external oversight governmental accountability political negotiation single-party constraints power abuse prevention non-partisan judiciary Departmental Committees constitutional checks checks and balances separation of powers single-party government external checks executive constraints congressional oversight legislative checks Supreme Court review constitutional limitations filibuster rules departmental committees judicial review non-partisan judiciary party majority legislative-executive relations institutional constraints abuse of power prevention constitutional safeguards government accountability political checks democratic oversight checks on executive legislative negotiation rule of law balance of power checks and balances single-party government external checks constitutional limits separation of powers executive constraints congressional oversight legislative majority filibuster Senate departmental committees Supreme Court judicial review abuse of power constitutional safeguards party discipline governmental accountability institutional oversight lawmaking process federal branches U.S. Constitution inter-branch relations legislative scrutiny external checks on single-party government checks and balances in the US government role of Congress in limiting executive power Supreme Court as a check on government departmental committee oversight filibuster-proof majority and government constraints negotiation in US legislative process party discipline versus oversight judicial review of government actions impact of constitution on executive authority effects of divided government legislative oversight mechanisms non-partisan checks on power balance of power in US system limitations to single-party dominance checks and balances single-party government external checks constitutional limits separation of powers executive constraints Congressional approval legislative oversight Departmental Committees legislative scrutiny filibuster Senate majority bipartisan negotiation Supreme Court oversight judicial review non-partisan judiciary abuse of power prevention constitutional safeguards ideological government limits party discipline government accountability institutional constraints United States government structure executive-legislative relations rule of law legal constraints government oversight mechanisms checks and balances in single-party government external checks on governing party constitutional constraints on executive power legislative oversight in Congress role of departmental committees filibuster-proof majority in Senate negotiation in legislative process Supreme Court as check on government judicial review of unconstitutional laws limitations on overbearing ideological government single-party government checks prevention of government abuse of power party support requirements in legislature non-partisan judicial oversight expansion phrases on government accountability checks and balances single-party government external checks Constitution executive power Congress legislative consent party support departmental committees oversight filibuster Senate negotiation Supreme Court judicial review abuse of power separation of powers government accountability legislative scrutiny political constraints constitutional limits non-partisan judiciary lawmaking process party majority governmental oversight power restraint constitutional checks checks and balances single-party government external checks constitutional checks executive limits Congressional oversight Departmental Committees filibuster Senate majority legislative negotiation Supreme Court judicial review separation of powers abuse of power prevention party discipline government accountability non-partisan judiciary party control in Congress constitutional constraints overbearing government legislative scrutiny power limitation US government checks checks and balances constitutional limits separation of powers executive constraints legislative oversight congressional approval opposition parties Supreme Court review judicial oversight non-partisan judiciary filibuster Senate majority departmental committees power abuse prevention federal government structure institutional checks legislative negotiation constitutional law party discipline political accountability US government system single-party risks government scrutiny legislative process judicial review checks and balances single-party government external oversight constitutional limits executive power legislative consent Congressional oversight departmental committees filibuster Senate majority Supreme Court review judicial review separation of powers accountability governmental constraints abuse of power prevention party discipline non-partisan judiciary legislative negotiation political institutions
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con02a	Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. House of Lords reform second chamber elected upper house electoral reform bicameral system parliamentary balance legislative gridlock mirror image House of Commons comparison policy long-term welfare short-term popularity democratic legitimacy composition of Lords legislative effectiveness unworkable system government unpopularity chamber election timing legislative stalemate checks and balances parliamentary reform constitutional change House of Lords reform elected second chamber bicameralism parliamentary gridlock legislative balance upper house elections second chamber function House of Commons comparison constitutional change democratic legitimacy political accountability long-term policy short-termism legislative redundancy separation of powers government unpopularity mid-term institutional checks representative democracy reform drawbacks parliamentary effectiveness House of Lords reform second chamber upper house UK Parliament democratic legitimacy elected chamber legislative balance checks and balances legislative gridlock mid-term elections mirror image political accountability short-term policies long-term welfare parliamentary structure constitutional reform government unpopularity legislative effectiveness bicameral system representational diversity institutional innovation British constitution Lords versus Commons chamber composition legislative deadlock House of Lords reform arguments elected House of Lords implications second chamber election consequences House of Lords versus House of Commons comparison long-term welfare and policy decisions short-term popularity in politics role of balance in UK legislature gridlock from mid-term elections impracticality of Lords reform undesirability of elected upper chamber legislative gridlock UK upper house democratic legitimacy mirroring House of Commons effects bicameral system UK checks and balances UK Parliament House of Lords reform second chamber bicameralism UK Parliament upper house democratic legitimacy election cycles legislative gridlock checks and balances constitutional reform representational balance legislative effectiveness long-term policies political accountability electoral mandate parliamentary structure legislative reform mid-term elections legislative duplication institutional role governance stability House of Lords reform arguments elected second chamber implications advantages of appointed vs elected Lords risks of bicameral gridlock long-term vs short-term policy focus democratic legitimacy of House of Lords comparison with House of Commons role of revising chamber constitutional reform UK checks and balances in UK Parliament historical perspective Lords reform impact on parliamentary sovereignty effectiveness of unelected chambers legislative gridlock risks reform alternatives for House of Lords House of Lords reform second chamber elected House electoral cycles House of Commons comparison legislative balance bicameralism democratic legitimacy mid-term elections gridlock executive-legislative relations policy short-termism constitutional change parliamentary structure upper chamber accountability political stability governance institutional roles legislative effectiveness representational diversity House of Lords reform second chamber elections bicameral legislature legislative gridlock democratic legitimacy constitutional reform UK upper house powers elected versus appointed chambers parliamentary checks and balances House of Commons comparison long-term policy decision government accountability populism risk legislative balance mid-term elections impact structure of UK Parliament reform criticisms legislative efficiency role of upper house parliamentary structure debate UK political system House of Lords reform second chamber elections legislative gridlock democratic legitimacy parliamentary balance constitutional reform long-term policy short-term populism upper chamber independence bicameral system electoral cycles political accountability government checks and balances representative democracy institutional effectiveness legislative function opposition to reform UK parliament peer appointment legislative redundancy mid-term elections policy continuity national welfare chamber composition House of Lords reform second chamber bicameralism parliamentary gridlock electoral system legislative balance democratic legitimacy legislative deadlock separation of powers long-term policy short-termism upper house function constitutional reform legislative effectiveness governance stability
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con01a	Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. intellectual property copyright creative rights artist ownership moral rights economic rights creative process creative labor original works artistic expression creator’s rights property protection authorship creative commons public domain licensing profit from art artistic contribution creative output artistic investment property law creative control cultural value artistic incentive copyright infringement artistic recognition creative ownership artist compensation intellectual creativity artist’s consent property rights artists’ rights creative ownership copyright intellectual property moral rights artistic control creator rights profit from art copyright protection original works creative commons critique public domain issues commercialization of art economic rights legal protection for artists artistic labor creative investment artists’ monopoly unauthorized use artistic contribution copyright infringement artist compensation art licensing exclusive rights creators’ incentives value of art rights management legal framework for artists cultural property copyright law authorship rights artistic expression rights original authorship legal protection of creativity intellectual property copyright creator rights artistic ownership moral rights economic rights creative output art law profit from art artist compensation copyright protection creative commons public domain idea vs expression artistic contribution property law copyright infringement artist consent art licensing cultural value creative rights legal protection author's rights art economics art market originality creative labor copyright policy art theft public sphere copyright erosion artists rights property rights in art copyright protection for artists ownership of creative works creators intellectual property profit from artistic work artists control over art opposing mandatory Creative Commons licenses individual rights in art value of artist contribution importance of copyright for artists protection against art theft moral rights of artists negative impact of forced public domain defending artist’s property copyright as incentive for creativity challenges to artist property effect of copyright policy on creativity artist investment in art artist’s profit and control intellectual property rights copyright artistic ownership creative output moral rights economic rights authorship creative commons debate public domain artist compensation property law creative labor artist rights original works creative investment copyright protection infringement cultural value artistic contribution artists' legal rights licensing intellectual property law art commodification creative process originality profit from art express consent rights management artists property rights copyright protection creative ownership intellectual property law artists' rights advocacy creative commons debate art and copyright monetizing creative output artist compensation art licensing creative ownership ethics moral rights of artists exclusive rights in art artist royalties public domain vs copyright fair use in art protecting creative work property rights in creative industries art economics cultural value of art artistic labor rights creative freedom unauthorized use of art copyright infringement artist's consent exploitation of artists creative industry policy property rights debate copyright erosion moral justification of copyright artists property rights creative output intellectual property copyright artistic works creators ownership moral rights profit creative commons public domain artist consent art investment labor artistic endeavor rights protection policy critique cultural value individual rights theft legal protection economic rights authorship patent trademark cultural heritage creative industry artist property rights intellectual property copyright protection creators’ rights ownership of creative works music rights film rights sculpture rights painting rights artistic labor creative compensation artist profit moral rights creative commons criticism copyright law art and business investment in art art ownership debate artists’ economic rights unauthorized use of art artist consent public domain IP erosion creative control property rights in art art and property law artistic contribution value exploitation of artists copyright policy legal protection for artists intellectual property copyright artist rights creative ownership property law moral rights economic rights art law copyright protection artists' income creative commons public domain artistic labor creative effort originality authorship monetization of art cultural value legislative policy copyright infringement legal protection artistic contribution copyright policy creative industry artist compensation exploitation of artists ethical implications property rights erosion copyright law creative control intellectual property rights intellectual property copyright moral rights creative ownership artist rights creative commons copyright law property rights erosion economic rights artistic autonomy creative control public domain copyright infringement licensing authorship creative labor fair compensation artistic contribution cultural value originality copyright protection
test-education-egtuscpih-pro02a	Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. online learning distance education MOOCs virtual classrooms digital education university access educational equity socioeconomic barriers affordable education flexible learning meritocracy tuition reduction remote education accessibility lifelong learning part-time study higher education expansion nontraditional students education for low-income students global access to education inclusive education diverse learners digital divide widening participation student diversity distance learning e-learning MOOCs remote education digital learning platforms online degree programs open educational resources access to higher education educational equity university affordability flexible learning inclusive education socioeconomic barriers education accessibility student diversity educational technology global access virtual classrooms cost-effective education merit-based admissions income inequality university outreach blended learning nontraditional students lifelong learning adult education distance learning digital education e-learning MOOCs affordable education university accessibility socioeconomic barriers remote learning tuition reduction flexible study options educational equity higher education underrepresented students merit-based admissions global access financial aid nontraditional students lifelong learning education technology inclusive education online learning access expanding university education online courses for low income students affordable university alternatives removing barriers to higher education flexible learning opportunities improving meritocracy in universities online education and socioeconomic status reducing costs of education distance learning benefits online courses global reach university access for disadvantaged students flexible study work balance educational equity through online courses online universities for developing countries tuition free online courses accessibility of higher education digital education inclusion online college for nontraditional students social mobility online learning online education online learning access to education higher education university access education equality meritocracy distance learning affordability educational opportunity socioeconomic barriers flexibility tuition fees digital learning disadvantaged students inclusion global access blended learning remote education educational equity lifelong learning nontraditional students educational mobility accessibility e-learning education technology democratization of education distance learning online education accessibility virtual university programs e-learning benefits educational equity remote education opportunities reducing education costs flexible learning meritocracy in higher education digital learning platforms global access to education underserved student support financial barriers to college online degree programs bridging education gap online learning distance education remote education digital education e-learning MOOC educational equity university access affordable education flexible study socioeconomic diversity higher education tuition reduction financial barriers university inclusivity educational meritocracy global education underserved students nontraditional students educational opportunity access for disadvantaged online university virtual classrooms continuing education lifelong learning education democratization barrier-free education cost-effective education online learning digital education distance learning e-learning access university accessibility education equity affordable education low-income students global education access flexible learning online university courses merit-based education tuition reduction financial barriers inclusive education remote studying educational opportunities socioeconomic diversity higher education online MOOCs blended learning non-traditional students accessibility in education international education access university outreach widening participation online degree programs educational technology online learning distance education e-learning platforms university accessibility affordable education educational equity income disparity social mobility educational barriers digital classrooms flexible study tuition reduction remote education higher education access non-traditional students lifelong learning global education underserved communities meritocracy socioeconomic diversity expanding opportunity educational inclusion education technology MOOC educational flexibility distance learning MOOCs digital education e-learning platforms remote education educational equity tuition reduction access barriers educational accessibility flexible learning socio-economic diversity university admissions meritocracy educational inclusion cost of education underrepresented students global education access income disparity blended learning open universities
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious expression freedom of religion personal rights individual choice religious attire personal privacy religious freedom religious symbolism burqa ban hijab ban niqab ban secularism religious discrimination cultural diversity religious identity Belgium veil ban human rights religious tolerance social integration civil liberties religious freedom individual rights personal expression symbolism in religion privacy autonomy religious attire hijab ban niqab ban Belgium law cultural identity secularism human rights religious discrimination freedom of expression government intervention religion public policy religious symbols anti-veil legislation religious privacy social ostracism religious minorities European religious laws veil ban criticism freedom of belief religious clothing state and religion religious freedom personal expression individual rights religious symbols ban full veil ban Muslim veil Belgium law privacy individuality government intervention secularism minority rights religious discrimination human rights social integration cultural identity religious attire legal restrictions burqa ban niqab ban public policy civil liberties social exclusion religious practice European laws criticism of bans women's rights religious symbols individual rights personal expression religious attire religious freedom and privacy bans on religious attire Europe full Muslim veil controversy Belgium impact of religious symbol bans intrusion on religious practices personal choice in religious dress legal issues religious symbolism social effects of veil bans Belgium niqab ban criticism individuality vs public regulation religious symbols privacy in religious practice religious clothing bans legal implications religious discrimination Europe human rights religious attire freedom of expression religious context cultural implications religious bans social integration religious minorities government intervention religion Europe religious freedom personal choice individual rights religious attire religious clothing privacy individuality religious expression religious symbols government intervention religious bans veil ban hijab niqab burqa secularism cultural diversity human rights discrimination Belgium legislation public policy social integration social exclusion minority rights civil liberties freedom of religion religious tolerance social cohesion multiculturalism religious freedom personal expression individuality and religion religious dress code full Muslim veil ban Belgium religious symbol laws privacy and religion government intervention in religion religious symbolism controversy human rights and religious attire secularism vs. religious expression religious discrimination women's rights and religious clothing societal impact of religious bans legal challenges to religious bans multiculturalism and religious symbols religious freedom individual rights personal expression privacy autonomy religious attire veil bans Belgium burqa niqab secularism cultural diversity human rights discrimination social integration religious tolerance civil liberties minority rights state intervention public policy social exclusion marginalized groups freedom of choice legal restrictions religious identity religious symbols personal expression individual rights religious freedom privacy religious attire Muslim veil ban Belgium veil ban full face veil burqa laws hijab controversy religious discrimination secularism religious symbolism civil liberties human rights freedom of choice state intervention cultural identity religious tolerance multiculturalism individual autonomy freedom of religion social integration public policy religious dress personal privacy religious practices societal norms legal bans minority rights religious expression freedom of religion individual rights privacy religious symbolism personal choice religious attire full Muslim veil hijab ban Belgium veil ban religious discrimination secularism cultural diversity civil liberties societal impact religious freedom laws public policy religious identity human rights social integration religious tolerance personal autonomy government intervention minority rights public space restrictions religious freedom personal choice individual rights privacy religious expression religious attire religious symbolism government intervention secularism cultural diversity human rights discrimination veil ban burqa ban hijab controversy Belgium veil law religious tolerance civil liberties minority rights religious discrimination
test-economy-thsptr-pro01a	Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: progressive taxation tax equity tax fairness wealth inequality disposable income financial security tax burden income distribution equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living social justice tax policy economic justice taxation and the poor tax systems comparison fiscal policy redistributive taxation tax justice taxation principles taxation and wealth equal sacrifice principle income tax fair tax systems tax reform economic equality tax justice arguments taxation and social welfare progressive taxation tax equity wealth inequality disposable income tax fairness regressive taxes tax burden income distribution social justice tax reform economic inequality luxury tax VAT criticism equal sacrifice redistributive taxation poverty alleviation tax justice essential goods expenditure fair tax policy tax system reform progressive taxation tax equity tax fairness wealth disparity income inequality disposable income financial security tax burden regressive tax VAT essential goods equality of sacrifice social justice tax justice income redistribution tax policy economic justice taxation philosophy wealth redistribution fiscal policy ability to pay distributive justice taxation principles tax system reform vertical equity horizontal equity tax progressivity economic inequality luxury tax tax rates progressive taxation benefits equality of tax sacrifice fairness in tax system tax burden on wealthy progressive taxes vs regressive taxes economic justice in taxation impact of progressive tax on poor disposable income taxation justification for taxing wealthy more essential goods tax burden VAT and tax fairness financial security and tax responsibility wealth distribution through taxation equitable tax contribution supporting the poor through taxes equal sacrifice in tax policy why flat tax is unfair progressive vs flat tax debate tax justice for low-income individuals social benefits of progressive tax progressive taxation tax justice equality of sacrifice disposable income wealth inequality regressive taxes VAT income tax tax burden economic security essential goods standard of living flat tax tax fairness tax equity taxation theory fiscal policy redistributive justice tax reform public finance social justice tax incidence income distribution poverty alleviation tax efficiency progressive taxation equality of sacrifice tax fairness wealth inequality regressive taxes VAT impact tax justice disposable income economic security progressive tax system tax burden distribution essential goods spending flat tax criticism social equity in taxation impact on poor vs wealthy income disparity references to Shapiro references to Young economic fairness taxing the wealthy state revenue sources progressive taxation income inequality tax burden wealthy taxpayers disposable income economic security equality of sacrifice regressive taxes value-added tax essential goods food expenses shelter costs state revenue tax justice financial fairness economic well-being tax system tax equity fiscal policy redistribution of wealth social justice flat tax schemes wealth distribution taxation ethics economic disparity tax reform tax policy debate fiscal inequality income distribution tax justice arguments economic justice progressive taxation tax equity tax justice wealth disparity disposable income economic security income inequality regressive taxes value-added tax VAT essential goods consumption taxes tax burden tax fairness equal sacrifice taxation philosophy income distribution wealth redistribution tax policy socioeconomic impact tax reform fiscal policy social justice economic inequality tax rates wealthy taxpayers poverty alleviation state revenue flat tax critique taxation ethics public finance progressive taxation tax system fairness equality of sacrifice regressive taxes disposable income wealthy tax burden income inequality tax justice taxation equity economic security essential goods flat tax vs progressive tax state revenue sources tax policy social justice wealth distribution poverty alleviation taxation impact tax reform economic disparity tax equity income redistribution public finance taxation principles fiscal policy progressive taxation tax fairness economic inequality equal sacrifice regressive taxes value-added tax (VAT) disposable income financial security wealth distribution tax burden income disparity social justice fiscal policy taxation justice essential goods standard of living tax policy tax reform income tax redistribution flat tax tax equity public revenue poverty social welfare
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con03a	Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org natural selection Darwinism evolution animal rights ethical farming human-animal relationship exploitation of animals speciesism animal welfare struggle for existence origin of species brutality in nature predation natural order animal husbandry environmental ethics survival instincts food chain morality of eating animals domestication ecological balance anthropocentrism animal suffering vegetarianism carnivorism natural selection evolution animal rights ethical farming human superiority dominion over animals Darwinism species hierarchy animal exploitation environmental ethics survival instincts human-animal relationship brutality in nature predation natural order evolutionary biology animal suffering moral justification agricultural ethics wild animal behavior natural selection evolution Darwinism human dominance animal rights moral justification ethical farming speciesism animal exploitation ecological balance evolutionary biology predation human nature environmental ethics animal welfare anthropocentrism interspecies relationships food chain brutality in nature philosophical arguments justification of farming domestication animal suffering struggle for existence Origin of Species Darwinism and human superiority ethical implications of survival of the fittest animal rights versus human needs natural selection and morality justification for animal agriculture evolution and human dominion philosophical arguments for farming animals anthropocentrism and environmental ethics brutality in the wild versus farming survival of the fittest modern relevance animal pain in nature versus domestication moral status of non-human species environmental impacts of human agriculture exploitation of natural resources historical perspectives on animal use moral evolution of hunting and farming critique of social Darwinism human responsibility toward animals natural law and animal treatment contrasts between wild and farm natural selection Darwinism animal ethics human-animal relationship species hierarchy anthropocentrism right to farm evolution animal exploitation survival strategies interspecies interaction origins of species animal suffering ethical farming animal rights morality of eating meat nature versus nurture domestication selective breeding brutality in nature moral philosophy environmental impact human dominance evolutionary theory wild versus domesticated animals Darwinism animal rights natural selection ethical farming survival of the fittest human-animal relationship moral justification for eating animals exploitation of nature animal welfare brutality in the wild evolutionary biology species hierarchy On the Origin of Species environmental ethics humans versus animals natural environment pain and suffering in nature justification for animal farming speciesism nature versus nurture predation in the wild vegetarianism debate animal sentience human dominance natural order cruelty in nature natural selection evolution animal rights ethics animal welfare speciesism human superiority morality predation food chain Charles Darwin origin of species exploitation of animals domestication farming ethics survival instinct ecological competition brutality in nature animal suffering environmental impact evolutionary biology interspecies relationships anthropocentrism philosophy of nature ethical farming natural selection human dominance over animals animal farming ethics Darwinian struggle survival of the fittest debate animal rights exploitation of natural resources morality of eating meat evolution and species competition brutality in nature human-animal relationship origin of species analysis environmental impact of farming food chain hierarchy anthropocentrism ethical justification of farming natural order species hierarchy pain in the wild vs farming evolutionary arguments for meat-eating ecological balance natural selection Charles Darwin animal agriculture human evolution ethical farming animal rights speciesism survival of the fittest struggle for existence domestication moral philosophy animal welfare evolutionary theory human diet predation wild animals evolutionary ethics Origin of Species environmental exploitation natural order animal suffering human superiority food chain evolutionary biology anthropocentrism social Darwinism animal ethics moral philosophy animal rights speciesism human-animal relationship evolutionary biology natural selection ecological ethics animal welfare domestication environmental ethics utilitarianism anthropocentrism comparative suffering predation in nature justifications for meat consumption hierarchy in nature Charles Darwin philosophy of nature
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con03a	Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. reparations taxpayer burden colonial powers historical accountability generational guilt fiscal responsibility post-colonial justice collective punishment monetary compensation ethical responsibility government apology reparations controversy intergenerational justice economic impact public opinion on reparations colonial legacy distributive justice taxpayer opposition reparations debate monetary versus symbolic reparations colonial reparations intergenerational responsibility reparations taxpayer impact moral guilt reparations reparations justice fairness colonial debt modern citizens historical accountability compensatory justice colonialism opposition to reparations collective punishment ethical reparations debate reparations vs apology reparations policy criticism taxpayer burden historical wrongs distributive justice reparations unintended consequences reparations colonial legacy reparations financial responsibility colonisation reparations resentment modern citizens legal liability reparations debate taxpayer burden colonial legacy collective guilt intergenerational responsibility historical accountability postcolonial justice monetary compensation public apology alternatives moral liability governmental responsibility reparative justice systemic injustice fiscal justice historical reparations colonial reparations taxpayer resentment distributive justice restorative justice inherited debt moral reparations economic justice reparations controversy compensatory justice apology versus payment justice for colonization colonial powers responsibility modern taxpayers reparations opposition reparations and taxpayer burden reparations fairness colonial legacy who pays for colonial reparations indirect victims of reparations reparations versus apologies generational responsibility for colonialism tax implications of colonial reparations reparations and modern taxpayers impact of reparations on social cohesion resentment from reparations payments reparations disconnect from historical actors ethical arguments against reparations reparations and present-day justice public opinion on colonial reparations reparations political consequences reparations economic impact taxpayers guilt and reparations debate collective punishment colonial reparations historical accountability reparations reparations funding sources reparations critique colonial legacy taxpayer burden intergenerational responsibility collective guilt economic impact historical accountability reparative justice debate government apology alternatives post-colonial justice legal liability moral responsibility modern taxpayers national reparations policy colonial restitution fairness in reparations reparations opposition reparations controversy anti-reparations arguments socio-political consequences reparations recipients public opinion on reparations reparations burden on taxpayers collective guilt for colonialism taxpayer opposition to reparations intergenerational responsibility for colonial wrongs moral obligation for historical injustices economic impact of reparations on citizens fairness of reparations payments alternatives to monetary reparations public apology vs financial compensation colonial legacy reparations debate disconnect between perpetrators and payers legacy of colonial exploitation taxpayer resentment reparations justice vs practicality in reparations reparations and national identity historical accountability and reparations ethical arguments against reparations implications for social cohesion reparations reparations funding sources reparations and modern citizenship reparations colonial powers taxpayer burden historical accountability intergenerational guilt government responsibility public apology vs payment reparative justice colonial legacy monetary compensation collective punishment moral liability beneficiary descendants fiscal impact contemporary taxpayers national atonement hostility social division ethical reparations inherited responsibility fairness of reparations post-colonial relations taxpayer resentment unjust punishment generational disconnect reparations controversy reparations opposition taxpayer burden colonial history responsibility generational guilt financial reparations critique ethical implications reparations moral responsibility descendants public apology vs reparations economic impact taxpayers intergenerational justice reparation alternatives modern citizens reparations reparations societal division colonial powers accountability perceived reparations unfairness reparations political backlash taxation for historical wrongs reparations debate former colonies reparations effectiveness historic injustice compensation reparations debate taxpayer burden colonial legacy intergenerational responsibility moral accountability reparations alternatives historical justice collective guilt government apology post-colonial relations public sentiment financial compensation ethics restorative justice economic impact of reparations colonial powers accountability citizen opposition to reparations reconciliation measures postcolonial reparations controversy taxation and reparations reparations versus apology reparations fairness historical reparations disputes public opinion on reparations reparations policy implications collective guilt intergenerational justice moral responsibility historical accountability fiscal impact taxpayer burden colonial legacy restorative justice compensatory justice symbolic reparations public opinion political backlash national identity ethical reparations alternative redress non-monetary reparations government responsibility descendants of colonizers reparations debate social cohesion transitional justice distributive justice historical grievances apology vs compensation contemporary taxpayers legacy of colonialism
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro01a	A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. teacher-student boundaries professional distance educator authority teacher ethics social media and teachers student-teacher communication appropriate teacher conduct mentorship in education teacher professionalism teacher role model online teacher-student interaction teacher misconduct teacher-student friendship risks respect in education classroom authority teacher-student respect safeguarding students ethical teaching practice teacher guidelines digital boundaries in education teacher-student boundaries professional relationships in education teacher authority student-teacher ethics educator social media use teacher professionalism teacher-student friendship risks teacher conduct educational mentorship teacher role modeling teacher-student trust respect in education teacher-student interactions teacher-student communication guidelines ethical teaching practices teacher influence safeguarding students educator responsibility boundaries in teaching trust in teacher-student relationships teacher-student boundaries professionalism in education authority figure educator misconduct social media ethics student-teacher friendship teacher-student communication teacher-student trust ethical teaching practices maintaining teacher authority teacher-student respect personal boundaries teacher behavior social media risks for educators student safety teacher mentoring teacher-student distance educational professionalism risk of misconduct ethical standards in teaching teacher-student relationship boundaries social media and teacher-student interactions authority in education appropriate teacher conduct teacher-student friendship risks professional distance in teaching Carol Shakeshaft teacher misconduct effects of personal communication teachers students social media guidelines for teachers maintaining respect in the classroom educator role boundaries risks of informal teacher-student relationships impact of online interactions on teacher authority teacher professionalism social media consequences of eroded teacher-student boundaries trust issues in teacher-student relationships ethical concerns teacher-student socializing best practices for teacher-student communication educator social media controversies student learning and teacher boundaries teacher-student relationship professional boundaries social media ethics educator conduct authority in education teacher mentorship student-teacher dynamics Carol Shakeshaft teacher misconduct teacher social media policy educator professionalism teacher-student communication teacher-student friendship teacher boundaries educational ethics safeguarding in education online teacher behavior student respect transparency in education school social media policies teacher-student boundaries teacher professional conduct teacher social media use teacher authority educator ethics student-teacher friendships teacher misconduct boundaries in education social media ethics education maintaining professional distance teacher mentorship Carol Shakeshaft research risks of teacher-student friendship educator-student respect impact of social media in classrooms teacher-student relationship guidelines safeguarding students digital communication in education inappropriate teacher behavior trust in education context teacher-student relationship authority figure professional boundaries educator ethics teacher misconduct social media interactions mentor role teacher professionalism student-teacher boundaries Carol Shakeshaft teacher-student friendship teacher-student interaction personal information sharing classroom authority educator-student dynamic respect in education teacher reputation digital communication student learning teacher trust school policies boundary violations educational integrity teacher roles teaching ethics teacher-student boundaries teacher authority professional distance in education teacher-student ethics Carol Shakeshaft teacher-student social media policy risks of teacher-student friendship sexual misconduct prevention teacher professionalism teacher-student relationship dynamics safeguarding in schools educator conduct educator-student trust mentoring vs friendship in education teacher respect student-teacher interaction guidelines social media risks in education maintaining teacher authority ethical teaching practices impacts of online teacher-student communication teacher-student relationship boundaries professional distance authority figure mentorship social media ethics educator misconduct Carol Shakeshaft teacher-student friendship respect in education teacher ethics student interactions teacher professionalism teacher-student communication educational roles teacher conduct online teacher behavior safe teacher-student interactions teacher mentorship student authority teacher-student trust classroom boundaries ethical teaching practices teacher role integrity student respect digital communication in education teacher-student boundaries professional distance teacher authority teacher-student social media educator ethics teacher-student mentorship teacher misconduct teacher-student friendship risks educator-student relationships maintaining respect in education student-teacher rapport classroom professionalism teacher role model boundary crossing in education social media ethics in teaching teacher reputation safeguarding in education Carol Shakeshaft educational leadership digital communication in schools
test-science-eassgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal suffering human suffering persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research ethics animal experimentation disabled persons ethical dilemmas sentience pain perception bioethics research ethics moral status disability rights experimental ethics comparative suffering animal rights human rights medical experimentation animal suffering human suffering persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency animal experimentation medical ethics research ethics disabled individuals medical research moral considerations sentience pain perception ethical dilemmas bioethics animal rights human rights comparative suffering disability ethics moral status personhood nonhuman animals utilitarian ethics experimental ethics suffering thresholds animal suffering animal experimentation medical research ethics persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency human suffering disability rights animal rights ethical treatment sentience pain perception bioethics research ethics moral status vulnerable populations non-human animals human experimentation comparative suffering ethical dilemmas animal suffering human suffering persistent vegetative state ethics intellectual disability morality medical research ethics animal experimentation debate moral consistency in research pain perception in animals disabled human rights bioethics ethics of experimentation moral status of animals human versus animal rights utilitarianism in medical research research on vulnerable populations animal rights philosophy suffering thresholds ethical dilemmas in science medical testing on humans equal consideration of interests speciesism justification for animal testing moral obligations to animals disabled versus animal ethics alternatives to animal testing animal suffering moral status persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities medical experimentation ethics animal rights human rights moral consistency sentience capacity to suffer bioethics ethical treatment of animals non-human animals disability ethics consent in research suffering threshold comparative suffering research on vulnerable populations utilitarianism personhood animal suffering human suffering moral consistency ethical experimentation vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal rights medical research ethics pain perception animal experimentation disability rights bioethics moral dilemmas non-human animals suffering comparison research ethics sentience moral status ethics of experimentation philosophy of mind animal suffering human suffering persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency ethical research animal experimentation human experimentation medical ethics disability rights sentience pain perception moral philosophy biomedical research ethical dilemmas disabled individuals animal rights experimentation ethics utilitarianism personhood consciousness medical testing vulnerable populations bioethics suffering comparison animal suffering animal sentience animal rights ethical treatment of animals moral consistency disability ethics persistent vegetative state medical experimentation ethics animal experimentation human experimentation intellectual disabilities moral philosophy animal welfare bioethics suffering comparison utilitarian ethics personhood moral status speciesism ethical dilemmas animal consciousness human exceptionalism pain perception comparative suffering non-human animals medical research ethics animal suffering animal sentience animal consciousness human suffering vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethics of experimentation animal rights human rights moral consistency medical research ethics disability ethics pain perception sentient beings ethical dilemmas bioethics suffering and morality animal experimentation non-human animals disabled individuals personhood cognitive abilities capacity for suffering animal suffering moral consistency ethical research intellectual disabilities persistent vegetative state animal experimentation medical ethics research on disabled pain perception moral status cognitive ability bioethics animal rights human rights utilitarianism sentience medical experimentation disability ethics non-human animals moral consideration
test-international-ipecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect sovereign debt financial contagion capital flight investor confidence Portugal Spain Italy Ireland government bonds bond yields interest rates budget deficit GDP ratio ECB intervention German support Netherlands fiscal policy euro exit Eurozone stability debt restructuring market speculation financial shockwaves fiscal sustainability credit risk economic uncertainty bailout mechanisms European financial stability sovereign risk liquidity crisis Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect financial contagion sovereign debt crisis capital flight government bonds bond yields interest rates investor confidence Portugal Spain Italy Ireland Germany Netherlands budget deficit ECB support financial instability speculation risk fiscal crisis Eurozone breakup bailout financial support market volatility economic shockwaves Greek crisis Eurozone debt sovereign default contagion financial instability capital flight government bonds bond yields credit risk PIIGS ECB intervention Euro exit fiscal deficit interest rates credit rating bailout Germany Netherlands Portugal Spain Italy Ireland investor confidence fiscal contagion shockwaves financial support euro collapse risk premium market speculation debt sustainability Greek bailout Greek default contagion Eurozone domino effect Eurozone financial shockwaves Eurozone capital flight investor fears Eurozone PIGS debt crisis Portugal Spain Italy Ireland default risk speculation Eurozone default government bond yields Eurozone sovereign debt crisis ECB intervention Eurozone Germany financial burden Eurozone Eurozone stability crisis Eurozone bailout requirements impact Greek default Eurozone Euro exit consequences Eurozone investor confidence bond market reaction Greek default capital flows Eurozone crisis budget deficit increase sovereign rising interest rates Eurozone financial strain European Central Bank Eurozone fiscal policy response Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect sovereign debt financial contagion investor confidence Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flight safe-haven countries Germany Netherlands speculation of default government bonds bond yields interest rates debt sustainability budget deficit GDP ratio European Central Bank ECB intervention financial support euro exit fiscal stability credit risk systemic risk eurozone stability bailout mechanisms Greek default consequences Eurozone financial contagion domino effect Eurozone sovereign debt crisis investor flight Eurozone capital outflows Greece Portugal debt crisis Spain default risk Italy bond yields Ireland financial instability government bond interest rates rising budget deficits Eurozone ECB financial support Germany Eurozone bailout speculation sovereign debt Eurozone bailout mechanisms Eurozone stability risks risk of default Eurozone countries impact of Greek exit euro fiscal crisis in Europe Eurozone investor confidence Greek debt crisis Eurozone crisis sovereign default financial contagion domino effect investor confidence capital flight government bonds interest rates budget deficit bond yields fiscal crisis Portugal debt Spain debt Italy debt Ireland debt German economy Netherlands economy ECB intervention financial support Euro exit bailout fiscal stability credit risk market speculation economic shock austerity measures sovereign risk European stability risk premium government borrowing costs economic downturn Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect sovereign debt contagion risk investor confidence Portugal default risk Spain default risk Italy default risk Ireland default risk capital flight safe-haven countries Germany bonds Netherlands bonds government bond yields interest rate spread budget deficit GDP ratio default speculation ECB intervention financial support Eurozone stability bond markets PIIGS European debt crisis monetary policy fiscal crisis euro exit shockwaves financial markets systemic risk debt restructuring bailout packages Greece Euro exit financial contagion European Central Bank Germany financial responsibility Greek debt crisis Eurozone contagion sovereign default risk investor flight government bond yields capital flight peripheral Eurozone countries fiscal stability ECB intervention credit rating downgrade financial market instability bailout mechanisms budget deficit debt-to-GDP ratio systemic risk euro stability monetary union challenges German financial support interest rate spreads Southern Europe economic impact Eurozone crisis sovereign debt contagion financial instability capital flight government bonds bond yields interest rates budget deficit fiscal policy ECB intervention Germany Netherlands Portugal Spain Italy Ireland investor confidence risk premium default risk economic shockwaves bailout fiscal support Euro exit credit rating market speculation monetary union financial contagion debt restructuring European Central Bank macroeconomic instability
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con03a	As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 business ethics corporate social responsibility political neutrality multinational corporations foreign policy government regulations corporate governance sovereignty international business political interference regulatory compliance China Google foreign investment host country policies state sovereignty business and politics separation corporate diplomacy cross-border operations ethical business practices corporate neutrality business ethics foreign investment multinational companies political interference sovereignty government regulation corporate responsibility host country policies international business cross-border operations corporate diplomacy non-interference corporate governance national sovereignty political criticism regulatory compliance foreign company conduct global business ethics political activism by corporations corporate neutrality foreign intervention political activism multinational companies global regulations corporate social responsibility sovereignty government relations business ethics international business regulatory compliance corporate governance host country policies non-interference cross-border operations international law cultural sensitivity multinational censorship geopolitical tensions national sovereignty Google interference in politics multinational corporations and sovereignty business vs politics separation foreign company criticism of domestic policy corporate respect for government regulations tech companies and political engagement Chinese company operating abroad criticism corporate neutrality in host countries multinational responsibility in foreign policy government regulation compliance by businesses Google and China relations business ethics and political involvement sovereignty and foreign business influence global companies respecting local laws international business and domestic affairs Nicholas Deleon Google China TechCrunch. corporate neutrality corporate social responsibility multinational corporations foreign policy business ethics government regulation sovereignty international business political interference domestic policy host country laws cross-cultural management corporate governance business diplomacy global markets foreign direct investment political risk stakeholder relations transnational companies regulatory compliance corporate citizenship international relations national interest business-government relations company policy corporate neutrality business and politics separation multinational company regulations foreign business compliance corporate political interference sovereignty and business international corporate ethics business operations in foreign countries government regulations for foreign companies multinational respect for local laws corporate criticism of domestic policy business in authoritarian regimes foreign investment and regulation global business standards company responsibility in host countries corporate neutrality foreign intervention multinational corporations regulatory compliance sovereignty non-interference international business ethics host country laws government relations political neutrality corporate responsibility cross-border operations domestic policy respect business-government boundaries China-Google relations state sovereignty local regulations global business practices business and politics separation international relations market entry regulations foreign corporate conduct business and politics separation corporate neutrality multinationals and sovereignty foreign companies regulations companies respecting local laws Google political involvement business operating in foreign countries international business ethics corporate interference in politics sovereignty and foreign investment domestic policy criticism by businesses multinational corporations ethics business government relations foreign firms and national sovereignty Google China controversy global business conduct multinational responsibility company compliance in host countries business respect for government regulations foreign business etiquette corporate neutrality foreign policy multinational corporations business ethics state sovereignty government regulations political intervention international relations cultural sensitivity local laws corporate social responsibility global business practices political neutrality international trade business diplomacy regulatory compliance freedom of expression cross-border operations ethical business conduct corporate governance corporate neutrality business ethics foreign policy multinational corporations political interference sovereignty regulation compliance government-business relations cultural sensitivity cross-border operations international law global business practices corporate social responsibility national sovereignty business regulation political independence state intervention ethical business conduct jurisdiction host country laws
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making EU foreign ministers agenda setting EU spokesperson policy coordination UN Security Council EU External Action Service Council Commission foreign service European diplomacy policy articulation EU enlargement nuclear safety EU global presence European security policy European consciousness political unity member states cooperation foreign policy positions international relations EU authority external relations EU institutions High Representative EU foreign policy EU External Action Service European Union diplomacy common foreign policy EU foreign ministers EU political unity EU Security Council representation EU international relations EU global policy coordination European external policy EU foreign service EU policy specialists EU member states cooperation Europe foreign affairs EU foreign and security policy EU political integration EU global influence EU spokesperson European unity EU global representation EU institutional roles EU diplomatic missions EU international coordination European foreign affairs coordination High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator EU external relations EU foreign ministers agenda setting policy coordination EU diplomacy UN Security Council External Action Service European Union governance foreign service policy articulation political unity European integration common foreign policy EU authority international relations Council and Commission global representation European security policy EU enlargement Arctic policy nuclear safety EU foreign spokesman foreign affairs supranational diplomacy European consciousness political cohesion EU High Representative role EU foreign policy coordination evolution of EU foreign and security policy EU External Action Service functions impact on EU political unity chairing EU foreign ministers meetings shaping EU foreign policy agenda EU spokesman in international organizations EU presence in UN Security Council development of EU foreign service common EU policy positions growth of European political consciousness authority of High Representative integration of Council and Commission policy specialists global representation of EU strengthening EU international voice fostering EU member state cooperation EU foreign policy High Representative decision-making catalyst policy coordination European External Action Service foreign ministers meetings agenda setting EU spokesperson UN Security Council EU authority council and commission cooperation global representation European foreign service policy articulation EU enlargement nuclear safety Arctic policy common foreign policy European consciousness political unity external relations security policy EU diplomacy EU governance supranational authority international representation member state coordination EU global influence foreign policy leadership diplomatic service EU High Representative role EU foreign policy coordination EU External Action Service EU foreign ministers meetings EU common foreign policy positions EU representation at UN Security Council EU foreign service development European political unity evolution of EU foreign and security policy EU global influence EU diplomatic service EU international relations EU policy specialists EU Council and Commission collaboration European integration EU enlargement EU external affairs EU Arctic policy EU nuclear safety policy High Representative EU foreign policy European Union foreign affairs decision-making policy coordination EU foreign ministers agenda setting external policy EU unity common foreign policy EU spokesman UN Security Council External Action Service Council of the European Union European Commission international relations global representation policy specialists Arctic policy nuclear safety EU enlargement foreign service diplomatic service policy articulation European security policy political integration European identity European consciousness political unity international diplomacy EU governance EU foreign policy High Representative role Common Security and Defence Policy EU External Action Service EU diplomatic service EU foreign ministers meetings EU spokesperson UN Security Council EU EU policy coordination European integration EU global influence EU representation EU Council and Commission cooperation EU enlargement EU regional policies EU Arctic policy EU nuclear safety Political unity in Europe European identity European diplomacy Foreign policy evolution EU global presence EU foreign affairs External relations Common European policy High Representative EU foreign policy external policy coordination EU foreign ministers agenda setting policy influence common foreign policy UN Security Council EU representation External Action Service Council Commission policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety EU enlargement EU foreign service global representation policy articulation national governments comparison EU foreign and security policy European consciousness EU political unity EU diplomacy external relations foreign affairs leadership multilateralism international cooperation High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making foreign ministers EU External Action Service Common Security and Defence Policy European diplomacy spokesperson United Nations Security Council policy coordination European political unity European integration EU enlargement EU foreign service European identity international relations EU governance external relations policy agenda member state cooperation policy articulation European Council European Commission foreign affairs external action EU institutions
test-society-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. unemployment health effects psychological impact mental health depression anxiety suicide substance abuse Africa family impact generational impact social networks social capital networking skills vulnerability women empowerment labor market participation communication skills physical health downward spiral re-employment social isolation wellbeing joblessness economic impact stigma coping strategies public health poverty resilience workforce integration unemployment effects psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family impact generational effects social networks social capital vulnerability women employment labor market participation communication skills physical health downward spiral job re-entry well-being societal impacts unemployment consequences health outcomes resilience support systems economic impact stigma coping mechanisms mental health depression anxiety suicide substance abuse psychological impact social networks social capital family wellbeing generational effects women in workforce labour market participation communication skills physical health vulnerability re-employment Africa public health unemployment stigma resilience occupational health support systems economic hardship community integration psychological impact of unemployment unemployment and mental health unemployment and depression unemployment and suicide rates unemployment and anxiety unemployment and substance abuse unemployment and families intergenerational effects of unemployment unemployment and social networks loss of social capital due to unemployment unemployment and networking skills gender and unemployment women in the labour market unemployment and physical health unemployment and chronic illness unemployment and wellbeing Africa effects of unemployment in Africa unemployment and community vulnerability unemployment and self-esteem re-employment barriers after unemployment long-term unemployment consequences unemployment effects mental health psychological impact depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa families intergenerational impact social networks social capital vulnerability women employment labour market participation networking skills communication skills physical health health status downward spiral job market re-entry well-being community impact unemployment effects mental health and unemployment psychological impact of job loss unemployment and depression unemployment and anxiety suicide and unemployment substance abuse and unemployment unemployment effects in Africa family impact unemployment intergenerational effects of unemployment unemployment and social networks loss of social capital networking and unemployment women and labour market participation unemployment and physical health health consequences of unemployment barriers to re-entering job market unemployment vulnerability support for unemployed individuals unemployment psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa health effects wellbeing social networks social capital networking skills vulnerability labour market participation women employment family impact generational effects physical health downward spiral job market re-entry employment loss communication skills coping strategies socioeconomic effects public health social isolation economic insecurity unemployment effects psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa mental health recognition family impact generational effects loss of social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability reduction women labor force participation communication skills physical health impact downward spiral labor market reintegration social support wellbeing health consequences unemployment and families unemployment and gender public health employment support programs unemployment effects mental health psychological impact depression anxiety suicide substance abuse Africa family impact generational effects loss of social networks social capital networking skills women labor participation communication skills physical health re-employment challenges wellbeing health disparities socioeconomic consequences public health labor market integration social vulnerability mental health psychological impact depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa families intergenerational effects social networks social capital networking skills vulnerability women in labor market communication skills physical health health status re-employment job market re-entry unemployment consequences social support economic hardship public health well-being community resilience labor force participation health disparities coping mechanisms occupational health
test-society-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. urban migration migration restrictions urbanization city population control economic impact social impact urban poverty urban infrastructure public services urban employment urban crime humanitarian crisis resource allocation urban development urban living standards rural-urban migration city planning urban exclusion urban economy urban business environment tax base municipal finance urban food security urban sanitation urban housing slum proliferation urban malnutrition urban public health population pressure urban migration restrictions economic benefits of migration control social impact of migration limits city infrastructure strain rural to urban migration urban public services overload humanitarian crisis urban migration effects of rapid urbanization migration policy urban areas crime rates urban migration employment challenges city migration poverty in urban centers sustainable urban growth urban development migration policy city planning migration control population influx urban effects urban resource allocation sub-Saharan Africa urbanization social exclusion migration urban economy resilience urban basic services provision migration regulation benefits urban food security migration and taxation urban sanitation challenges access to fresh water cities migration and urban migration migration restrictions economic impact social impact urban infrastructure public services city development rural-urban migration humanitarian crisis urban poverty crime rates urban unemployment public spending resource allocation urban planning economic exclusion business environment city sanitation population control sustainable cities migration policy urbanization city resources tax base urban food security economic impact of migration restrictions social benefits of limiting urban migration urban infrastructure strain due to migration public services and migration control humanitarian crises linked to overpopulation in cities employment competition due to migration crime rates and migration influx sustainable urban development and migration balancing migration and resource allocation migration policy for urban growth urban poverty and migration management incentives for rural retention long-term city planning and migration regulation effects of migration caps on urban economies optimal migration levels for social cohesion urban migration restrictions economic impact of migration social effects of urbanization public resources strain urban infrastructure capacity city population control humanitarian crisis urban areas urban poverty rural-to-urban migration urban crime rates migration policy benefits urban employment challenges urbanization and public services sustainable city development urban food security urban exclusion city tax base impact of migration on business productive urban population urban sanitation access migration and economic growth urban migration restrictions economic benefits of limiting migration social impact of migration policies city resource allocation challenges of rapid urbanization humanitarian crises in cities urban crime and unemployment infrastructure strain from migration sustainable urban development equitable access to public goods city planning and migration controls urban poverty and resource distribution migration policy and city growth urban-rural migration impacts political economy of urban security migration and economic productivity effects of overcrowding in cities public services under migration pressure business environment and migration flows long-term urban stability urban migration migration restrictions economic impact social impact city infrastructure population density public services urban poverty informal settlements urbanization resource allocation urban planning city development rural-urban migration humanitarian crisis social exclusion crime rates public health tax base city economy urban productivity unplanned migration sustainable urban growth migration policy city attractiveness business environment public spending service delivery urban employment slum proliferation social integration urban migration restrictions economic benefits cities social benefits urban areas city infrastructure strain public resources urban migration migration and humanitarian crisis city employment opportunities rural to urban migration impact urban exclusion crime rates urban population management urban development progressive city sanitation migration urban goods accessibility migration impact on business urban poverty reduction city tax base migration managing urban growth migration and urban economy urban public services city production growth sustainable urbanization policies urban migration city population control economic impact of migration social impact of migration urban infrastructure strain public services provision humanitarian crises in cities urban poverty employment opportunities in cities crime and migration urban development urbanization challenges sustainable city growth migration policy resource allocation in cities city planning rural to urban migration quality of life in cities urban exclusion taxation and public goods business environment in cities migration and public health social integration urban food security urban migration migration restrictions economic impact social impact city infrastructure urbanization public goods humanitarian crisis urban poverty slums crime rates urban unemployment resource allocation rural-urban migration city planning sustainable development population control public services urban development urban policy employment opportunities urban food security city overcrowding migration policy social integration tax base public expenditure quality of life informal settlements city attractiveness
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro04a	The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 attorney-client privilege solicitor-client privilege legal professional privilege in-house counsel independence of lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 recession 2008 financial independence client confidentiality relevance of privilege privilege erosion corporate counsel legal ethics privilege reform privilege abolition employee lawyers client-lawyer relationship solicitor independence privilege irrelevance legal profession changes privilege criticism attorney-client privilege relevance decline solicitor-client communications legal independence in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 post-2008 recession financial independence employee lawyers privilege erosion validity of privilege in-house counsel privilege abolition legal profession changes privilege justification client confidentiality solicitor independence corporate counsel legal ethics legal privilege challenges attorney-client privilege solicitor-client confidentiality legal professional privilege in-house counsel independence of lawyers legal ethics Legal Services Act 2007 recession 2008 decline in relevance employment relationship corporate counsel erosion of privilege lawyer independence client-lawyer relationship privilege reform legal profession changes access to justice legal privilege limitations legal advice confidentiality legal risk professional responsibility solicitor independence legal services regulation privilege justification privilege challenges attorney-client privilege decline attorney-client privilege relevance in-house counsel effect on privilege legal profession independence Legal Services Act 2007 impact post-2008 recession legal changes solicitor independence client-attorney privilege criticism in-house lawyer privilege controversy employee versus independent solicitor privileged communications evolution abolishing attorney-client privilege arguments against attorney-client privilege modern legal ethics privilege privilege in corporate law financial independence of lawyers solicitor-client confidentiality erosion should privilege be eradicated privilege legal reforms impact of in-house counsel rise attorney-client privilege solicitor-client privilege legal independence in-house counsel Legal Services Act 2007 post-2008 recession employee lawyers privilege relevance privilege erosion legal ethics client confidentiality privilege abolition corporate legal departments financial independence lawyers legal privilege reform legal profession changes solicitor independence lawyer-client trust professional responsibility privilege in modern law attorney-client privilege relevance in-house counsel impact Legal Services Act 2007 effect post-2008 recession legal profession solicitor independence erosion in-house lawyer independence privilege justification critique attorney-client privilege reform solicitor-client communication legal privilege obsolescence legal profession structural changes privilege for in-house lawyers legal ethics corporate counsel privilege legal service market changes attorney-client privilege solicitor-client privilege legal privilege in-house counsel independent legal advice Legal Services Act 2007 recession 2008 solicitor independence client confidentiality legal ethics employee lawyers corporate counsel legal professional privilege privilege relevance erosion of privilege lawyer-client relationship legal reforms legal profession autonomy solicitor-client relationship legal objectivity legal privilege reform privileged communication financial independence lawyers legal accountability legal confidentiality client-lawyer privilege legal services industry privilege irrelevance legal disclosure legal compliance attorney-client privilege solicitor-client privilege legal ethics in-house counsel Legal Services Act 2007 independence of lawyers financial independence client-lawyer relationship recession 2008 relevance of privilege legal privilege reform erosion of privilege legal profession changes corporate lawyers legal confidentiality professional responsibility privilege abolition law firm structure privilege limitations evolving legal standards lawyer employer relationship legal services modernisation attorney-client privilege solicitor-client privilege legal professional privilege in-house counsel Legal Services Act 2007 recession 2008 independence of solicitor financial independence legal ethics relevance of privilege erosion of privilege legal profession changes privileged communication lawyer employment client confidentiality privilege irrelevance solicitor independence corporate counsel employee lawyers New Law Journal privilege reform legal privilege decline attorney-client privilege legal ethics solicitor independence in-house counsel Legal Services Act 2007 recession 2008 client confidentiality privilege relevance law firm structure financial independence legal profession changes privilege erosion legal reform UK legal system employee lawyers legal privilege criticism client-lawyer relationship New Law Journal legal industry trends professional independence privilege abolition
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con03a	"Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. animal experimentation preclinical trials drug development novel compounds biomedical research pharmacology safety assessment toxicity testing therapeutic innovation clinical trials phase I trials human volunteers drug efficacy side effects risk mitigation non-animal screening regulatory approval pharmaceutical research me-too drugs first-in-human studies ethical considerations drug safety medical breakthroughs translational research human physiology incurable diseases candidate drugs scientific validation research ethics animal testing biomedical research drug development novel drugs preclinical trials phase I clinical trials animal models pharmacology toxicology drug safety human volunteers ethical considerations non-animal testing compound screening translational medicine regulatory approval pharmaceutical innovation experimental substances FDA approval risk assessment human physiology drug efficacy adverse effects clinical research scientific necessity animal testing drug development novel drugs clinical trials phase I trials human volunteers drug safety pharmacology toxicology drug interactions side effects non-animal testing animal experimentation drug efficacy drug approval pharmaceuticals biomedical research me-too drugs new compounds medical innovation UK clinical trials human risk ethical considerations drug screening regulatory requirements scientific research drug discovery translational research preclinical testing human physiology legal risks subject safety experimental medicine animal research benefits drug development necessity of animal testing in pharmaceuticals phase I clinical trial safety importance of novel drug discovery animal vs non-animal testing effectiveness ethical considerations in animal research drug safety testing procedures impact of animal research on human health risk reduction in clinical trials history of phase I trial safety novel compounds in medicine limitations of non-animal testing pharmaceutical innovation and animal experimentation legal implications of skipping animal testing development of life-saving drugs and animal research difference between novel and ""me-too"" drugs animal research for incurable conditions regulatory requirements for drug safety human volunteer protection in drug trials animal testing drug development novel drugs phase I clinical trials human volunteers drug safety non-animal testing new drug approval pharmaceutical research laboratory animals drug side effects drug interactions drug efficacy medical research ethics ""me-too"" drugs high-risk trials United Kingdom clinical trials drug discovery drug regulation clinical trial safety innovative compounds incurable diseases human clinical trials animal models regulatory requirements pharmaceutical innovation scientific advancement drug risk assessment preclinical testing human physiology legal liabilities in drug trials animal testing in drug development necessity of animal research phase I clinical trials drug safety assessment novel drug discovery ethical considerations in animal testing drug side effects prediction human volunteer risk reduction animal vs non-animal testing pharmaceutical research practices new compound testing regulatory requirements for drug approval animal experimentation policy ""me-too"" drugs vs novel compounds impact of animal research on human health animal studies in medical progress alternatives to animal testing legal implications of drug trials drug interaction studies benefits of novel drug development animal testing drug development novel substances pharmaceutical research clinical trials phase I trials human volunteers drug safety side effects drug interactions non-animal testing animal experimentation novel compounds therapeutic innovation me-too drugs human physiology drug efficacy preclinical studies drug screening medical research risk assessment UK clinical trials legal liability volunteer safety incurable conditions biopharmaceuticals toxicity testing translational research experimental medicine new drug approval regulatory requirements human health drug discovery ethical considerations animal research novel drug development drug discovery drug safety testing animal testing phase I clinical trials clinical trial safety human volunteer safety novel compounds me-too drugs drug efficacy drug side effects preclinical testing pharmacology research biomedical research drug interactions breakthrough therapies incurable diseases treatment ethical considerations animal testing pharmaceutical research United Kingdom clinical trials drug regulatory requirements non-animal screening human physiology drug response legal risk pharmaceutical companies phase I trial statistics novel substances safety toxicology studies translational medicine drug approval process animal experimentation drug development clinical trials novel drugs phase I trials human volunteers pharmaceutical research drug safety risk assessment side effects non-animal testing drug screening new compounds me-too drugs medical innovation bioethics drug approval regulatory requirements United Kingdom medical progress humane research alternatives pharmacology therapeutics incurable diseases scientific testing toxicity assessment animal testing drug development clinical trials phase I clinical trials novel drugs new drug safety pharmaceutical research human volunteers drug side effects drug interactions United Kingdom drug trials non-animal testing me-too drugs novel compounds human risk in drug testing drug approval process animal experimentation ethical debate drug safety assurance preclinical testing benefits of animal research drug discovery human physiology medical breakthroughs incurable conditions treatments"
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, ICC budget International Criminal Court ICC enforcement mechanism enforcement costs judicial expenses funding crisis state parties financial constraints international justice cost-benefit analysis austerity measures budget negotiations resource allocation operational efficiency prosecutorial funding alternative enforcement financial sustainability global governance case backlog judicial priorities international cooperation institutional reform legal system expenses multilateral funding cost reduction court effectiveness ICC enforcement budget ICC funding ICC cost analysis international criminal court expenses state party enforcement ICC resource allocation austerity impact ICC ICC financial sustainability ICC investigations funding alternatives to ICC enforcement arm ICC operational costs ICC expenditure ICC financial challenges ICC budget negotiation state contributions ICC effectiveness of ICC enforcement ICC budget constraints ICC cost-benefit analysis funding shortages ICC cost-saving measures ICC ICC funding budget constraints state party cooperation enforcement mechanisms cost-effectiveness state responsibility austerity measures alternative enforcement financial sustainability international criminal justice resource allocation tribunal expenses international law enforcement state contributions budget negotiations fiscal challenges operational costs international cooperation monetary limitations case closure threats ICC enforcement arm cost effectiveness alternatives to ICC enforcement arm ICC budget constraints austerity impact on ICC state parties role in ICC enforcement ICC funding challenges ICC investigations funding issues costs comparison ICC enforcement ICC operational expenses ICC enforcement outsourcing ICC budget negotiation process state-driven ICC enforcement ICC financial sustainability ICC expense analysis impact of budget on ICC investigations ICC budget enforcement arm cost international finance state party role austerity measures ICC funding crisis alternative enforcement cost-benefit analysis international criminal justice court expenditures funding negotiations resource allocation judicial efficiency state cooperation financial sustainability operational costs economic constraints international law enforcement multilateral funding ICC resource management ICC budget constraints ICC enforcement arm costs international criminal court funding ICC state party roles alternatives to ICC enforcement arm ICC investigative funding austerity impact on ICC cost-benefit of ICC enforcement ICC investigations budget ICC operational expenses ICC financial sustainability state negotiations on ICC budget ICC resource allocation deterrents to ICC expansion ICC budget negotiation dynamics ICC enforcement International Criminal Court budget constraints financial sustainability state parties resource allocation austerity measures case funding international justice operational expenses investigation closure cost-effectiveness intergovernmental negotiations law enforcement alternatives institutional funding Nzau Musau Kenya The Star legal expenditures international law court finances judicial effectiveness global justice system ICC enforcement budget ICC financial constraints international criminal court funding ICC enforcement costs state party enforcement ICC austerity measures ICC investigations budget ICC operational expenses ICC negotiation between states alternatives to ICC enforcement arm ICC cost effectiveness ICC financial sustainability ICC case closure due to funding international justice funding state contribution to ICC ICC resource allocation ICC enforcement efficiency ICC vs state enforcement roles ICC overbudget concerns global austerity and ICC international tribunal funding judicial enforcement expenses Nzau Musau ICC article ICC enforcement financial constraints budget negotiations state party role austerity measures international justice funding cost-effectiveness alternative enforcement mechanisms ICC operational costs legal jurisdiction budgetary priorities international collaboration enforcement alternatives sustainability prosecutorial limitations state cooperation resource allocation institutional reform case backlog fiscal responsibility ICC budget enforcement arm costs international criminal court funding financial constraints state party role austerity measures investigation suspension cost-benefit analysis resource allocation judicial enforcement alternatives international justice expenses budget negotiation spending priorities operational expenses funding challenges cost efficiency judicial effectiveness state cooperation ICC financial sustainability legal enforcement mechanisms
test-education-udfakusma-pro03a	Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. open access scholarly communication economic impact research dissemination knowledge sharing publication accessibility innovation scientific progress knowledge economy data sharing research productivity cost savings business innovation technological advancement science policy public access to research academic publishing democratization of knowledge research collaboration intellectual property research funding evidence-based policy information equity citation advantage interdisciplinary research open access scholarly publishing economic impact innovation knowledge sharing public access research dissemination scientific collaboration knowledge economy publication costs business benefits technology transfer information accessibility research productivity academic progress public policy R&D efficiency reduced barriers intellectual property funding models open access research dissemination economic impact publication speed public access innovation knowledge sharing research collaboration cost reduction business benefits knowledge economy information accessibility human genome project technology transfer research efficiency science policy data sharing academic publishing intellectual property development acceleration open access economic impact benefits of open research open access academic advantages open science and business innovation open access cost savings open access and GDP growth open access and technological advancement open access global reach open access collaboration benefits open access policy effects open access and startup growth open access and R&D open access citation increase open access and public engagement economic benefits of open data open access for SMEs open access knowledge sharing open access and healthcare innovation open access and patent development open access on employment growth open access research accessibility economic impact knowledge sharing publication speed scientific innovation Human Genome Project research dissemination cost reduction business development UK economic benefits academic publishing information democratization innovation acceleration research funding public access to science open science technology transfer R&D efficiency global collaboration open access benefits open access research impact economic impact of open access research accessibility open access publishing scientific collaboration open science research dissemination open access and innovation open access policy research funding and open access cost savings open access wider research audience faster research development business benefits open access Human Genome Project open access open access citation advantage academic publishing models open data benefits open access in the UK open access research benefits economic impact scholarly communication increased accessibility publication speed research dissemination Human Genome Project knowledge sharing innovation scientific progress reduced research costs economic growth knowledge economy academic publishing public access research productivity UK economy scientific collaboration information access educational resources technology transfer business development research development knowledge transfer open science digital repositories citation impact policy implications science funding open access benefits research dissemination economic impact of open access open science increased research accessibility open data scientific innovation knowledge sharing public access to research research funding publication speed global research collaboration research cost reduction technological advancement open access publishing human genome project open access university open access policies business research access UK open access economy science policy open access statistics scholarly communication open research initiatives academic publishing reform societal benefits of open access open access open data knowledge sharing research transparency innovation scientific collaboration economic impact public access publishing speed research dissemination academic publishing scholarly communication cost reduction technological development commercialization intellectual property information accessibility research productivity global collaboration knowledge transfer open access research impact economic benefits publication speed information accessibility Human Genome Project academic publishing economic activity reduced research costs business innovation knowledge dissemination UK research economy scientific collaboration development acceleration research funding scholarly communication public access to research policy implications technological advancement research democratization
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro02a	Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 peacebuilding conflict resolution peace agreements African Union mediation efforts civil wars post-conflict recovery African peace processes war casualties insurgencies military intervention democracy in Africa humanitarian assistance conflict prevention regional security arms reduction reconciliation peacekeeping operations socio-political stability ceasefire agreements transitional justice human rights development aid international cooperation violence reduction African peace processes conflict resolution Africa declining armed conflict Africa African civil wars peacebuilding Africa war trends Africa insurgency Africa African conflict statistics genocide trends Africa mass killing decline Africa African security peace agreements Africa post-conflict recovery Africa war casualties Africa African political stability regional peace initiatives Africa African Union peacekeeping demilitarization Africa transitional justice Africa humanitarian intervention Africa peacebuilding African Union conflict resolution peace agreements ceasefire demobilization post-conflict reconstruction DDR (disarmament demobilization reintegration) peacekeeping missions intervention mediation negotiation reconciliation state-building transitional justice war reduction violent conflict casualty decline insurgency small arms war termination regional organizations governance political stability security sector reform peace process decline of conflicts in Africa reduction in African war fatalities African peace processes African conflict resolution trends changing nature of African wars small scale insurgencies in Africa decrease in genocide Africa mass killings decline Africa African conflict statistics 1984-2009 African peacebuilding progress drivers of conflict reduction Africa civil wars in Africa timeline factors behind declining violence Africa post-Cold War conflicts Africa success of African peace agreements regional peace initiatives Africa security sector reform Africa international interventions Africa conflict impact of democracy on African wars ethnic conflicts decline Africa peacebuilding African Union conflict resolution peace agreements post-conflict reconstruction civil war trends security sector reform DDR (disarmament demobilization reintegration) regional stability ethnic conflict mediation efforts transitional justice political settlements international interventions reduction in violence peacekeeping missions community reconciliation root causes of conflict early warning systems preventive diplomacy societal resilience local peace initiatives human security arms control governance reforms African conflict resolution Africa peacebuilding decline in African wars African civil wars reduction peace trends Africa genocide reduction Africa African insurgency trends war mortality Africa African armed conflicts statistics post-colonial African conflicts peace agreements Africa African conflict transformation causes of conflict decline Africa African security trends insurgency vs. organized war Africa mass killing incidents Africa conflict prevention Africa Africa war timeline African stability improvement peace success stories Africa African conflict resolution peacebuilding in Africa decline in African wars reduction in battle deaths Africa African insurgencies post-cold war African conflicts African genocide trends mass killings Africa civil wars Africa conflict transformation Africa security trends Africa peace processes Africa African armed conflicts data peace agreements Africa Straus 2012 conflict data war casualties Africa African peace initiatives reduction in violence Africa African political stability causes of conflict decline Africa African conflict resolution decline in African wars peacebuilding Africa insurgency trends Africa war casualties Africa African peace processes post-conflict Africa African security trends genocide reduction Africa mass killings Africa political stability Africa African military conflicts civil war Africa conflict transformation Africa peacemaking initiatives Africa Straus conflict Africa sub-Saharan conflict trends international intervention Africa African Union peacekeeping Africa conflict statistics peacebuilding conflict resolution ceasefire agreements mediation efforts African Union interventions post-conflict reconstruction disarmament democratization regional stability security sector reform humanitarian aid peacekeeping missions transitional justice root causes of conflict governance reforms civil society involvement reconciliation processes international diplomacy economic development ethnic tensions cross-border conflicts insurgency reduction violence prevention war termination negotiated settlements human rights improvements peacebuilding African Union conflict resolution peace agreements post-conflict reconstruction disarmament demobilization reintegration transitional justice ceasefire agreements mediation peacekeeping governance reform security sector reform peace operations civil war reduction causes of conflict root causes poverty reduction economic development international intervention regional organizations United Nations conflict trends humanitarian aid ethnic conflict peace processes
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 bargaining tools negotiation leverage academic freedom cultural diplomacy legislative reform investment influence university autonomy human rights freedom of speech free press access democratic values international partnership political intervention institutional restrictions government censorship educational collaboration intellectual exchange rights protection prisoner of conscience policy impact on education global academic standards democratic debate societal reform cross-cultural engagement scholarly freedom university governance bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedom free speech university rights press freedom democratic participation political opposition Singapore government Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng prisoner of conscience university governance Western universities legislation improvements higher education autonomy academic censorship political influence in academia Yale Singapore academic standards educational reform international universities speech restrictions government intervention academic collaboration Singapore academia student rights faculty freedoms human rights in education academic freedom cultural investment material investment free speech freedom of expression press freedom political prisoners university rights legislative reform western universities international education democratic values censorship academic rights human rights government intervention higher education policy institutional autonomy Singapore politics educational reform academic collaboration global standards liberal education student rights university governance freedom of inquiry bargaining chip education bargaining chip academic freedom cultural investment as leverage material investment bargaining tool university operations overseas academic freedom requirements Western universities Singapore free speech university campuses government actions academic freedom Chia Thye Poh academic freedom Vincent Cheng free speech history of academic freedom Singapore Yale-NUS collaboration freedom press freedom university requirements rights negotiation university university graduate rights abroad cultural diplomacy university conditional university investment higher education bargaining academic rights Western standards university-government negotiations education policy conditionality Singapore academic constraints foreign university presence Singapore academic freedoms democratic countries international standards university operations education bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedom free speech legislation university governance press freedom democratic rights higher education policy foreign universities Singapore government political prisoners Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng censorship public lectures opposition leader Western universities international collaboration educational reform academic exchange university autonomy political interference speech rights foreign influence scholarly freedom government regulation academic partnerships rights advocacy academic freedom material investment as leverage cultural investment strategies free speech rights press freedom university autonomy Western education standards government censorship Singapore academic restrictions Yale-Singapore partnership political detainees in Singapore international academic norms investment and legislative change access to information democratic engagement prisoner of conscience university operations conditions academic collaboration and values higher education policy global university campuses bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedom free speech press freedom democratic values university autonomy legislative improvements human rights political prisoners prisoners of conscience Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng government censorship higher education Western universities Singapore academic restrictions international partnerships university operations institutional values political opposition history society academic rights global education faculty freedom student rights democratic speculation knowledge exchange foreign investment policy reform educational policy Yale NUS academic environment freedom of expression bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedom university partnerships free speech press freedom education policy Singapore government western universities foreign academic institutions rights negotiation democratic values political opposition Singapore higher education reform academic collaboration Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng NUS academic restrictions international education standards global university operations government interference education freedom of expression transnational education Yale Singapore educational exchange human rights academia university autonomy academic mobility cross-border education academic freedom university autonomy political censorship freedom of speech human rights foreign investment cultural diplomacy legislative influence press freedom democratic values higher education policy international partnerships governmental control opposition leaders prisoner of conscience academic collaboration global university standards educational reform Singapore politics institutional rights cross-cultural exchange research independence faculty rights student activism Western universities Yale-NUS collaboration public discourse government intervention scholarly exchange academic freedom university autonomy political interference freedom of speech censorship higher education policy international collaboration press freedom democracy human rights legislative reform foreign investment cultural diplomacy academic exchange university governance student rights government control educational standards civil liberties transnational education
test-culture-mthbah-con03a	Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. health promotion healthy lifestyle healthy eating advertising regulation celebrity endorsements public health campaigns school food policy junk food advertising advertising restrictions alcohol advertising cigarette advertising ban child protection fast food marketing media influence regulatory agencies advertising effectiveness consumer awareness healthy product marketing nutrition education advertising ethics advertising impact public pressure business reputation social responsibility government regulation marketing strategies advertising regulation healthy product marketing celebrity endorsements junk food advertising school food policies public health campaigns children advertising restrictions fast food marketing alcohol ad restrictions tobacco advertising ban media influence on health promoting healthy eating responsible advertising advertising ethics advertising to children UK advertising laws School Food Trust healthy lifestyle campaigns advertising standards food marketing policies advertising regulation healthy lifestyle promotion healthy eating campaigns celebrity endorsements school food trust junk food advertising alcohol advertising restrictions cigarette advertising ban fast food marketing public health campaigns advertising to children healthier product promotion ethical advertising marketing regulations public pressure business reputation government advertising policy food advertising rules promoting healthy choices advertising effectiveness healthy advertising examples regulation of unhealthy product advertising celebrity endorsements for healthy lifestyles advertising impact on public health advertising healthy eating to children restrictions on cigarette advertising alcohol advertising regulations fast food advertising healthier options regulation and business reputation public pressure on advertising standards advertising campaigns for healthy products effects of advertising on healthy behavior School Food Trust advertising strategies advertising bans on unhealthy products trends in healthy product marketing advertising industry regulations social responsibility in advertising influence of advertising on children's health advertising promoting healthy activities public perception of health advertising advertising regulation healthy lifestyle promotion celebrity endorsements healthy eating campaigns school food trust advertising restrictions junk food advertising public health advertising alcohol advertising bans cigarette advertising bans advertising ethics fast food marketing child protection in advertising public pressure advertising business social responsibility unhealthy product advertising advertising and public health policy government regulation advertising advertising impact on children healthier product marketing healthy advertising regulated advertising celebrity endorsements promoting healthy lifestyles advertising regulations school food trust healthy eating campaigns advertising unhealthy products cigarette advertising bans alcohol advertising restrictions fast food advertising healthier fast food options public pressure on advertisers advertising and children advertising regulation effectiveness advertising influence on health healthy product marketing advertising industry trends advertising ethics public health campaigns advertising advertisements healthy products healthy lifestyles health promotion advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements School Food Trust healthy eating public health campaigns restricted advertising junk food regulation cigarette advertising ban alcohol advertising restrictions fast food advertising corporate responsibility child health protection public pressure regulatory enforcement marketing ethics media influence nutrition education advertising effects social marketing school nutrition programs food advertising advertising policy advertising standards consumer protection public awareness healthy advertising advertising regulations promoting healthy lifestyles public health campaigns celebrity endorsements in health ads School Food Trust healthy eating promotion junk food advertising restrictions alcohol advertising regulation cigarette advertising ban advertising and child health responsible advertising advertising to children fast food healthy options advertising ethics public pressure on advertising advertising industry changes health-oriented marketing regulation of unhealthy product ads advertising and public opinion impact of advertising on health advertising regulations healthy lifestyle promotion healthy product marketing celebrity endorsements School Food Trust healthy eating campaigns advertising restrictions unhealthy product bans cigarette advertising alcohol advertising fast food advertising corporate social responsibility public pressure on advertising business ethics children’s health advertising influence on health regulations in advertising positive advertising messages advertising and public health media campaigns nutrition promotion health communication media influence public health campaigns advertising regulation celebrity endorsements healthy lifestyle promotion unhealthy product restrictions school nutrition programs fast food advertising marketing ethics public pressure on advertising alcohol advertising restrictions junk food bans advertising impact on children corporate social responsibility health education food marketing policies advertising standards authority social marketing children's health promotion
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con01a	Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. democratic accountability checks and balances separation of powers government transparency rule of law political corruption authoritarianism anti-corruption measures free press judicial independence individual empowerment civic engagement executive authority public oversight power decentralization social reform public participation media freedom political reform whistleblower protection democratic governance checks and balances accountability separation of powers anti-corruption authoritarianism civil liberties individual empowerment political reform rule of law free press judicial independence governmental transparency political accountability decentralization public participation human rights oversight mechanisms democracy promotion good governance democracy accountability transparency rule of law separation of powers media freedom judicial independence anti-corruption civil liberties government oversight authoritarianism power centralization public participation political reform institutional checks individual empowerment corruption prevention governance leadership political accountability democratic checks and balances benefits importance of accountability in government risks of centralized authority combating corruption through democracy media freedom and government transparency legal system role in preventing corruption pitfalls of authoritarian leadership historical examples of authoritarian promises empowering civil society against corruption individual empowerment in democracy balancing authority and civil liberties dangers of unchecked executive power preventing abuse of power in government fostering open political criticism decentralized governance for accountability lessons from Russia centralization safeguarding democracy against corruption free press role in checks and balances strengthening institutions for democratic integrity civic participation and problem solving democratic accountability checks and balances corruption prevention authoritarianism power centralization social reform civil liberties free media independent judiciary public empowerment political transparency rule of law government accountability decentralization separation of powers anti-corruption measures political oppression civic participation individual rights media criticism democratic institutions government oversight legal accountability effective governance political risk leadership accountability democratic checks and balances authority versus oppression fighting corruption authoritarianism social reform and corruption accountability in government centralization of power power abuse prevention free media and legal system empowering individuals in democracy risk acceptance in society Putin and power centralization corruption prevention mechanisms role of criticism in democracy government transparency democratic institutions for problem solving leadership and public fear legal safeguards governance and accountability media freedom democracy versus authoritarian rule democracy checks and balances accountability corruption authoritarianism social reform power centralization free press judicial independence government transparency individual empowerment risk acceptance political oppression leadership media criticism legal oversight anti-corruption measures civil liberties public participation democratic institutions decentralization good governance rule of law government oversight executive power political accountability democratic checks checks and balances democracy accountability anti-corruption political authority authoritarianism government reform power centralization leadership accountability free press media criticism legal system oversight individual empowerment risk acceptance government transparency corruption prevention leadership risks decentralization of power political corruption social reform oppressive leadership executive overreach civic participation judicial independence separation of powers political institutions public accountability democratic accountability checks and balances corruption prevention authoritarianism risks power centralization individual empowerment free press judicial independence social reform anti-corruption strategies centralized authority dangers civic participation political transparency government accountability media criticism legal oversight separation of powers public trust leadership accountability institutional safeguards democratic oversight separation of powers government accountability anti-corruption measures political reform authoritarianism risks media freedom judicial independence civic empowerment centralized power dangers leadership accountability power abuse prevention democratic institutions rule of law transparency in government individual rights checks on executive power public participation civil liberties open government
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. artist rights public art public space creative control intellectual property copyright moral rights artistic expression public funding creator intent reinterpretation external appreciation artistic legacy performance rights Samuel Beckett copyright law Creative Commons artist consent art protection contract rights state protection art justice authorship plagiarism cultural policy work modification fair use public domain art ownership artist rights public art funding moral rights copyright protection intellectual property creative control artistic legacy public space art reinterpretation artistic expression artistic consent artist-public interaction creative commons critique Samuel Beckett copyright authorial intention copyright law performance rights work modification artistic justice contract rights copyright vs. creative commons artist autonomy arts policy state protection of artists copyright mechanisms artistic integrity artist rights public space publicly funded art artistic control creative expression work reinterpretation public exhibition artist consent alternative experiences artistic legacy moral rights copyright protection intellectual property creator rights contracted usage state protection creative commons performance standards Samuel Beckett reinterpretation restrictions artistic justice copyright law authorship derivative works performance rights licensing fair use artistic integrity theatre copyright legacy preservation artist rights public space public funding artist control copyright protection artists moral rights artists intellectual property public art artistic expression legal rights creative control publicly funded art artist legacy copyright Beckett copyright precedent artist consent public display reinterpretation artist rights creative commons artist protection theatre copyright laws artist contractual control public art legal frameworks artist intentions public use copyright justice artists artist rights vs public access copyright vs creative commons preservation artist vision state protection artist rights artist rights public art moral rights copyright protection intellectual property creator control public funding artistic integrity legacy preservation creative commons fair use artistic expression performance rights Samuel Beckett reinterpretation cultural policy copyright law work alteration adaptation rights artists' justice copyright enforcement licensing agreements authorship original intent state protection artists' rights public art control copyright protection moral rights art in public spaces creative control intellectual property legacy preservation artist consent copyright laws creative commons vs copyright artistic integrity Samuel Beckett example reinterpretation of art art funding and rights artistic expression public funding and creator rights artist legacy protection consent in public display copyright vs open access art modification rights legal protection for artists art contract rights artist’s moral rights artist rights public art copyright moral rights creative control public space artistic legacy intellectual property creative commons authorial intent art reinterpretation publicly funded art artistic expression performance rights legacy protection copyright law consent adaptation use of art justice Samuel Beckett fair use art policy copyright protection creator rights legal protections art ownership artistic standards reinterpretation permission contract rights artist rights public art copyright control creative ownership artists’ legacy creative commons debate public funding art moral rights artistic integrity Beckett performance rights reinterpretation art art policy art justice copyright protection expressive rights public use of art artists’ consent public domain risks state protection art copyright mechanism contract rights art legacy protection artists intellectual property art law cultural preservation copyright contract creators’ rights funding and ownership art appreciation boundaries theatre copyright artist rights public art control over artistic work public funding copyright protection creative commons artistic expression legacy protection performance standards authorial intent moral rights Samuel Beckett reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere artist consent contract rights intellectual property state protection cultural heritage performance rights art and justice artist legacy fair use misuse of art copyright law creative control theater copyright artistic integrity public domain artistic ownership artist moral rights copyright protection public art artist legacy creative control public funding intellectual property creative commons artistic expression authorial intent performance rights reinterpretation legal rights art and law Samuel Beckett fair use artistic integrity contract rights public domain art ownership licensing cultural heritage arts policy creator’s rights audience interaction adaptation rights
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con01a	Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 democratic participation divided government policy compromise legislative gridlock voter mandate policy dilution congressional legislation presidential mandate democratic responsiveness single party government clear policy enactment opposition influence policy implementation electoral choice legislative origins majority legislation government accountability policy representation political polarization electoral legitimacy governance effectiveness public will mandate fulfillment party platforms democratic participation divided government legislative gridlock policy compromise voter mandate policy dilution legislative origination congressional legislation presidential mandate single party government unified government party platforms electoral responsiveness representative democracy policy implementation opposition obstruction government effectiveness majority rule electoral accountability democratic responsiveness governance outcomes legislative-executive relations separation of powers divided government democratic participation policy compromise legislative gridlock voter mandate single party government government responsiveness electoral accountability policy implementation congressional legislation executive authority political polarization representation legislative efficiency coalition government policy dilution opposition influence electoral legitimacy majoritarian government policy clarity divided government impact on democracy democratic participation under divided government policy gridlock divided government legislative compromise voter mandate divided government vs single party government voter will divided government policy dilution divided government Congress role divided government presidential mandate divided government legislation origin in divided government effects of single party government on democracy enactment of voter-chosen policies democratic responsiveness single party government opposition role single party government party platforms legislative process consequences of government division Charles O. Jones presidency research separated system democracy Brookings Institution divided government clarity of policy choice electorate democratic participation divided government single party government policy implementation legislative gridlock voter mandate electoral accountability policy compromise legislative origin congressional dominance executive-legislative relations policy dilution representative democracy democratic responsiveness opposition influence policy platforms majority rule government structure public will legislative effectiveness voter choice political compromise governance models Jones Charles O. Presidency in a Separated System divided government democratic participation divided government policy gridlock divided government voter representation legislative compromise democracy effect of divided government on policy enactment single party government policy implementation single party government democracy divided government versus unified government democracy impact of divided government on democratic will divided government and voter choice divided government congressional output presidential mandate versus congress divided government legislative outcomes democratic responsiveness divided government government structure impact democratic participation party control policy clarity democracy Jones Presidency in a Separated System summary divided government accountability political compromise impact democracy democratic theory divided government democratic participation divided government democratic will policy choice elected representatives policy compromise watered down policies voter preferences legislative process congress presidential mandate legislation origination single party government party unity electoral mandate policy enactment opposition influence policy responsiveness electorate governance checks and balances representation policy implementation majority rule separation of powers Charles O. Jones presidency Brookings Institution divided government democratic participation policy compromise legislative gridlock representation voter choice policy implementation electoral mandate congressional legislation presidential power single party government party unity opposition influence policy platforms government responsiveness separation of powers governance effectiveness electoral accountability political polarization partisan conflict policy dilution legislative productivity democratic legitimacy voter disenfranchisement executive-legislative relations democratic participation divided government policy gridlock legislative compromise policy dilution voter mandate congressional legislation presidential authority nationwide mandate single party government electoral accountability policy implementation government responsiveness opposition parties electorate choice discredited policies separated system party platform legislative effectiveness voter representation divided government legislative gridlock political compromise policy dilution democratic representation electoral mandate single party government legislative-executive relations majority rule voter responsiveness policy implementation congressional dominance presidential authority representative democracy government accountability mandate theory legislative efficiency party polarization public will electoral outcomes
test-education-egtuscpih-pro01a	Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. MOOCs e-learning distance education virtual classrooms flexible learning online degree programs self-paced study remote learning digital education asynchronous courses web-based learning blended learning adult education lifelong learning higher education online work-life balance non-traditional students online assessments video lectures edtech platforms home study online certification global accessibility personalized learning student autonomy online education distance learning e-learning virtual classrooms digital courses remote education flexible learning self-paced courses online degrees university alternatives personalized learning asynchronous learning lifelong learning work-study balance adult learners educational technology MOOC benefits convenience accessibility course flexibility student-centered learning at-home study global access online assessment remote instruction distance education e-learning virtual classroom remote learning blended learning asynchronous courses MOOC platforms self-paced study flexible scheduling university alternatives online degree student autonomy personalized education digital campus lifelong learning adult learners work-life balance accessibility cost-effectiveness global classrooms benefits of online courses comparison of online courses vs traditional university convenience of online learning flexibility of MOOCs advantages of remote education privacy in online education impact of MOOCs on higher education personalized learning through online courses learn from home advantages flexible scheduling in online education balancing work and study with online courses cost savings of online courses disadvantages of traditional university online courses vs campus-based degrees online course accessibility self-paced learning benefits online learning for working professionals online courses for parents distance education vs traditional education future of university education technology in education student preferences for online learning online education MOOCs remote learning distance learning e-learning flexibility personalized learning self-paced courses virtual classrooms digital education home study work-life balance adult learners asynchronous learning higher education alternatives online degree programs educational technology accessibility lifelong learning university comparison student convenience global learning online assessments technology in education time management modern education trends advantages of online learning flexibility of MOOCs online courses vs traditional education benefits of learning from home convenience of online education distance learning advantages personalized education experience balancing work and study with online courses online education flexibility overcoming traditional university constraints self-paced learning benefits accessibility of online courses online vs campus-based programs virtual classrooms pros impact of MOOCs on higher education reasons for choosing online courses online learning and time management online education distance learning e-learning MOOCs Massive Open Online Courses flexible study convenience self-paced learning remote education virtual classroom digital learning traditional university higher education educational technology asynchronous learning student flexibility remote study online degree study from home course accessibility work-life balance personalized learning adult learners lifelong learning online lectures online exams scheduling flexibility home-based education mobility global access online certification traditional classroom time management online learning benefits MOOC advantages online course flexibility distance education convenience remote learning self-paced courses online education vs traditional e-learning trends virtual classrooms digital education platforms asynchronous learning online study advantages personal learning environment work-study balance education accessibility online degree programs traditional university comparison adult learners online online test scheduling remote course access MOOCs e-learning distance education online degree programs virtual classrooms asynchronous learning online course flexibility digital education remote learning self-paced study blended learning student convenience online learning benefits university alternatives flexible scheduling adult learners online education accessibility traditional vs online education online assessment work-life balance online student engagement technology in education lifelong learning online course platforms remote university programs MOOCs e-learning distance education online degree virtual classroom remote learning digital education flexible schedule self-paced learning lifelong learning blended learning educational technology asynchronous courses adult learners student autonomy work-study balance online certification global access personalized education education accessibility
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con03a	Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) illiberal democracy good governance expert rule technocracy majority rule tyranny of the majority political legitimacy inequality consensus decision-making elite governance representative government direct democracy public opinion democratic deficit political stability institutional checks House of Lords meritocracy governance outcomes political philosophy French Revolution American democracy political inequality minority rights deliberative democracy populism electoral systems political accountability institutional design effective government liberty mob rule democratization public knowledge interest groups statecraft post-democracy good governance technocracy expert rule elitism tyranny of the majority illiberal democracy populism democratic deficits majority rule critique meritocracy institutional balance limitations of democracy representative government authority of experts public opinion and policy governance outcomes French Revolution and democracy American inequality and democracy democratic legitimacy procedural democracy liberalism vs democracy mixed government systems House of Lords role democratic accountability democracy vs stability minority rights Zakaria democracy democratic pitfalls governance effectiveness good governance illiberal democracy tyranny of the majority expert rule technocracy House of Lords legitimacy of government public consensus democratic deficits political inequality mob rule political stability majority rule risks political representation comparative democracy authority of experts alternative governance models historical examples democracy France political history US political inequality critiques of democracy political elitism limits of democracy role of institutions policy decision-making balancing interests minority rights liberty versus democracy governmental effectiveness disenfranchisement Zakaria democracy critique alternatives to democracy in governance democracy versus technocracy debate tyranny of the majority examples effectiveness of non-democratic governments democracy and inequality case studies lessons from the French Revolution on democracy Fareed Zakaria illiberal democracy summary expert rule versus popular rule House of Lords role in modern governance democracy and public consensus limitations balancing majority rule with minority rights historical critiques of democracy democracy and social stability representative democracy flaws democracy and policy expertise institutional checks on pure democracy comparing democratic and non-democratic outcomes role of elite institutions in government governance beyond electoral politics philosophical critiques of democracy alternatives to democracy illiberal democracy tyranny of the majority technocracy vs democracy mob rule French Revolution and democracy democracy in America inequality and democracy House of Lords role democracy and governance expert-led government public consensus decision-making majority rule limitations democratic legitimacy meritocracy in government government institutions democratic theory representative democracy critiques democratic stability democracy and social outcomes liberal democracy challenges alternatives to democracy criticism of democracy tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria illiberal democracy expert-led governance mob rule in French Revolution American inequality and democracy government balance of interests House of Lords role true democracy feasibility good governance vs democracy limits of popular rule history of democracy failures democracy and social inequality democracy vs technocracy trade-offs in governance consensus decision making democracy in France American democracy critique non-democratic institutions effectiveness democracy alternative governance technocracy expert rule majority rule tyranny of the majority consensus public opinion government decision-making interest groups balance of power good governance illiberal democracy Fareed Zakaria French Revolution mob rule liberty violence inequality American democracy US inequality effectiveness of democracy representative democracy deliberative democracy institutional design House of Lords democracy vs. governance legitimacy public participation political theory comparative government democracy critique democracy critique alternatives to democracy technocracy expert governance tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria illiberal democracy limitations of democracy mob rule French Revolution democracy democratic instability American inequality political consensus interest group balancing House of Lords relevance good governance representation models democratic theory democratic legitimacy public opinion versus expertise elite rule constitutional government oligarchy versus democracy history of democracy democracy and social inequality democracy in practice governance effectiveness democratic institutions politics of expertise democracy versus stability government systems democracy critique good governance tyranny of the majority expert rule public consensus legitimacy House of Lords democratic institutions representative government French Revolution American democracy political inequality comparative politics liberty vs order illiberal democracy Fareed Zakaria majority rule minority rights political philosophy historical case studies governance outcomes democratic theory mob rule institutional balance elite governance illiberal democracy technocracy governance effectiveness political legitimacy tyranny of the majority deliberative democracy elite rule majority rule limitations constitutional safeguards minority rights public opinion vs expert opinion democratic backsliding political stability comparative political systems historical outcomes of democracy role of the House of Lords checks and balances French Revolution political impact American inequality alternative forms of government defending non-democratic institutions functionalism in government political representation participatory democracy legitimacy of unelected bodies
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 religious symbols religious equality discrimination religious freedom Islamic veil Muslim veil government policy religious bans Sikh Kirpan sacred symbols public safety minority rights cultural diversity symbolic expression religious accommodation Quebec law religious tolerance freedom of expression social consequences secularism multiculturalism policy implications legislative action religious symbol bans equality in religious symbols government policy on religious symbols discrimination and religious attire Muslim veil ban Sikh kirpan controversy religious freedom debates secularism and symbolism banning religious items consequences of religious bans public safety and religious items multiculturalism and religious expression Quebec kirpan case legal cases on religious apparel religious rights in public spaces freedom of religion cultural tolerance religious symbols in schools minority rights policy implications religious symbols religious symbols ban policies equality discrimination government policy Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan sacred symbols religious freedom public safety multiculturalism religious accommodation minority rights secularism freedom of expression legislative impact societal consequences cultural sensitivity Quebec kirpan case civil liberties inclusivity tolerance religious diversity human rights public controversy religious symbol bans government policy on religious symbols consequences of banning religious symbols discrimination and religious symbols equality in religious expression Muslim veil ban debate Sikh Kirpan legal cases Quebec kirpan case public safety and religious items legal challenges to religious symbol bans societal impact of banning religious items multiculturalism and religious symbols precedent for banning religious symbols religious freedom legislation religious accommodation in law public opinion on religious bans sacred symbols and legal rights government neutrality in religion religious symbols in public spaces interfaith perspectives on banning religious symbol ban religious equality discrimination government policy religious freedom Muslim veil ban Sikh Kirpan controversy sacred symbols public safety cultural sensitivity legislative implications minority rights Quebec kirpan case symbolism in religion public policy debate freedom of expression secularism laws religious accommodation social consequences of bans multiculturalism religious attire human rights legal protections religious exemptions societal impact religious symbol bans equality in religious symbols discrimination and religious symbols government policy religious symbols banning Muslim veil debate consequences of banning religious symbols Sikh Kirpan controversy religious freedom laws sacred symbols in public impact of banning religious attire public uproar religious bans religious liberty court cases multiculturalism and religious symbols Quebec Kirpan case balancing religious rights and public safety secularism vs religious expression accommodation of religious practices symbolism in religion freedom of expression religion religious pluralism bans religious freedom religious symbols equality discrimination government policy Muslim veil hijab Sikh Kirpan banning secularism public policy cultural rights minority rights religious expression sacred symbols legal cases Quebec Kirpan case civil liberties multiculturalism pluralism public safety religious accommodation social consequences freedom of expression religious tolerance religious symbols ban government policy on religious symbols discrimination in religious bans Muslim veil controversy Sikh Kirpan debate equality in religious treatment consequences of banning religious symbols Quebec kirpan case secularism and religious freedom public safety vs religious rights multiculturalism legal challenges religious bans cultural sensitivity minority religious rights freedom of expression religious accommodation symbolic bans societal impact Canadian religious symbolism precedent of religious bans policy implications religious attire religious symbols religious freedom religious discrimination symbol ban government policy minority rights equality secularism Muslim veil niqab hijab Sikh Kirpan public safety cultural identity religious expression Quebec case law and religion multiculturalism civil liberties societal consequences legal precedent religious tolerance accommodation public policy sacred symbols Islam Sikhism legislative impact social uproar religious garments faith-based symbols diversity pluralism religious symbol ban freedom of religion discrimination equality government policy secularism Muslim veil controversy Sikh kirpan debate religious rights public safety sacred symbols multiculturalism legal implications minority rights Quebec kirpan case religious expression social consequences policy enforcement tolerance cultural diversity religious accommodation societal impact religious attire laws religious discrimination interfaith dialogue
test-law-ilppppghb-pro04a	"Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", self-determination ethnic conflict partition decolonisation nation-state formation artificial borders postcolonial boundaries religious differences minority rights sovereignty territorial disputes national identity secession autonomy international law United Nations right to self-rule border conflicts majority rule minority protection ethnic nationalism plebiscite independence movement self-governance disputed territories indigenous rights regional stability conflict resolution legal recognition East Timor South Sudan Catalonia Crimea referendums peace processes population consent political legitimacy global governance self-determination nation-state formation ethnic conflict religious conflict decolonisation postcolonial boundaries partition territorial disputes minority rights secession autonomy national identity sovereignty international law right to self-government United Nations border conflicts boundary disputes post-Cold War case studies Asia Africa former Soviet Union Kashmir conflict Falkland Islands dispute indigenous rights referenda population will democratic choice colonial legacy recognition of states mapmaking errors peacebuilding negotiation political settlements historical grievances international intervention disputed territories self-governance self-determination ethnic conflict religious conflict nation-state formation decolonization border disputes postcolonial boundaries artificial borders international law sovereignty territorial integrity minority rights separatism independence movements partition Kashmir conflict Falkland Islands dispute national identity United Nations conflict resolution indigenous rights self-governance secession autonomy international recognition peacebuilding colonial legacy interethnic relations disputed territories referendum international community self-determination and ethnic conflict postcolonial borders and disputes international law self-determination self-determination in Kashmir self-determination in the Falkland Islands decolonisation and territorial disputes artificial borders impact ethnic groups and autonomy religious groups and territorial disputes historical roots of boundary disputes post-Cold War territorial changes Asia postcolonial disputes Africa border disputes former Soviet Union boundaries nation state formation and self-determination United Nations and self-determination legal perspectives on disputed territories geography and self-determination conflicts historical claims to land Falkland Islanders self-determination conflict resolution nation-building decolonization ethnic conflict religious differences postcolonial borders partition boundary disputes Asia Africa former Soviet Union international law sovereignty Kashmir Indo-Pakistani conflict Falkland Islands Malvinas dispute United Nations territorial disputes principle of self-determination border drawing identity politics indigenous rights political autonomy national self-determination secession self-governance minority rights colonial legacy post-Cold War order independence movements referenda international recognition autonomy movements self-rule ple self-determination ethnic conflict resolution nation-state boundaries decolonisation disputes postcolonial borders religious group autonomy international law self-determination Kashmir dispute Falkland Islands sovereignty partition of India artificial borders in Africa post-Soviet boundary disputes minority rights in nation-states UN self-determination principles indigenous sovereignty history of territorial disputes diplomacy and conflict resolution right to self-rule cultural assimilation conflicts international recognition of secession national identity and borders self-determination intractable disputes ethnic differences religious differences nation-state formation historical accident decolonisation postcolonial boundaries Asia Africa former Soviet Union partition artificial borders international law territorial disputes Kashmir conflict India-Pakistan 1947 partition Falkland Islands UK-Argentina dispute Malvinas war principle of self-determination international community contested sovereignty indigenous rights referendum national identity self-governance autonomy border conflicts colonial legacy territorial integrity right to self-determination United Nations global security self-determination intractable disputes ethnic conflict resolution religious conflict artificial borders postcolonial boundaries decolonisation nation state formation Asia ethnic disputes African border disputes post-Soviet states international law self-determination territorial sovereignty secession movements UN self-determination minority rights Kashmir dispute India-Pakistan partition Falkland Islands dispute UK-Argentina conflict Malvinas sovereignty indigenous rights right to self-governance boundary disputes international norms autonomy movements conflict mediation colonial legacy borders peaceful conflict resolution ethnic self-rule self-determination intractable disputes nation-state formation historical accidents decolonization ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa post-Soviet states postcolonial boundaries Cold War artificial borders boundary disputes ethnic groups religious groups international community peacebuilding conflict resolution Kashmir dispute India-Pakistan partition Falkland Islands UK-Argentina conflict Malvinas sovereignty principle of self-determination international law territorial claims indigenous rights minority rights self-governance plebiscite referendum global case studies United Nations self-determination ethnic conflict religious conflict decolonisation nation-state formation border disputes artificial borders international law sovereignty secession national identity minority rights postcolonial studies conflict resolution territorial disputes Kashmir conflict Falkland Islands dispute partition colonial legacy international community United Nations self-governance indigenous rights referendum peacebuilding geopolitical boundaries ethnic minorities state legitimacy self-rule post-Cold War Asia Africa former Soviet Union territorial integrity"
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 European Union integration EU defense policy common security and defense policy military cooperation European military integration UK-France military leadership EU institutional bodies Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff EU military missions Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina EU battlegroups rapid deployment forces EU security strategy international peace promotion justice development collective defense European military capacity EU foreign policy Common Foreign and Security Policy Rockwell Schnabel EU integration European military cooperation Common Security and Defense Policy EU defense integration EU military framework European Union security strategy Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU battlegroups EU rapid reaction force European defense pooling UK France EU defense EU military operations EU peacekeeping European security architecture military envoy EU foreign policy EU institutional development EU crisis management European defense policy European Union integration EU military unification Common Security and Defense Policy CSDP EU military framework European defense cooperation EU military capacity UK France military leadership EU institutional bodies Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina EU battlegroups multilateral military deployment EU security strategy European security development international peace promotion EU justice policy EU foreign policy European defense policy Rockwell Schnabel EU-US relations Brown Journal of World Affairs EU military integration European defense cooperation EU Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups European military framework EU political and security committees UK and France EU military leadership EU Macedonia Bosnia missions EU institutional bodies defense EU military staff EU rapid deployment forces EU security strategy EU international peace efforts EU justice and development Rockwell Schnabel EU defense article EU military capacity pooling EU strategic military autonomy future of EU military unification transatlantic security cooperation EU NATO relationship EU peacekeeping operations EU integration European military cooperation common military framework UK France military leadership European defense pooling Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff EU military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina missions Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups rapid deployment force EU security strategy EU international peace EU justice promotion EU development strategy EU institutional bodies Rockwell Schnabel EU Common Foreign and Security Policy EU military capacity European security policy EU multilateral defense European Union foreign policy EU military integration European common defense policy EU security strategy Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee European battlegroups Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) EU military capacity pooling UK and France EU defense leadership EU military institutional development EU intervention in Macedonia EU intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina EU peacekeeping missions EU international security role EU justice and development promotion Rockwell Schnabel EU defense analysis European defense cooperation history EU military standby forces EU foreign policy framework EU military envoys European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) European Union EU integration EU military framework EU security policy Common Security and Defense Policy CSDP European military capacity UK military France military EU military cooperation Political and Security Committee Military Committee EU military staff EU battlegroups EU rapid reaction force Macedonia EU envoy Bosnia-Herzegovina EU envoy EU defense policy EU institutional bodies EU external relations EU security strategy international peace EU justice promotion EU development policy European defense integration collective security Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views on EU security EU foreign policy multilateral military force EU integration European Union defense common security policy EU military framework European armed forces UK France military cooperation EU battlegroups EU military committees Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina missions Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) EU response forces multilateral military cooperation EU security strategy European security policy EU institutional development EU peacekeeping international justice EU defense pooling EU crisis management EU external action Rockwell Schnabel Brown Journal of World Affairs EU military integration Common Security and Defense Policy European defense cooperation EU military framework Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff European battlegroups EU security strategy EU foreign policy UK-France military leadership military capacity pooling EU peacekeeping missions Macedonia Bosnia EU missions EU institutional bodies Rockwell Schnabel EU-US security relations European defense buildup EU international peace promotion EU justice development strategy European integration European Union defense policy EU Common Security and Defense Policy European military cooperation EU defense integration EU Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee multinational battlegroups joint EU military operations defense pooling Franco-British military leadership EU military envoys EU security strategy EU international peace initiatives EU institutional development EU foreign policy Bosnia-Herzegovina EU mission Macedonia EU mission permanent EU forces Rockwell Schnabel transatlantic security relations EU-NATO cooperation European strategic autonomy
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro01a	In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives imminent attack use of force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv intelligence rapid response pain infliction ethical dilemma justifiable torture forceful interrogation saving lives utilitarian ethics public safety moral justification ticking time bomb scenario counterterrorism measures emergency interrogation security strategy lawful interrogation necessity defense proportional response ticking time bomb torture debate utilitarian ethics coercive interrogation national security moral justification emergency powers counterterrorism intelligence gathering ethical dilemma human rights pain infliction just war theory proportionality necessity defense preventive detention security vs liberty enhanced interrogation techniques public safety zero-sum ethics targeted interrogation consequentialism hypothetical scenarios Manhattan nuclear threat Tel Aviv terrorism forced confessions ticking time bomb enhanced interrogation torture debate ethical justification utilitarianism national security counterterrorism emergency interrogation moral dilemma necessity defense preventive detention intelligence gathering public safety proportionality security ethics human rights extreme measures just war theory imminent threat law enforcement coercive interrogation crisis management nuclear terrorism ticking time bomb scenario ethical justification of torture utilitarian argument for torture torture to prevent mass casualty interrogation methods in terrorism security versus human rights nuclear terrorism threat response proportionality in emergency ethics balancing individual rights and public safety justification for enhanced interrogation state response to imminent attacks moral dilemmas in counterterrorism preventive force in intelligence gathering pain infliction ethical debate necessity defense in interrogation legal frameworks for emergency powers torture in extreme situations humanitarian law and national security cost-benefit analysis of interrogation techniques civil liberties in times of crisis ticking time bomb scenario enhanced interrogation utilitarian ethics torture justification moral dilemmas consequentialism security vs human rights emergency interrogation proportionality principle state of exception necessity defense information gathering under duress national security ethics pain vs greater good preventative measures threat mitigation intelligence coercion ethical trade-offs Manhattan nuclear threat Tel Aviv terror prevention ticking time bomb scenario torture ethics debate justified use of force utilitarian argument torture nuclear threat interrogation enhanced interrogation techniques moral dilemmas national security torture to prevent terrorism Manhattan nuclear attack prevention Tel Aviv nuclear threat pain versus greater good balancing individual rights security forceful interrogation consequences saving lives ethical considerations preventive torture justification authorities use of torture emergency interrogation ethics national security versus human rights immediate threat response ethical limits interrogation ticking time bomb torture ethics interrogation techniques utilitarianism just war theory national security emergency situations necessity defense counterterrorism nuclear terrorism Manhattan threat Tel Aviv threat proportionality coercive interrogation pain infliction information gathering ethical dilemma moral justification preventative measures public safety human rights civil liberties state of exception law enforcement intelligence operations terrorism prevention security ethics existential threat risk assessment moral trade-off consequentialism ticking time bomb scenario ethical justification torture utilitarian ethics interrogation torture for information pain infliction moral dilemma counter-terrorism interrogation torture effectiveness human rights versus security emergency interrogation methods information extraction under duress nuclear threat response Manhattan terrorism prevention extreme measures security justifying torture terrorism life-saving interrogation moral cost of torture necessity defense torture proportionality in interrogation consequentialism security ethics public safety versus individual rights imminent attack use of force information gathering forceful interrogation just war theory ticking bomb scenario ethical implications torture debate utilitarianism national security human rights intelligence extraction counterterrorism Manhattan nuclear threat Tel Aviv explosion pain infliction moral justification proportionality security vs liberty emergency exceptions consequentialism saving lives interrogation ethics public safety law enforcement ethics terrorism prevention ticking time bomb scenario torture justification ethical dilemmas utilitarianism intelligence gathering forced interrogation moral philosophy counterterrorism emergency ethics national security human rights proportionality preventive interrogation information extraction ethical trade-offs justified torture consequentialism security vs liberty interrogation effectiveness pain infliction ethics
test-science-eassgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal rights animal protection animal testing animal experimentation laboratory animals animal cruelty prevention animal legislation ethical treatment of animals animal welfare regulations UK animal laws scientific procedures Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 anti-vivisection animal research laws government policy on animals consistency in animal laws humane research animal abuse animal ethics animal law exemptions animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing animal experimentation scientific procedures UK animal law Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 ethical treatment of animals animal rights animal abuse government policy legal loopholes animal protection animal research regulation humane alternatives animal legislation bioethics law enforcement public opinion animal testing reform animal laws animal rights animal experimentation ethical treatment of animals laboratory animal laws animal testing regulations scientific research ethics animal protection cruelty prevention animal experimentation ban animal welfare legislation research animal exemption humane research alternatives animal testing controversy legislative loopholes government animal policy animal experimentation ethics animal welfare legislation scientific procedures animal testing UK animal testing laws animal abuse governmental stance animal cruelty legal loopholes consistency in animal protection laws banning animal testing reform animal welfare laws animal rights advocacy balancing science and animal welfare government policy animal experimentation ethical treatment laboratory animals closing animal welfare loopholes animal testing public opinion alternatives to animal testing international animal welfare comparison stricter animal research regulations animal cruelty prosecution transparent animal testing policies animal testing animal cruelty animal welfare laws UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act animal rights ethical treatment government policy scientific research ethics legal exceptions animal abuse prevention animal protection animal experimentation law enforcement animal legislation humane research bioethics regulatory loopholes animal advocacy public policy legal inconsistency animal testing ethics animal welfare laws animal cruelty prevention UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act animal rights government policy animal abuse inconsistencies animal laws scientific research animals animal experimentation regulations legal exceptions animal testing ethical treatment animals reform animal welfare laws animal protection advocacy banning animal testing animal abuse legislation animal welfare animal cruelty animal rights animal protection animal testing animal experimentation animal abuse laws scientific procedures UK legislation ethical treatment animal research laboratory animals bioethics government policy animal law animal protection laws animal ethics vivisection research regulations humane treatment anti-cruelty laws testing alternatives legal loopholes animal experimentation laws animal suffering consistency in law law enforcement animal advocacy morality in research animal protections scientific exemptions animal testing animal welfare laws animal cruelty Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 UK animal law animal research regulation ethical animal treatment animal rights government policy animal abuse laboratory animal testing animal experimentation law animal protection animal ethics animal abuse legality animal experimentation controversy animal law inconsistencies animal research legislation animal welfare enforcement animal testing animal welfare laws animal cruelty prevention Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 ethical animal research government policy animal abuse animal rights legislation consistency animal welfare exceptions animal law regulation animal experiments animal abuse loopholes banning animal testing UK animal law scientific experimentation on animals government stance animal cruelty animal testing alternatives animal research regulation ethical animal treatment scientific procedures act animal cruelty prevention government animal welfare policy animal experimentation laws humane research practices animal rights legislation animal testing debate laboratory animal protection regulatory frameworks for animal use consistency in animal welfare laws animal abuse loopholes UK animal testing policy
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con04a	The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations neo-colonialism post-colonial power dynamics economic dependency former colonies donor influence government legitimacy policy intervention independence development aid power structures colonial legacy foreign aid impact sovereignty international relations colonial history recipient country economic governance donor-recipient relationship external control reparations neo-colonialism economic dependency former colonies post-colonial power dynamics government sovereignty donor influence aid conditionality development aid colonial legacy policy influence recipient government international relations economic exploitation inequality colonial powers aid effectiveness foreign intervention political autonomy dependency theory neo-colonialism reparations post-colonial dependency economic influence donor-recipient relations former colonies foreign aid sovereignty erosion power dynamics developmental autonomy government legitimacy policy influence colonial legacy international relations economic dependency historical injustice political control neo-colonialism and reparations reparations induce dependency impact of reparations on recipient sovereignty donor influence on former colonies reparations and government legitimacy post-colonial power dynamics economic need and political control reparations as modern colonialism reparations and policy influence reparations weakening recipient autonomy effects of aid on ex-colonies reparations and long-term development reparations perpetuating old power structures conditionality of reparations reparations and economic independence reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic dependency colonial powers influence policy control government legitimacy donor influence development aid post-colonial power structures sovereignty national independence foreign intervention international relations development assistance historical power dynamics recipient country autonomy donor-recipient relationship political influence reparations critique neo-colonialism post-colonial dependency donor influence recipient government sovereignty economic aid manipulation power dynamics former colonial powers international relations sovereignty erosion development aid criticism post-colonial theory conditional aid policy influence government legitimacy ex-colonies independence aid conditionality reparations neo-colonialism former colonies power dynamics economic dependency colonial powers government influence policy intervention donor-recipient relationship post-colonial development sovereignty economic aid political autonomy historical power structures colonial legacy foreign intervention recipient government international relations aid dependency national self-determination neo-colonialism reparations dependency colonial legacy donor influence former colonies power dynamics economic dependency political interference post-colonial development sovereignty erosion aid conditionality donor-recipient relationship government legitimacy international relations global inequalities neo-imperialism post-colonial policy external influence reparations critique nation-building challenges neo-colonialism reparations colonial power dynamics former colonies economic dependency government autonomy donor influence recipient country policy post-colonial development power structure international relations foreign aid economic sovereignty political influence colonial legacy neo-colonialism reparations critique postcolonial dependency donor influence policy intervention economic sovereignty power dynamics former colonies colonial legacy governmental autonomy developmental aid international relations recipient nation donor-recipient relationship structural inequality aid conditionality political influence economic dependency postcolonial studies colonial power structures
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro03a	Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. coca legalization economic development Andean farmers income generation rural livelihoods coca leaf products traditional practices coca industry poverty alleviation sustainable agriculture Bolivia South America crop substitution rural employment alternative development social stability international trade coca regulation indigenous rights agricultural productivity legal markets rural poverty economic diversification cultural heritage local economies coca leaf legalization economic development Andean agriculture alternative livelihoods Bolivia coca farmers coca leaf products traditional coca use sustainable development poverty alleviation social impact coca cultivation income sources Andes economic benefits coca legal coca trade coca chewing productivity non-narcotic coca use coca-based industries rural economic growth marginal communities development international coca policy traditional medicine coca coca tea export domestic coca products coca legislation developing countries global coca market coca stigma reduction coca leaf economic development Bolivia Andean region alternative crops indigenous rights coca products livelihood poverty reduction sustainable agriculture social impact legal cultivation market expansion global trade rural income drug policy reform traditional use value-added products coca tea regional economies legalisation benefits smallholder farmers local industry crop substitution agricultural policy economic benefits of legal coca cultivation impact of coca legalization on developing countries coca cultivation and poverty reduction sustainable coca farming alternatives to coca eradication legal coca and rural livelihoods coca leaf products and markets commercialization of coca leaf social effects of coca legalization traditional uses of coca leaves international coca trade regulation economic opportunities from coca agriculture coca as an income source for Andean farmers coca legalization and social stability global market for coca-based products diversification of coca-derived goods coca cultivation and indigenous economies bolivia coca farming economic impact expansion of legal coca industries stigma reduction through coca legalization legal coca cultivation economic growth developing countries Andean region Bolivia coca leaf traditional use rural livelihoods poverty alleviation agricultural economics alternative development crop substitution eradication impact income source peasant farmers social unrest global legalization coca products stimulant beverages pharmaceutical uses anaesthetic potential value-added products trade policy international drug policy sustainable agriculture cultural practices policy reform harm reduction transnational institute Evo Morales New York Times rural economies diversification smallholder farmers legal regulation South America indigenous rights coca legalization economic impact coca cultivation developing economies alternative income sources Andes coca leaf traditional uses impact of coca eradication policies legal coca and poverty reduction global coca products market coca farming social stability coca-derived products international trade economic benefits of coca legalization sustainable agriculture South America legal coca vs cocaine stigma expansion of coca-based industries case studies Bolivia coca cultivation coca as stimulant and flavoring agent traditional medicine coca uses legalizing coca for export economic opportunities indigenous farmers rural development coca cultivation social effects coca legalization legal coca cultivation economic growth developing countries South America coca leaf Andean region Bolivia Peru Colombia poverty alleviation rural livelihoods smallholder farmers alternative development coca chewing traditional practices coca-based products legalisation global market value-added products coca tea coca syrup coca shampoo coca toothpaste medicinal uses anesthetic properties social unrest crop eradication agricultural productivity income generation drug policy reform indigenous rights cultural heritage sustainable agriculture market expansion economic benefits trade policy international law stigma reduction harm reduction rural development coca economy legal coca cultivation economic growth developing countries South America coca leaves Andean farmers poverty alleviation rural income Bolivia sustainable agriculture alternative livelihoods coca market coca legalisation peasant economy economic benefits traditional practices social impact indigenous rights coca products coca tea coca syrup natural stimulants export potential crop substitution legal regulation global legalization domestic coca market non-narcotic uses agricultural productivity value-added products harm reduction coca industry sustainable development international trade cultural heritage economic policy coca legalization economic development Andean region sustainable agriculture poverty alleviation alternative livelihoods South America traditional coca use rural economies legal coca trade harm reduction social impact global market opportunities product diversification medicinal uses beverage industry agro-economics legal frameworks coca leaf export smallholder farmers indigenous rights social stability international drug policy development policy crop substitution supply chain integration value-added products local entrepreneurship fair trade stigma reduction legalization coca leaf economic development Andean region alternative livelihoods poverty alleviation coca products traditional use drug policy reform sustainable agriculture indigenous rights Bolivia Peru Colombia rural income agricultural diversification social impact economic empowerment global trade medicinal uses coca tea value-added products development policy harm reduction export potential legal markets rural economy cultural heritage smallholder farmers coca industry
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy common foreign and security policy CFSP EU decision making EU external relations European Commission EU defense policy supranational cooperation EU unity EU solidarity EU consultation stability international system EU international role EU integration common ground member states foreign affairs EU symbols European Union governance post-Lisbon Treaty EU institutional reforms CSDP EU diplomatic service European External Action Service EEAS common security international cooperation EU foreign affairs global influence EU member states coordination High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy EU decision making common foreign and security policy EU external action European Union diplomacy EU defense policy Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) European External Action Service (EEAS) EU cooperation EU integration supranational decision making EU institutional reform foreign affairs EU EU international relations Treaty of Lisbon EU solidarity EU harmonization EU unity EU symbols Vice President of the Commission EU global strategy EU member states cooperation High Representative EU foreign policy Common Security and Defence Policy CFSP EU decision making EU foreign affairs European External Action Service EU diplomacy EU integration EU governance supranationalism foreign policy cooperation EU institutional reform Treaty of Lisbon EU symbolism EU unity EU solidarity EU harmony member state coordination international stability EU global role EU Vice President HRVP defense policy EU external relations European Union institutions EU High Representative role significance EU foreign policy decision making High Representative and Vice President of Commission impact common EU foreign and security policy EU cooperative foreign policy model EU defense policy integration member states commitment to EU policies streamlining EU international role common ground in EU foreign affairs reinforcing EU cooperation and consultation EU international system stability EU unity and solidarity in foreign policy EU symbolism and foreign affairs evolution of EU foreign policy leadership EU institutional change in foreign relations HRVP and global EU diplomacy post-Lisbon Treaty EU foreign policy reforms EU supranational foreign policy mechanisms strengthening EU external action High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy EU decision making Common Foreign and Security Policy EU cooperation model EU defense policy European integration EU external relations EU diplomacy supranational governance international cooperation member state coordination EU political institutions EU security policy EU unity EU solidarity EU harmony EU symbolism European Union post-Lisbon Treaty EU global role foreign policy coordination EU institutional reform EU foreign affairs EEAS EU policymaking CFSP Treaty of Lisbon EU Vice President EU Commission international stability multilateral diplomacy High Representative EU HRVP role EU foreign policy EU decision making EU defense policy common foreign and security policy EU international relations EU integration EU external action EU common ground EU cooperation model EU stability EU symbolism European unity EU solidarity EU harmony EU world politics EU Commission EU policy making EU member states High Representative HRVP EU foreign policy decision making European Union foreign affairs common foreign and security policy CFSP defense policy EU integration supranational cooperation international relations EU diplomacy EU governance policy coordination unity solidarity harmony EU symbols EU institutions member states cooperation European Commission EU external action global affairs EU identity EU reforms Treaty of Lisbon institutional change collective decision making multilateralism EU external representation international stability European values High Representative EU HRVP EU foreign policy EU foreign affairs EU defense policy common foreign and security policy EU decision making EU Commission Vice President European Union integration EU common ground EU institutional reform EU international relations EU cooperation mechanism EU foreign policy role EU world politics European defense cooperation EU member state commitment EU symbolism EU unity EU solidarity EU harmony EU external action Treaty of Lisbon European External Action Service CFSP EU global strategy EU diplomatic service supranational decision making EU political integration EU governance High Representative EU foreign policy EU decision making HRVP EU Commission common EU foreign policy foreign and defense policy EU cooperation model EU member states EU commitment common ground EU significance Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) EU world politics EU cooperation EU consultation international system stability EU stated goals EU unity EU solidarity EU harmony EU symbols EU foreign policy High Representative HRVP European Union institutions decision-making process common foreign and security policy CFSP EU integration defense policy supranational governance cooperation member states EU external relations Lisbon Treaty EU diplomacy international system European Commission policy harmonization unity solidarity EU symbolism global governance international cooperation EU governance structure Common Security and Defence Policy CSDP
test-international-ipecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Eurozone exit Grexit Greek economy currency stability euro benefits long-term impact investor confidence hyperinflation default consequences transitory growth trade efficiency single currency European trade austerity measures permanent benefits capital investment economic integration monetary union fiscal crisis financial markets economic stability foreign investment exchange rate risk Greece euro membership Eurozone exit Grexit euro stability investor confidence hyperinflation risk currency collapse Greek economy single currency benefits Eurozone trade economic integration long-term growth short-term austerity permanent benefits financial stability intra-European trade European Union economic efficiency foreign investment capital flight economic consequences fiscal policy monetary policy currency devaluation trade relations structural reforms economic recovery economic risk sovereign default economic uncertainty euro crisis Eurozone exit Grexit Greek economic stability currency collapse hyperinflation risk investor confidence single currency benefits Eurozone trade economic growth transitory growth effects permanent Eurozone benefits Greek austerity measures long-term investment European trade partners financial stability Euro adoption macroeconomic policy capital flight fiscal union monetary policy sovereign default Eurozone integration economic uncertainty inflation consequences Greek economic recovery Eurozone exit economic impact long-term effects of Grexit Greece currency stability investor confidence post-Eurozone hyperinflation risks Greece Greek trade with Eurozone single currency trade efficiency austerity measures long-term benefits fiscal policies Eurozone versus national Greek economic growth projections foreign investment Greece euro transactional costs single currency Euro versus drachma comparison European Union integration benefits risks of defaulting Greece monetary policy independence Greece credit rating Greece Eurozone historical examples currency exits Greek banking sector Eurozone comparative welfare Greece inside outside Eurozone Eurozone exit Greece long-term impact economic stability currency collapse investor confidence Greek default consequences Greek hyperinflation single currency benefits Eurozone trade relations trade efficiency investment efficiency Eurozone austerity permanent Eurozone benefits Greek economic growth Eurozone membership capital flight Greek inflation risks European economic integration monetary union Greek fiscal policy Greek trade partners sovereign default economic recovery Euro currency advantages European debt crisis currency devaluation Greece euro exit scenarios Eurozone exit Greece Greek economic stability permanent benefits Eurozone Greek drachma hyperinflation investor confidence Greece Greek default risks long-term economic growth Greece Euro currency trade efficiency Greek trade with Europe Eurozone investment benefits Greek austerity measures Greek economic recovery risks of leaving Eurozone Greece economic crisis Eurozone membership advantages Greek currency collapse European economic integration Greek financial stability consequences of Grexit Greece monetary policy Eurozone exit Grexit Greek economy long-term impact short-term stimulus Euro stability investment security currency collapse hyperinflation risk economic consequences single currency benefits European trade trade efficiency profitability austerity measures economic integration investor confidence economic growth permanent benefits transitory advantages Euro membership euro area crisis sovereign default fiscal policy financial stability economic recovery macroeconomic policy cross-border transactions economic policy monetary union European Union capital flows financial markets exchange rate risk Eurozone stability Greek economy long-term economic impact euro benefits investor confidence currency collapse Greek default consequences hyperinflation in Greece single currency advantages Eurozone investment efficiency intra-European trade austerity measures Greece Eurozone membership benefits permanent vs transitory economic effects Greek trade partners economic uncertainty Greece austerity trade-off structural reforms Greece Greek economic recovery financial integration Eurozone monetary policy Greece Eurozone exit Greece economic impact long-term effects currency stability investor confidence hyperinflation risk single currency benefits Eurozone trade Greek trade partners austerity measures economic growth default consequences monetary union international investment currency collapse permanent benefits transitory growth Eurozone membership financial stability Greek economy Eurozone exit Grexit Greek economy long-term effects default euro stability investor confidence hyperinflation single currency benefits trade with Europe Eurozone membership austerity measures economic growth currency collapse foreign direct investment transitory benefits permanent benefits transactional efficiency economic integration monetary policy Greek trade partners
test-society-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural development urbanization urban-rural migration migration restrictions economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment rural workforce rural-urban divide social inequality urban modernization rural investment population distribution rural livelihoods balanced workforce rural communities rural-to-urban migration national development policy urban bias rural underdevelopment rural development rural investment rural-urban migration restrictions urban privilege special economic zones rural workforce retention urban infrastructure investment rural modernization urban-rural divide social inequality economic disparity resource allocation urbanization effects rural economic growth migration policy balanced workforce rural communities investor attraction rural areas China urbanization rural marginalization countryside investment rural social change migration control rural development urbanization policy workforce retention rural investment city resource allocation economic disparity rural-urban divide special economic zones urban privilege rural exodus infrastructure funding balanced population rural revitalization regional equality rural empowerment decision-making bias sustainable rural communities urban migration effects rural modernization urban-rural migration restrictions benefits rural investment incentives preventing urban economic strain balancing rural-urban workforce China urban privilege policies rural workforce retention special economic zones rural-urban divide urban infrastructure investment effects city resource preservation rural development through migration controls consequences of unrestricted rural-urban migration prioritizing rural development urban-rural social division national economic balance migration policy counteracting urban bias in investment rural modernization through workforce retention negative impacts of rapid urbanization policy solutions for rural decline case study: China rural-urban migration attracting investors to rural communities rural-urban migration economic growth urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment rural development urban-rural divide workforce retention rural investment urban modernization resource allocation social divisions migration policy developing economies urbanization rural modernization balanced workforce decision making national development Sub-Saharan Africa China urbanization rural workforce investor attraction urban bias regional inequality political economy food security urban-rural migration restrictions rural economic investment urban privilege China rural modernization policies rural workforce retention social divide urban rural infrastructure investment rural areas balanced workforce rural development urban economic zones impact city-centric development urbanization effects on rural communities rural depopulation consequences equitable national resource allocation urban vs rural economic growth migration policy benefits rural areas rural development urban migration migration restrictions urbanization economic growth city resources rural investment urban-rural divide special economic zones urban privilege rural workforce infrastructure disparity urban modernization urban-rural inequalities rural outmigration investor attraction national policy resource allocation China urbanization rural marginalization social divisions rural modernization sub-Saharan Africa political economy rural communities city-centric development balanced workforce decision makers rural neglect urban bias urban-rural migration rural development migration restrictions urbanization rural investment urban privilege economic growth special economic zones rural workforce retention urban resource allocation urban-rural divide balanced workforce rural modernization China urban policy rural economic sustainability city-centric policies rural depopulation rural community investment urban infrastructure political economy rural areas rural-urban disparity migration policy case studies rural-urban social division sub-Saharan Africa urbanization urban food security rural productivity rural poverty reduction urban-rural resource balance rural development urban-rural migration economic disparity rural investment urban privilege special economic zones resource allocation workforce retention rural modernization city infrastructure rural-urban divide regional development social stratification rural exodus balanced workforce rural revitalization urbanization policy rural economic growth migration restriction urbanization impact rural communities investment incentives rural sustainability policy intervention China urbanization Sub-Saharan Africa urbanization rural development urbanization policy migration restrictions rural-urban divide urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce distribution economic growth rural investment urban modernization rural workforce retention regional inequality social stratification China urbanization city-centric policies rural neglect social mobility economic disparity balanced regional development
test-society-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See labor force participation gender equality women's rights workplace equality reproductive roles productive roles cultural norms gender norms male breadwinner public sphere domestic workers women's empowerment community organizations labor rights African Regional Domestic Workers Network gender discrimination equal opportunity legal representation social change feminist movements workforce inclusion women's employment advocacy gender mainstreaming gender justice labor law female labor force participation women's employment rights gender equality in the workplace women's economic empowerment women's access to public sphere gender norms in labor male breadwinner stereotype women’s labor movements African Regional Domestic Workers Network women’s legal representation gender and cultural norms reproductive vs productive labor gendered division of labor domestic workers’ rights community advocacy for women labor rights organizations conferences on women’s labor gender discrimination in employment women's awareness of rights women’s unionization female workforce advocacy gender equality women's employment female workforce women's rights gender norms cultural barriers productive sphere reproductive roles male breadwinner community advocacy labour unions domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network workplace discrimination gender mainstreaming empowerment women's organisations equal pay public sphere access legal representation labor law economic participation gender justice social change employment rights collective bargaining conference participation information sharing activism women's empowerment policy reform labour participation and gender rights women's labour force involvement impact of labour participation on gender equality challenging gender norms through labour women's rights in the workforce transformation of gender roles via employment empowerment of women through work cultural change from women's labour participation rise of community lawyers for women workers female domestic workers' rights in Africa African Regional Domestic Workers Network initiatives advocacy for women's work rights labour participation changing societal norms women entering public and productive spheres effects of employment on traditional gender roles support organizations for female workers legal representation for working women conferences on domestic workers' rights strategies for gender equality in the workplace women’s empowerment gender equality female workforce gender norms labor force participation reproductive sphere productive sphere gender roles equal work rights public space access male breadwinner community lawyers women’s organizations domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network women’s rights advocacy labor law gender discrimination workplace equality feminist movements social change cultural ideologies gender-based barriers labour rights employment policy gender mainstreaming women in the workforce gender equality in employment female labor rights women's empowerment through work challenging gender norms gender roles in labor women's access to public space community organizations for women workers African domestic workers rights gender and labor movement Africa equal pay for women women's economic participation women's legal rights at work women's labor unions women challenging cultural norms women’s representation in labor law African women and employment domestic workers rights Africa gender discrimination in the workplace labour participation gender rights women's rights gender equality workplace equality productive sphere reproductive sphere cultural norms gender norms male breadwinner feminist movements equal opportunity labour force workforce diversity domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network community lawyers women's empowerment legal representation public space access working women labour rights employment rights gender discrimination social change advocacy organizations policy reform gender roles economic empowerment female labor force participation women's labor unions gender mainstreaming gender justice women's movements workplace inclusion occupational segregation female labour force participation gender equality in workplaces women's employment rights women's economic empowerment gender norms transformation productive versus reproductive roles women's public sphere access male breadwinner norm women domestic workers African women's labour rights community legal support for women labour rights organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network women's rights advocacy gender-inclusive policies workplace gender diversity women's workforce inclusion labour rights conferences women's movement gender discrimination in employment social change through labour women's legal representation global gender rights movements women workforce gender equality workplace rights female empowerment gender norms cultural barriers domestic workers African women labor labor rights public sphere access gender policy community legal support labor law economic participation women's organizations employment equity gender mainstreaming workplace inclusion labor unions social justice gender equality women's employment workplace rights women's empowerment female labor force gender norms cultural attitudes reproductive labor productive sector public sphere domestic workers women's organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network labor movements community advocacy gender discrimination employment law social change women's rights advocacy labor policy gender mainstreaming women's legal representation labor unions feminist movements economic participation gender justice
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con04a	"Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. animal experimentation ethical regulations non-animal research methods 3Rs principle animal welfare research alternatives EU Directive 2010/63/EU animal model refinement animal use reduction animal replacement genetically modified animals human microdosing computer modeling cell culture in vitro studies biomedical research ethics institutional review boards animal research laws scientific integrity cost-benefit analysis animal suffering minimization human physiology research research licensing pathophysiology studies animal ethics government regulations alternative testing methods research quality improvement animal rights scientific advances bioethics animal use justification animal experimentation regulations alternatives to animal testing non-animal research methods 3Rs principle EU Directive 2010/63/EU refinement reduction replacement ethical guidelines animal research research licensing requirements genetically modified animals human microdosing computer modeling in research cell culture alternatives animal model limitations physiological research methods cost of animal research scientific research ethics animal welfare policies research methodology alternatives substitute research methods biomedical research standards 3Rs alternative methods non-animal research animal welfare EU Directive 2010/63/EU refinement replacement reduction ethical research animal experimentation laws research licensing genetically modified animals computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies animal suffering minimization research ethics biomedical research scientific regulations research quality improvement animal use reduction non-animal alternatives developed countries scientific standards physiology research gene interaction studies financially efficient research animal research ethical regulations alternatives to animal testing 3Rs doctrine in research EU Directive 2010/63/EU animal research non-animal research methods licensing for animal experiments refinement reduction replacement in animal testing genetically modified animals in research cost of animal research computer models in biomedical research cell cultures vs animal models human microdosing studies population-based research methods scientific quality improvement through 3Rs legal requirements for animal research institutional policies animal research scientific necessity of animal testing alternatives efficacy in research animal welfare laws research method suitability animal testing animal research regulations alternatives to animal testing 3Rs principle EU Directive 2010/63/EU ethical animal use non-animal research methods animal welfare legislation research license requirements genetically modified animals computer modeling in research cell culture alternatives human microdosing population studies reduction of animal use refinement of animal experiments replacement with non-animal alternatives scientific research quality cost of animal research research ethics validation of alternative methods biomedical research policy international animal research laws animal experiment justification research oversight innovative research methodologies responsible research practices animal research regulations alternatives to animal testing 3Rs principle ethical animal experimentation EU Directive 2010/63/EU animal research laws US refinement reduction replacement non-animal research methods computer models in research cell culture alternatives human microdosing studies genetically modified animals research research ethics animal welfare animal experiment licensing cost of animal research scientific method alternatives animal suffering minimization academic animal research policies animal model data integration compliance with 3Rs doctrine animal experimentation alternatives to animal testing non-animal research methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs principle refinement replacement reduction animal welfare research ethics bioethics regulatory compliance genetically modified animals computer modeling cell cultures human microdosing in vitro studies population studies scientific regulations institutional policies animal suffering research quality research methodology cost of animal research scientific innovation humane research scientific rigor licensing requirements biomedical research animal models law on animal testing research alternatives scientific responsibility animal research regulations alternatives to animal testing 3Rs doctrine research ethics non-animal research methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU animal welfare refinement replacement reduction research licensing genetically modified animals computer models in research cell culture methods human microdosing population studies animal model limitations biomedical research laws animal experiment approval process ethical guidelines preclinical research animal suffering reduction scientific quality improvement financial incentives in research academic institution policies innovative research methods physiological studies genetic modification research responsible animal use mandatory alternatives animal testing bans research optimization advanced experimental animal research alternatives non-animal methods 3Rs principle EU Directive 2010/63/EU United States regulations ethical considerations research refinement research replacement reduction of animal use animal welfare regulatory compliance scientific quality human microdosing computer modeling cell cultures genetically modified animals gene interaction research licensing institutional responsibility financial incentives biomedical research research pathologies population studies research ethics animal suffering experimental design scientific advancement law and regulation animal model limitations alternatives to animal testing non-animal research methods 3Rs principle EU Directive 2010/63/EU animal welfare regulations animal testing laws research ethics refinement of animal experiments replacement alternatives reduction in animal use genetically modified animals biomedical research computer modeling in research cell culture techniques human microdosing population-based studies gene editing in research cost of animal research scientific advancements animal model limitations ethical guidelines in research research licensing requirements"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. degree credibility academic standards elite universities educational reputation critical thinking free thought creativity admissions criteria academic rigor graduate exclusivity institutional integrity impartial evaluation plagiarism prevention western education graduate skills academic value university reputation global recognition authenticity in education learning outcomes educational quality assurance cross-cultural education academic ethics credential devaluation government influence on education campus differentiation graduate employability international academic standards degree value credential inflation academic standards university reputation elite universities critical thinking creativity free thinking academic integrity plagiarism admission standards academic rigour exclusivity western education graduate outcomes employer expectations higher education quality reputation management educational credibility international campuses educational branding degree recognition academic impartiality mission drift graduate employability educational standards academic excellence university rankings quality assurance degree devaluation degree value academic standards university reputation employer expectations admission standards academic rigour elite universities critical thinking creativity free thinking degree recognition western education graduate outcomes plagiarism academic integrity university exclusivity educational quality global reputation western universities academic credential impartiality graduate employability admission criteria academic assessment scholarly standards institutional reputation degree value preservation degree reputation maintenance elite university standards meaning of academic degrees academic credential significance university degree quality admission standards impact academic rigour importance graduate exclusivity reputation management universities plagiarism and impartiality creativity in higher education free thinking academic value critical thinking university western university global reputation degree devaluation risks international degree recognition western education creativity government influence on university standards Asian campuses degree perception graduate employability elite universities academic integrity universities maintaining prestige university degrees degree value academic integrity degree reputation employer expectations elite universities creative thinking critical thinking academic standards admission criteria academic rigour graduate outcomes university branding university exclusivity plagiarism impartiality western education international campuses educational quality graduate skills academic reputation academic credential university accreditation global recognition educational standards reputational risk degree devaluation academic dishonesty educational outcomes reputation management higher education degree value preservation degree reputation university standards academic integrity western university degree meaning employer degree expectations university admission standards academic rigor exclusivity of degrees university impartiality plagiarism prevention creativity in education free thinking in universities critical thinking skills western education benefits international degree recognition graduate skill acquisition reputation of elite universities threats to degree credibility university global reputation degree devaluation risks degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking challenging authority admission standards academic rigour graduate exclusivity university reputation impartiality plagiarism creativity free thinking western education government influence graduate skills Asian campuses home institution educational standards degree prestige credential meaning academic integrity degree value preservation academic standards university reputation elite universities admission criteria academic rigor graduate exclusivity degree meaning critical thinking in education creativity in universities free thinking academic impartiality plagiarism prevention western education standards university accreditation government influence on education global education credibility western-style education reputation management in higher education academic integrity graduate employability degree recognition higher education quality assurance international degree perception cross-cultural education standards degree value employer expectations degree reputation elite universities academic rigour admission standards graduate exclusivity Western education critical thinking challenging authority creativity free thinking impartiality plagiarism avoidance university reputation academic integrity Western university standards graduate skills Asian campuses institutional impact education quality diploma credibility global recognition educational outcomes higher education standards government influence skill acquisition academic reputation university branding degree value employer expectations academic standards elite universities western education academic rigor critical thinking challenging authority admission criteria university reputation impartiality plagiarism creativity free thinking graduate outcomes educational quality academic integrity exclusivity international campuses graduate skills quality assurance reputation management government policy western-style education educational standards global recognition academic credentials higher education evaluation
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro05a	Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. attorney client privilege exceptions necessity public interest interests of justice balancing test privilege limitations deceased client exculpatory evidence non-incriminating information public safety disclosure after death legal ethics court discretion privilege waiver legal confidentiality societal interests privilege exceptions candor legal protections confidentiality limitations lawyer-client communication privilege and justice privilege and safety attorney client privilege exceptions public interest necessity exception balancing test crime-fraud exception deceased client disclosure after death exoneration of third party non-incriminating information interests of justice public safety court discretion privilege waiver judicial balancing societal interests privilege limitations overriding interests compelled disclosure legal ethics privilege breach confidential communications privilege and public policy client candor legal exceptions privilege scope attorney-client privilege exceptions public interest necessity balancing test interests of justice disclosure after death crime-fraud exception privilege limitations public safety vital information legal ethics confidentiality waiver justice system privilege exceptions defendant interests legal privilege disclosure client death unincriminating information privilege vs. public good court discretion societal interest privilege boundaries necessity exception attorney client privilege exceptions limits of attorney client privilege attorney client privilege after death public interest and legal privilege when can attorney client privilege be broken balancing justice and privilege exceptions to client confidentiality necessity exceptions to attorney client privilege privilege in cases of public safety overriding attorney client privilege privilege and incrimination of third parties privilege when client is deceased legal privilege and public policy court discretion in privilege cases precedent for privilege exceptions privilege waiver in public interest disclosure of privileged information after death flexibility of attorney client privilege legal ethics and privilege limits attorney duties when privilege conflicts with public safety attorney-client privilege exceptions balancing test public interest necessity exception interests of justice privilege limitations confidentiality waiver deceased client exculpatory evidence public safety exception legal ethics disclosure after death privilege vs. justice court discretion risk to society overriding privilege disclosure standards privilege exceptions jurisprudence legal privilege reform attorney client privilege exceptions necessity exception public interest exception interests of justice exception privilege after client death privilege and public safety privilege and exonerating third parties disclosure after client’s death balancing privilege vs public safety limitations on attorney client privilege privilege when client interest not harmed privilege and criminal justice privilege and court discretion legal ethics confidentiality privilege waiver circumstances privilege and societal interests privilege in vital information cases privilege and justice system privilege and non-incriminating disclosures scope of attorney client privilege attorney-client privilege exceptions sacrosanct public interest necessity balancing test client death disclosure after death incriminating evidence exculpatory evidence candor confidentiality adverse effect justice public safety privilege limitations court discretion societal interests privilege exceptions legal ethics client communications competing interests privilege waiver legal disclosure justice interests privilege balancing risk to public privilege override lawyer-client confidentiality legal privilege reform attorney client privilege exceptions to attorney client privilege public interest exception necessity exception balancing test privilege after client death privilege and third party exoneration attorney client privilege limitations privilege in public safety concerns privilege disclosure after death interests of justice exception privilege and vital information court decisions on privilege societal interests vs client privilege privilege in criminal defense overriding attorney client privilege privilege in the interests of justice privilege and non-incriminating information waiver of privilege legal ethics privilege privilege in emergency situations privilege statutory exceptions attorney client confidentiality limits privilege and duty to disclose lawyer client confidentiality exceptions attorney-client privilege exceptions necessity public interest balancing test interests of justice privilege limitations posthumous disclosure deceased client non-incriminating information public safety exception confidentiality exceptions privilege vs societal interest legal ethics privileged communication waiver of privilege court discretion privilege in criminal cases client candor legal confidentiality justice system legal disclosure law reform privilege and public safety privileged evidence legal accountability attorney-client privilege exceptions public interest necessity exception interests of justice confidentiality disclosure after death privilege limitations public safety balancing test crime-fraud exception legal ethics evidentiary privilege waiver of privilege court discretion privileged communication posthumous disclosure exculpatory evidence societal interests legal doctrine client confidentiality justice balancing
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con01a	An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. International Criminal Court ICC enforcement enforcement mechanism state party cooperation state sovereignty voluntary appearance defendant extradition international justice existing enforcement success limitations of enforcement collaboration with states ICC effectiveness state compliance prosecution challenges enforcement alternatives International Criminal Court ICC enforcement ICC enforcement arm state party cooperation ICC effectiveness ICC defendants voluntary appearance ICC ICC trials state sovereignty ICC ICC capture difficulties ICC compliance ICC current system ICC arrest powers ICC prosecution ICC case studies ICC success stories ICC jurisdiction international law enforcement ICC challenges ICC mandate state participation ICC ICC reforms ICC enforcement international criminal court enforcement mechanisms state party cooperation state sovereignty ICC defendants international justice voluntary appearance state enforcement court effectiveness international law enforcement alternative enforcement ICC arrest international cooperation legal compliance state responsibility judicial cooperation ICC prosecution enforcement challenges Bemba Gbagbo Kenyatta ICC enforcement alternatives state party responsibility ICC ICC voluntary appearances effectiveness of current ICC system state cooperation with ICC ICC defendant extradition cases ICC arrest challenges ICC enforcement case studies International Criminal Court enforcement mechanisms state sovereignty ICC enforcement success stories ICC cooperation ICC prosecution without enforcement arm ICC capture difficulties international criminal justice enforcement critiques of ICC enforcement proposals ICC enforcement effectiveness ICC enforcement challenges state party cooperation ICC ICC defendants surrender voluntary appearance ICC ICC success stories ICC enforcement arm necessity ICC arrest difficulties ICC member state capabilities alternative ICC enforcement mechanisms ICC case studies enforcement ICC self-enforcement capacity high-profile ICC defendants ICC enforcement limitations international justice enforcement ICC system evaluation ICC enforcement history ICC extradition non-cooperation ICC ICC state party responsibilities ICC enforcement mechanisms ICC enforcement arm debate alternatives to ICC enforcement arm ICC state party cooperation effectiveness of ICC enforcement ICC prosecutions without enforcement arm state party compliance ICC ICC defendant examples ICC voluntary appearance weakness ICC enforcement ICC arrest challenges international criminal court enforcement cooperation vs. enforcement ICC ICC jurisdiction enforcement arguments against ICC enforcement arm ICC enforcement arm International Criminal Court state parties self-enforcement defendant surrender voluntary appearance judicial cooperation Bemba Gbagbo Kenyatta ICC trials effectiveness of ICC international justice capture difficulties state compliance law enforcement enforcement alternatives ICC critics ICC legitimacy case examples international tribunal enforcement legal jurisdiction sovereignty court effectiveness extradition arrest warrants accountability ICC enforcement mechanism ICC enforcement arm debate ICC state party cooperation ICC defendant extradition ICC voluntary appearance ICC system effectiveness ICC enforcement necessity ICC arrest challenges enforcement alternatives ICC state sovereignty ICC ICC successful prosecutions ICC member state obligations ICC limitations state party enforcement capacity ICC enforcement reform international justice enforcement ICC compliance ICC high-profile cases Bemba ICC case Gbagbo ICC case Uhuru Kenyatta ICC ICC arrest warrants international criminal court enforcement state cooperation with ICC ICC enforcement arm ICC effectiveness state party cooperation international criminal justice alternatives to enforcement ICC defendant extradition voluntary appearance ICC case studies ICC challenges in ICC enforcement ICC trial participation ICC enforcement debates international law enforcement ICC procedural success limitations of ICC enforcement examples of state compliance international cooperation ICC enforcement mechanisms ICC notable ICC cases ICC improvements criticisms of ICC enforcement International Criminal Court ICC enforcement state party cooperation ICC defendants voluntary surrender Bemba case Gbagbo case Kenyatta ICC trial international law enforcement ICC effectiveness state sovereignty ICC ICC arrest procedures ICC challenges ICC criticisms enforcement mechanisms alternatives to ICC enforcement international justice ICC jurisdiction obstacles ICC enforcement ICC successes ICC limitations
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con01a	Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. human diet nutrition omnivores meat consumption plant-based diet ancestral diet evolutionary biology human digestion carnivory herbivory canines digestive system balanced diet dietary adaptation domestication animal husbandry hunting history ethical eating meat-eating culture vegetarianism veganism western diets nutritional balance natural diet food choices dietary evolution human adaptation human nutrition animal protein plant protein primal diet human diet omnivorous diet nutritional balance meat consumption plant-based diet ancestral diet evolutionary nutrition digestive system adaptation dietary choices vegetarianism veganism food ethics dietary sources protein sources domesticated animals agricultural history animal domestication human evolution nutritional anthropology dietary diversity dietary controversy food culture food traditions meat-eating benefits plant-eating benefits nutrition science food sustainability modern diets dietary restrictions food philosophy human nutrition omnivore diet balanced diet evolution of diet meat consumption plant-based diet human digestive system canines evolution ancestral diet domestication of animals ethical eating western vegetarianism meat-eating benefits nutrition science dietary adaptation hunter-gatherer diet history of human diet animal protein vegetarianism debate sustainable eating natural diet food choices human biology diet controversy farming history human diet evolution omnivore dietary adaptation meat consumption history plant-based vs omnivorous diet nutritional anthropology early human nutrition ancestral eating habits digestive system evolution ethical meat eating domestication of animals for food hunter-gatherer diets natural human diet balance modern vs ancient diets veganism critique physiological adaptation to meat nutritional benefits of meat vegetarian diet debate cultural attitudes toward meat human canine teeth purpose dietary self-indulgence analysis domesticated vs wild meat farming and nutrition history animal rights and meat consumption sustainable meat consumption health effects of meat-eating human diet omnivores meat consumption plant-based diet evolutionary adaptation canine teeth digestive system ancestral diet human nutrition balanced diet domestication of animals hunting history ethical eating animal rights vegetarianism veganism Western diet trends natural diet evolutionary biology anthropological nutrition modern farming nutritional balance dietary choices food ethics human evolution food history omnivorous diet benefits of eating meat human nutrition evolution meat vs plant-based diet ancestral human diet history of human eating habits digestion of meat and plants role of canines in diet natural human diets ethical meat consumption domesticated animals and diet evolution of food sources balanced nutrition plans vegetarian vs omnivore debate origins of human omnivory adaptation to mixed diets cultural views on eating meat nutritional requirements humans animal domestication for food health effects of eating meat western vegetarianism trends human diet omnivore nutrition plan meat consumption plant-based diet animal protein vegetable intake hunter-gatherer evolutionary diet digestive system ancestral diet canine teeth dietary adaptation meat eating vegetarianism veganism domestication of animals animal husbandry balanced diet natural diet food choices sustainable eating nutritional balance evolution of diet modern agriculture ethical eating human nutrition food philosophy wild vs domesticated animals cultural attitude toward meat dietary restriction human nutrition choices omnivorous diet meat vs plant diet evolutionary diet digestive system adaptation ancestral eating habits human canine teeth meat consumption benefits balanced diet vegetarianism debate ethical eating domestication of animals evolution of diet human survival diet meat eating natural plant-based diet comparison hunting vs farming modern diets meat and health historical human diets animal domestication history diet and evolution human dietary needs western diet trends nutrition plan options omnivorous diet human evolution ancestral diet nutritional balance meat consumption plant-based foods dietary adaptation digestive system evolution early human diet canines function protein sources dietary choices domestication of animals ethical meat consumption vegetarianism debate hunter-gatherer diet human biology and nutrition nutritional anthropology balanced diet natural diet for humans cultural dietary norms meat vs plant diet historical human diets animal domestication history human dietary adaptation omnivorous diet human evolution meat consumption plant-based diet ancestral diet digestive adaptation nutritional balance human teeth evolution animal protein vegetarianism veganism domestication of animals ethical eating hunting history human dietary needs food anthropology diet and health protein sources sustainable agriculture livestock farming dietary controversy cultural dietary practices nutrient deficiencies modern diet trends human biology and nutrition
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con02a	"Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russian democracy authoritarianism election fraud political repression electoral integrity controlled media academic freedom United Russia election monitoring OSCE Council of Europe political opposition media censorship human rights freedom of speech murdered journalists government criticism civil liberties political competition strong leadership political persecution Western influence academic suppression electoral standards democratic backsliding hybrid regime democratic deficit Russia governance political structure manipulated elections state control authoritarianism electoral fraud political repression media censorship freedom of press Russia academic freedom Russia democratic backsliding lack of political pluralism human rights violations Russia election monitoring Russia opposition suppression state control media unfair elections Russia international election observers Russia civil liberties Russia rule of law Russia United Russia dominance political prisoners Russia governance transparency Russia autocracy Russia hybrid regime Russia restricted NGOs Russia electoral manipulation Russia restricted academic institutions assassination journalists Russia Kremlin power OSCE Russia elections Council of Europe Russia state interference universities democracy index Russia authoritarianism electoral fraud political repression media censorship human rights abuses lack of political pluralism unfair elections United Russia dominance academic freedom suppression opposition crackdown Council of Europe criticism OSCE election monitoring murdered journalists Russia restrictive civil liberties limited freedom of speech democratic backsliding Kremlin control rigged elections NGO suppression Russia freedom of assembly government critics persecution Russian political system democratic deficit Russia political opposition fake democracy Russia Russian democracy critique flaws in Russian elections Russian political system legitimacy OSCE critique of Russia Russian election fairness media bias in Russia United Russia election results academic freedom in Russia academic repression Russia European University St Petersburg closure western influence in Russian academia murdered journalists Russia press freedom Russia authoritarianism in Russia democratic backsliding Russia Putin strong leadership effects Russian civil liberties Russia political opposition suppression political competition Russia human rights Russia Russia vs Western democracy standards political repression in Russia Russian governance controversies Russia election monitoring impact of strong leadership Russia contemporary Russian authoritarianism Russia basic Russia democracy Russian governance authoritarianism electoral fraud election monitoring United Russia Council of Europe OSCE election fairness media bias Russia administrative resources abuse political competition Russia academic freedom Russia European University at St Petersburg political repression Russia human rights Russia murdered journalists Russia press freedom Russia Russian opposition electoral standards democratic institutions Interregional Electoral Chains of Support Russian political parties Western influence Russia academic censorship Russia rule of law Russia strong leadership debate basic freedoms Russia Russian civil society Russian democracy criticism freedom of expression Russia democratic backsliding Russia democracy in Russia Russian political system Russian election criticism electoral fraud in Russia OSCE Russia election report Council of Europe Russia democracy media bias in Russian elections United Russia election results lack of academic freedom Russia European University St. Petersburg closure suppression of academic freedom Russia electoral monitoring Russia arrested Russian academics Russian university Western ties murdered journalists Russia press freedom in Russia authoritarianism in Russia strong leadership debate Russia human rights violations Russia denial of basic freedoms Russia political repression Russia democracy vs authoritarianism Russia Russian governance controversies election freedom Russia political opposition Russia academic independence Russia Russia democracy authoritarianism political system election fraud electoral fairness United Russia OSCE report Council of Europe media bias administrative abuse opposition suppression political competition human rights freedom of speech academic freedom university closures European University at St Petersburg academic repression electoral monitoring Interregional Electoral Chains of Support rigged elections ties to the West murdered journalists press freedom civil liberties leadership style authoritarian leadership public dissent political rights basic freedoms democratic standards governance transparency judicial independence civil society political repression 21st century Russia Russian democracy electoral fraud Russia authoritarianism Russia Russian political system democracy deficit Russia election observation Russia OSCE Russia elections media bias Russia United Russia party academic freedom Russia European University St Petersburg suppression of dissent Russia murdered journalists Russia political repression Russia basic freedoms Russia governance in Russia human rights Russia Putin regime strong leadership Russia Russian civil society electoral monitoring Russia freedom of speech Russia Russian opposition Russian government criticism democracy vs authoritarianism controversies Russian elections Russia political system democracy in Russia Russian elections electoral fraud Russia OSCE election monitoring Council of Europe Russia administrative resources Russia media bias Russia unfair elections Russia political competition Russia United Russia dominance election freedom Russia academic freedom Russia university closures Russia European University St Petersburg Interregional Electoral Chains of Support academic repression Russia Western influence Russia murdered journalists Russia press freedom Russia basic freedoms Russia authoritarianism Russia strong leadership Russia human rights Russia governance Russia Russian regime controversy civil liberties Russia state control Russia opposition suppression Russia democratic standards Russia Russian society freedoms authoritarianism electoral fraud political repression media censorship United Russia Vladimir Putin election monitoring academic freedom human rights violations freedom of press opposition suppression civil liberties OSCE election report Council of Europe criticism murdered journalists Russia election irregularities democratic backsliding hybrid regime rigged elections lack of political pluralism Russian civil society university closures Russia political competition Russia administrative resource abuse rule of law Russia"
test-education-udfakusma-pro02a	Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. public funding open educational resources university transparency academic materials access higher education costs government spending United States universities Europe university funding tuition fees taxpayer rights public access academic publishing open access university funding sources student benefits post-graduation access educational equity knowledge sharing academic work accessibility state funding taxpayer investment university accountability public funding universities open educational resources academic material access taxpayer-funded research higher education funding government spending universities open access policy university transparency educational resource availability academic publication access public right to research U.S. university funding European university funding tuition fees post-graduation material access taxpayer return on investment open scholarship knowledge commons educational equity academic material sharing open educational resources public funding university transparency academic materials access higher education spending taxpayer-funded research tuition fees government funding Europe university funding US higher education costs academic publications access public access to research educational equity university accountability information openness scholarly materials post-graduation access educational policy open access publishing taxpayer rights publicly funded university materials access taxpayer funding academic research transparency open access to university-produced work public right to academic materials transparency in university academic output higher education public funding open access universities public access policy academic publication public benefit university funding sources and material availability tuition fees and access to learning materials alumni access to educational material government funding and academic transparency open educational resources in publicly funded institutions state expenditure on higher education and public access European vs US university public funding academic output accessibility for taxpayers policy arguments for open university materials university transparency obligations funding justifies public access to academic work tuition fees open access public funding university materials academic transparency government spending higher education costs taxpayer rights educational resources tuition fees public universities academic publications Europe university funding US university expenses education policy resource accessibility academic openness knowledge sharing student benefits educational equity state funding publicly funded institutions scholarly access education affordability open educational resources public funding universities academic material access taxpayer funded research open access policy higher education transparency university publication accessibility government funded education public sharing academic content university open data educational material availability open courseware tuition fees vs public funding academic publishing access post-graduation material access public funding university transparency open educational resources academic materials access taxpayer funding United States higher education European university funding government funding of universities tuition fees student access post-graduation access academic publications public access education spending state funding educational equity higher education costs open access university accountability academic transparency educational policy funding sources educational materials taxpayer rights educational access university materials availability open educational resources public funding universities academic material access university transparency taxpayer rights academia higher education funding open access policy tuition fees university materials academic publication access US university funding European university funding government spending higher education post-graduation material access open access benefits education policy public vs private university funding academic output accessibility open research universities education equity taxpayer-funded research library of economics and liberty higher education statistics global university funding comparison course material access alumni government investment universities publicly funded universities open educational resources academic transparency university funding higher education costs government spending on education taxpayer rights access to academic materials tuition fees educational equity public access to research university course materials academic publishing post-graduation access open access policies educational funding comparison United States university system European university funding educational policy academic materials availability open access university funding public universities educational materials taxpayer funding government spending academic publications tuition fees academic transparency knowledge sharing higher education access Europe university funding US higher education costs student benefits post-graduation resource access academic work availability public accountability university research access educational policy public goods
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro01a	"Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec independence Quebec sovereignty French language protection Quebecois culture cultural preservation linguistic rights Bill 101 language laws Quebec French-Canadian identity Canadian federalism English-speaking immigration minority language rights culture and language policy Quebec sovereignty movement Quebec nationalism Canadian constitution constitutional reform language discrimination cultural autonomy cultural loss Quebec immigration policy Quebec language sovereignty protection of Francophone minority Quebec separatism Quebec national identity Francophone immigration assimilation threats Canadian multiculturalism legal protections for French cultural policy independence Quebec independence French language preservation Quebecois culture Canadian federation language rights Bill 101 cultural protection English-speaking immigration language laws Quebec sovereignty secession Francophone identity minority rights cultural assimilation Federal Courts Quebec Quebec nationalism linguistic diversity Quebec cultural policy language discrimination Canada Quebec separatism identity politics Quebec Quebec self-determination French-English tensions cultural autonomy Anglophone-Quebec conflict Quebec independence French language preservation Quebecois culture Canadian federation separatism cultural identity language protection Bill 101 linguistic rights immigration policy cultural loss English-speaking Canadians sovereignty movement Francophone rights Canadian multiculturalism Quebec nationalism language legislation constitutional issues self-determination minority rights French-speaking population cultural autonomy legal controversy Federal Courts discrimination language laws provincial autonomy nationhood Quebec sovereignty political autonomy Quebec independence arguments Quebec language protection French-Quebecois culture preservation effects of English-speaking immigration Quebec Bill 101 impact on culture Quebec laws vs. Canadian federal courts cultural dilution Quebec Canadian federation and Quebec autonomy case studies Quebec independence Quebecois identity preservation challenges of bilingualism in Quebec French language loss Canada Quebec sovereignty debate immigration policy Quebec historical perspectives Quebec nationalism legal battles Bill 101 discrimination claims against Quebec minority language rights Canada policy solutions for Quebec culture federalism vs. separatism Canada Quebec independence French language protection Quebecois culture cultural preservation Bill 101 Canadian federalism language laws English-speaking immigration linguistic rights cultural autonomy French-Canadian identity separatism Quebec sovereignty Canadian multiculturalism minority language rights national identity legal battles Bill 101 provincial autonomy anti-assimilation policies French language decline cultural dilution immigration policy Quebec language discrimination Canada cultural nationalism Quebec independence French language preservation Quebecois culture Bill 101 Canadian federation cultural protection English-speaking immigration Quebec Quebec sovereignty language laws Quebec PQ strategist French-English relations Canada cultural autonomy Quebec Canadian federal courts Quebec immigration and Quebecois identity discrimination Quebec language laws cultural threat English Canada separatism Quebec Francophone rights Canada Quebec nationhood Quebec law and policy Quebec independence Quebec sovereignty French language protection Quebec culture Quebecois identity cultural preservation linguistic rights Canadian federation Francophone English-speaking Canadians Bill 101 Charter of the French Language cultural assimilation language loss immigration policy Quebec federalism in Canada minority rights self-determination cultural autonomy legal challenges Quebec Canadian multiculturalism Quebec nationalism separatism language legislation anti-assimilation policies provincial law Quebec cultural diversity national identity Quebec referendums French Canadian heritage Quebec independence Quebec nationalism French language protection Quebecois culture cultural preservation Bill 101 language laws Quebec Canadian federation French-English tensions Canada Quebec immigration policy Francophone rights Quebec sovereignty movement minority language rights Quebecois identity Canadian multiculturalism federal intervention Quebec culture and language policy English-speaking immigrants Quebec cultural assimilation Canada Quebec separatism Quebec independence French language preservation Quebecois culture cultural protection Canadian federation Bill 101 language policy immigration policy English-speaking immigration cultural assimilation linguistic rights minority language protection Quebec sovereignty cultural identity federal-provincial relations separatism in Quebec francophone community cultural autonomy language laws nationalism in Quebec cultural erosion French-English relations Canadian courts multiculturalism discrimination policy enforcement self-determination Quebec sovereignty Quebec independence movement French language protection Quebecois culture Bill 101 language laws cultural preservation Canadian federalism Francophone rights immigration policies English-speaking immigrants cultural assimilation language loss provincial autonomy Canadian courts cultural identity Canadian multiculturalism national identity language discrimination minority language rights Quebec nationalism"
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro01a	It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. attorney-client privilege legal ethics criminal defense confidentiality client confession legal deception justice system perjury evidence suppression professional responsibility legal malpractice court transparency truth in court legal accountability defense strategy legal reform privilege abolition attorney honesty judicial integrity ethical dilemmas concealment of guilt legal immunity defense attorney duties court procedure attorney obligations attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality criminal defense perjury truth in court client confession justice system lawyer obligations privilege abuse ethical dilemmas legal transparency court honesty guilt concealment attorney misconduct justice reform privilege abolition legal accountability client honesty courtroom deception legal privilege drawbacks fairness in justice legal system trust attorney integrity defense manipulation attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality criminal defense client confession perjury legal malpractice justice system truth in court attorney obligations guilty defendant professional responsibility privilege abuse court deception legal reform privilege abolition ethical dilemmas trial integrity attorney misconduct client honesty attorney-client privilege criticism impact of attorney-client confidentiality on justice does attorney-client privilege enable lying ethical implications of attorney-client privilege attorney-client privilege in criminal cases arguments against attorney-client privilege legal ethics and client confessions potential abuse of attorney-client confidentiality reforming attorney-client privilege attorney-client privilege and wrongful acquittals abolishing attorney-client privilege debate risks of attorney-client privilege in criminal defense attorney-client privilege and legal system integrity transparency in legal defense justice system and attorney-client privilege attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality criminal defense client confession judicial integrity legal malpractice court deception attorney obligations privilege abuse justice system flaws privilege limits privileged communication confidentiality exceptions legal reform truth in court privilege abolition attorney honesty court misconduct moral dilemmas privileged evidence legal transparency attorney-client privilege debate confidentiality in legal ethics impact of attorney-client privilege on justice attorney-client confidentiality and lying abolishing attorney-client privilege arguments attorney confession concealment ethics of lawyer-client privilege drawbacks of legal privilege legal privilege and court truth criminal defense attorney ethics attorney duty to the court vs client attorney-client privilege abuse legal system based on lies client confession legal implications reforming attorney-client confidentiality attorney-client privilege legal ethics attorney misconduct client confidentiality perjury criminal defense confession concealment justice system courtroom deception legal privilege abuse false testimony attorney obligations legal confidentiality privilege abolition fairness in court criminal justice legal loopholes attorney honesty judicial integrity legal reforms privilege criticism legal immunity defense strategy truth in justice legal responsibility privilege consequences attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality in law criminal defense strategies legal system reforms attorney misconduct privilege abolition arguments court deception justice system flaws privilege exceptions attorney duty to truth legal privilege abuse lawyer-client honesty legal confidentiality consequences privilege reform proposals fair trial concerns truth in legal proceedings ethical dilemmas lawyers abolition of legal privilege client confession handling attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality criminal defense perjury justice system client confession legal reform truth in court legal misconduct privilege abolition attorney deception courtroom honesty evidence suppression defense strategy legal accountability ethical dilemmas legal transparency justice fairness legal privilege debate attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality criminal defense perjury justice system client confession legal misconduct ethical dilemmas privilege limitations court proceedings legal reform truth in court attorney obligations legal transparency suppression of evidence disclosure requirements defense strategies privilege abuse fairness in trial
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. copyright intellectual property ownership artistic incentives creative rights profit motive artist compensation originality artistic output creative investment economic motivation artistic freedom legal protection creative ownership revenue generation creative industries art production artistic innovation copyright law market incentives copyright protection artistic incentives profit motivation creative ownership art investment loss of control artistic output copyright law creative rights intellectual property originality in art duplication prevention copyright benefits artist motivation creative labor economic incentives creative industry copyright enforcement artistic innovation art economics copyright intellectual property artist incentives profit motive artistic motivation ownership rights originality creative output legal protection economic reward art market creative investment copyright enforcement artistic innovation disincentive reproduction rights installation art copyright infringement creative freedom artistic control incentives for artistic production profit motives in art creation effects of copyright removal on creativity ownership rights impact on artists economic factors driving artistic output copyright protections and artistic innovation marginal cases in art production artists' decision-making and profit installation art and copyright influence replication of works and artistic motivation originality in art and copyright market adaptation of artworks creative risk-taking and copyright protection against artistic plagiarism copyright laws and new idea generation copyright system benefits for artists labor investment in the arts comparison of intrinsic vs extrinsic motivation for artists consequences of weak copyright enforcement economic disincentives for artists artist incentives copyright law artistic output art ownership intellectual property profit motivation creative disincentives copyright protection marginal cases art creation installation art originality in art art duplication creative innovation copyright enforcement creative investment copyright policy economic incentives creative freedom art market plagiarism prevention artist rights copyright system cultural production copyright impact creative industries copyright incentives art and profit motivation artistic output and profitability control over creative work copyright impact on creativity ownership and artistic investment artists' motivation to create copyright protection benefits copyright and innovation copyright and original art art market incentives disincentives for artists copyright vs public domain creativity installation art and copyright economic incentives for artists copyright and artistic risk-taking artistic incentive copyright protection ownership profit motive creative output intellectual property artist investment originality artistic control installation art creative labor economic motivation creative risk artistic innovation copyright enforcement duplication prevention artist rights creation deterrence copyright system benefits new artistic ideas adaptation art market creative freedom economic security artistic entrepreneurship artistic output motivation profit incentives for artists copyright and creativity art ownership economic incentives in art art creation disincentives intellectual property and art copyright protection benefits financial motivation for art artist rights art market dynamics copyright enforcement original art production art investment incentives creative industry profitability marginal cases in art creation art duplication risks creative originality artist labor value copyright system impact on art copyright protection artistic incentive creative ownership art market intellectual property artists’ income artistic motivation originality in art economic incentives creative investment art production profit motive copyright law installation art art duplication art innovation art originality creative rights legal safeguards art industry copyright enforcement copyright intellectual property artistic incentives artistic ownership creative output economic motivation profit motive artist compensation creative labor installation art investment in art market adaptation originality art innovation creative rights copyright enforcement disincentive artistic productivity legal protection creative industry revenue streams plagiarism prevention art market authorial control creative freedom
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro01a	"Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" gender stereotypes media representation advertising ethics negative body image objectification violence against women ideal beauty standards self-esteem eating disorders gender discrimination media influence sexualization beauty ideals masculinity stereotypes societal norms CEDAW beauty industry impact media literacy women's rights gender-based prejudice sexist advertising gender stereotypes media representation gender discrimination objectification of women body image ideal beauty standards violence against women self-esteem eating disorders United Nations CEDAW gender roles subservience media influence beauty industry masculinity stereotypes toxic masculinity advertising impact social harm gender bias sexualization in media women's rights women's empowerment feminism cultural perceptions sexism in media media literacy public policy gender equality marketing ethics gender stereotypes media representation gender bias advertising ethics female objectification body image issues eating disorders beauty standards CEDAW gender discrimination violence against women media influence self-esteem masculinity stereotypes media sexism advertising regulation sexualization gender roles media literacy social impact sexist advertising effects impact of sexist ads on women objectification in advertising advertising and self-image CEDAW and advertising stereotypes gender prejudice in media legitimization of violence through ads media portrayal of women ideal body images in advertising eating disorders and advertising beauty standards in media harmful beauty ideals media influence on self-esteem advertising and body dysmorphia stereotyping masculinity in ads harms of sexist ads to men gender stereotypes in commercials combating sexist advertising regulation of sexist advertising media literacy and advertising UN response to sexist media feminist critique of advertising impact of advertising on sexist advertising gender stereotypes objectification self-image United Nations CEDAW gender prejudice media representations violence against women sexualization body image ideal beauty standards eating disorders media influence beauty product consumption masculinity stereotypes media and gender advertising impact gender discrimination social harm women's rights harmful advertising representation of women media effects gender roles gendered violence sexist advertising effects gender stereotypes in advertising objectification of women in media advertising and body image media influence on eating disorders gender roles in commercials CEDAW and gender equality impact of sexualized ads portrayal of women in advertisements social consequences of sexist ads advertising and violence against women masculinity stereotypes in media representation of women in media advertising and self-esteem health risks of beauty standards advertising and gender discrimination feminist critique of advertising UN campaigns against sexist advertising sexist advertising gender stereotypes media representation objectification of women body image beauty standards media influence gender discrimination CEDAW gender-based prejudice sexualization in advertising self-esteem advertising impact violence against women eating disorders media and self-image masculinity stereotypes gender roles advertising ethics feminist media critique media literacy idealized body images social harm of advertising psychological effects women's rights male stereotypes sexist advertising gender stereotypes media objectification harm to women advertising and self-image violence against women gender discrimination CEDAW media portrayal of women ideal beauty standards eating disorders advertising and body image sexualization in media masculinity stereotypes impact on men women's rights gender equality media influence on society feminist advertising critique representation in advertising beauty myth self-esteem consumption of beauty products subservient portrayal harmful media messages gender stereotypes media representation advertising ethics body image issues objectification of women gender-based violence eating disorders self-esteem CEDAW gender norms sexualization in media media influence beauty standards impact on men masculinity stereotypes consumer culture media literacy gender discrimination cultural expectations feminist media critique gender stereotypes media representation advertising ethics media literacy gender bias body image societal impact gender discrimination objectification harmful advertising consumer behavior self-esteem gender roles masculinity stereotypes femininity stereotypes CEDAW United Nations gender policy violence against women beauty standards eating disorders media influence sexualization in media women’s rights social psychology marketing regulation advertising standards feminist theory media effects gender equality girls empowerment"
test-culture-mthbah-con02a	Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. advertising consumer choice product comparison information new features product innovation competitive pricing value for money purchasing decisions consumer awareness shopping product selection advertising benefits informed choices modern society product promotion brand differentiation market competition advertising influence consumer behavior advertising benefits consumer choice product comparison informed decision-making product features competitive pricing value for money new technology in products advertising impact purchasing decisions consumer awareness product innovation advertising influence information dissemination modern consumer behavior advertising effectiveness advertising and economy consumer decision process advertising advantages shopping habits advertising consumer choice product comparison decision making product features price competition value for money product information competitive goods consumer behavior informed choices advertising benefits new technology price awareness market competition informed purchasing consumer awareness product innovation advertising impact spending decisions benefits of advertising advertising and consumer choice positive effects of advertising advertising informing consumers advertising and new product features advertising and price competition advertising and decision making value of advertising in society how advertising influences purchasing advertising and informed choices advertising and product innovation modern advertising impact advertising and spending decisions consumer empowerment through advertising advertising and economic efficiency advertising and variety of goods advertising and product awareness advertising effectiveness consumer decision-making product comparison market competition product innovation new product features advertising influence consumer information value for money price competition persuasive advertising advertising impact marketing strategies consumer choice information dissemination shopping behavior advertising benefits purchasing decisions advertising role in society advertising benefits advertising and consumer choice advertising role in society advertising informs purchase decisions advertising competition advertising and product innovation advertising and pricing advertising effect on spending advertising influence on shopping behavior advertising value advertising and consumer information advertising and decision making how advertising helps consumers advertising and product comparison advertising pros and cons advertising and market competition advertising and value for money advertising and new technology advertising impact on modern life advertising educational role advertising benefits consumer choice product comparison decision-making new product features price comparison information dissemination value for money consumer awareness modern society product innovation persuasive communication market competition informed purchasing shopping behavior consumer decision process marketing impact advertising influence product selection promotional strategies advertising benefits advertising role in society advertising and consumer choice advertising information importance of advertising advertising influence advertising new products advertising and technology advertising competition advertising price comparison advertising value advertising decision making advertising and purchasing behavior advertising helping consumers advertising product features advertising and market competition consumer decision process advertising and product innovation advertising benefits consumer decision-making product comparison new product features price competition value for money consumer information advertising influence purchasing decisions product awareness advertisement roles market competition product innovation shopping behavior informed choices advertising benefits consumer decision-making product comparison advertising and consumer choice advertising effects informed purchasing product information marketing strategies influence of advertising product innovation price competition value for money advertising and society advertising new features consumer awareness advertising impact advertising advantages buying behavior advertising role marketing impact on consumers
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro05a	Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. political prosecutions partisan motivation political bias selective prosecution weaponization of justice legal persecution politicization of law political retribution judicial overreach abuse of power opposition targeting criminalization of politics political vendetta fairness in justice political accountability rule of law electoral manipulation democratic integrity multiparty system political polarization justice system impartiality politically motivated prosecutions partisan legal action selective prosecution political opponents weaponization of justice judicial partisanship criminalization of politics legal harassment misuse of prosecutorial power lawfare political retaliation selective justice politicization of law electoral interference anti-corruption prosecutions democracy and rule of law political vendetta abuse of legal system opposition suppression government accountability political prosecutions partisan motivation selective prosecution legal accountability political retaliation abuse of power political corruption criminalization of politics weaponization of justice political opponents judicial impartiality political polarization political vendetta legal ethics multipartisan cooperation investigative bias political retribution fair trial political influence rule of law politically motivated prosecutions partisan legal actions against politicians prosecution of politicians for political gain justice system and political bias impact of prosecutions on political cooperation legal actions as political tools weaponization of the justice system prosecuting politicians for partisan advantage selective prosecution in politics political retribution through legal proceedings use of law to target political opponents effect of prosecutions on democracy political influence in criminal justice lawfare against politicians consequences of prosecuting public officials partisan interference in legal proceedings prosecution as a means of political immobilization legal tactics in political struggles justice system integrity and political cases political prosecutions partisan motivations selective prosecution political weaponization of law judicial impartiality legal accountability in politics partisan justice rule of law political retribution misuse of legal system prosecutorial discretion democratic governance political corruption political polarization legal ethics in politics checks and balances political vendetta separation of powers criminalization of politics abuse of prosecutorial power politically motivated prosecutions partisan legal actions criminal charges against politicians misuse of legal system in politics selective prosecution weaponization of justice system political retaliation through law partisan justice impact of prosecutions on democracy legal persecution of public officials prosecutorial discretion politics judicial independence in political cases political corruption investigations threats to multipartisan governance challenges to political cooperation abuse of prosecutorial power ethics in political prosecutions justice system impartiality political figures political vendettas prosecution as political tool politically motivated prosecutions selective prosecution political weaponization of law lawfare partisanship judicial impartiality political retaliation abuse of legal system criminalization of politics political vendetta prosecutorial discretion fairness in justice corruption charges political repression misuse of justice system adversarial politics political polarization multi-party cooperation justice system credibility rule of law electoral manipulation democratic backsliding prosecution as political tool targeting political opponents legal ethics independence of judiciary political prosecution partisan motivations politicized justice legal actions against politicians political weaponization judicial independence selective prosecution abuse of legal system criminal charges in politics political vendetta multiparty democracy political retaliation incumbent advantage ruling party prosecutions opposition suppression legal ethics in politics democracy and justice politicization of judiciary rule of law electoral competition power abuse in politics political prosecutions selective prosecution partisan bias legal accountability judicial neutrality political corruption political retaliation weaponization of law rule of law prosecutorial discretion multiparty democracy political polarization abuse of power ethics in politics democratic institutions political interference criminalization of politics fairness in justice political vendetta government accountability political prosecutions partisan motivations judicial impartiality selective prosecution rule of law political retaliation criminalization of politics abuse of prosecutorial power politicized justice political vendetta legal ethics multiparty democracy political polarization government accountability misuse of legal system democratic norms judicial independence legal accountability prosecutorial discretion political corruption
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religion culture religious symbols personal items religious garments secularism individuality religious freedom religious expression hijab cross religious rights Muslim dress Christian symbols religious identity religious tolerance freedom of worship faith practices religious accommodation school uniforms freedom of expression discrimination religious clothing cultural identity personal beliefs religious expression cultural identity religious symbols religious freedom personal beliefs religious attire Islamic dress hijab Christian symbols religious rights secularism individual rights freedom of religion religious clothing faith-based practices personal expression religious liberty identity politics cultural practices human rights religious discrimination multiculturalism accommodation of religion constitutional rights religious tolerance religious freedom cultural identity religious symbols personal expression secularism religious garments Islamic dress Christian symbols Bible rulings Quran rulings religious rights faith-based practices religious individuality religious clothing religious expression human rights religious tolerance religious accommodation multiculturalism religious practices religion and culture relationship religious expression in public religious symbols in schools muslim dress code rights hijab and freedom of expression religious symbols and secularism religious garments legal rights christianity and clothing rules freedom of religion and personal items banning religious symbols debate religious individuality and law religious accommodation in schools faith based dress code impact of religious bans human rights religious expression guardian uniform dissent article religious liberty in public spaces religious tolerance and attire legal challenges to religious dress secular vs religious values religious symbols religious clothing cultural identity freedom of religion secularism individual rights religious expression personal beliefs religious books sacred garments religious freedom cultural diversity religious tolerance faith-based practices religious discrimination legal protections minority rights personal autonomy religious individuality faith symbols religious freedom cultural identity religious symbols ban secularism vs religion personal religious expression hijab in schools religious garments rights Christian religious symbols Muslim dress code religious accommodation religious rights debate secular policies freedom of expression religious individuality Guardian article on uniforms uniform dissent Jessica Shepherd religion The Bible and dress Quran dress code legal rights of religious minorities religion culture religious practices faith religious identity secularism religious freedom religious symbols personal items religious garments the Quran the Bible Islam Christianity religious rights individuality religious expression religious attire religious observance religious laws belief systems cultural traditions religious book rulings banning religious symbols religious tolerance freedom of expression religious diversity civil liberties cultural identity multiculturalism religious accommodation Jessica Shepherd The Guardian uniform dissent religious freedom religious expression cultural identity religious symbols personal items secularism Muslim attire Christian symbols hijab in schools religious garments faith-based rights religious discrimination personal beliefs individual rights religious clothing religion in public spaces multiculturalism religious tolerance freedom of expression religious practices faith and law human rights dress code policies religious accommodation minority rights religious freedom cultural identity secularism religious clothing personal expression religious symbols human rights religious tolerance individual rights multiculturalism dress codes religious practices faith-based customs religious texts Quran Bible minority rights religious discrimination social inclusion diversity inclusivity religious observance legal protection religious accommodation religious freedom cultural expression religious symbols secularism individual rights Muslim attire Islamic dress code Bible dress requirements Christianity personal beliefs religious clothing identity religious tolerance banning religious symbols equality discrimination multiculturalism legal rights human rights freedom of expression faith-based practices
test-society-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, rural-urban migration developing countries urbanization migration myths misinformation lack of education media accessibility decision-making pull factors push factors social exclusion migrant exploitation human trafficking forced labor urban poverty urban slums employment opportunities city life realities economic disparities migration networks remittances returning migrants labor market informal sector social integration rural poverty population movement vulnerable populations migration costs migration risks rural-urban migration developing countries urbanization pull factors push factors misinformation migration myths urban opportunities lack of education social exclusion labor migration internal migration economic migrants human trafficking forced labor exploitation slum dwellers city poverty rural exodus overpopulation migrant vulnerability housing shortages informal sector urban poverty resource strain migrant networks remittances socioeconomic impacts rural development return migration migration policy migration decision-making media access urban integration rural-urban migration developing countries urbanization migration drivers misinformation migration myths education gaps media access return migration social networks human trafficking labor exploitation urban poverty informal settlements slum development economic opportunity perception migration decision-making social exclusion market dynamics hukou system remittances city job prospects migration risks rural poverty unskilled labor urban employment urban congestion exploitation of migrants migration policy rural education rural development migration intermediaries migrant vulnerability rural-urban migration causes misconceptions about urban opportunities migration decision-making processes urban migration myths impact of media on migration educational barriers and migration exploitation of rural migrants human trafficking in migration forced labor due to migration poverty and city migration social exclusion of migrants rural-urban migration in developing countries role of organizations in migration consequences of uninformed migration migration and urban poverty migration networks and myths rural migrants and urban labor markets challenges faced by uneducated migrants migration traps and mobility constraints case studies on rural-urban migration rural-urban migration developing nations migration causes misinformation media influence education access urban opportunities myth migrant decision-making return migration social networks migration myths human trafficking forced labour urban exploitation unscrupulous organizations migrant vulnerability social exclusion migration consequences poverty migration migration misinformation labour migration economic disparity urban poverty migration traps exploitative migration migration risks city migration challenges migration social impacts migration policy rural poverty rural-urban migration causes developing countries urban migration informed decision migration rural education and migration urban migration myths migration media influence migration and social exclusion rural poverty urban migration urban migration exploitation human trafficking rural migrants city job opportunities myth migration economic consequences rural-urban migration challenges urban migration labor exploitation migration and forced prostitution migration and social mobility migration and market exclusion migration aspirations vs reality successful migrant influence unscrupulous migration organizations rural to city misconceptions migrant life chances urban-rural relations migration policy developing countries rural-urban migration developing nations migration causes decision-making misinformation lack of education inefficient media urban opportunities social exclusion myths about cities successful migrants chain migration human trafficking exploitation forced labour begging prostitution migration risks urban poverty migrant vulnerability unscrupulous organisations rural poverty city life misconceptions migration costs socioeconomic factors Hukou system social mobility barriers urbanization issues migration consequences policy response migrant integration support mechanisms urban-rural relations rural-urban migration developing countries urbanization causes migration myths migration decision-making social exclusion lack of education media access rural poverty city opportunities migrant exploitation human trafficking forced labour vulnerable populations migration misconceptions housing in cities job opportunities urban poverty rural depopulation migrant life chances migration networks rural push factors urban pull factors city slums migration consequences false promises migration exploitation by organizations rural-to-urban movement urban migration challenges migration traps rural-urban migration developing countries urbanization push-pull factors labor migration misinformation migration myths migration decision-making social exclusion human trafficking forced labor urban poverty slums informal settlements migrant exploitation education access media influence remittances urban job market migration networks rural development brain drain city opportunities rural deprivation migration consequences urban integration migration policy economic disparity return migration migration intermediaries rural-urban migration developing countries migration causes uninformed migration urban myths migration misconceptions migrant exploitation labor trafficking human trafficking social exclusion migration decision-making lack of education inadequate media poverty-driven migration city opportunities rural poverty moving power exploitation in cities forced labor prostitution unscrupulous organizations migrant workers return migration migration consequences urban poverty migration traps
test-international-ipecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek financial crisis Greek debt crisis eurozone crisis Greek default austerity measures Greek banking collapse ECB liquidity Greek government bailout Drachma devaluation inflation in Greece imported goods prices Greek unemployment credit shortage bankruptcy of Greek banks social impact of austerity poverty in Greece public sector cuts economic recession Greece European Union bailout sovereign default Greece exit euro Grexit living standards Greece basic needs crisis economic chaos Greece social unrest Greece financial instability Greece international aid Greece food and medicine shortages Greek debt crisis Greece default austerity measures eurozone crisis Greek banking collapse Greek government debt Greece euro exit Greek drachma devaluation Greek financial crisis ECB liquidity inflation Greece Greek unemployment Greek economic impact economic consequences Greece sovereign default Greek recession austerity alternatives Greece bailout Greece credit shortage Greek poverty Greek imports Greece living costs Greek social impact Greece basic needs Greek currency collapse Greece debt crisis Greek default Greek banking collapse ECB liquidity austerity measures Greek unemployment Drachma devaluation eurozone exit hyperinflation Greece Greek government bailout sovereign debt financial contagion import costs Greece living cost inflation Greek poverty credit shortage European Union response Greek economic recovery international aid Greece public sector cuts Greece default consequences Greek banking sector collapse Greek debt crisis impact of austerity Greece ECB liquidity support Greece Drachma devaluation effects Greek currency crisis imported goods inflation Greece cost of living Greece crisis shortage of credit Greece company bankruptcies Greece unemployment in Greece crisis securing essential supplies Greece oil medicine food shortage Greece poverty impact Greece crisis government failure Greece basic needs provision Greece Eurozone exit Greece BBC viewpoints Greece crisis Open Europe Greece report Greece debt crisis Greek default Greek banking collapse ECB liquidity austerity measures drachma devaluation inflation Greece unemployment Greece import costs credit shortage Greek economy eurozone exit sovereign default social impact Greece basic needs Greece food shortages medicine shortages oil supply Greece poverty Greece government failure financial contagion banking sector Greece international aid economic restructuring Greece bailout packages Greek debt crisis consequences of default Greek banking collapse austerity vs. default ECB liquidity drachma devaluation Greek economic crisis Eurozone exit Greek inflation rise in living costs unemployment in Greece Greek poverty credit shortage Greece impact on Greek savings Greek government options Greece bankruptcy Greek imports inflation social impact Greek crisis Greek public services Greek financial system stability Greek debt crisis Greece default financial chaos Greek banking collapse ECB liquidity eurozone crisis Greek austerity Drachma devaluation hyperinflation import prices credit shortage unemployment in Greece poverty in Greece government failure social impact economic impact European Union response sovereign debt bailout euro exit financial contagion Greek recession economic hardship basic needs crisis food and medicine shortages austerity consequences macroeconomic instability Greek debt crisis Greek default consequences austerity measures Greece Greek banking collapse ECB liquidity Greece Greek currency devaluation Drachma inflation imported goods Greece Greek living costs unemployment Greece crisis Greek companies bankruptcy Greek credit shortage Greece euro exit social impact Greece default economic impact Greece austerity Greek government crisis response supply shortages Greece oil medicine food shortages Greece Greek poverty rates Eurozone crisis Greece Greece financial crisis aftermath solutions to Greek crisis Greece sovereign debt Greek bailout measures Greek eurozone membership banking sector instability Greece Greece economic recovery options public opinion Greece austerity Greek debt crisis Greece default Greek banking collapse austerity measures eurozone exit Greek drachma devaluation inflation Greece unemployment Greece economic recession Greece ECB liquidity credit shortage Greece Greek government insolvency impact on poor Greece social unrest Greece basic needs crisis Greece imported goods inflation Greek banks bankruptcy euro crisis sovereign debt Europe European financial stability Greece crisis Greek debt austerity measures Greek government economic collapse Greek banking sector ECB liquidity government default Drachma devaluation inflation living costs credit shortage unemployment imports supply shortages basic needs poverty in Greece Greek euro exit financial stability economic suffering European Union international bailout sovereign debt economic impact banking bankruptcy social consequences economic recovery fiscal policy monetary policy Eurozone crisis economic contagion
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con04a	The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, House of Lords reform public apathy political reform coalition government legislative change parliamentary reform British politics constitutional reform House of Commons reservations alternative vote electoral reform public opinion UK government resistance to change political priorities current economic climate British public attitudes democratic reform reform delay policy implementation Labour Party reform attempts coalition challenges referendum outcomes UK political system House of Lords reform British public opinion political apathy parliamentary reform coalition government legislative change upper chamber reform constitutional reform UK Alternative Vote referendum House of Commons resistance public engagement politics electoral reform UK democracy United Kingdom Westminster politics reform delay reform priorities economic crisis popular attitudes to change public consultation reform Labour party House of Lords history of Lords reform obstacles to political reform UK legislative process major political reforms UK citizen involvement politics House of Lords reform public opinion political apathy constitutional reform British government coalition government UK Parliament legislative change political engagement economic climate electoral reform alternative vote political priorities House of Commons voter attitudes British politics Labour Party Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition parliamentary reform democratic reform referendum results political inertia UK constitutional issues legislative process government policy electoral system House of Lords reform public opinion apathy towards political change UK coalition government legislative priorities House of Commons reform resistance public engagement political reforms UK alternative vote referendum implications economic climate and legislative reform British attitudes to government reform delayed House of Lords changes challenges to constitutional reform UK Labour party House of Lords efforts historical context House of Lords reform UK parliamentary reform barriers impact of economic concerns on reform voter attitudes towards government structure changes public trust in UK political institutions democratic reform public support UK modernizing British political structures significance of Alternative Vote rejection role of public opinion in constitutional change House of Lords reform public opinion political apathy UK constitutional change coalition government legislative reform Alternative Vote referendum British political attitudes Commons resistance voter engagement electoral reform economic priorities public policy parliamentary reform political participation legislative deadlock reform delays change resistance UK government priorities political reform challenges House of Lords reform UK public opinion on reform parliamentary reform apathy House of Commons reservations coalition government reforms Alternative Vote outcome British political reform debate economic climate and reform history of Lords reform public attitude to political change effectiveness of Lords reform efforts Labour government reform attempts obstacles to House of Lords reform political will for reform reform priorities UK parliament UK constitutional change democratic reform resistance voter apathy UK government reform challenges public engagement in reform public opinion political apathy House of Lords reform constitutional change UK Parliament legislative reform coalition government political priorities economic climate political engagement Commons resistance alternative vote British political system voter turnout political inertia public resistance to change government reform initiatives parliamentary reform history Labour Party reform efforts referendum outcomes democracy in the UK voting system reform British constitutional reform political discourse UK governance issues House of Lords reform public opinion UK political apathy legislative change UK coalition government reforms House of Commons resistance Alternative Vote outcome British political reform UK constitutional reform political priorities economic climate UK legislative process public engagement reform UK government initiatives parliamentary reform challenges UK electoral reform government reform delays UK political attitude change historical attempts Lords reform British democracy reform UK upper chamber reform House of Lords reform public opinion political apathy coalition government legislative change British politics electoral reform House of Commons resistance Alternative Vote constitutional reform parliamentary priorities UK governance political engagement legislative delay economic climate impact voter attitudes institutional reform democratic participation government initiatives historical context House of Lords reform public opinion political apathy coalition government UK constitutional change parliamentary reform economic climate House of Commons resistance Alternative Vote referendum British politics legislative reform democratic engagement voter attitudes political participation electoral reform UK government priorities
test-law-ilppppghb-pro03a	"Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited self-determination right to self-determination minority rights international law peoples' rights independence self-rule sovereign statehood liberal democracy political self-governance national sovereignty identity distinct culture decolonization United Nations UN studies International Court of Justice Western Sahara Case constitutional arrangements political arrangements autonomy self-identification governance rights historical independence capability for self-governance oppressed minorities legal precedent territorial integrity recognized peoples indigenous rights right to self-determination peoples' rights minority rights international law International Court of Justice Western Sahara Case United Nations studies independence self-rule identifiable territory distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements liberal democracy autonomy secession sovereignty self-identity ethnic minorities self-determination criteria UN Human Rights national self-determination historical precedent self-government international recognition self-determination right to self-determination international law minority rights autonomy sovereignty peoples’ rights United Nations Western Sahara Case independence self-governance political self-rule constitutional arrangements nationhood decolonization ethnic minorities cultural identity self-identification UN Charter International Court of Justice human rights referendum national liberation statehood secession self-administration recognition of peoples territorial integrity democratic principles governance self-determination and international law minority rights and self-determination United Nations self-determination studies ICJ Western Sahara case analysis criteria for peoples' self-determination self-governance for minority groups self-determination in liberal democracies history of independence and self-determination cultural identity and self-determination right to choose political arrangements state obligations under self-determination self-determination in practice international court cases on self-determination legal basis for self-determination UN reports on self-determination Critescu GrosEspiell UN study self-determination minority rights international law International Court of Justice Western Sahara Case United Nations studies peoplehood criteria right to self-governance independence history distinct culture constitutional arrangements political arrangements minority peoples modern liberal democracy territorial integrity self-rule Critescu GrosEspiell right to decide leaders national governments autonomy collective rights decolonization self-identification UN General Assembly resolutions secession indigenous peoples self-determination international law right to self-determination criteria minority rights international law United Nations self-determination International Court of Justice self-determination Western Sahara Case self-determination history of self-rule and independence distinct cultural identity self-determination peoples’ right to self-governance self-determination in modern liberal democracy constitutional arrangements self-determination political self-determination for minorities legal basis for self-determination Critescu and GrosEspiell self-determination studies international recognition of self-determination rights case law self-determination self-determination right to self-governance international law minority rights peoples' rights sovereignty liberal democracy autonomy Western Sahara Case International Court of Justice United Nations independence self-rule constitutional arrangements political arrangements distinct culture territorial integrity national governments self-determination criteria self-identification self-administration human rights decolonization self-determination studies independence movements UN resolutions ethnic identity self-determination minority rights international law United Nations Western Sahara ICJ right to self-governance constitutional arrangements political autonomy distinct culture historical independence modern liberal democracy political self-rule UN reports autonomy movements territorial integrity national sovereignty peoples’ rights indigenous rights separatist movements international human rights law statehood criteria secession UN Charter self-determination factors self-determination case studies international court decisions ethnic minorities self-governance capability political disenfranchisement self-determination international law minority rights United Nations Western Sahara case ICJ constitutional arrangements political arrangements nationhood secession peoples' rights independence movements self-rule post-colonial states human rights referenda sovereignty ethnic identity cultural autonomy national liberation movements international human rights treaties UN Charter recognition of states territorial integrity collective rights decolonization autonomy minorities protection legal precedents right to self-governance self-determination international law minority rights United Nations ICJ Western Sahara Case constitutional arrangements political autonomy independence movements national sovereignty minority protections cultural identity self-governance peoples' rights historical independence self-rule territorial integrity liberal democracy international recognition UN covenants Recognizing Peoples right to secession autonomy rights decolonization ethnic minorities"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro02a	Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. coca leaf tradition Andean indigenous culture coca chewing customs cultural justification indigenous rights traditional practices religious significance Pachamama offerings pre-Inca history UNASUR declarations international drug policy ancestral expression cultural heritage prohibition impacts moral arguments Western parallels coffee South American nations spiritual practices human rights transnational policy religious freedom coca leaf legalization international law cultural preservation indigenous autonomy coca leaf traditional use Andean cultural practices indigenous rights coca coca religious significance coca leaf legal status cultural heritage coca coca and Andean identity international law coca UNASUR coca policy coca leaves human rights coca prohibition indigenous impact coca vs cocaine distinction Andean religious rituals coca Pachamama coca offerings coca leaf social customs cultural justification coca production coca legality international conventions coca chewing history drug policy cultural exemptions coca indigenous tradition preservation coca culture Andean traditions indigenous rights traditional practices coca leaf chewing South American customs cultural heritage UNASUR declarations indigenous religious practices Pachamama rituals pre-Inca traditions international drug policy cultural justification ancestral customs human rights cultural anthropology coca versus cocaine cultural exceptions religious freedom international law coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andean prevalence coca leaves vs cocaine distinction international bans coca opposition coca religious traditions Andes Pachamama coca offerings UNASUR declarations coca indigenous rights coca prohibition moral arguments coca use cultural rights international law coca historical use coca South America coca leaves traditional practice religious freedom coca chewing indigenous customs coca policy cultural heritage coca protection coca production cultural justification Andean traditions coca chewing indigenous rights religious significance Pachamama pre-Inca customs traditional practices legal protection international bans UNASUR declarations ancestral expression drug policy reform cultural heritage international law indigenous sovereignty religious freedom Western comparison coffee culture South American policies human rights prohibition criticism cultural preservation Morales coca advocacy traditional use vs. cocaine spiritual use global recognition legal exceptions Andean resistance coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andes prevalence indigenous coca leaf traditions religious use coca leaves Andes cultural significance coca leaves international coca leaf ban opposition ancestral coca leaf practices UNASUR coca leaf declarations indigenous rights coca leaves violation traditional rights coca ban moral arguments coca prohibition coca leaf vs. cocaine difference history of coca chewing Andes Pachamama coca rituals Andean social customs coca cultural heritage coca plant coca policy South America international law coca leaf use indigenous religious rights coca leaves drug policy coca leaf exceptions coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andes Andean peoples indigenous traditions Western nations coffee comparison international ban coca leaves historical context 3000 BC religious traditions pre-Inca period supernatural communication Pachamama spiritual practices South American countries UNASUR declarations ancestral cultural expression international community indigenous rights religious rights traditional rights prohibition international discouragement moral acceptability Evo Morales drug policy reform cocaine distinction Transnational Institute legislative reform cultural heritage human rights South America ritual use cultural preservation indigenous communities legal coca production cultural justification Andean coca chewing tradition coca leaves religious significance coca vs cocaine distinction indigenous rights coca use UNASUR coca declarations international coca prohibition ancestral practices coca Pachamama coca ceremonies traditional Andean rituals coca leaf legality Andean cultural practices coca consumption history indigenous spiritual customs cultural autonomy coca transnational drug policy coca Evo Morales coca rights violation indigenous traditions international law coca leaves South American coca policies coca culture Andean tradition indigenous rights cultural justification religious practices traditional medicine Pachamama rituals UNASUR declarations international law cultural heritage ancestral customs human rights international drug policy coca vs cocaine cultural preservation religious freedom transnational legislation South American indigenous practices traditional use cultural identity coca cultural significance Andes indigenous traditions coca leaf religious rituals traditional coca chewing international law and coca UNASUR coca declarations indigenous rights coca cultural heritage coca production moral justification coca coca leaf vs cocaine ancestral practices South America coca prohibition impact Pachamama rituals Andean resistance to drug bans legal coca use cultural rights violations history of coca consumption international drug policy coca coca leaf legalization traditional medicine coca
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con01a	Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations historical justice colonialism victims descendants compensation financial redress amends moral responsibility postcolonial restitution compensation mechanisms war reparations Germany Israel reparations economic impact intergenerational equity precedent temporal gap beneficiary identification distribution challenges ethics of reparations need-based allocation economic depression reparative justice accountability restorative justice colonial legacy property restoration wrongful loss historical wrongs policy implications justice after colonization historical reparations delayed reparations reparations effectiveness intergenerational justice reparations recipients postcolonial compensation reparations time limits reparations precedent reparations feasibility reparations for descendants reparations economic impact reparations fairness reparations case studies reparation distribution moral responsibility reparations reparations payment challenges reparations comparative analysis reparations for historical injustices reparations eligibility ethical considerations reparations historical accountability postcolonial justice compensatory justice intergenerational equity restitution moral obligation beneficiaries reparations policy transitional justice victim identification wealth redistribution collective memory legal precedent restorative justice economic impact compensation mechanisms delayed justice national reconciliation political feasibility ethical considerations historic reparations debate effectiveness of delayed reparations reparations after long time periods ethical considerations reparations reparations for deceased victims precedent for delayed reparations reparations comparison Germany Israel economic impact of reparations reparations for descendants identifying modern victims reparations reparations and national development reparations fairness current generation evaluating rightful recipients reparations reparations methods after colonisation reparations in contemporary contexts reparations and economic depression feasibility of large-scale reparations history of post-conflict reparations restitution versus reparation reconciliation through reparations reparations legal precedents challenges in reparations historical justice post-colonialism reparative justice victim identification intergenerational wealth economic implications temporal distance compensation models moral responsibility legal precedent Germany Israel reparations colonial legacy restitution ethical dilemmas reparations feasibility restorative justice structural inequality economic depression descendants’ eligibility reparations debate reparations effectiveness historical reparations victim identification reparations reparations precedent postcolonial reparations reparations distribution reparations challenges consequences of delayed reparations reparations and economic impact reparations moral justification reparations for descendants reparations case studies reparations implementation difficulty reparations and international law Germany Israel reparations comparison reparations to nations reparations long-term effects reparations historical context opposition to reparations reparations historical compensation intergenerational justice colonization post-colonialism victim identification economic impact precedent moral responsibility restitution legacy of injustice compensation recipients retroactive justice wealth distribution ethical reparations timing of reparations colonial legacy distributive justice national debt reparations feasibility socioeconomic change direct victims indirect victims restorative justice postwar reparations Germany Israel reparations temporal distance reparations effectiveness entitlement practical challenges descendant wealth long-term consequences opportunity cost justice delayed legal precedent international law compensation mechanisms repar reparations historical accountability colonial reparations reparations challenges victim identification reparations precedent Germany Israel reparations post-colonial reparations reparations distribution generational impact economic impact of reparations reparations feasibility ethical considerations reparations wealth disparities reparations restitution for historical wrongs timeline for reparations reparations policy reparations for descendants reparations effectiveness delayed justice reparations reparations historical justice colonisation postcolonial compensation victims descendants economic impact restitution intergenerational equity monetary compensation ethical responsibility precedent reparations Germany Israel reparations time lapse reparations reparations effectiveness property restoration asset recovery societal development eligibility criteria moral obligation wealth disparity international law reparations delayed justice memory of wrongdoing reparations policy unintended consequences socio-economic effects historical reparations post-colonial justice intergenerational equity restorative justice compensatory justice moral responsibility beneficiaries of reparations reparations precedent reparations effectiveness delayed reparations reparations impact wealth disparity victim identification colonisation aftermath reparations policy ethical reparations transitional justice case studies reparations economic impact reparations reparations feasibility
test-science-eassgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. animal testing animal suffering laboratory animals animal welfare ethical research animal rights animal experimentation animal cruelty vivisection biomedical research animal protection research ethics animal deaths animal liberation animal advocacy alternatives to animal testing animal experimentation ban humane science animal rehabilitation research animal release medical research ethics animal use statistics animal testing ethics animal experimentation drawbacks animal welfare laboratory animal suffering animal rights alternatives to animal research humane research methods animal research statistics impact on animal populations biomedical research animals animal research mortality animal liberation ethical treatment of animals research animal euthanasia animal experimentation bans reducing animal usage in research animal research controversy animal cruelty non-animal testing methods animal rights activism animal testing animal welfare laboratory animals ethical concerns animal suffering animal experimentation alternative methods animal rights vivisection scientific research biomedical research animal euthanasia animal liberation cruelty to animals research alternatives animal protection legislation animal ethics humane research animal use reduction animal law animal mortality animal advocacy non-animal research methods research bans animal research ethical issues animal testing harm statistics alternatives to animal testing animal welfare in research banning animal experimentation post-experiment fate of lab animals animal suffering in experiments medical research animal treatment animal research mortality rate impact of animal testing on animals ethical alternatives to animal research legal status of animal testing animal liberation arguments cost-benefit analysis of animal research medical advancements without animal testing humane treatment of laboratory animals animal testing policy reform animal rights vs medical progress replacement methods for animal experiments future of animal research ethics animal experimentation ethics animal welfare laboratory animals animal research alternatives animal rights animal suffering biomedical research animal testing regulations animal euthanasia humane endpoints 3Rs principle animal liberation medical testing on animals animal use statistics animal protection laws animal research ban non-animal testing methods ethical concerns in research vivisection animal captivity animal rescue after research rehoming laboratory animals impact of animal research animal cruelty sentience in animals animal testing ethics animal welfare alternatives to animal research humane research methods animal experimentation debate cruelty-free research animal rights biomedical research alternatives banning animal testing impact of animal research ethical treatment of animals laboratory animal suffering animal research regulations animal liberation scientific research without animals animal testing animal experimentation laboratory animals ethical concerns animal welfare animal rights animal suffering animal deaths animal euthanasia biomedical research vivisection alternative methods animal liberation animal protection animal cruelty medical research ethics animal release risks wild animals animal adoption research bans animal welfare legislation animal experimentation statistics animal testing alternatives humane research methods animal ethics debates suffering prevention animal subject use scientific research ethics research animal fate post-experiment animal care animal testing ethics animal welfare alternatives to animal testing animal rights biomedical research animal impact animal experimentation ban laboratory animal suffering humane research methods replacing animal testing animal research regulations animal cruelty in science animal liberation animal testing statistics animal research pros and cons impact of animal testing on wildlife humane education in vitro alternatives computer modeling in research animal research policy animal rehoming after experiments animal testing animal welfare laboratory animals ethical research animal cruelty animal experimentation alternatives to animal testing biomedical research animal rights animal suffering animal euthanasia animal liberation vivisection 3Rs principle animal protection laws humane research laboratory animal deaths animal studies ethics animal use statistics animal research bans animal welfare ethical treatment animal testing alternatives animal rights laboratory animal protection biomedical research ethics animal experimentation regulations cruelty-free research non-animal testing methods in vitro alternatives animal liberation animal experimentation statistics humane endpoints animal research ban scientific ethics reduction of animal use 3Rs principle (Replacement Reduction Refinement) animal sanctuary post-research animal care animal research pros and cons
test-international-appghblsba-con02a	A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, decentralization local governance Lesotho autonomy Basotho representation legislative authority executive authority political voice population comparison local government responsive governance small state democracy accountability secession movements regional autonomy minority representation self-determination community empowerment participatory democracy subsidiarity administrative efficiency Basotho political identity Lesotho independence democratic leadership Southern Africa politics South African government European secession abaThembu independence decentralization local governance Lesotho autonomy political representation small state democracy Basotho political voice legislative authority executive authority population disparity minority rights secession movements democratic accountability government responsiveness regional governance self-determination subnational autonomy small country advantages Lesotho independence South Africa integration comparative democracy local participation voter influence grassroots democracy African democracies constitutional autonomy case studies on secession representation in large states governance challenges Southern Africa politics Basotho identity public administration state formation sovereignty decentralization benefits local policy making regional disparities Lesotho independence Basotho representation local governance decentralized authority secession movements small state democracy local autonomy regional governance South African integration political accountability government responsiveness minority voices legislative authority executive authority self-determination population disparity sovereignty local solutions regional identity Lesotho democracy decentralized government benefits Lesotho advantages of local authority Lesotho representation in smaller states risks of merging with South Africa Lesotho Basotho legislative voice democracy in southern Africa Lesotho Lesotho local government accountability effect of larger population on minority voices secession movements southern Africa abaThembu independent state local governance vs national governance Lesotho community representation Lesotho Lesotho self-governance advantages population size and political voice Lesotho solutions for democracy Lesotho-South Africa integration impacts importance of proximity in governance decentralized governance local government Lesotho autonomy Basotho representation small state democracy legislative voice executive authority South Africa population minority rights subsidiarity self-determination political accountability regional autonomy secession movements abaThembu independence responsive government Lesotho democracy Southern Africa politics effective local solutions centralization vs decentralization political representation small state advantages comparative democracy local legislative power citizen participation decentralized government benefits Lesotho autonomy advantages local governance effectiveness democracy in Lesotho small population representation legislative authority challenges Basotho political voice secession movements Southern Africa local vs. central government Lesotho-South Africa merger risks minority rights in large states accountable governance proximity politics small state self-determination Basotho legislative influence comparative democracy Southern Africa regional governance models local government responsiveness Lesotho independence King abaThembu secession population disparity politics solutions for small states local representation importance Lesotho political agency Lesotho-South Africa integration drawbacks decentralization local governance Lesotho autonomy Basotho self-determination comparative population size legislative representation executive authority regional democracy Southern Africa political accountability secession movements government responsiveness public participation minority voices political inclusion local solutions small state governance European secession abaThembu independence democracy indicators government proximity South African political structure local government empowerment small state representation state sovereignty subnational movements effective governance responsive government legislative disparity ethnic representation decentralized governance local authority Lesotho autonomy Basotho representation legislative power executive authority population disparity South Africa integration local government benefits democratic leadership Lesotho small state representation secession movements abaThembu independence voice in government accountability Lesotho democracy regional autonomy minority rights population size politics local responsiveness government proximity governance in Africa comparative democracy self-determination subnational governance small state advantages decentralization local governance Lesotho autonomy Basotho political representation small state democracy local authority benefits Lesotho South Africa integration population-based representation government accountability secession movements abaThembu independence regional democracy small population governance legislative voice executive authority proximity to government African democracy leaders local government effectiveness minority rights Southern Africa politics decentralization local governance autonomy representation population size Basotho political voice legislative authority executive authority Lesotho democracy South Africa population regional government accountability citizen participation self-determination secession movements small state benefits responsive government minority rights local solutions independence movements public administration state integration comparative politics African governance Europe secession ethnic groups federalism subsidiarity national identity regional autonomy
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. copyright law copyright protection creative rights intellectual property artist compensation artist livelihood financial support creative commons royalty payments revenue loss artists' income fair use work for hire copyright infringement licensing content monetization creative industries artist welfare copyright enforcement family support artistic remuneration copyright policy creative output economic impact copyright reform cultural production artist income artist royalties copyright benefits for artists financial support for artists copyright revenue creative ownership artist compensation artist livelihood copyright protection creative commons impact artist rights artist earnings intellectual property artist family support copyright enforcement loss of artist income copyright policy effects artist remuneration copyright law creative work monetization artist financial challenges sale of art artist profit copyright reform artist creative output copyright enforcement artist compensation intellectual property rights creative industry revenue copyright law fair use royalty payments artist livelihood copyright infringement creative commons impact artist income protection fair remuneration copyright policy revenue loss copyright reform creative ownership artistic work value artist financial support loss of copyright copyright reform debate copyright protection benefits artists importance of copyright for artists' livelihood economic impact of copyright laws on artists creative commons drawbacks for artists financial challenges faced by artists artists income from creative work copyright and artist family support effect of copyright removal on artists artists reliance on copyright revenue value of robust copyright system risks of weak copyright for creators alternative income sources for artists copyright laws and artist well-being fair compensation for artists artists and intellectual property rights artist income copyright protection creative economy intellectual property rights artist livelihood creative commons impact copyright enforcement artist compensation copyright policy art monetization creative rights copyright law financial support artists copyright revenue artist family support creative industry protection copyright infringement consequences art copyright removal artist rights copyright reform royalty payments economic impact on artists artist copyright protection artists financial support copyright law for artists creative commons impact artists artists income from art copyright laws and artist revenue economic impact copyright artists copyright and artist livelihoods artists supporting families copyright selling creative work artists artists reliance on copyright challenges without artist copyright artist compensation strategies copyright system benefits artists creative rights and artist income copyright policy artists copyright removal impact copyright security for artists artist income sources artists and intellectual property law copyright intellectual property artist income creative works copyright protection financial support royalties artist compensation copyright law copyright infringement creative commons artist livelihood revenue loss creative output family support economic impact copyright rights artist welfare content monetization licensing publishing rights digital rights management copyright enforcement fair use artist royalties cultural economics copyright policy art industry creative economy legal protection artistic profession copyright protection for artists artist income reliance copyright creative output financial support impact of creative commons on artists artist family financial support copyright laws artist livelihood artist revenue copyright policy artist rights and copyright artist income challenges copyright stripping financial impact supporting artists through copyright creative industry copyright support economic impact copyright artists artist compensation copyright secure copyright benefits artists copyright enforcement art industry artist alternative income sources artist appreciation vs financial support struggle of artists without copyright creative industry legal protections artist economic sustainability artists income copyright protection creative output financial support artist livelihood intellectual property art market copyright policy creative commons impact revenue loss artist family support copyright law legal protection for artists artist compensation artist rights remuneration for creativity copyright enforcement struggling artists economic impact copyright creative industries fair compensation artist welfare copyright system creative economy artist sustainability copyright law artists' income creative industry compensation intellectual property rights copyright protection creative commons impact artist livelihood copyright policy effects art monetization family support for artists financial stability revenue loss copyright reform creative professionals artistic rights copyright infringement art market dynamics copyright security artist welfare economic impact on artists
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro01a	Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 authoritarianism Paul Kagame Rwanda politics visionary leadership media censorship silencing opposition political repression freedom of speech human rights press freedom exiled officials assassination one-party state police state democracy façade inclusive dialogue national reconciliation political stability democracy in Africa elections term limits controlled electorate loyal opposition democratization government transparency political pluralism rule of law civic engagement opposition rights political participation future governance leadership succession Paul Kagame authoritarianism visionary leadership Rwanda governance silencing dissent media repression freedom of speech political opposition exile political assassinations one-party state democracy façade police state national dialogue inclusive governance political reform freedom of press term limits 2017 re-election mass support loyal opposition democratization civic rights human rights political stability government critics press freedom civic participation civil society electoral reform political plurality opposition rights political transparency authoritarianism Paul Kagame visionary leadership Rwanda politics media censorship silencing opposition political repression freedom of speech freedom of press government critics political exile assassinations intelligence chief police state one-party rule democracy façade national dialogue inclusive governance government stability loyal opposition 2017 elections presidential term limits Rwandan democracy political reforms governance challenges societal control patriotism democratization press freedom political dissent NGO involvement reconciliation political pluralism Authoritarian leadership in Rwanda President Kagame leadership style Rwanda silencing dissent media repression Rwanda freedom of speech Rwanda political opposition Kagame forced exile Rwandan officials police state Rwanda one-party state Rwanda national dialogue Rwanda proposals democracy future Rwanda Kagame re-election support media censorship Rwanda loyal opposition Rwanda democracy progress Rwanda press freedom Rwanda improving Rwanda governance Kagame criticism Rwandan political exiles strengthening democracy in Rwanda inclusive national dialogue Rwanda political reforms Rwanda facade of democracy Rwanda Rwandan government crackdowns strengthening opposition Rwanda pathways to democracy Rwanda Rwandan political Authoritarianism President Kagame Rwanda politics visionary leadership political repression silencing critics opposition suppression media censorship freedom of speech government exiles political assassinations police state one-party rule façade of democracy national dialogue inclusive governance political reform civil liberties press freedom re-election controversy political control loyal opposition democratization future stability African politics leadership transition political pluralism human rights regime security civic participation international criticism authoritarian leadership Rwanda Paul Kagame governance suppression of opposition Rwanda media censorship Rwanda freedom of speech Rwanda Rwandan political exiles Rwandan democracy façade one-party state Rwanda national dialogue Rwanda inclusive governance Rwanda political repression Rwanda press freedom Rwanda Rwandan ex-intelligence chief murder Rwanda government critics opposition rights Rwanda loyal opposition Rwanda future of democracy Rwanda Kagame re-election support Rwanda political stability democratization NGOs Rwanda strengthening Rwandan democracy authoritarianism Paul Kagame visionary leadership Rwanda politics political repression silencing dissent media censorship free speech suppression opposition exile political assassinations police state one-party rule façade democracy inclusive dialogue national reconciliation political reforms democratic transition re-election term limits popular support leadership cult democracy in Africa freedom of press loyal opposition government accountability civic participation civil liberties human rights political pluralism opposition rights political stability conflict prevention national unity democratization governance political development Africa politics political exiles international criticism political reforms Rwanda Paul Kagame authoritarian leadership Rwanda Rwandan politics media censorship Rwanda freedom of speech Rwanda political opposition Rwanda exiled Rwandan officials ex-intelligence chief murder police state Rwanda one-party rule Rwanda democracy in Rwanda national dialogue Rwanda Rwandan elections third term Kagame political reform Rwanda loyal opposition Rwanda progressive democracy Rwanda press freedom Rwanda inclusive governance Rwanda human rights Rwanda government criticism Rwanda civil society Rwanda political repression Rwanda African authoritarian leaders Rwandan governance model national reconciliation Rwanda authoritarianism Paul Kagame Rwanda politics visionary leadership political repression media censorship freedom of speech opposition suppression exile government officials assassination democracy in Rwanda one-party state police state political dissent national dialogue inclusive governance re-election political control patriotism loyal opposition democratization press freedom future stability political reform human rights civil liberties regime criticism African politics post-genocide Rwanda constitutional amendment authoritarianism Paul Kagame Rwanda politics leadership style silencing critics political opposition media restrictions free speech Rwanda press freedom government exiles political assassinations democratic façade one-party state national dialogue Rwanda inclusive governance political repression presidential elections Rwanda term limits leadership cult loyal opposition democratization civil liberties government transparency political reform Rwanda human rights transitional justice international relations Rwanda Aljazeera Guardian Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) Julie Fisher Steve Kenzer
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro01a	"Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Catholic Church radical change church stability doctrinal change church tension church schism contraception ban traditional teachings women bishops Anglican Church church controversy denominational differences religious collapse gay priests theological conflict church unity faith divisions religious identity conservatism doctrine preservation Catholic Church stability doctrinal change impact church schism risks contraception ban controversy church unity women bishops controversy Anglican Church divisions gay priests church debate religious tradition change church authority crisis collapse of faith communities denominational differences church teaching reforms church membership decline religious tensions church doctrine consistency faith community fracture modernizing church teachings catholicism vs protestantism controversial church reforms church reform doctrinal change ecclesiastical stability Catholic tradition contraception doctrine church schism church authority religious dissent papal infallibility Anglican controversy women bishops church unity theological dispute Vatican policy church collapse conservative Catholicism progressive theology denominational conflict religious upheaval Catholic identity Catholic Church radical change consequences stability risks doctrine changes impact of doctrinal shifts Catholicism Church schism historical examples contraception ban Church tension Church of England women bishops controversy parallels Anglican Catholic schism effects of changing contraception policy Church unity versus doctrine change historical Church splits over doctrine maintaining Catholic identity policy change doctrinal conservatism Church stability religious denomination splits over reform internal Church conflict causes controversy over progressive Church policies Church stability doctrinal change Catholic Church tension Church schism contraception ban Anglican Church controversy women bishops Church of England split religious doctrine ecclesiastical authority faith divisions conservative vs progressive Christianity church membership decline religious reforms tradition vs modernization church collapse risk gay clergy controversies denominational distinctions religious controversy historical church changes Catholic Church stability radical doctrinal changes Church schism risks contraception ban debate impact of women bishops Anglican Church Church authority challenges internal Church tensions faith community division controversial Church reforms historical Church splits religious doctrine adaptation maintaining tradition Catholicism Church membership decline reactions to Church modernity Catholic teachings vs. reform religious change backlash effects of doctrinal shifts Church unity controversies comparative denominational responses traditionalist vs. progressive Catholic views Catholic Church stability radical change doctrine teachings tension collapse schism contraception ban birth control Church of England women bishops controversy denominational differences church unity church authority resistance to change religious tradition church membership decline gay priests Anglican Church faith identity doctrinal consistency church governance Catholic Church doctrinal change church stability contraception ban church schism church unity Catholic doctrine church controversy religious tension conservative Catholicism progressive Catholicism Church of England women bishops Anglican schism gay priests church collapse church reform church tradition ecclesiastical authority Catholic teachings dissent in church religious change backlash church membership decline moral teachings papal authority Catholic identity tradition vs reform Christian denominations religious doctrines church adaptation modern Catholicism Catholic Church radical change church stability doctrine teachings controversy Church of England women bishops schism contraception ban religious tension church collapse gay priests Anglican Church denominational differences church reform tradition vs change religious authority internal conflict conservatism modernization religious identity excommunication faith community membership decline ecclesiastical governance religious policy historical precedent unity dissent Catholic Church doctrinal change church stability church schism contraception ban religious controversy Church of England women bishops Anglican church gay priests religious tension church collapse denominational differences Jeffrey John global Anglican schism religious doctrine church reforms faith divisions exodus from church conservative Catholicism"
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con01a	Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration speciesism cognitive complexity self-awareness sentience moral value ethical hierarchy moral standing personhood brain development communication ability social behavior moral harm animal experimentation moral justification intrinsic value comparative ethics Frey R.G. ethics truncated rights moral good animal suffering human benefit life value animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration speciesism moral hierarchy sentience cognitive abilities brain complexity communication social groups self-awareness mortality awareness intrinsic value instrumental value moral justification animal experimentation ethical hierarchy truncated rights Frey R. G. value of life ethics moral standing utilitarianism harm-benefit analysis greater moral good animal cognition rights ascription life value comparison justification of harm moral status comparative ethics speciesism animal rights human rights moral hierarchy moral worth cognitive capacity consciousness personhood sentience moral consideration ethical justification animal experimentation utilitarianism moral philosophy Frey R. G. value of life comparative ethics harm-benefit analysis truncated rights interspecies morality social complexity communication abilities self-awareness ethical treatment of animals moral status animal welfare human exceptionalism ethics in practice La Follette animal rights vs human rights moral worth of animals hierarchy of moral consideration speciesism Frey RG Moral Standing value of life debate truncated animal rights animal experimentation ethics human complexity and moral status cognitive abilities and moral standing rights ascription criteria ethical justification animal harm moral good vs harm animals relative value of lives social group significance ethics communication abilities moral value self-awareness and rights interests preferences and moral worth human exceptionalism in ethics critique of animal rights equivalence limits of animal moral consideration comparing human and animal consciousness ethical weighings in research speciesism moral standing animal rights human rights moral hierarchy moral worth cognitive complexity self-awareness sentience personhood ethical consideration animal experimentation moral justification utilitarianism intrinsic value rights truncation moral harm vs moral good Roger Frey value of life interspecies comparison consciousness moral philosophy social cognition ethical theory animal welfare human exceptionalism bioethics animal rights vs human rights moral worth of animals speciesism debate moral consideration hierarchy cognitive capacity argument animal experimentation ethics truncated animal rights human-animal value comparison Frey moral standing ethics of animal testing great benefit to humans lesser moral harm justification moral value of sentient beings rights distribution based on complexity animals’ moral status awareness and selfhood in animals communication and social behavior differences human exceptionalism in ethics suffering and moral justification ethical hierarchy of rights animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration moral status speciesism sentience consciousness self-awareness cognitive abilities moral value ethical hierarchy human-animal comparison brain development social complexity communication skills interconnected interests preferences intrinsic value extrinsic value truncated rights research ethics animal experimentation justified harm utilitarian ethics moral justification moral harm greater good R. G. Frey value of life ethical theory rights ascription personhood animal cognition ethical justification bioethics moral philosophy comparative ethics nonhuman animals moral speciesism moral hierarchy animal experimentation ethics moral status of animals human superiority philosophy comparative moral worth animal consciousness cognitive complexity animal sentience intrinsic value theory rights truncation utilitarian animal rights Frey moral standing ethical treatment of animals bioethics human exceptionalism animal interests moral justification of harm ethics of animal use animal consciousness debate personhood criteria rights to life comparison animal welfare ethics sentientism vs humanism neuroethics animal rights philosophy moral consideration spectrum human-animal moral divide animal experimentation justification value of life ethics speciesism moral hierarchy cognitive complexity sentience consciousness self-awareness moral worth ethical theory utilitarianism rights truncation animal experimentation human exceptionalism moral justification harm-benefit analysis intrinsic value personhood animal welfare comparative ethics moral status Frey's argument moral standing ethical consideration bioethics interspecies comparison human-animal relations speciesism moral hierarchy moral standing sentience cognitive capacity self-awareness personhood utilitarianism animal experimentation animal welfare human exceptionalism rights truncation ethical justification moral value comparative ethics moral harm intrinsic value moral agency moral status human uniqueness benefit-harm analysis brain complexity social group dynamics communication ability interest-conflict consciousness mortality awareness animal cognition animal sentience bioethics
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con01a	Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google China Chinese market search engine search market market share Baidu business opportunity market growth internet censorship business strategy emerging markets android gmail technology companies digital economy online services revenue competition online advertising market entry business expansion economic growth internet regulations market analysis multinational companies Google China market Google China withdrawal China search engine market Google business strategy China Baidu competition Google market share China Chinese internet market growth Google Android in China Gmail China Google expansion China tech companies in China foreign companies China online advertising China Chinese internet regulation Google censorship China Google revenue China digital market China Google return China tech industry growth China Google localization China Chinese search engine market Google China strategy market growth China Baidu competition business expansion China digital market China Google market share loss technology investment China emerging markets Android adoption China Gmail penetration China economic opportunity China foreign tech companies China regulatory challenges China online advertising China Google retreat 2010 market entry barriers China Chinese internet users search engine competition multinational corporations China Google China market strategy Google search market China growth Google vs Baidu competition Google business expansion China impact of 2010 incident on Google China Google search market share China Google investments in China Google future in Chinese market Google Android market China Google Gmail services China Chinese internet market growth global tech companies China Google’s challenges in China regulatory issues Google China historical Google China withdrawal Google re-entry plans China Google market loss analysis China business implications Google China exit alternative search engines China opportunities for tech companies China Google China Chinese search market market share Baidu competition digital business expansion censorship internet regulation technology market China Google 2010 exit mobile services China Gmail China Android China online advertising China market entry strategy multinational technology firms revenue growth China business opportunities China search engine market foreign tech companies China Google business strategy Google Chinese market Google 2010 China exit China search engine growth Google business opportunity China Baidu market share Google Gmail China Google Android China Google vs Baidu China internet market 2010 Google market share decline search engine competition China Google strategy China digital business China Google revenue China internet market growth China Google China Chinese search market market growth business opportunity Baidu market share loss 2010 incident internet censorship strategic expansion emerging markets Gmail Android search engine competition search engine market technology sector digital market China Google retreat re-entry strategies economic impact international business technology adoption business development Google services market penetration global expansion regulatory challenges China Google China market strategy search engine competition China Chinese internet growth Baidu vs Google Google business expansion China Google market share loss China digital economy tech companies China Google localization strategy Google services in China regulatory challenges Google China Android market China Gmail access China foreign tech investment China google china censorship chinese online advertising market internet user growth China Chinese government internet policy cross-border technology business multinational tech companies China China internet censorship Baidu competition Chinese regulatory environment market entry strategies digital economy China foreign tech companies China mobile internet adoption China government relations Google China user base growth China advertising revenue China geopolitical risks China intellectual property China localized services Google Android market China Gmail accessibility China censorship impact business technology transfer China Chinese internet market Baidu competition search engine market share Google censorship Google re-entry China digital market growth China Google business strategy China Chinese government regulations internet censorship China Android market China Gmail availability China global tech companies China search trends China online advertising China market entry barriers China US-China tech relations foreign investment China technology policy China
test-international-bldimehbn-pro01a	Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, media censorship journalistic discretion editorial judgement news ethics self-censorship graphic content offensive material expletives sensitive information protecting minors cultural sensibilities harm minimization reporting standards media law audience offense privacy in journalism news values responsible journalism ethical reporting press freedom journalism autonomy transparency in media professional standards minority representation reader sensitivity media accountability media censorship editorial discretion journalistic ethics self-censorship offensive content graphic imagery expletive filtering privacy protection harm minimization media regulation reporting standards cultural sensitivity news judgement child protection laws audience offence market-driven reporting controversial topics press responsibility professional guidelines media accountability media ethics journalistic discretion editorial judgement self-censorship offence avoidance graphic content reporting guidelines harm minimization expletives censorship protection of minors privacy protection freedom of press cultural sensitivity audience sensibilities news market preferences professional standards responsible reporting ethical journalism newsroom policy legal constraints public sensibilities media regulation controversial topics graphic violence sensitive images journalistic self-censorship editorial discretion media ethics in reporting balancing free speech and offence broadcasting graphic content guidelines protecting minors in journalism minimising harm in news reporting cultural sensitivity in media news judgement and public sensibilities omission of distressing details ethical journalism practices market-driven editorial decisions controversy avoidance by news outlets audience-targeted content filtering journalists’ role in content curation avoiding offensive language in media professional standards for sensitive topics cultural differences in offence perception comparison of Western and non-Western media practices legal restrictions on media reporting controversial social issues influence of audience demographics on media censorship journalistic ethics self-censorship broadcast standards editorial discretion offence prevention graphic content regulation expletive omission harm minimization protected identities minors' privacy cultural sensibilities free speech limitations news market audience ethical journalism reporting ramifications professional judgement media responsibility content moderation offensive material news outlet criticism disclosure norms western journalism cultural offense reporting bias readership protection social sensibilities media regulation press freedom boundaries media self-regulation media ethics journalistic discretion self-censorship broadcast standards offensive content graphic violence in media editorial judgement expletive censorship protecting minors' identities cultural sensitivity journalism reporting harm minimization free speech media news audience offense ethical journalism principles Western vs. Arab cultural values media market sensitivities news content regulation suppression of distressing content reporting graphic scenes minimizing offence in journalism broadcast censorship media ethics journalistic discretion self-censorship offence prevention graphic content restriction expletive omission violence imagery sex imagery privacy protection minor protection news judgment professional standards editorial policy harm minimization cultural sensitivity media self-regulation perception of harm newsroom autonomy transparency audience sensibilities liberal media free speech debate public backlash news reporting ethics media accountability journalist interviews Western journalism cross-cultural offence reader sensitivity broadcasting ethics journalistic discretion self-censorship in media offensive content in news graphic violence censorship media responsibility news reporting standards editorial judgement protection of minors in media ethical journalism harm minimization in journalism cultural sensitivity in journalism freedom of speech vs. harm media law and regulation audience offense avoidance sensitive subjects in news expletive censorship media market preferences cross-cultural media ethics media and public outrage media bias and readership reporting on minorities controversial reporting boundaries journalistic autonomy transparency in news distress minimization news content regulation media ethics self-censorship journalistic discretion offensive content broadcast standards editorial policy audience sensitivity graphic content expletive regulation harm minimization news judgement cultural sensibilities reader demographics identity protection legal restrictions children privacy professional judgement free speech limits ethical reporting media accountability community standards sensitivity to minorities media market adaptation editorial autonomy transparency in journalism public backlash journalist interviews ethical guidelines news censorship media ethics censorship journalistic discretion offensive content graphic violence expletives professional judgement editorial policy self-censorship reader sensitivity cultural differences news reporting standards protection of minors harm minimization media regulation free speech audience sensibilities taboo topics press responsibility journalistic autonomy transparency harm perception news outlet reputation western media global journalism ethical journalism public offense privacy protection journalistic practices cultural sensitivity media criticism
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro02a	Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. terrorism Al Qaeda counterterrorism human rights government response torture security policy civil liberties due process legal rights ethical dilemma national security violence state measures law enforcement militant groups fear tactics innocent victims emergency powers justification of torture anti-terrorism strategies individual rights state versus terror rights violations policy debate terrorism counterterrorism Al Qaeda human rights individual rights torture government policies security measures due process legal rights civil liberties national security anti-terrorism ethics of torture terrorism response governmental authority protection of citizens emergency powers use of force law enforcement human rights violations international law warfare security vs freedom state power just war terrorist threats violence security-first policies preventative measures counterterrorism civil liberties human rights state response government policy use of torture ethical implications security measures legal frameworks human rights violations just war theory international law anti-terrorism legislation extrajudicial actions proportionality security vs. freedom Geneva Convention enhanced interrogation moral dilemmas public safety national security terrorism prevention due process law enforcement safeguarding democracy counterterrorism strategies government response to terrorism use of torture in counterterrorism ethical implications of torture human rights and national security legal process in anti-terrorism effectiveness of extreme measures impact of terrorism on civil liberties justification for torture debate balancing security and rights due process during terror threats protecting innocents from terrorism policy responses to terrorist organizations moral dilemma of fighting terrorism state power in crisis situations international law and torture security versus freedom humanitarian concerns in anti-terrorism prevention of terrorist attacks government responsibility in protecting citizens counterterrorism human rights government surveillance enhanced interrogation national security civil liberties just war theory ethical dilemmas torture debate international law Geneva Convention state response to terror due process rule of law extraordinary measures anti-terror policy security vs freedom preventive detention targeted killing moral justification intelligence gathering Al Qaeda terrorism law security ethics counterinsurgency human dignity torture legality proportional response counter-terrorism strategies government response to terrorism ethical implications of torture human rights and national security legal limits in counter-terrorism moral justification for torture effectiveness of torture in intelligence gathering balancing security and liberty international law on torture Geneva Conventions and terrorism alternative methods to torture terrorism and civil liberties justification of extreme measures state-sanctioned violence impact of anti-terror policies on society terrorism prevention measures debate on torture use terrorist organization tactics role of government in public safety protecting citizens from terrorism terrorism counterterrorism Al Qaeda terrorist groups civil liberties human rights due process torture government policy security measures counterinsurgency ethical dilemmas national security state response law enforcement public safety rights abuses extraordinary measures anti-terrorism intelligence gathering coercive interrogation war on terror legal vs. extralegal just war theory moral justification societal impact governmental authority human rights violations preventive detention security vs. liberty governance targeted killings state power rule of law international law ethical justification terrorism victims counterterror counterterrorism terrorism ethics Al Qaeda government response to terrorism extreme measures torture debate civil liberties individual rights legal due process security vs freedom human rights state-sanctioned torture anti-terrorism policy fear tactics pain and suffering innocent civilians government duty national security moral justification terrorism prevention law enforcement tactics human rights violations emergency powers war on terror proportional response security policy intelligence gathering terrorist networks ethical dilemmas international law torture efficacy terrorism laws public safety counterinsurgency preventive detention terrorism Al Qaida terrorist groups individual rights counterterrorism government response torture debate human rights fear tactics legal process due process ethics of torture security vs liberty state security civil liberties anti-terrorism laws innocent civilians moral justification extremist violence torture justification governmental authority protection of citizens security policy national security international law unconventional warfare security strategies counterterrorism human rights civil liberties government policy torture debate ethics of interrogation international law Al Qaida security measures state response due process terrorism motivation innocent victims preventive detention anti-terrorism laws legal frameworks public safety moral dilemmas emergency powers justified torture security vs freedom war on terror intelligence gathering Geneva Conventions policy effectiveness
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. microfinance health protection small loans healthcare access financial inclusion banking facilities credit access health services poverty alleviation income irregularity affordable healthcare microfinance institutions Ghana healthcare systems health financing social protection health insurance microcredit non-financial services health education integrated healthcare community health healthcare affordability loan accessibility health outcomes poverty reduction financial services health vulnerability social safety nets microfinance integration healthcare access microfinance institutions financial inclusion health insurance poverty alleviation healthcare affordability credit access loan schemes non-financial services health education community health financing banking services Ghana health system social protection economic empowerment rural health household poverty medical expenses healthcare financing integrated services microcredit vulnerable populations social safety nets health service utilization financial risk protection microfinance healthcare access health insurance financial inclusion poverty reduction health education microcredit banking facilities loans credit Ghana health protection income irregularity healthcare integration non-financial services social protection affordable healthcare financial barriers health expenditures microfinance institutions vulnerable populations rural health access community health financing household poverty microloans health equity healthcare affordability medical expenses microfinance and health care access microfinance institutions and healthcare integration impact of microfinance on health outcomes financial barriers to health care access to credit for medical expenses microfinance and health education microfinance protection against health shocks microfinance and poverty reduction non-financial services in microfinance microfinance schemes for health security microfinance in Ghana healthcare role of microfinance in health financing banking exclusion and health access health affordability through microfinance microfinance safety nets for illness community health microfinance programs microfinance healthcare access financial inclusion poverty alleviation health protection microfinance institutions banking exclusion loans credit access affordable healthcare income irregularity Ghana healthcare integration financial services non-financial services health education health financing social protection health insurance community health health equity low-income populations health outcomes microcredit microinsurance microfinance and healthcare access to health care with microfinance microfinance institutions health services microfinance loans for poor health microfinance Ghana health integration non-financial services microfinance health education microfinance banking facilities health access financial inclusion healthcare microfinance health protection microfinance poverty health outcome healthcare affordability microfinance microfinance schemes health benefits microfinance credit for medical treatment microfinance financial inclusion healthcare access small loans poverty alleviation health financing microfinance institutions banking exclusion loan accessibility credit facilities income irregularity affordable healthcare financial protection Ghana healthcare Ofori-Adjei health service integration health-related poverty health insurance non-financial services health education microcredit community health economic empowerment social protection healthcare utilization rural health health outcomes microinsurance microfinance healthcare access poverty alleviation microfinance institutions health financing financial inclusion small loans health insurance banking exclusion healthcare affordability non-financial services health education Ghana healthcare rural finance health protection socioeconomic impact integrated health services microcredit vulnerable populations community health financing social protection health system integration income irregularity out-of-pocket expenses health service utilization microfinance healthcare access poverty alleviation health insurance financial inclusion health financing access to credit banking exclusion health education microcredit community health programs social protection informal sector healthcare affordability integrated health services Ghana low-income households non-financial services economic empowerment health outcomes loan schemes health system integration sustainable health financing vulnerable populations social safety nets health-related microinsurance microfinance healthcare access financial inclusion health insurance health microinsurance poverty alleviation microcredit health financing social protection healthcare affordability non-financial services health education Ghana healthcare banking exclusion microfinance institutions community health economic empowerment informal sector health outcomes integrated services
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con03a	The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. Russian politics power structure Kremlin Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev political elite ruling class oligarchs leadership dictatorship authoritarianism political system 2008 elections clans governance decision-making influence internal policy external policy political control elite circles power dynamics Russian government state control political commentators policy continuity political analysts Moscow political enrichment political debate Russian society public interest Putin power Medvedev pawn Russian leadership Kremlin elite Russian political system dictatorship Russia Russian ruling class internal policy Russia external policy Russia Putin Medvedev relationship Russia 2008 elections Russian oligarchs Russian government structure political clans Russia decision makers Kremlin Russian inner circle political authority Russia power dynamics Russia authoritarianism Russia governance Russia elite enrichment Russia influence Kremlin Russian policy continuity Russia power structure Russian politics power structure Kremlin elite Putin leadership Medvedev role authoritarianism political clans ruling elite decision makers state control oligarchy power concentration Kremlin inner circle Russian elections 2008 political influence policy continuity government control elite enrichment political commentators dictatorship vs leadership governance structure Russia ruling class elite networks political pawns executive power state management power structure in Russia Putin Medvedev relationship Russian elite ruling class Kremlin inner circle influence Russian political clans dictatorship vs strong leadership Russia continuity of Russian policies after 2008 Medvedev as Putin's pawn oligarch power Russia decision makers in Russian government Russia's ruling elite composition self-enrichment of Russian elites pros and cons of centralized power Russia impact of political status quo on Russian society Russian elections and leadership external internal policy Russia unchanged Putin's influence in modern Russia Russian governance debate Kremlin-watchers insights accountability of Russia's rulers legitimacy of Russia's current system Russian political elite power structure in Russia Putin Medvedev relationship Kremlin decision-making Russian governance Russian oligarchs authoritarianism Russia dictatorship vs leadership Russia post-2008 Russian politics Kremlin clans elite inner circle Russia Putin's influence Medvedev's role Russian state power Russian political stage Russia's ruling class Russian internal policy Russian external policy Russian elections 2008 political competition Russia political centralization Moscow analysts Russian government hierarchy Russian political commentators enrichment of Russian elites control of Russian state Russia's political system political power concentration Russia Russian political elite Kremlin power structure Putin Medvedev relationship Russian leadership analysis post-2008 Russian politics Russian decision makers Russian ruling clans power dynamics in Russia Russian political hierarchy Kremlin inner circle Russian policy continuity Russia dictatorship vs leadership Medvedev as Putin pawn political influence in Russia Russian oligarchs enriching ruling elite Russia Russia governance debate elite control in Russia Russian internal politics external policy Russia Putin's continued influence authoritarianism oligarchy Kremlin power structure political elite Putin leadership Medvedev puppet Russian politics power dynamics governance Russia Russian internal policy Russian external policy post-2008 elections decision-making circle Russian ruling class political clans elite enrichment Putin-Medvedev relationship centralization of power state control dictatorship vs. leadership policy continuity Russian political commentators Russian government structure shadow governance ruling elite interests influence networks policy influence elite competition political analysis Russia Kremlin-watchers leadership succession Russia Putin power Medvedev pawn Russian political elite Kremlin inner circle Russia dictatorship Russian leadership power structure Russia Russian governance Russian elections 2008 political clans Russia Kremlin watchers decision makers Russia oligarchs Russia Russian internal policy Russian external policy power dynamics Kremlin Russian elite influence Russian ruling class politics in Russia Putin-Medvedev relationship Russian policy continuity Kremlin power structure political corruption Russia Russian leadership debate Russian state control Russian political system enriched elite Russia Russian political commentators Russia status quo Russian oligarchy Moscow political analysis Russia authoritarianism dictatorship Medvedev Putin Kremlin political elite power structure Russian leadership government control ruling clans internal policy external policy 2008 elections influential politicians decision makers oligarchs political analysts Yevgeny Volk ruling elite inner circle Russian politics political corruption elite enrichment state governance leadership dynamics power struggle policy continuity governance model elite interests political commentators state management authoritarianism Russian political system Kremlin power structure Putin Medvedev relationship Russian elite oligarchy internal politics Russia external policy Russia post-2008 Russian elections political clans Russia power dynamics Russia political commentators Russia Putin leadership style Medvedev influence governance Russia decision makers Russia corruption Russian politics state control Russia democracy vs dictatorship Russia Russian ruling elite
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro02a	It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. attorney-client privilege evidence suppression legal transparency empirical evidence just legal system burden of proof criminal justice civil litigation commercial disputes reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal fairness disclosure of evidence access to evidence justice reforms legal ethics abolition of privilege open justice legal accountability judicial process privileged documents legal discovery public interest transparency in law evidentiary rules attorney-client privilege legal evidence abolition of privilege disclosure of evidence just legal system empirical evidence criminal burden of proof civil burden of proof transparency in law legal fairness access to evidence justice system reform proving legal cases law and ideology legal document access balance of probabilities beyond reasonable doubt legal ethics open justice legal system criticism attorney-client privilege evidence disclosure legal transparency justice system legal evidence access to evidence empirical evidence burden of proof criminal law civil law proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal fairness legal reform open justice privileged documents abolition of privilege legal ethics discovery process accountability judicial access legal transparency reform fair trial transparency in law attorney-client privilege criticism abolishing legal privilege evidence-based justice transparency in legal proceedings access to all evidence justice and empirical evidence legal reform proposals balancing fairness and confidentiality impact of privilege on truth disclosure of legal documents legal system transparency evidence in criminal vs civil law privilege and justice outcomes fairness in legal systems empirical evidence in courts privilege reform debate unrestricted evidence access ensuring just verdicts transparency vs privacy in law justice system reforms attorney-client privilege evidence disclosure legal transparency empirical evidence just legal system criminal law civil law commercial law burden of proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities abolition of privilege justice system reform fair trial access to evidence legal ethics judicial accountability legal reform evidentiary rules transparency in law attorney-client privilege abolishing legal privilege access to evidence evidence in justice legal transparency empirical evidence in court reform legal privilege just legal system discovery process fairness in law legal system reform balance of probabilities beyond reasonable doubt civil and commercial evidence transparency in justice justice system overhaul open evidence doctrine legal reform debate court evidence disclosure legal fairness attorney-client privilege evidence disclosure legal transparency empirical evidence criminal justice civil litigation burden of proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal fairness discovery process access to evidence judicial process abolition of privilege legal ethics justice system reform truth seeking fair trial legal accountability open justice court admissibility trial fairness privileged information legal disclosure legal reform attorney-client privilege evidence disclosure legal transparency empirical evidence burden of proof criminal justice civil cases commercial law balance of probabilities beyond reasonable doubt abolition of privilege just legal system justice reform legal evidence access discovery process legal ethics confidential documents fair trial unbiased justice concealment of evidence attorney-client privilege evidence disclosure justice system legal transparency empirical evidence criminal cases civil cases burden of proof balance of probabilities beyond reasonable doubt legal fairness court procedure legal reform access to evidence judicial process legal ethics procedural justice open justice evidentiary rules legal accountability attorney-client privilege legal evidence law reform justice system empirical evidence burden of proof criminal law civil law commercial law beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities evidence access transparency in law abolition of privilege judicial fairness legal transparency discovery process confidentiality exceptions public interest legal ethics fair trial legal accountability equitable justice
test-education-udfakusma-pro01a	Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, open access inclusive education educational equity university accessibility higher education affordability lifelong learning educational opportunity global education academic resources open educational resources distance learning equal opportunity educational justice tertiary education access education for all educational barriers digital learning democratization of education education policy educational inclusion open educational resources OER accessible education inclusive higher education university access education affordability global education access equity in education democratizing education educational opportunity tuition-free education online learning distance learning educational inequality widening participation educational barriers non-traditional students disadvantaged students international education open universities lifelong learning digital education free educational resources MOOC universal higher education open access educational equity inclusive education higher education access university affordability educational resources global education open educational resources OER education for all academic inclusion universal access distance learning online education education policy educational opportunity lifelong learning education barriers global learning digital education open higher education for all access to universities worldwide removing barriers to higher education global higher education access affordable university education alternative higher education pathways non-traditional students in higher education democratizing university resources educational inequality in higher learning open educational resources for universities expanding university access globally free access to academic materials bridging the higher education gap education for underprivileged populations universal university admission breaking financial barriers to university worldwide higher education opportunities educational inclusion in universities technological solutions for university access online open university platforms open access education higher education accessibility educational equality university resources global education gap academic inclusivity open educational resources affordable education socioeconomic barriers worldwide higher education education for all educational opportunity resource sharing educational justice university access digital learning online universities education policy educational equity international education access open access to higher education educational equity inclusive education university accessibility barriers to higher education marginalized communities in education affordable higher education global education access open educational resources democratizing education higher education for all education policy reform educational opportunity disparities free university education expanding university access tuition-free higher education education for underprivileged students digital education resources widening participation in higher education educational inclusion initiatives open education higher education access university inclusion educational equity educational resources open educational resources (OER) affordable education education for all global education access academic opportunity educational barriers education inequality resource distribution inclusive education university resources developing countries education global educational impact educational opportunity gap higher learning accessibility expanding academic resources open access education higher education access educational equity education for all inclusive education global education affordable higher education open educational resources universal education education inequality barriers to higher education democratizing education online universities distance learning education technology digital learning resources international education access academic inclusion educational opportunity global academic resources open access educational equity higher education access universal education university inclusion global education academic resources educational affordability open educational resources education barriers worldwide learning digital education inclusive education education for all education policy tuition-free university distance learning online education educational opportunity bridging education gap open access equity in education educational opportunity tuition-free university digital divide online learning MOOCs open educational resources education affordability global education access educational inclusion universal higher education lifelong learning education for all academic resources widening participation educational barriers democratization of education inclusive education socioeconomic barriers education policy global educational inequality open universities distance education free university resources higher education reform
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro02a	"Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec sovereignty self-determination secession Canadian Constitution patriation Meech Lake Accord distinct society constitutional exclusion political representation federalism independence movement legitimacy national minorities minority rights Francophone rights autonomy constitutional recognition Quebec nationalism provincial rights Canadian federal government political autonomy constitutional reform special status collective rights disenfranchisement Quebec-Canada relations Quebec self-determination Quebec sovereignty Quebec independence Canadian federalism right to self-governance constitutional legitimacy Quebec exclusion Meech Lake Accord Canadian Constitution 1982 Quebec special status distinct society constitutional negotiations Quebec representation Quebec-Canada relations Francophone rights Quebec nationalism political autonomy constitutional patriation secession minority rights in Canada nationhood legitimacy of Canadian government Quebec referendums sovereignty movement historical grievances federal-provincial relations Quebec sovereignty self-determination Canadian federalism independence movement constitutional legitimacy national identity minority rights Meech Lake Accord patriation of constitution distinct society political representation secession Canadian constitution 1982 Quebec exclusion provincial autonomy linguistic rights cultural rights nationhood referendum federal-provincial relations Quebec right to self-determination Quebec independence movement legitimacy of Canadian government over Quebec Quebec sovereignty Canadian constitution and Quebec exclusion of Quebec from Meech Lake Accord Quebec special status recognition denied representation of Quebec Quebec refusal to sign constitution historical grievances Quebec Canada Quebec society within Canada constitutional negotiations Quebec self-governance Quebec systematic denial of Quebec's rights legitimacy of federal authority in Quebec Canadian federalism Quebec Quebec nationalist arguments sovereignty movement in Quebec Canadian constitutional crisis Quebec Quebec Indigenous rights comparison global right to self-determination international law Quebec independence referendums on Quebec sovereignty self-determination Canadian constitution Meech Lake Accord distinct society federalism representation Canadian federation patriation Quebec nationalism constitutional exclusion independence movement legitimacy political autonomy minority rights nationhood constitutional reform special status secession Quebec separatism recognition of Quebec constitutional negotiations historical grievances provincial rights constitutional legitimacy Quebec sovereignty Quebec self-determination Quebec independence movement Canadian constitution Quebec Meech Lake Accord Quebec constitutional exclusion Quebec special status right to self-government Quebec Canadian federalism Quebec Quebec nationhood Quebec denied representation Quebec political autonomy Quebec rights recognition Patriation of Constitution Quebec distinct society clause Quebec Quebec refusal to sign constitution Canadian legitimacy in Quebec historical exclusion Quebec Quebec sovereignty debate Quebec separation rights Quebec self-determination sovereignty independence right to self-government representation systematic denial Canadian Constitution 1982 patriation Meech Lake Accord exclusion from negotiations special status distinct society recognition legitimacy Canadian federation denial of governance refusal to sign constitution political representation federal government constitutional legitimacy Quebec independence movement Quebecois identity Canadian unity constitutional crisis minority rights linguistic rights French-speaking province negotiation exclusion federal-provincial relations constitutional reform Quebec sovereignty Quebec independence self-determination Canadian federalism Meech Lake Accord Canadian Constitution 1982 Quebec exclusion Quebec special status distinct society Quebec nationalism constitutional legitimacy Quebec representation Canadian political system Quebec rights patriation of the constitution constitutional negotiations indigenous rights referendums in Quebec Quebec secession Canadian unity Quebec identity minority rights Canada Quebec language rights constitutional crisis Canada intergovernmental relations federal-provincial relations Canadian multiculturalism Quebec separatism history of Quebec-Canada relations Canadian constitutional reform political autonomy Quebec. Quebec sovereignty self-determination Canadian federalism independence movement constitutional negotiations Meech Lake Accord 1982 patriation special status distinct society representation denial Quebec exclusion political legitimacy Canadian constitution sovereignty debate Francophone rights national identity secession minority rights Quebec nationalism intergovernmental relations Quebec independence Quebec sovereignty self-determination Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord Canadian federalism secession constitutional negotiations Quebec national identity minority rights distinct society political representation Canadian history federal-provincial relations patriation constitutional exclusion legitimacy indigenous rights Francophone rights national self-determination referendums constitutional reform Canadian politics Quebec’s special status sovereignty movement Quebec nationalism"
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro02a	"Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 gender equality anti-stereotyping gender discrimination women's rights objectification of women prejudice against women gender bias sexualization in media workplace harassment sexist advertising human rights gender-based violence female empowerment gender stereotypes media influence sexism gender inequality sexual harassment gender justice representation in advertising women's rights gender equality anti-discrimination gender stereotypes gender bias objectification of women workplace harassment sexual harassment gender-based violence media representation advertising impact female empowerment gender justice human rights gender prejudice women's empowerment sexism feminist movements social norms gender roles gender socialization patriarchal society cultural stereotypes women in media combating stereotypes positive female role models inclusive advertising workplace gender inequality sexualization in media gender-based discrimination gender equality gender discrimination gender stereotypes women's rights objectification of women sexual harassment workplace discrimination media influence advertising stereotypes prejudice against women violence against women human rights sexism gender roles feminist issues gender bias sexualized images social norms gender-based violence equality in media women's empowerment misogyny gender justice diversity and inclusion intersectionality gender stereotypes and women's rights combating women's objectification in media impact of advertising on gender stereotypes stopping gender-based discrimination women's human rights and media portrayal women's rights and sexual harassment at work reducing prejudice against women fighting violence against women in advertising challenging stereotypical depictions of women women's equality and media influence ending discrimination in the workplace promoting positive images of women in media addressing sexual harassment and gender inequality enforcing anti-discrimination laws for women empowering women against media stereotypes gender equality gender stereotypes women's rights media representation objectification of women gender discrimination workplace harassment sexual harassment advertising influence youth and media gender-based violence cultural norms women's empowerment human rights feminist theory media literacy gender roles socialization intersectionality diversity in media combating prejudice social justice gender bias representation of women anti-discrimination sexualization in media gender stereotypes women's rights gender discrimination objectification of women media stereotypes advertising and gender sexual harassment workplace gender inequality violence against women impact of media on youth breaking gender norms combating discrimination human rights and gender women's empowerment stop objectification representation of women in media sexist advertising gender bias equality in workplace women in media intersectionality and discrimination feminist perspectives combatting prejudice portrayal of women in advertising gender-based violence stereotype threat cultural stereotypes women's rights gender equality gender stereotypes gender discrimination objectification of women prejudice against women human rights workplace harassment advertising stereotypes media influence sexual harassment gender-based violence sexism gender roles women's empowerment feminism media portrayal of women gender bias equality in the workplace gender justice women's liberation anti-discrimination sex discrimination violence against women stereotypical advertising women in media women’s rights gender stereotyping gender discrimination objectification of women prejudice against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination advertising and gender stereotypes impact of media on gender roles women’s human rights combating sexism media representation of women violence against women stereotypes in advertising feminist movements intersectionality gender-based violence empowerment of women gender socialization cultural impact of stereotypes legal protection against discrimination promoting gender equality feminist advocacy challenging patriarchal norms gender equality women's empowerment anti-stereotyping media representation gender bias human rights objectification gender discrimination workplace harassment gender-based violence sexualization in media societal attitudes feminism representation in advertising cultural stereotypes women's safety gender norms social justice advertising ethics youth influence gender roles misogyny advocacy gender sensitization gender equality gender stereotypes gender-based discrimination sexism objectification of women media representation advertising and gender women's empowerment human rights violations workplace harassment sexual harassment feminist theory women's liberation societal norms cultural biases harmful stereotypes portrayal of women in media impact on youth violence against women intersectionality women's movements gender roles diversity and inclusion media literacy women in the workplace gender justice gender policy"
test-culture-mthbah-con01a	Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. small business marketing advertising strategies product promotion brand awareness market competition equal opportunity promotional campaigns consumer reach startup advertising marketing effectiveness business growth marketing innovation digital advertising targeted marketing marketplace visibility advertising benefits small company exposure marketing freedom fair competition entrepreneurial success business visibility small business advertising marketing strategies product promotion advertising benefits brand awareness advertising impact advertising and competition advertising for startups equal opportunity marketing freedom of information small business growth market penetration consumer awareness advertising effectiveness disadvantages of limited advertising supporting small businesses advertising regulations challenges for small companies competitive advertising promotional tools for small businesses small business marketing product promotion advertising benefits brand awareness marketing strategies competitive advantage targeted advertising advertising restrictions consumer reach digital marketing entrepreneurship market entry innovative advertising advertising equality information freedom advertising opportunities small business growth advertising impact promotional campaigns media exposure importance of advertising for small businesses impact of advertising on business growth advertising as a tool for small business success challenges small businesses face without advertising advertising and brand awareness for startups leveling the playing field through advertising advertising strategies for small enterprises effects of restricting advertising on market competition advertising compared to large company brand recognition small business marketing advantages freedom of information and market competition advertising and consumer interest marketing as business equalizer barriers to success for small businesses without advertising innovative advertising for small business products small business marketing advertising benefits product promotion market competition advertising effectiveness brand awareness advertising restrictions freedom of information small business growth consumer interest advertising strategies SME advertising equal opportunity marketing local business promotion advertising impact marketing challenges new product launch advertising regulations business visibility competitive advantage importance of advertising for small businesses advertising benefits for startups small business marketing strategies impact of advertising on product awareness advertising leveling the playing field marketing new products for small companies advertising restrictions and business competition freedom of information in advertising challenges for small businesses without advertising how advertising helps small brands grow small business marketing advertising benefits product promotion brand awareness promotional strategies market competition business growth advertising opportunities consumer outreach marketing equality information freedom business visibility advertising impact marketing tactics SME advertising market entry barriers advertising effectiveness marketing advantage advertising limitations brand recognition competitive edge media exposure marketing challenges information restriction advertising access small business advertising benefits of advertising product promotion advertising strategies brand awareness advertising for startups marketing for small businesses leveling the playing field advertising advantages market competition advertising impact freedom of information disadvantages of restricting advertising promoting new products SME marketing business growth through advertising advertising and competition small business marketing tactics equal opportunities in advertising challenges without advertising consumer engagement small business marketing advertising benefits product visibility marketing strategies brand awareness competitive advantage market entry promotional tactics business growth advertising impact consumer engagement marketing tools information freedom equal opportunity small business success brand promotion market competition advertising effectiveness small business survival advertising necessity marketing strategies brand awareness digital marketing social media advertising promotional campaigns targeted marketing consumer outreach local business promotion advertising effectiveness competitive advantage business growth product visibility informational freedom market entry barriers SME advertising media channels marketing equity online advertising startup promotion audience reach advertising regulations
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con02a	There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, vegetarian diet issues vegan diet risks iron deficiency iron absorption plant-based iron iron-rich foods anaemia symptoms of iron deficiency low iron concentration effects on productivity school performance work efficiency economic impact fatigue breathlessness poor concentration malnourishment depression frequent illness health consequences of vegetarianism micronutrient deficiencies solutions for vegetarians supplements dietary advice B12 deficiency protein intake nutritional gaps health risks non-heme iron dietary challenges vegetarian diet risks vegan diet deficiencies iron absorption plant foods non-heme iron bioavailability iron-rich vegetarian foods anemia vegetarianism iron-deficiency symptoms cognitive effects iron deficiency productivity iron deficiency nutritional challenges vegetarianism school performance iron deficiency workplace performance iron deficiency immune health vegetarianism depression iron deficiency malnutrition veganism health impacts plant-based diets iron supplementation vegetarians preventing iron deficiency vegans economic impact nutrition micronutrient deficiencies vegetarian iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan nutrition non-heme iron iron absorption anemia dietary supplements plant-based diet risks iron-rich plant foods vitamin C and iron iron bioavailability nutrient deficiency productivity loss cognitive effects work performance school performance malnutrition frequent illness depression economic impact health risks vegetarian diet iron deficiency vegan iron absorption issues plant-based diet anemia risk iron sources for vegetarians symptoms of low iron in vegetarians productivity impacts of iron deficiency vegetarianism and work performance iron deficiency school performance economic effects of iron deficiency vegetarians risk of malnourishment iron absorption from plant foods improving iron intake as a vegetarian iron deficiency depression frequent illness and vegetarian diet Bupa iron-deficiency anaemia statistics green vegetables iron content avoiding anemia as a vegetarian pulse and nut iron content boosting iron in vegan diet how to increase iron absorption vegetarian plant-based diet vegetarian diet deficiencies vegan iron absorption plant-based iron sources iron-deficiency anemia symptoms non-heme iron bioavailability dietary iron in vegetarians nutrition and productivity iron and cognitive function anemia and work performance plant-based malnutrition risks vegetarian nutrition challenges economic impact of dietary deficiencies iron status in vegans iron-rich vegetarian foods improving iron absorption vegetarian diet iron deficiency vegetarian anemia risks vegan iron absorption low iron vegetarian symptoms iron sources vegetarian iron deficiency productivity iron and work performance iron and school performance vegetarian nutritional challenges vegetarian diet health problems iron-rich vegetarian foods iron absorption plant-based diets vegetarian malnutrition preventing anemia vegetarian vegan depression iron deficiency iron deficiency economic impact vegetarian deficiencies vegan deficiencies iron deficiency anemia non-heme iron iron absorption plant-based diet risks nutritional deficiencies vegetarian fatigue concentration problems productivity loss economic impact iron-rich vegetarian foods vitamin B12 deficiency vegetarianism health risks anemia symptoms dietary iron sources iron absorption inhibitors vegetarian malnutrition workplace performance school performance immune health depression in vegetarians nutrient absorption meat alternatives dietary supplements health consequences of vegetarianism iron deficiency vegetarian iron absorption plant-based diet vegetarian anemia risks vegan iron sources non-heme iron absorption vegetarian fatigue symptoms plant-based diet productivity vegetarian nutrition challenges iron-rich vegetarian foods iron supplements vegans iron and cognitive performance vegetarian diet economic impact illness vegetarian diet malnourishment plant-based diet depression vegetarian deficiency vegetarian work performance iron deficiency symptoms school performance vegetarian diet iron metabolism plant foods enhancing iron absorption vegetarian vegetarian diet risks vegan diet deficiencies iron deficiency symptoms plant-based iron absorption iron-rich plant foods anemia in vegetarians productivity loss iron deficiency cognitive effects iron deficiency work performance nutrition school performance nutrition vegetarian health concerns economic impact nutrition non-heme iron absorption iron supplementation vegetarians vegetarian malnutrition frequent illness vegetarian depression iron deficiency dietary iron sources preventing anemia vegetarian Bupa Health Information iron vegetarian diet risks vegan diet deficiencies iron absorption plant-based non-heme iron iron deficiency anemia symptoms of low iron productivity iron deficiency cognitive effects iron deficiency iron rich vegetarian foods iron supplementation vegetarian health risks vegetarianism economic impact anemia vegetarian malnutrition mental health iron deficiency workplace performance anemia iron sources vegan diet improving iron absorption iron bioavailability education impact anemia
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro01a	The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction war crimes prosecution US ratification law-abiding states ICC Prosecutor grave offences genocide human rights violations pre-trial chamber judges arrest warrant procedure ICC statute US national interests preliminary investigation spurious accusations state credibility tribunal impartiality ICTY jurisdiction US troops Kosovo KFOR peacekeeping forces international law war crimes tribunal prosecutorial discretion international accountability US foreign policy Rome Statute ICC ratification debate International Criminal Court ICC ratification war crimes prosecution law-abiding states United States and ICC ICC jurisdiction grave offenses genocide prosecution human rights violations ICC prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber approval arrest warrant process ICC preliminary investigation ICC state credibility ICC tribunal impartiality spurious accusations ICC US acceptance tribunal jurisdiction ICTY prosecution KFOR Kosovo US troops ICTY peacekeeping force accountability international law compliance US opposition ICC ICC membership debate atrocities prosecution safeguards in ICC process checks and balances ICC international justice systems US military legal accountability International Criminal Court ICC ratification war crimes US jurisdiction prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant procedure preliminary investigation human rights violations genocide prosecution ICTY US military accountability Kosovo Force KFOR state credibility tribunal impartiality spurious accusations Rome Statute international law accountability mechanisms US foreign policy peacekeeping judicial oversight rule of law crimes against humanity international justice system ICC ratification benefits US and ICC jurisdiction war crimes prosecution ICC ICC Prosecutor discretion protection for law-abiding states ICC ICC pre-trial chamber process preliminary investigations ICC US credibility and ICC US objections to ICC ratification spurious accusations ICC ICTY vs ICC jurisdiction US troops international law peacekeeping force accountability US and war crimes tribunals ICC due process US fears of ICC prosecution systematic human rights violations ICC KFOR and international law prosecution safeguards ICC US cooperation with international courts International Criminal Court ICC ratification jurisdiction war crimes prosecution US and ICC law-abiding states ICC Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant procedure crimes against humanity genocide mass human rights violations preliminary investigation spurious accusations state credibility tribunal impartiality ICTY jurisdiction US troops accountability KFOR peacekeeping Kosovo international justice treaty compliance prosecutorial checks and balances ICC ratification war crimes prosecution US and ICC jurisdiction Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber approval arrest warrant procedures preliminary investigation ICC spurious accusations ICC US interests ICC ICTY jurisdiction US troops accountability peacekeeping force legal scrutiny mass human rights violations international criminal law US credibility ICC state cooperation international tribunals ICC safeguards genocide prosecution systematic violations prosecution US objection ICC legal standards international justice International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction prosecution of war crimes law-abiding states US ratification ICC Prosecutor grave offences genocide systematic human rights violations pre-trial chamber arrest warrant judicial oversight preliminary investigation spurious accusations state credibility tribunal impartiality ICTY jurisdiction Kosovo Force KFOR peacekeeping US troops international law war crimes accountability treaty ratification human rights enforcement judicial discretion crimes against humanity US foreign policy legal safeguards international prosecution investigation process tribunal cooperation International Criminal Court ICC ratification US war crimes ICC Prosecutor powers ICC jurisdiction US and ICC relationship pre-trial chamber arrest warrant procedures Rome Statute international law accountability US military investigations ICTY jurisdiction humanitarian law compliance genocide prosecution human rights violations preliminary ICC investigations judicial oversight ICC KFOR Kosovo peacekeeping US international law obligations spurious accusations ICC credibility of states ICC impartiality of international tribunals International Criminal Court ICC ratification war crimes prosecution United States and ICC lawful states ICC Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber approval arrest warrant ICC preliminary investigation ICC spurious accusations state credibility ICC tribunal impartiality US jurisdiction ICTY KFOR prosecution Kosovo peacekeeping ICTY scrutiny ICC vs ICTY US international law genocide prosecution mass human rights violations ICC legitimacy ICC judicial process international accountability ICC criticism US foreign policy war crimes treaty ratification consequences global justice International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction war crimes prosecution US ratification Rome Statute prosecutorial discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant procedure preliminary investigation ICC Prosecutor ICTY KFOR peacekeeping US military accountability human rights violations state credibility tribunal impartiality genocide prosecution systematic abuses international law war crimes tribunal US legal concerns sovereignty and ICC international justice state cooperation spurious accusations judicial oversight
test-international-ipecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek debt crisis sovereign default fiscal reform public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion Eurozone exit Grexit austerity measures IMF supervision ECB support European Commission oversight structural reforms Greek economic recovery financial bailout borrowing costs macroeconomic stability structural adjustment unemployment budget deficit Euro currency international lenders Greek exports economic hardship long-term solutions crisis management public administration reform fiscal discipline economic governance Greece’s financial system policy reform governance crisis Greek economic crisis Greek default Eurozone exit public sector inefficiency Greek corruption tax evasion Greece structural reforms Greece austerity measures Greece IMF intervention Greece ECB support Greece European Commission Greece Greek debt crisis fiscal adjustment Greece Greek exports recovery Eurozone membership Greece sovereign borrowing Greece financial supervision Greece Greek public sector reform economic recovery Greece causes of Greek crisis Greece debt crisis Greek default Eurozone exit austerity measures public sector reform corruption tax evasion IMF supervision ECB support European Commission funding structural reforms Greek exports borrowing access economic recovery monetary union sovereign debt fiscal policy financial crisis bailout conditions long-term solutions temporary hardship Greek economy inefficiency public administration crisis causes international loans Greece economic crisis solutions Greek debt default consequences Eurozone exit implications Greek public sector reform corruption and tax evasion Greece IMF ECB European Commission austerity Greek export recovery post-default structural reform Greece Greece borrowing after Eurozone exit Greek taxpayer burden after default long-term impact of Greek default addressing root causes Greek crisis austerity vs default Greece supervision benefits Greece sustainability of Greek economy inefficiency public sector Greece Greek economic stability options Eurozone financial support Greece effectiveness of Greek austerity measures lessons from Greece Eurozone crisis Greek debt crisis Eurozone exit sovereign default public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion austerity measures IMF supervision ECB involvement European Commission funding structural reform economic recovery Greek exports borrowing access fiscal sustainability crisis causes financial hardship currency devaluation international bailouts taxpayer burden government reform economic policy Greece economic crisis Greece debt crisis Greek default consequences Eurozone exit impact public sector inefficiency Greece corruption and tax evasion Greece structural reforms Greece IMF ECB supervision Greece austerity measures effectiveness borrowing post-default Greece Greek economic recovery after default underlying causes Greece crisis Greek exports after default Eurozone membership benefits Greek public sector reform long-term consequences Greek default Greece loan access after default effects leaving single currency Greece Ray Barrell Eurozone analysis The Guardian Greece default sustainability Greece economy Greece default Eurozone crisis Greek debt public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion export boost austerity measures IMF supervision ECB funding European Commission borrowing access structural reform economic recovery taxpayer burden Greek public sector reform currency exit fiscal policy job cuts financial crisis EU bailout sovereign debt Greek economy fiscal discipline international oversight Greek debt crisis Greece default consequences Eurozone exit public sector inefficiency Greece Greek corruption tax evasion Greece IMF austerity Greece European Commission supervision Greece Greek economic reform long-term effects Greek default Greek exports after default Greece borrowing costs Greek structural problems Greek crisis solutions austerity measures Greece international bailout Greece single currency Greece Greek economy recovery ECB Greece policy Greece public sector reform Greek economic crisis sovereign default Eurozone exit public sector reform corruption tax evasion austerity measures IMF supervision ECB intervention European Commission funding structural reforms borrowing access export growth financial recovery single currency fiscal inefficiency bailout conditions economic hardship international monetary policy Greek public finances currency devaluation debt restructuring post-default recovery Greece bailout programs Recession Europe long-term economic stability Greece debt crisis Greek default Eurozone exit austerity measures public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion IMF supervision ECB funding European Commission oversight structural reforms Greek economy recovery export boost sovereign borrowing currency devaluation fiscal discipline economic restructuring bailout conditions financial crisis government reform
test-law-ilppppghb-pro02a	Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. indigenous rights colonialism decolonization minority rights autonomy restitution land rights compensation reparations political representation cultural identity self-governance sovereignty human rights indigenous autonomy legal pluralism sharia courts educational rights parallel justice systems community empowerment historical injustice indigenous recognition collective rights non-secession customary law treaty rights indigenous justice land restitution indigenous education social justice indigenous rights decolonization colonial legacy minority autonomy political self-governance land restitution reparations compensation cultural preservation legal pluralism parallel legal systems sharia law educational rights ethnic identity group representation autonomy arrangements restorative justice sovereignty indigenous land claims minority rights cultural self-determination transitional justice territorial autonomy collective rights human rights social justice indigenous governance autonomy indigenous rights decolonization colonial injustice land restitution reparations minority rights political representation cultural identity educational rights legal pluralism self-governance sovereignty restorative justice historical grievances non-territorial autonomy group rights ethnic minorities traditional law nationhood self-rule empowerment sharia courts parallel legal systems compensation recognition human rights self-determination and indigenous rights colonialism and indigenous peoples proprietary rights abuse by colonial powers restitution of stolen land to indigenous peoples compensation and reparations for indigenous groups political autonomy for minorities indigenous education rights parallel legal systems for minorities sharia courts and self-determination representation and identity for indigenous peoples minority peoples and realistic separation non-secessionist self-determination options indigenous peoples’ choice and agency historical injustices against indigenous communities indigenous rights recognition by states land rights restoration for native peoples cultural autonomy for indigenous communities self-governance and indigenous empowerment indigenous legal systems self-determination indigenous rights colonialism reparations restitution land rights political autonomy minority groups education rights justice systems sharia courts representation identity self-governance indigenous autonomy postcolonial justice collective rights cultural preservation legal pluralism indigenous sovereignty compensation restorative justice indigenous education parallel legal systems community governance indigenous self-determination colonial legacy indigenous rights political autonomy land restitution reparations for indigenous peoples minority group autonomy parallel justice systems sharia courts indigenous rights cultural representation indigenous identity indigenous education rights indigenous legal systems compensation for indigenous communities respect for indigenous sovereignty indigenous peoples’ recognition non-territorial self-determination indigenous political participation self-governance indigenous communities indigenous reparations indigenous rights colonialism proprietary rights restitution land rights compensation reparations political autonomy minority rights self-governance cultural identity representation educational rights parallel justice systems legal pluralism sharia courts autonomy indigenous sovereignty historical injustice social justice human rights political representation cultural autonomy collective rights minority self-determination indigenous justice land reclamation community choice self-determination indigenous rights colonialism land restitution reparations political autonomy minority rights indigenous identity proprietary rights abuse recognition of indigenous peoples separation vs autonomy indigenous compensation cultural representation indigenous education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts indigenous self-governance indigenous justice indigenous choice indigenous representation indigenous sovereignty indigenous movements indigenous legal systems indigenous land rights decolonization indigenous advocacy self-determination indigenous rights colonialism independence minority rights restitution land rights compensation reparations political autonomy cultural autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity sovereignty self-governance indigenous recognition human rights legal pluralism historical injustices cultural preservation nationhood autonomy arrangements indigenous rights post-colonial justice colonialism restitution reparations land rights political autonomy minority rights self-governance cultural identity education rights indigenous representation legal autonomy parallel justice systems sharia courts autonomy models non-territorial autonomy community empowerment indigenous education human rights international law UNDRIP self-governance frameworks cultural preservation indigenous legal systems
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro01a	Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. coca chewing coca leaf traditional use health effects World Health Organisation indigenous Andean populations therapeutic functions sacred functions social functions non-addictive caffeine comparison Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic classification cocaine extraction coca paste legal status drug policy reform coca cultivation harm comparison coca vs coffee coca legislation Evo Morales Transnational Institute drug prohibition obesity benefits cultural practices drug scheduling psychoactive effects herbal stimulant coca leaf traditional use coca chewing health effects coca versus cocaine coca addiction evidence coca regulation history WHO coca leaf findings indigenous Andean coca use coca leaf ban rationale coca leaf caffeine comparison coca paste extraction 1961 Single Convention coca therapeutic benefits coca leaf coca legality coca cultural significance coca obesity research coca leaf misconceptions coca leaf narcotic debate coca leaf traditional use Andean culture health effects drug policy narcotic classification 1961 Single Convention WHO findings therapeutic effects indigenous practices cocaine extraction addiction caffeine comparison drug legislation coca chewing cocaine production harm reduction medicinal use substance abuse coca cultivation social function obesity treatment cultural prohibition international law coca leaf health effects coca chewing vs cocaine traditional coca use benefits coca leaf legal status comparison coca coffee World Health Organisation coca findings Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca coca leaf addiction evidence coca cultivation ban reasons coca leaves obesity research coca leaf therapeutic uses coca leaves indigenous Andean culture coca leaf vs narcotics coca paste extraction process coca chewing caffeine comparison policy arguments coca legality health impact traditional coca consumption cultural significance coca chewing coca leaf coca chewing coca vs cocaine coca leaf legality Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca health effects World Health Organization coca report indigenous Andean coca use therapeutic benefits of coca coca leaf ban coca leaf tradition coca leaf addiction coca vs caffeine coca for obesity coca paste extraction coca cultural significance coca leaf social functions coca regulatory policies coca legality international law coca leaf consumption narcotic drug classification drug policy reform Evo Morales coca Jelsma coca study traditional drug use coca plant medicinal uses coca leaf health effects coca leaf traditional use coca chewing vs cocaine legality of coca chewing coca leaf World Health Organization report coca leaves comparison to caffeine coca leaf indigenous Andean culture coca leaf ban reasons Single Convention 1961 coca coca leaf medicinal benefits coca chewing addiction evidence coca leaf therapeutic value coca leaf sacred uses coca leaf policy reform coca leaf obesity treatment difference between coca leaf and cocaine coca chewing coca leaf hard drugs cocaine narcotics 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs natural state traditional use indigenous populations Andean culture health effects World Health Organization therapeutic benefits sacred use social functions addiction caffeine comparison obesity cultivation ban drug policy legislative reform Evo Morales Martin Jelsma harm reduction psychoactive substances traditional medicine stimulant coffee comparison substance regulation coca paste drug extraction addiction risk coca leaf benefits coca leaf health effects coca chewing legality traditional coca use coca vs cocaine coca leaf medicinal properties coca cultural significance coca leaf WHO findings coca leaf obesity coca leaf addiction coca ban reasons caffeine vs coca coca leaf policy narcotic classification coca indigenous coca use coca leaf therapeutic coca chewing research coca leaf safety coca leaf international law coca leaf prohibition coca leaf coca chewing traditional use indigenous Andean populations legal status Single Convention 1961 narcotic classification coca vs cocaine health effects WHO report caffeine comparison addiction evidence coca cultivation ban therapeutic benefits cultural significance social functions drug policy reform obesity treatment Evo Morales Martin Jelsma harm reduction coca leaf traditional coca chewing health effects WHO coca study indigenous Andean culture coca vs cocaine narcotic classification coca plant legality caffeine comparison therapeutic benefits obesity intervention addiction potential coca cultivation ban international drug policy Single Convention 1961 Evo Morales coca harm reduction coca chewing social function
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con02a	Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Chinese internet censorship information access Google China internet freedom censorship circumvention online information search engine alternatives Baidu information restrictions digital rights freedom of expression local censorship Chinese users China internet regulations blocked websites monitored internet Google.com.hk digital access internet policy restricted content online autonomy information dissemination global internet content control state censorship Google China internet freedom censorship Chinese search engines Baidu information access digital rights freedom of information localized Google online censorship information control filtered search Chinese internet users web access China restricted internet Chinese digital policy Google.com.hk internet monitoring government censorship search engine alternatives technology and censorship information availability global internet Chinese firewall online information restriction internet censorship information access Chinese search engines online freedom digital rights Baidu content filtering information restriction government surveillance online monitoring search engine regulation user privacy firewall Chinese internet policy open internet freedom of expression self-censorship restricted access information control local censorship alternative search engines cyber law China digital divide Google China internet regulations Google role in Chinese internet freedom Google censorship in China Google vs Baidu China censorship Google arguments for staying in China access to information in China Google Google.com.hk vs Baidu censorship impact of Google in China domestic market Google expanding Chinese user access pros cons Google operating in China censorship alternatives for Chinese users effectiveness of censored Google in China information availability Chinese search engines Google localized version China benefits Google withdrawal from China consequences Google testimony internet in China Karen Wickre Google China policy balancing censorship and internet access China Google influence on Chinese internet freedom Chinese government search engine policies impact internet censorship Google China Chinese internet freedom information access digital rights online censorship Baidu comparison internet regulation China Google self-censorship Google vs Baidu free speech China information control Chinese government internet surveillance Great Firewall Google domestic market China web accessibility China human rights internet online information barriers cross-border internet access Google China internet freedom Google censorship China Google vs Baidu China Chinese search engine censorship information access China Google Google market entry China Google self-censorship China expanding internet freedom China Chinese users access information alternatives to Google China impact of Google in China effectiveness of Google filtering Baidu censorship comparison value of censored Google Hong Kong Google vs Mainland Google user experience China Google’s role Chinese internet benefits of Google China presence Chinese internet restrictions testimony Internet in China Google.com.hk access China Google China internet freedom censorship Chinese users information access Baidu search engines information restriction online censorship Google.com.hk digital rights self-censorship information control Chinese internet web access local regulations freedom of information government monitoring online surveillance digital openness tech policy information diversity web filtering content restriction free speech Chinese market mainland China online barriers Google China internet freedom China Chinese censorship information access China Baidu comparison Chinese search engines Google censorship internet restrictions China Google.com.hk Chinese internet policy Great Firewall local search engines China digital rights China Google exit China online information China tech companies China internet regulation China freedom of expression China digital censorship Google ethical dilemmas search engine alternatives China Chinese internet freedom Google censorship China Google access China internet censorship China Baidu comparison Google.com.hk China restricted Google China information access China Google market China Chinese search engine censorship Google policy China expanding internet access China freedom of information China local Google China internet regulation China digital censorship China Google vs Baidu internet freedom advocacy Chinese user information access China internet policies Chinese internet censorship Google in China internet freedom Chinese search engines Baidu information access online censorship restricted information Google.com.hk web monitoring digital rights Great Firewall freedom of expression China internet policy online information barriers local vs global Google censorship workaround government regulation Chinese online users foreign tech companies China
test-science-eassgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing alternatives computer simulations in vitro studies tissue experimentation human skin samples drug development without animals chemical action understanding ethical research methods replacement of animal research advancements from past animal testing necessity of animal experiments modern drug testing methods reducing animal use biomedical research innovation human-based experimentation alternatives to animal testing drug development without animals in vitro testing computer simulations in drug discovery tissue experiments human tissue research ethical drug testing non-animal testing methods medical research alternatives chemical testing technology ex vivo studies organ-on-a-chip synthetic biology historical animal testing modern drug testing biomedical research innovations animal research ethics replacement of animal testing regulatory acceptance of alternatives human-relevant testing alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in vitro testing tissue engineering human cell cultures organ-on-a-chip pharmacological modeling ethical drug development reduction of animal research laboratory technology cruelty-free research biomedical innovation synthetic skin medical research advancements animal welfare regulatory acceptance predictive toxicology ex vivo experiments human-relevant models drug discovery without animals alternatives to animal testing computer simulations for drug development in vitro drug testing methods human tissue experimentation benefits history of animal testing in medicine advancements in non-animal research methods ethical considerations in drug research current technologies replacing animal testing effectiveness of alternatives to animal testing legislative changes in animal research future of drug development without animal testing impact of computer modeling on pharmacology human-based research vs animal models scientific progress without animal experimentation biomedical research alternatives alternatives to animal testing in vitro testing computer simulations drug development human tissue research biomedical research ethical research methods animal research history chemical modeling surgical tissue experimentation non-animal models skin experimentation pharmacological studies testing innovation medical advancements without animals computational biology tissue engineering human-based assays regulatory acceptance animal-free research alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in drug development tissue-based drug testing human tissue research ethical drug development animal testing necessity modern drug testing methods drug research without animals in vitro experimentation computer modeling chemicals historical animal research discontinuing animal testing future of drug testing surgical tissue drug experiments drug discovery ethical considerations advancements in drug research animal-free drug development animal testing alternatives computer simulations tissue experimentation in vitro testing human tissue research drug development ethical research methods medical advancements non-animal research chemical modeling organ-on-a-chip surgical tissue biomedical research animal-free testing medical experiments alternative drug testing clinical trials medical research ethics scientific progress without animals humane research methods alternatives to animal testing non-animal testing methods computer simulations drug development in vitro testing human tissue research ethical drug testing advancements in drug development without animals tissue engineering for drug testing computer modeling chemicals human-based experimental models future of drug research reduction of animal research animal testing ethics scientific progress without animal testing biomedical research alternatives surgical tissue experimentation history of animal testing animal research necessity debate animal testing replacement drug discovery without animals animal testing alternatives in vitro testing computer simulations organ-on-a-chip tissue engineering drug development without animals ethical research human-based testing biomedical research innovations 3D cell cultures reduction of animal use scientific advancements alternatives to animal research pharmacological testing surgical tissue experimentation toxicology without animals alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in drug development in vitro testing tissue experimentation ethical drug research human tissue research advancements without animal testing reduction of animal testing computer modeling chemicals drug discovery alternatives medical research without animals surgical leftover research modern methods drug development necessity of animal testing ethical implications animal testing
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con02a	Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief colonial legacy foreign policy international relations dictatorships Mugabe blame shifting Gaddafi Italy-Libya reparations economic aid development policy symbolic reparations aid effectiveness neo-colonialism institutional reform governance capacity building equitable trade post-colonial development reparations effectiveness sustainable economic development long-term economic measures former colonies fair trade agreements debt relief foreign aid strategies international relations symbolism of reparations colonial responsibility economic growth in developing countries foreign policy reform post-colonial aid authoritarian regimes Mugabe reparations Gaddafi reparations accountability in governance impact of reparations on dictators criticism of one-time payments aid targeting post-colonial economic policies development assistance Western responsibility historical reparations structural reforms ethical foreign policy reparations developing countries sustainable growth economic development long-term aid fair trade debt relief post-colonial relations foreign policy international relations economic impact short-term measures dictatorships symbolic reparations accountability former colonies trade policy foreign assistance governance institutional reform Western responsibility colonial legacy equitable development one-off payments Mugabe Gaddafi aid effectiveness donor-recipient relations policy reform conditionality alternatives to reparations developing countries long-term economic development measures sustainable growth vs reparations fair trade rules developing world debt relief former colonies dangers of reparations symbolism foreign policy post-reparations impact of reparations on dictatorships Italy Libya reparations effects aid targeting effectiveness colonial debt responsibility debate international relations reparations short-term vs long-term aid Mugabe reparations rhetoric Gaddafi blaming the West post-colonial development strategies reparations unintended consequences reparations and governance quality sustainable economic aid trade reform developing nations reparations developing countries short-term economic measures long-term impact sustainable growth fair trade debt relief foreign aid former colonies international relations symbolism of reparations colonial powers policy improvement dictators Robert Mugabe blame shifting West responsibility Italy Libya reparations Gaddafi dictatorship post-colonial development aid effectiveness economic justice global inequality development policy accountability aid targeting foreign policy historical responsibility economic reform reparations effectiveness long-term economic development sustainable growth developing countries fair trade policies debt relief measures former colonies aid former colonial powers responsibility foreign policy improvement impact of reparations symbolism international relations developing countries dictators blame colonialism Mugabe colonial narrative Gaddafi reparations Libya reparations short-term vs long-term aid allocation efficiency developed countries obligations post-colonial economic systems consequences of reparations payments sustainable foreign aid historical accountability reparations strengthening dictators reparations reparations developing countries economic impact short-term measures long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief foreign aid former colonies international relations symbolic reparations colonial powers foreign policy Western responsibility dictators Robert Mugabe blame shifting Gaddafi Libya negative consequences effective development aid allocation trade rules historical accountability post-colonial policies governance economic sustainability diplomatic relations reparations effectiveness development aid sustainable economic growth fair trade policies debt relief post-colonial relationships long-term development strategies symbolic reparations risks accountability of former colonies foreign policy reform dictators and reparations Mugabe colonial narrative international relations impact Italy Libya reparations Gaddafi blame West short-term vs long-term aid targeted aid developing countries impact of reparations on governance economic justice measures historical accountability post-colonial economic reforms reparations developing countries economic impact long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief international aid foreign policy colonial legacy dictators Robert Mugabe blame shifting international relations Gaddafi Libya symbolic reparations West responsibility former colonies short-term measures sustainable development economic justice development policy aid effectiveness post-colonial relations reparations alternatives long-term economic development sustainable growth developing countries trade reform debt relief fair trade policies post-colonial relationships symbolic reparations effects foreign aid effectiveness criticisms of reparations international relations developing world former colonies economic support Mugabe reparations stance Gaddafi reparations Libya unintended consequences reparations colonial responsibility governance accountability Western foreign policy aid targeting efficiency
test-international-appghblsba-con01a	Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, annexation alternatives country cooperation Lesotho-South Africa relations legal system similarities judicial cooperation intergovernmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area trade relations socio-economic integration political cooperation security cooperation national identity preservation regional integration European Union comparison sovereignty cross-border collaboration economic reforms foreign investment regional development Lesotho-South Africa cooperation intergovernmental organizations regional integration African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area legal system similarities economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation national identity preservation regional trade foreign investment economic reforms sovereignty EU integration model cross-border partnerships judicial collaboration trade maximization socio-economic development Lesotho South Africa bilateral cooperation legal systems Court of Appeal South African jurists inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community SADC Southern African Customs Union SACU Common Monetary Area economic integration trade relations socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation national identity sovereignty regional integration European Union comparison independence international relations economic reform foreign investment cross-border collaboration governance customs union monetary union trade agreements Lesotho South Africa cooperation alternatives to annexation Southern Africa benefits of regional integration Africa intergovernmental organizations Southern Africa Lesotho legal system comparison South Africa Southern African Development Community impact Southern African Customs Union trade Common Monetary Area Lesotho national identity regional integration examples of cooperation without annexation effects of annexation on small countries EU vs Southern Africa integration political cooperation Lesotho South Africa socio-economic cooperation Southern Africa Lesotho judiciary South African influence foreign investment Southern Africa reforms maintaining sovereignty regional integration African Union role in integration Lesotho trade relations South Africa consequences of loss of national control Lesotho-South Africa cooperation legal system similarities Court of Appeal Lesotho South African jurists intergovernmental organizations Southern Africa African Union Lesotho South Africa Southern African Development Community (SADC) Southern African Customs Union (SACU) Common Monetary Area socio-economic integration Southern Africa national identity preservation regional economic cooperation EU comparison Southern Africa foreign investment Southern Africa economic reforms Lesotho trade relations SA Lesotho political cooperation Southern Africa social connectivity Southern Africa autonomy vs annexation comparative regional integration annexation alternatives Lesotho South Africa relations intergovernmental cooperation legal system similarity African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national sovereignty regional integration economic collaboration political cooperation security cooperation loss of national identity comparative regional unions EU Africa integration Lesotho judicial system cross-border partnerships state independence sub-Saharan Africa international relations Lesotho South Africa annexation cooperation law system Court of Appeal South African jurists inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community SADC socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union SACU Common Monetary Area trade social connections national identity regional integration economic reforms foreign investment European Union comparison sovereignty nation-state relations cross-border collaboration regional organizations legal harmonization economic partnership supranational entities Lesotho-South Africa relations border cooperation legal system integration Southern African Development Community African Union regional intergovernmental organizations Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area economic integration trade agreements foreign investment in Lesotho political cooperation Southern Africa national sovereignty regional trade blocs regional security alliances customs union benefits sub-Saharan Africa cooperation comparative regionalism EU vs SADC development partnerships law harmonization southern Africa economic community integration without annexation regional identity preservation Lesotho national identity cross-border collaboration economic reforms Lesotho investment opportunities southern Africa African economic partnerships Lesotho South Africa annexation international cooperation legal systems Court of Appeal South African jurists inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community SADC socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union SACU Common Monetary Area national identity regional integration EU comparison foreign investment trade history sovereignty economic reforms cross-border collaboration bilateral relations regional alliances institutional cooperation national autonomy Lesotho-South Africa cooperation legal system similarities Court of Appeal South African jurists intergovernmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community SADC integration Southern African Customs Union SACU Common Monetary Area economic cooperation trade maximization social integration political cooperation security cooperation national identity preservation regional integration benefits EU comparison sovereignty economic reforms foreign investment international relations annexation alternatives
test-society-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. employment financial security poverty reduction sustainable livelihoods economic empowerment access to capital income generation women’s employment household income wages microfinance financial inclusion economic independence gender equality community development social mobility asset building entrepreneurship home-based work financial stability social empowerment investment in education healthcare access rural employment livelihoods improvement women’s economic participation employment financial security income generation economic empowerment women's employment access to credit poverty alleviation sustainable development household income financial independence capital assets microfinance women entrepreneurs livelihood strategies job opportunities wage employment social mobility gender equality economic inclusion asset building rural development workforce participation female empowerment home-based work crafts industry financial inclusion small business self-employment livelihoods employment financial capital income generation poverty reduction economic empowerment women's empowerment sustainable development wages household income financial security microfinance small business entrepreneurship access to credit asset building social mobility gender equality rural employment home-based work informal sector economic resilience community development job creation capacity building poverty alleviation economic inclusion jobs and financial empowerment impact of jobs on poverty reduction jobs and sustainable livelihoods women's employment and financial independence importance of wages for household income jobs and access to capital assets employment as a means of poverty alleviation jobs and investment in healthcare jobs and children's education women working from home economic benefits employment and social empowerment financial capital through jobs role of employment in improving living standards women's work and community development case studies: women employment Kenya economic benefits of dual income households jobs and economic security microenterprises and livelihood improvement link between employment and income generation gender equality through work opportunities livelihoods employment financial capital job creation poverty reduction sustainable livelihoods economic empowerment women’s employment gender empowerment household income wage employment microfinance income generation access to capital financial security economic development rural employment entrepreneurship education investment healthcare investment women in workforce social mobility poverty alleviation self-employment asset accumulation economic inclusion informal sector labor market work from home Kenya jewelry design income diversification women’s rights financial independence jobs and livelihoods financial capital and employment women's empowerment through work sustainable livelihoods and poverty reduction access to jobs and financial security impact of employment on households income generation and poverty alleviation jobs enabling healthcare and education women working from home Kenya employment and social empowerment building financial assets through jobs employment opportunities for women role of work in economic empowerment capital assets for sustainable livelihoods livelihoods employment financial security empowerment women’s employment financial capital poverty reduction income generation wage earning access to capital sustainable livelihoods household income women’s empowerment gender equality microfinance economic independence socioeconomic development healthcare investment education investment home-based work Kenya jewelry design female entrepreneurship asset building social mobility poverty alleviation workforce participation income diversification labor market financial inclusion livelihoods employment financial capital income generation sustainable livelihoods job creation poverty reduction women's empowerment financial security access to capital economic development household income wage employment microfinance female employment home-based work small business entrepreneurship health investment education investment asset accumulation community development gender equality jobs in Kenya social mobility workforce participation rural jobs job opportunities income diversification economic empowerment financial inclusion livelihood security employment benefits economic empowerment financial inclusion poverty reduction women’s employment income generation sustainable development access to capital microfinance household income gender empowerment social mobility asset building wage employment self-employment education investment healthcare access rural livelihoods economic independence women's entrepreneurship social protection informal sector small business development gender equality community development livelihoods employment financial capital empowerment poverty alleviation sustainable livelihoods economic independence gender equality women's employment household income income generation access to capital microfinance social mobility rural employment income security work opportunities self-employment financial inclusion entrepreneurship workforce participation wage labor poverty reduction economic development education investment healthcare access
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro03a	It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. attorney-client confidentiality legal ethics solicitor moral responsibility professional obligation client privilege legal moral dilemmas duty of care ethical burden solicitor-client relationship confidential information moral conflict legal ethical issues professional responsibility legal privilege challenges ethical decision making moral distress legal advice ethics counseling clients ethical obligations of lawyers professional conduct rules attorney-client privilege solicitor ethical dilemmas moral responsibility of lawyers professional conduct legal ethics client confidentiality lawyer's duty moral conflict in law mental health of solicitors emotional burden on attorneys ethical obligations professional responsibility psychological impact on solicitors confidentiality challenges solicitors dilemma balancing client interests legal profession stress ethics in legal practice support systems for solicitors legal profession mental health attorney-client privilege solicitor ethical responsibility legal ethics moral conflict confidentiality obligations duty of care professional responsibility ethical dilemma client confidentiality legal profession stress emotional burden solicitors disclosure obligations lawyer moral burden legal duty conflict ethical guidelines solicitors solicitor-client relationship legal advice ethics attorney disclosure laws stress in legal profession attorney-client privilege moral burden solicitor ethical dilemmas emotional impact solicitor confidential information moral responsibility of lawyers attorney-client privilege reform mental health of solicitors legal ethics attorney-client privilege coping strategies for solicitors legal profession moral conflicts reducing moral burden in legal practice attorney-client confidentiality and stress psychological effects attorney-client privilege reforming solicitor ethical obligations handling confidential client admissions solicitor responsibility and mental health attorney-client privilege moral burden solicitor ethics ethical dilemmas legal confidentiality duty to client professional responsibility legal ethics moral conflict solicitor-client relationship privilege limitations emotional toll on solicitors legal profession stress responsibilities of solicitors ethical obligations solicitor mental health professional burdens legal disclosure balancing client interests confidentiality challenges attorney-client privilege ethical impact moral responsibility of solicitors solicitor ethical dilemmas legal professional confidentiality stress mental health of lawyers burdens of legal confidentiality ethical obligations in law practice challenges of solicitor-client privilege moral conflict in legal ethics psychological impact on solicitors balancing client interests and ethics reforming attorney-client privilege legal ethics and emotional burden solicitor mental health support mitigating stress in legal profession attorney-client privilege moral responsibility ethical dilemmas solicitor duties professional ethics confidentiality legal ethics legal obligations client-solicitor relationship privileged information emotional burden moral conflict legal profession ethical burden ethical responsibility duty of care legal confidentiality professional burden lawyer stress balancing client interests ethical decision-making solitary ethical decisions solicitor wellbeing lawyer mental health excessive responsibility legal practice challenges solicitor moral burden attorney-client privilege ethical issues lawyer confidentiality stress legal ethics solicitor mental health solicitors disclosure obligations lawyers attorney ethical dilemmas lawyer client confidentiality problems professional responsibility solicitors moral conflict in legal practice stress from client confidentiality psychological impact attorney-client privilege lawyer duty ethical considerations legal profession emotional toll solicitor accountability client secrets ethical burden legal practitioners attorney-client privilege solicitor ethical burden moral responsibility lawyers confidentiality legal ethics legal privilege stress mental health solicitors legal profession moral dilemma attorney moral conflict lawyer client confidentiality ethical duties solicitors professional responsibility lawyers legal ethics reform support systems legal professionals attorney-client privilege moral dilemma legal ethics solicitor responsibilities confidentiality professional conduct legal obligations client disclosure ethical burden mental health solicitors support systems legal professionals duty of care lawyers legal profession stress addressing moral conflicts solicitor support resources
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro04a	Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . home plate collisions MLB rules catcher advantage runner advantage blocking the plate slide rule base running injury risk rule changes fairness contact rules catcher safety baserunner safety collision prevention baseball regulations competitive balance plate blocking rules sliding requirement amateur baseball home plate safety player protection sportsmanship plate collision debate home plate collisions baseball rule changes catcher runner advantage slide rule plate blocking runner safety catcher safety MLB collision rules fair play in baseball collision avoidance home plate rules baserunner advantage catcher advantage rule imbalance contact at home plate baseball safety debates amateur vs professional rules Buster Posey injury NESN commentary baseball plate dynamics home plate collisions baseball rules catcher advantage runner advantage plate blocking sliding rule collision avoidance baserunner safety catcher safety rule changes MLB regulations sports fairness plate blocking ban slide or avoid competitive balance injury prevention home plate rules baseball safety contact rules catcher runner dynamics home plate collision rules catcher runner advantage MLB collision rule changes requiring runner to slide disallowing catcher blocking plate slide or avoid rule MLB catcher blocking debate amateur baseball collision rule baseball fairness catcher runner plate blocking vs sliding impact of collision rules MLB Ricky Doyle home plate collision Buster Posey injury rule change impact of no contact rule MLB balancing catcher runner advantage MLB home plate safety rules collision ban in baseball catcher safety vs runner advantage home plate collision controversy MLB rule evolution plate home plate collision rules baseball catcher runner advantage MLB rule changes runner sliding requirement catcher blocking plate slide or avoid rule amateur baseball collision rules fairness in baseball balancing catcher and runner impact of collisions in baseball Buster Posey injury NESN baseball commentary home plate safety runner vs catcher dynamics baseball rule imbalance preventing home plate collisions home plate collisions baseball rule changes catcher runner advantage MLB safety rules runner sliding requirement catcher blocking plate slide or avoid rule contact rules baseball fair play baseball home plate safety Buster Posey injury baseball plate dynamics umpire collision rules baseball fairness NESN article collisions baseball rules home plate collision catcher runner sliding rule rule changes plate blocking advantage fairness sports safety contact rules baserunning MLB slide or avoid amateur baseball plate defense injury prevention Buster Posey NESN game balance collision ban runner safety catcher restriction home plate dynamics plate access competition fairness home plate collisions baseball rule changes catcher runner advantage sliding rules plate blocking rules MLB contact rules baserunner safety catcher safety collision avoidance baseball fairness amateur baseball rules slide or avoid rule plate blocking Buster Posey injury NESN home plate collision major league baseball rules collision controversy runner advantage catcher advantage plate collision debate home plate safety baseball tradition baseball injuries game balance catcher blocking MLB rule enforcement plate collision impact collision outcome baseball contact play base running rules baseball rules home-plate collisions catcher runner advantage rule changes sliding requirement plate blocking safety in baseball baserunning catcher safety collision rules Major League Baseball amateur baseball rules slide or avoid fairness in sports plate blocking prohibition baserunner advantage catcher advantage home plate safety risk of injury rule impact analysis home plate collisions catcher blocking plate baserunner advantage sliding rule MLB rule changes player safety plate blocking restrictions baseball rules contact avoidance slide or avoid rule fairness in baseball collision risks baserunning catcher-runner balance home plate safety baseball injuries
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. deep geological repository nuclear waste disposal radioactive waste management spent nuclear fuel high-level waste intermediate-level waste nuclear energy policy nuclear safety long-term storage nuclear fuel cycle nuclear waste reprocessing radioactive decay nuclear facility siting nuclear contamination prevention environmental protection nuclear power generation nuclear medicine waste nuclear research waste geological isolation global nuclear policy sustainable energy energy security radioactive material handling deep underground storage nuclear waste containment regulatory compliance nuclear infrastructure public perception of nuclear storage international nuclear agreements renewable energy limitations deep geological repository radioactive waste management nuclear waste disposal spent nuclear fuel high-level radioactive waste geologic disposal nuclear power policy radioactive hazard mitigation nuclear material safety nuclear medicine waste medical radioactive waste nuclear research byproducts nuclear technology waste international nuclear waste policy energy policy nuclear nuclear waste alternatives nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling comparative nuclear waste strategies nuclear waste containment global nuclear waste practices nuclear waste legislation sustainable nuclear waste solutions nuclear waste site selection public acceptance nuclear storage environmental impact nuclear storage long-term nuclear waste solutions deep geological repository nuclear waste disposal radioactive waste management long-term storage nuclear waste containment spent fuel storage high-level waste low-level waste transuranic waste environmental safety nuclear energy policy permanent disposal nuclear power radioactive contamination prevention waste isolation nuclear waste recycling reprocessing storage alternatives geologic stability energy security radioactive decay nuclear facility decommissioning public health nuclear regulation international standards waste transportation sustainable energy waste minimization underground nuclear waste storage benefits necessity of underground nuclear storage alternatives to underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management strategies radioactive waste disposal methods international nuclear waste policies nuclear waste from medical use nuclear waste from research non-nuclear state waste challenges deep geological repositories consensus on nuclear energy renewable energy limitations nuclear Germany nuclear waste policy reprocessing nuclear waste alternatives long-term nuclear waste solutions environmental impact of nuclear waste storage public opinion on nuclear waste storage future nuclear waste disposal technologies nuclear waste transportation and safety EU nuclear waste management plans underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management radioactive waste disposal nuclear energy policy nuclear power alternatives nuclear waste recycling deep geological repositories medical radioactive waste research nuclear waste nuclear technology investment nuclear waste disposal methods international nuclear regulations nuclear energy sustainability safe disposal of radioactive materials nuclear waste containment renewable energy limitations nuclear waste transportation nuclear fuel reprocessing energy policy consensus global nuclear waste solutions deep geological repository nuclear waste disposal methods radioactive waste management nuclear energy policy nuclear waste storage safety nuclear power alternatives long-term nuclear waste solutions international nuclear waste regulations nuclear fuel recycling nuclear technology developments environmental impact of nuclear storage energy demand and nuclear power nuclear waste transportation nuclear waste containment technology nuclear waste in medical research public opinion on nuclear storage underground storage facility design global nuclear waste strategies nuclear waste byproducts sustainable nuclear energy practices deep geological repository radioactive waste disposal nuclear waste management spent nuclear fuel storage high-level waste low-level waste nuclear medicine waste energy policy nuclear power expansion nuclear technology research radioactive contamination prevention waste isolation environmental safety nuclear waste transport permanent disposal solutions renewable energy alternatives nuclear reprocessing waste minimization non-proliferation radiological protection long-term containment repository safety international nuclear policy nuclear regulatory compliance nuclear site selection underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management radioactive waste disposal nuclear waste policy nuclear power alternatives nuclear research waste medical nuclear waste deep geological repositories nuclear technology investment nuclear safety radioactive material regulation spent nuclear fuel nuclear waste transportation nuclear waste recycling international nuclear standards non-nuclear states radioactive waste nuclear waste long-term storage energy demand nuclear solution nuclear waste environmental impact nuclear waste containment nuclear waste site selection transmutation of nuclear waste nuclear waste storage technology sustainable nuclear energy nuclear waste legal framework public opinion nuclear waste nuclear waste infrastructure radioactive disposal sites underground storage ethics deep geological repository radioactive waste management nuclear waste disposal nuclear waste repository spent fuel storage deep underground storage nuclear energy policy nuclear safety standards radioactive materials medical radioactive waste nuclear technology research energy demand nuclear power consensus waste reprocessing nuclear recycling high-level radioactive waste permanent disposal environmental impact renewable energy alternatives international nuclear regulation nuclear facility siting radioactive contamination waste isolation nuclear waste transportation sustainable nuclear energy nuclear waste legislation deep geological repository nuclear waste management radioactive waste disposal high-level waste storage spent nuclear fuel nuclear power alternatives geologic isolation nuclear waste reprocessing energy policy nuclear safety waste minimization nuclear facility regulation nuclear technology research repository site selection environmental impact assessment nuclear waste transportation international nuclear agreements long-term storage solutions public perception of nuclear waste radioactive contamination prevention
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con02a	People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. animal testing drug approval pharmaceutical research new drug development drug safety clinical trials medical innovation human suffering public health cost-benefit analysis research costs drug accessibility healthcare policy drug regulation penicillin drug discovery profit margins healthcare impact scientific advancement mortality prevention ethical considerations drug markets global health drug effectiveness patient outcomes animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research drug approval process medical innovation drug safety ethical considerations patient access research costs drug profitability healthcare policy clinical trials medical benefits penicillin example new drug introduction human suffering medical advancement policy impact United Kingdom drug breakthroughs animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research drug safety medical innovation clinical trials drug approval process patient benefits drug costs research funding profit margins drug accessibility healthcare policy suffering reduction penicillin impact drug discovery future generations global health ethical considerations animal welfare medical breakthroughs BBC News animal testing ethics benefits of animal testing drug development process impact of new drug regulations drug approval statistics UK cost-benefit analysis of drug research profit margins in pharmaceutical industry consequences of higher drug development costs historical impact of penicillin future implications of drug policy changes patient access to new drugs health outcomes with restricted drug innovation pharmaceutical industry policy debate alternatives to animal testing innovation in medical research global impact of medical breakthroughs regulatory hurdles for new drugs economic effects on drug discovery humanitarian argument for drug development BBC News drug breakthrough statistics drug development animal testing pharmaceutical innovation drug approval process cost-benefit analysis medical research clinical trials drug safety public health healthcare policy drug accessibility drug regulation life-saving medications research and development costs profit margins penicillin impact drug discovery future healthcare ethical considerations medical breakthroughs healthcare economics UK drug market global health benefits drug pipeline BBC News 2013 animal testing ethics drug development costs pharmaceutical innovation medical research benefits drug approval process patient access to new drugs drug safety testing impact of animal testing regulations economic impact on drug discovery ethical considerations in medicine drug research funding penicillin discovery impact healthcare policy effects access to essential medicines drug regulation policies pharmaceutical industry challenges patient advocacy medical advancements research and development incentives historical drug breakthroughs drug development pharmaceutical research animal testing medical innovation drug approval healthcare policy patient outcomes research funding drug safety clinical trials penicillin drug discovery profit margins R&D costs treatment accessibility healthcare impact novel therapeutics life-saving medications medical breakthroughs regulatory requirements drug benefits future generations global health healthcare economics medical ethics drug development pharmaceutical research animal testing ethics medical innovation new drug approval healthcare policy drug safety cost-benefit analysis drug accessibility patient outcomes research funding pharmaceutical profit margins drug discovery rates historical drug impact penicillin benefits R&D costs healthcare advancements future drug breakthroughs clinical trials regulatory standards medical ethics drug availability public health impact scientific progress UK pharmaceutical statistics animal testing drug development medical research pharmaceutical industry drug approval human suffering patient benefits drug safety research costs profit margins drug discovery medical innovation healthcare impact penicillin access to medicine drug breakthroughs ethical considerations life-saving drugs scientific advancement public health United Kingdom animal welfare clinical trials drug regulation animal testing pharmaceutical research drug approval drug development medical ethics human suffering drug safety cost-benefit analysis innovation incentives clinical trials healthcare policy drug regulation access to medicine R&D costs future impact medical breakthroughs animal welfare drug discovery penicillin benefits profit margins global health patient access scientific progress life-saving drugs medical advancements ethical considerations
test-international-bldimehbn-pro02a	On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, gay marriage same-sex marriage LGBTQ rights human rights privacy rights civil liberties religious freedom freedom of expression self-determination tolerance respect for diversity freedom from interference moral pluralism freedom of belief freedom of conscience social acceptance personal autonomy non-discrimination minority rights public opinion equal rights right to privacy freedom from offense media ethics news reporting ethics balancing rights legal recognition religious objections cultural values legal pluralism gay marriage same-sex marriage LGBT rights privacy rights personal autonomy freedom of expression religious freedom tolerance respect for diversity right to marry human rights law minority rights discrimination civil liberties equality self-determination moral pluralism public opinion freedom from interference social acceptance marriage equality legal recognition cultural beliefs conflicting rights ethical dilemmas individual choice community standards offense objection freedom of belief coexistence gay marriage same-sex marriage human rights privacy rights civil liberties individual autonomy religious freedom freedom of expression LGBT rights moral objections traditional values self-determination freedom from discrimination freedom of belief tolerance public opinion legal recognition social acceptance minority rights ethical debates gay marriage privacy debate human rights and marriage equality right to marry legal principles privacy rights in LGBTQ issues balancing privacy and free speech religious objections to gay marriage offense and news coverage gay rights self-determination and individual rights LGBT freedom from imposed beliefs gay marriage respecting opposing views gay rights privacy vs. public debate marriage avoiding offense news reporting gay marriage ethical journalism LGBTQ issues freedom of religion and gay marriage procon.org gay marriage arguments privacy arguments for and against gay rights gay marriage privacy rights human rights self-determination religious freedom freedom of expression tolerance offence minority rights LGBT rights news media ethics public opinion legal recognition societal values cultural beliefs equality non-discrimination controversial issues individual autonomy freedom from interference gay marriage debate privacy rights human rights activists right to marry personal liberty individual autonomy religious objections to gay marriage freedom of belief freedom from offense self-determination news media privacy respecting traditions gay rights movement public opinion on gay marriage balancing rights and beliefs LGBT legal rights media ethics freedom of expression privacy vs public interest procon gay marriage arguments gay marriage same-sex marriage LGBTQ rights privacy rights human rights self-determination freedom of expression religious freedom freedom of belief individual autonomy tolerance social acceptance news coverage objectionable content offense media ethics minority rights traditional values cultural sensitivity personal liberty equal rights discrimination moral values civil rights legal recognition societal norms gay marriage debate privacy rights individual autonomy religious freedom freedom of expression freedom from offense human rights same-sex marriage rights right to marry social tolerance ethical pluralism LGBT rights legal recognition of marriage cultural diversity respect for beliefs moral objections news media ethics self-determination community standards offense in media public opinion on gay marriage civil liberties equal rights minority rights coexistence of values law and society gay marriage human rights privacy rights same-sex marriage LGBT rights personal liberty freedom of expression religious freedom cultural beliefs right to offend tolerance coexistence moral values self-determination freedom from intervention ethical pluralism media responsibility respect for diversity public opinion minority rights anti-discrimination legal recognition civil liberties societal norms constitutional rights procon.org public discourse offense in media religious objections privacy in media equality rights gay marriage debate privacy rights human rights religious freedom self-determination freedom of expression legal recognition moral objections cultural traditions LGBTQ+ rights news coverage media ethics public opinion tolerance coexistence individual autonomy social acceptance freedom from discrimination conflicting rights respect for beliefs
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro03a	Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. enhanced interrogation torture waterboarding ticking time bomb scenario terrorist threats rapid information gathering Manhattan bomb counterterrorism intelligence extraction forceful interrogation fear tactics legal procedure due process emergency response extremists national security urgency immediate threat quick results ethical debate interrogation effectiveness enhanced interrogation torture waterboarding ticking time bomb scenario terrorist threats crisis response Manhattan bombing intelligence gathering rapid information extraction due process legal procedure terrorism emergency interrogation counterterrorism interrogative techniques national security justification of torture ethical dilemmas effectiveness of torture immediate threat utilitarian ethics law enforcement civil liberties extraordinary measures security vs. rights enhanced interrogation torture waterboarding rapid information gathering terrorist threats crisis response Manhattan bombing ticking time bomb scenario effectiveness of torture extraordinary methods use of force fear tactics immediate intelligence counterterrorism due process legal procedure ethical concerns intelligence extraction emergency interrogation human rights national security crisis response interrogation techniques effectiveness of enhanced interrogation ethical concerns waterboarding ticking time bomb scenario rapid information extraction terrorism balancing security and due process justification extraordinary interrogation psychological impact of forced interrogation alternatives to torture in crisis effectiveness of torture obtaining intelligence legal implications of enhanced interrogation use of fear in intelligence gathering ethical debate torture terrorism human rights crisis interrogation state of emergency legal rights Manhattan bomb threat interrogations historical examples enhanced interrogation pro/con arguments waterboarding international law torture urgent threat response legal framework enhanced interrogation interrogation techniques waterboarding torture debate ticking time bomb scenario crisis response terrorism counterterrorism intelligence gathering information extraction due process legal procedures civil liberties ethical considerations Manhattan bomb threat extremists forced confessions rapid response national security law enforcement fear tactics emergency decision making human rights effective interrogation extreme measures terrorism prevention enhanced interrogation effectiveness torture ethics in counterterrorism waterboarding debate ticking time bomb scenario rapid information extraction methods terrorism interrogation techniques pros and cons of enhanced interrogation due process vs emergency response legal implications of torture crisis management interrogation Manhattan bomb threat response extremism and interrogation expedited intelligence gathering use of force in national security emergency legal procedures human rights and terrorism effects of torture on information reliability counterterrorism ethical dilemmas swift response to terrorist threats interrogation consequences in crisis situations enhanced interrogation torture ticking time bomb Manhattan terrorist threats waterboarding intelligence gathering crisis response counterterrorism extremists urgency use of force effectiveness rapid information due process legal procedure emergency national security interrogation techniques ethical debate legal justification moral dilemma human rights security vs. liberty extraordinary measures crisis response enhanced interrogation time-sensitive intelligence ticking time bomb scenario waterboarding debate interrogation techniques counterterrorism measures Manhattan bomb threat legal due process effectiveness of torture rapid information extraction extremists and suicide terrorism use of force in crises terrorism response time security urgency ethical interrogation practices extraordinary counterterrorism methods intelligence gathering speed antiterrorist law emergency interrogation legal procedure delays interrogative efficacy ethical dilemmas in security counterterrorism ethics immediate threat response enhanced interrogation torture effectiveness waterboarding ticking time bomb scenario terrorism response crisis management expedited intelligence gathering legal due process ethical interrogation counterterrorism techniques Manhattan bomb threat rapid information extraction extremist motivations interrogation legality extraordinary interrogation measures fear-based methods national security ethics urgent intelligence needs anti-terrorism strategies time-sensitive decision-making enhanced interrogation waterboarding torture effectiveness ticking time bomb Manhattan bomb threat counterterrorism terrorism response due process legal procedure extreme measures interrogation techniques ethical interrogation rapid information gathering crisis decision making use of force national security necessity defense torture debate intelligence collection emergency response fear motivation terrorist threats time-sensitive intelligence coercive methods security ethics
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro01a	Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, data privacy personal data collection online privacy data misuse data breach information security consumer data third-party data sharing digital surveillance data resale user consent corporate data practices privacy invasion identity theft targeted advertising data protection data governance privacy laws data protection regulations GDPR CCPA privacy rights online anonymity digital profiling privacy risks customer data abuse information exploitation data privacy personal data collection online privacy data brokers information resale third-party data sharing digital surveillance online profiling corporate data usage privacy violation data misuse consumer data security data protection identity theft data breaches user anonymity consent in data sharing privacy legislation information security targeted advertising data commodification digital rights user consent profit motive in data sales credit score impact cybersecurity risks personal information exposure online tracking privacy rights ethical data practices privacy violation data collection personal information data resale online privacy data misuse third-party data sharing data breaches consumer consent digital surveillance user profiling internet privacy corporate data practices information security identity theft credit score impact data protection data control customer data rights information transparency online anonymity commercial data use profit motive customer privacy unauthorized data access digital rights data privacy personal data abuse online data collection data resale risks consent in data sharing third-party data misuse corporate data privacy violations data security breaches loss of online anonymity consumer profiling online targeted online advertising individual data control ethics of data collection regulatory oversight of data practices consequences of data breaches impact on credit scores digital privacy principles data protection regulations big data risks stopping data exploitation user's rights over personal data preventing corporate data theft data transparency advocacy online privacy protection informed data consent privacy in digital age personal data collection privacy violation data misuse data resale online profiling data breach online anonymity targeted marketing consent in data sharing information security third-party data access customer privacy rights corporate data practices digital surveillance data protection consumer data exploitation information theft data regulation data commodification identity theft prevention data privacy personal information sale online data collection privacy violations data misuse third-party data sharing consumer consent online profiling data breaches data security improper data use corporate data practices data resale credit score impact consumer data rights internet privacy information security personal data abuse anonymized data concerns digital privacy advocacy privacy watchdog investigation online anonymity data protection laws ethical data use resale of customer data data exposure risks corporate surveillance user data monitoring privacy infringement digital rights data control data privacy personal data collection data selling privacy violation online privacy information security data misuse third-party data sales data breaches consumer profiling identity theft data protection consent digital surveillance data anonymity targeted advertising consumer rights credit scores corporate data practices data resale information disclosure big data online tracking user consent privacy risks data privacy personal information data collection online profiling data selling corporate data misuse third-party data access data breach digital privacy internet security online anonymity data consent information misuse surveillance capitalism consumer data rights data protection data reselling credit score impact privacy violations user data control personal data exploitation information security privacy laws information ethics big data abuse online tracking data transparency digital rights identity theft GDPR data protection regulation privacy watchdogs information leakage internet surveillance consumer trust corporate surveillance cybersecurity data anonymization consent management privacy invasion data collection data selling personal information online privacy data misuse internet surveillance consumer profiling data breaches third-party data sharing consent data security anonymity online digital rights information misuse data protection corporate surveillance targeted advertising data commodification information reselling credit score impact privacy rights data ownership identity theft ethical data use user consent online tracking digital privacy cybersecurity information transparency online privacy data protection personal data data breaches information security third-party data sharing consent data misuse consumer rights data resale digital surveillance corporate data practices anonymization privacy regulation cybersecurity data ethics identity theft targeted advertising user consent privacy laws GDPR CCPA data ownership digital rights privacy violations profiling internet security transparency data collectors digital footprints
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. agricultural development agrarian crisis Africa food security rural microfinance smallholder farmers climate change adaptation agricultural resilience sustainable farming community-based agriculture risk reduction rural livelihoods agricultural loans Kiva microfinance Zimbabwe small-scale farming farm productivity agricultural tools rental capital access rural agricultural NGOs sustainable rural development agricultural innovation poverty reduction agricultural revitalization sustainable agriculture rural development food security microfinance impact climate resilience smallholder farmers poverty reduction agricultural innovation financial inclusion Zimbabwe agriculture community empowerment farm productivity access to credit agricultural tools rental rural livelihoods agroecology socio-economic development rural finance agrarian reform agricultural extension services women in agriculture Kiva microloans agricultural risk management subsistence farming rural entrepreneurship agricultural reform food security rural development microfinance smallholder farmers sustainable agriculture climate resilience risk reduction rural finance Zimbabwe agriculture agricultural productivity community development Kiva agricultural loans farm equipment rental rural livelihoods agrarian crisis poverty alleviation agricultural innovation agricultural policy NGO support agricultural sustainability rural empowerment farming tools agricultural infrastructure agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis solutions Africa microfinance impact agriculture Africa rural food security microfinance microfinance climate change adaptation Africa unstable demand agriculture Africa political tensions agriculture Africa small-scale agriculture benefits Africa sustainable agriculture Africa growth in African agriculture community-based agricultural models Africa Zimbabwe small-scale farming outcomes microfinance Zimbabwe agriculture affordable agricultural capital Africa Kiva microfinance Africa remote community support microfinance agricultural tool rental systems Africa farmer loans Zimbabwe rural development microfinance Africa small farmer empowerment Africa agricultural development agrarian reform Africa food security rural microfinance climate change adaptation smallholder farming sustainable agriculture poverty reduction rural livelihoods agricultural innovation community resilience agricultural finance microcredit Zimbabwe agriculture Kiva microloans farm productivity rural economic growth agricultural risk management agricultural policy tool rental system agricultural NGOs agricultural sustainability rural empowerment agricultural infrastructure food production enhancement agricultural transformation Africa agrarian crisis solutions microfinance impact rural Africa food security microfinance climate change agriculture Africa small scale farming benefits sustainable agriculture Africa microfinance NGOs Africa Kiva microfinance Africa agricultural production Zimbabwe rural community resilience Africa smallholder farmer support affordable capital agriculture Africa tool rental farming Africa community-based agriculture Africa agricultural development agrarian crisis Africa microfinance rural communities food security risk reduction climate change adaptation economic resilience political instability smallholder farmers sustainable agriculture community-based agriculture Zimbabwe agricultural production poverty alleviation Kiva affordable capital agricultural loans farming tools rental rural empowerment resource access livelihoods improvement agricultural innovation financial inclusion local economies NGO agricultural sustainability agricultural transformation agricultural infrastructure agricultural support systems rebuilding agricultural systems in Africa agrarian crisis Africa African microfinance agriculture rural community food security Africa agricultural risk reduction climate change Africa small scale farming Africa sustainable agriculture Africa community-based agriculture Africa microfinance impact on farming Africa smallholder farmers Zimbabwe agriculture production improvement Zimbabwe microfinance NGOs Africa Kiva agriculture Africa affordable agricultural loans Africa agricultural tool rental programs Africa rural development Africa agricultural resilience Africa political tensions agriculture Africa microfinance sustainable growth Africa agricultural capital Africa rural livelihoods Africa resource access for farmers Africa agricultural empowerment Africa agricultural development microfinance Africa rural food security climate resilience farming smallholder agriculture sustainable farming practices agrarian reform Africa political instability agriculture agricultural loans Kiva microfinance Zimbabwe small-scale farming rural poverty reduction agricultural tool rental community empowerment agriculture agricultural productivity Africa financial inclusion rural communities agriculture NGO support farming risk mitigation subsistence farming improvement microcredit farming programs smallholder farmers sustainable agriculture rural development poverty alleviation agricultural finance climate resilience food sovereignty community empowerment access to credit agricultural innovation inclusive growth gender equity agroecology farm productivity rural livelihoods social impact agricultural policy crop diversification local markets value chains digital finance financial inclusion agricultural extension cooperative farming resource management subsistence farming agricultural technology
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con02a	Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified organisms GMOs food security developing countries food supply biotechnology crop yield pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental sustainability drought tolerance water-efficient crops golden rice vitamin A deficiency beta-carotene malnutrition childhood blindness food prices agricultural innovation World Health Organization political barriers economic barriers population growth environmental challenges sustainable agriculture transgenic crops nutritional enhancement humanitarian benefits global health biofortification genetically modified organisms GMOs genetically engineered crops food security developing countries GM food benefits pest resistance environmental impact pesticide reduction crop yield food prices drought-resistant crops water scarcity vitamin A deficiency World Health Organization golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic barriers biotechnology agricultural innovation global population growth sustainable agriculture malnutrition food technology biofortification humanitarian solutions nutritional enhancement anti-poverty measures genetically modified crops GMO benefits food security developing countries pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental impact crop yield food prices drought tolerance water scarcity vitamin A deficiency World Health Organization golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness agricultural biotechnology political will economic barriers sustainable agriculture population growth hunger alleviation malnutrition food technology self-reliance global food supply genetically modified crops in Africa drought-resistant GM plants GMOs and food security golden rice health benefits vitamin A deficiency developing countries impact of GM foods on childhood blindness GM technology versus pesticides reduction of pesticide use with GMOs crop yield increase through genetic modification GMOs reduce food prices GMOs and sustainable agriculture political barriers to GMO adoption economic incentives for GMOs independence from Western food aid GMOs environment and GM crop adoption population growth and food technology future of GMOs in global agriculture vitamin A supplementation alternatives biotechnology in addressing malnutrition international attitudes towards GM food genetically modified organisms GMOs food security developing countries food supply benefits pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental impact crop yield food prices drought resistance water scarcity World Health Organization vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness nutrition political will economic barriers self-sufficiency sustainable agriculture population growth environmental sustainability biotechnology food technology humanitarian solutions agricultural innovation malnutrition poverty alleviation genetically modified crops GM food benefits food security in developing countries pest-resistant crops reduced pesticide use environmental sustainability high-yield crop varieties lower food prices drought-tolerant crops water-efficient agriculture vitamin A deficiency solutions World Health Organization vitamin A golden rice beta-carotene rice childhood blindness prevention biotechnology in agriculture political barriers to GMOs economic barriers to GMOs global population growth and food supply sustainable agricultural technology non-charity food solutions environmental impacts of GMOs public health and GM food nutritional enhancement through GMOs agricultural innovation in developing nations genetically modified organisms GMOs food security food supply developing countries benefits pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental protection crop yield lower food prices drought resistance water scarcity water-efficient crops golden rice vitamin A deficiency beta-carotene nutrition biofortification childhood blindness World Health Organization political will economic barriers sustainable agriculture population growth environmental deterioration technology adoption agricultural innovation food aid alternatives malnutrition global health genetically modified organisms GMOs food security developing countries benefits of GM food pest resistance reduced pesticide use environmental impact higher crop yield lower food prices drought-resistant crops water scarcity solutions nutrition enhancement vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness World Health Organization technological solutions food supply challenges political barriers economic barriers global population growth sustainable agriculture food technology self-sufficiency poverty reduction biotechnology malnutrition humanitarian solutions genetically modified organisms GMOs food security developing countries food supply benefits of GM food pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental impact crop yield food prices drought tolerance water scarcity golden rice beta-carotene vitamin A deficiency childhood blindness World Health Organization biotechnology agricultural innovation political obstacles economic barriers population growth environmental sustainability Western aid self-sufficiency sustainable agriculture biofortification malnutrition global health technology adoption GMOs genetically engineered crops food security developing countries agricultural biotechnology pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental benefits crop yield increase water-efficient crops drought tolerance vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene malnutrition childhood blindness World Health Organization nutritional enhancement sustainable agriculture global population growth food prices political will economic barriers technology adoption food aid alternatives poverty alleviation public health biofortification hunger eradication rural development
test-law-ilppppghb-pro01a	"Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. self-determination minority rights cultural preservation indigenous rights minority protection cultural assimilation majority culture cultural autonomy aboriginal rights indigenous peoples human rights cultural heritage cultural identity minority languages forced assimilation cultural erosion cultural genocide policy impact government policy Tibetan culture stolen generations cultural survival minority empowerment national identity sovereignty collective rights international law ethnic minorities linguistic rights social justice colonial legacy cultural diversity multiculturalism minority rights self-determination indigenous rights cultural preservation cultural assimilation majority culture minority protection Aboriginal rights indigenous Australians stolen generations Tibet cultural dilution Chinese government minority autonomy national sovereignty ethnic minorities language loss citizenship rights indigenous identity colonial policies government policy human rights minority empowerment cultural heritage international law minority self-governance ethnic diversity political rights minority representation group rights minority rights cultural preservation indigenous autonomy cultural assimilation international law human rights sovereignty indigenous peoples national identity decolonization ethnic diversity Aboriginal rights language preservation forced assimilation minority protection collective rights political autonomy cultural heritage United Nations minority empowerment racial discrimination historical injustice group rights self-governance cultural survival self-determination and minority rights protecting cultural diversity government policies and indigenous rights assimilation vs cultural preservation international law and minority protection autonomy for indigenous peoples historical examples of cultural loss policies to support minority languages impact of assimilation on future generations minority self-governance critiques of majority culture dominance restoring lost cultures comparison of Tibetan and Aboriginal experiences state responsibility and minority protections implications of denying self-determination role of citizenship in cultural identity legal frameworks for self-determination consequences of state intervention in minority communities transitional justice for indigenous peoples educational policy and cultural retention cultural genocide and self-determination minority rights cultural preservation indigenous peoples ethnic minorities cultural assimilation majority culture minority protection autonomy sovereignty Aboriginal rights indigenous self-governance language preservation cultural identity human rights assimilation policies governmental oppression stolen generation future generations Tibet Chinese policy cultural erosion forced assimilation citizenship rights multiculturalism legal protections international law United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples minority empowerment cultural heritage Australia human rights commission historical injustices self-determination minority rights cultural preservation indigenous rights protection of minority cultures government policy on minorities assimilation vs. autonomy Aboriginal rights Australia stolen generation indigenous cultural loss Tibet cultural dilution China minority policy future generations self-determination minority self-governance international law minorities cultural identity protection human rights minorities multiculturalism national sovereignty vs. minority rights right to self-governance United Nations minority protection forced assimilation cultural genocide language loss minorities ethnic identity safeguarding self-determination minority rights indigenous cultures cultural preservation cultural assimilation majority culture cultural rights indigenous Australians Aboriginal rights stolen generation autonomy sovereignty cultural dilution language loss minority protections government policy cultural identity generational rights Tibet Chinese policy forced assimilation cultural survival indigenous sovereignty ethnic minorities human rights cultural diversity national identity minority autonomy cultural heritage cultural marginalization self-determination minority rights protecting minority cultures indigenous rights cultural preservation assimilation policies cultural dilution Aboriginal Australians stolen generations indigenous language loss Tibetan culture Chinese government policy citizenship rights cultural autonomy international human rights cultural genocide minority protections national sovereignty ethnic minorities minority empowerment state policy forced assimilation intergenerational trauma cultural identity indigenous activism self-determination minority rights indigenous rights cultural preservation cultural assimilation majority culture cultural diversity human rights autonomy minority protections cultural heritage nation-state Aboriginal rights indigenous sovereignty self-governance multiculturalism language preservation ethnic minorities stolen generation cultural identity Australia indigenous policy Tibet cultural policy Chinese government Tibet human rights violations reconciliation minority empowerment international law United Nations right to choose future generations cultural erasure cultural preservation indigenous rights minority rights self-governance autonomy ethnic identity cultural assimilation multiculturalism language preservation indigenous sovereignty human rights cultural diversity legal protections policy reform Aboriginal rights forced assimilation historical injustices international law minority representation Tibet Australian indigenous policy cultural survival generational impact government discrimination indigenous languages ethnic minorities global minority protection United Nations right to self-determination cultural erasure"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con04a	"Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. bribery kleptocracy oligarchy political patronage cronyism authoritarianism state capture abuse of power government transparency anti-corruption public accountability nepotism illicit enrichment wealth accumulation elite networks investigative journalism whistleblowers judiciary independence rule of law law enforcement anti-corruption agencies financial disclosure power concentration Russian government leadership structure Putin administration Medvedev opposition reports asset ownership luxury estates political control economic inequality public sector corruption presidential authority governmental oversight political corruption Russian government Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev authoritarianism cronyism oligarchs kleptocracy power consolidation opposition reports anti-corruption Russian politics state control elite enrichment government accountability transparency corruption scandals political patronage Russian ruling elite public sector corruption political corruption Russian government Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev kleptocracy oligarchy state-owned enterprises patronage networks bribery money laundering abuse of power anti-corruption measures transparency accountability Russian opposition government elites political leadership authoritarianism state capture wealth accumulation public sector corruption political repression Russian politics government oversight corruption scandals corruption in Russia Russian political leadership corruption Putin corruption report Medvedev corruption allegations Russian opposition reports on corruption high-level corruption Russia Russian government corruption strong leadership and corruption Russia Kremlin corruption scandals Russian elite wealth accumulation state property misuse Russia Putin palaces and yachts opposition figures on Russian corruption anti-corruption reforms Russia effects of power centralization in Russia Russian prime minister authority corruption political power and corruption Russia Russian leadership enriching inner circle wealth of Russian leaders corruption reduction in authoritarian regimes Russia Russia corruption Russian leadership political corruption Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev Kremlin elite wealth oligarchs anti-corruption efforts opposition reports state-owned assets government transparency transparency international authoritarianism state capture public sector bribery corrupt practices political accountability presidential powers prime minister authority Russian opposition whistleblowers asset disclosure regime enrichment Kremlin influence Russian governance corruption in Russia Russian political corruption Vladimir Putin corruption Medvedev corruption Russian leadership and corruption opposition reports Russia Russian government scandals Putin inner circle wealth Russian corruption palaces yachts state upkeep Russia anti-corruption efforts Russia Kremlin power and corruption Russian elite enrichment political accountability Russia Russian opposition allegations government transparency Russia Putin Medvedev accused corruption state assets misuse Russia corruption impact Russian politics Russian corruption prevention corruption Russia Russian government strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev prime minister president political power opposition figures oligarchs elite enrichment inner circle state assets yachts palaces political authority government management governance anti-corruption transparency abuse of power authoritarianism Kremlin Russian politics nepotism cronyism accountability public sector government officials bribery state resources financial misconduct kleptocracy state corruption political control wealth inequality corruption scandals power dynamics institutional corruption Russian corruption Vladimir Putin corruption Dmitry Medvedev corruption Russian government corruption political corruption Russia Kremlin corruption Putin palaces Russian opposition corruption report Russian leadership and corruption corruption in Russian politics oligarchs Russia state-owned assets Russia elite enrichment Russia corruption under Putin anti-corruption Russia Russian investigative journalism Russian bribery Russian state officials assets Russian luxury residences authoritarianism and corruption Russia transparency Russia Russian political scandals Putin inner circle Russian wealth inequality Russian governance issues Russia corruption political leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev government accountability opposition reports oligarchy kleptocracy state-owned assets elite enrichment anti-corruption measures Russian politics authoritarianism power consolidation transparency public sector corruption Russian government economic impact political reform political corruption Russian government Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev state oligarchy cronyism kleptocracy opposition reports anti-corruption measures political leadership power dynamics government accountability transparency Russian politics authoritarianism elite enrichment corruption scandals property ownership Russian opposition state resources political influence governance public sector corruption"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con01a	Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. freedom of speech free expression censorship political regulation open debate intellectual freedom civil liberties tolerance hate speech offensive speech societal progress cultural change equality diversity of opinion Voltaire liberty self-interest social justice legal rights inclusive society minority rights public discourse banning ideas civil rights open society individual autonomy repression historical examples personal liberty human rights social development freedom of speech free expression censorship political regulation civil liberties open debate tolerance Voltaire equality diversity of opinion hate speech offense societal progress cultural development suppression of ideas intellectual freedom liberty human rights pluralism controversial speech speech regulation self-expression open society dissent minority opinions civil rights unorthodox views public discourse freedom of expression censorship civil liberties hate speech political correctness open debate free press intellectual freedom speech regulation minority rights tolerance pluralism democratic principles viewpoint diversity First Amendment civil rights social progress cultural development self-censorship liberty human rights Voltaire equality public discourse government regulation suppression of ideas offensive speech dissent social change debate ethics freedom of expression historical consequences of censorship politicians regulating speech dangers of banning ideas Voltaire freedom of speech quote equality and free speech banning lifestyles criminalizing speech offensive speech and social progress culture strengthened by debate fear of taboo topics emancipation through open debate dangers of suppressing views censorship and society free speech vs hate speech societal benefits open discourse liberty and incarceration paradox chilling effect on ideas regulation of thought free speech human rights tolerance and diverse opinions history of freedom of speech restrictions freedom of speech free expression censorship political regulation intellectual freedom banning ideas Voltaire quote civil liberties equality tolerance diversity of opinion offensive speech social development cultural progress open debate liberty versus security suppression of ideas lifestyle acceptance history of censorship self-interest in freedom democratic principles free society pluralism rights and responsibilities respect for dissent chilling effect public discourse minority rights political correctness freedom of thought hate speech laws slippery slope censorship freedom of speech debate censorship controversy regulation of speech offensive speech laws Voltaire free speech quote political speech regulation history of censorship banning ideas consequences equality and free speech societal progress and speech liberty vs control open debate benefits danger of suppressing ideas free speech and cultural development debate on offensive speech banning opinions history speech laws and democracy tolerance of diverse views free speech activism limits of freedom of expression societal effects of censorship free speech freedom of expression censorship political regulation opinion diversity civil liberties open debate viewpoint tolerance Voltaire equality societal progress cultural development banning ideas intellectual freedom liberty offensive speech social change individual rights hearing all views suppression of dissent freedom of thought civil rights speech regulation hate speech laws emancipation liberation productive discourse self-expression controversial opinions thought policing history of censorship freedom of speech free expression censorship political regulation speech regulation Voltaire quote open debate social progress cultural development offensive speech banning ideas liberty equality tolerance diversity of opinion self-censorship hate speech historical examples societal strength intellectual freedom pluralism political correctness thought police democratic values speech laws public discourse group liberation social emancipation dissenting voices minority rights freedom of speech censorship political regulation free expression hate speech laws intellectual freedom civil liberties Voltaire tolerance equality social progress offensiveness cultural development open debate pluralism viewpoint diversity liberty individual rights social tolerance societal change suppression of ideas speech regulation historical censorship emancipation minority rights controversial speech democratic principles freedom of expression censorship political speech hate speech tolerance civil liberties open discourse democratic values offensive speech public debate free society intellectual diversity viewpoint diversity social progress historical examples authoritarianism free thought speech regulation civil rights cultural development minority rights social change suppression of ideas liberty self-censorship
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con03a	If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. political expression workplace dress codes religious symbols symbol neutrality iconography policy employee conduct ideological statements endorsement restrictions freedom of expression corporate branding political slogans customer expectations religious neutrality visual endorsements workplace policies employment guidelines service environment non-religious workplace belief manifestation public service standards workplace dress code religious symbols political symbols iconography policies neutrality in the workplace employee rights employer guidelines religious accommodation freedom of expression corporate branding in the workplace political statements at work visual endorsements uniform policies branding restrictions customer experience secular workplace religious neutrality visible beliefs at work employment law personal expression vs. professional conduct freedom from endorsement employee attire organizational policies religious imagery in public service customer expectations political expression religious symbols workplace dress code iconography employee rights free speech neutrality policy religious accommodation political neutrality corporate branding endorsement policies religious discrimination customer experience religious freedom professional appearance symbolism in workplace uniform policy employment law public perception workplace ethics diversity and inclusion legal precedent offensive imagery religious affiliation secularism workplace religious symbols political slogans workplace employee dress code religious religious expression employment service consumer expectations iconography in professional settings corporate branding policies religious neutrality policies employment law religious symbols religious expression vs. political endorsement employee conduct guidelines religious accommodation workplace job relevance of religious conviction freedom of expression workplace customer experience religious symbols legal cases religious symbols employment employer policy on personal imagery religious neutrality healthcare religious neutrality airline industry religious imagery customer service political symbols religious symbols workplace dress code iconography policy employee expression religious accommodation freedom of expression neutrality in service political endorsement corporate branding consumer expectations public sector impartiality symbolic imagery religious neutrality professional appearance visual endorsements workplace ethics secular workplace religious freedom limits uniform policy service industry standards controversial symbols employee rights customer comfort branding restrictions political slogans at work religious symbols workplace dress code policies workplace iconography rules employer uniform guidelines employee expression limits religious accommodation law secularism in workplace political endorsement restrictions corporate branding at work employee rights vs employer rights freedom of expression workplace neutrality in public service workplace discrimination cases religious attire legal cases customer expectations workplace personal beliefs at work religious vs political expression controversial symbols employment workplace conflict resolution badge political slogan iconography endorsement political candidate corporate branding religious conviction religious imagery employment policy workplace dress code religious accommodation freedom of expression neutrality secularism service industry customer expectations offensive symbols workplace ethics symbolism religious symbols court cases labor law discrimination faith expression public service professional conduct personal beliefs employee rights uniform policy religious neutrality customer experience workplace dress code religious symbols at work political expression at work iconography in the workplace employee religious rights political slogans in the workplace employer policy on symbols workplace neutrality freedom of expression employment employee uniform policy visible symbols at work religious accommodation employment workplace discrimination law corporate branding policy inappropriate work attire employee rights vs employer rights religious imagery workplace symbols in customer service service industry dress code offending customers workplace religious expression limits employment professional appearance guidelines secular workplace policy religious neutrality employment expressions of belief at work endorsements at workplace customer experience workplace visible endorsements at work political slogans badge symbolism workplace dress codes religious symbols iconography freedom of expression employment policy neutrality in dress candidate endorsement corporate branding religious accommodation employee rights customer experience secular workplace symbol offense image meaning workplace ethics service industry standards public sector neutrality religious freedom limits professional appearance expression boundaries discrimination law visible belief symbols customer expectations freedom of expression religious symbols in workplace dress code policies political slogans corporate branding workplace neutrality religious accommodation employee rights consumer expectations visual iconography religious discrimination employment law symbols and meaning workplace ethics public service court cases religious neutrality employee conduct secularism in workplace personal expression professional conduct customer experience endorsement boundaries offensive symbolism uniform policies
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro03a	International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > self-determination Quebec independence international law minority rights Quebecois secession federal government cultural rights language rights Bill 101 Canadian law Supreme Court Quebec representation self-governance human rights oppression legal recognition international community sovereignty national identity Quebec separation constitutional law political autonomy ethnic groups legal precedent Canadian constitution minority protection United Nations self-government legal entitlement Quebec independence international law self-determination right to secession Quebecois representation minority rights Canadian federalism cultural rights linguistic rights oppression Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 international recognition state sovereignty minority self-governance human rights UN self-determination Quebec sovereignty movement legal precedent Canadian constitution autonomy indigenous self-determination minority populations federal-provincial relations Quebec referendum case law international legal standards political exclusion Quebec nationalism legal arguments for secession Quebec independence self-determination international law secession minority rights UN Charter peoples’ rights Canadian federalism Supreme Court of Canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Bill 101 language rights cultural autonomy international community self-governance political representation oppressive government decolonization Quebecois rights legal recognition Canadian Constitution international recognition national minorities sovereignty federal-provincial relations Quebec independence international law right to self-determination Quebec international recognition Quebec self-determination denial of representation Quebec federal government oppression international law Quebec Supreme Court of Canada secession reference Quebec Bill 101 legal challenges protection of Quebecois language and culture international law and minority rights Canada Quebec international legal status international community Quebec independence human rights and Quebec self-determination precedent for independence international law minority self-governance international law international intervention Quebec self-determination international legal opinion Quebec secession UN and Quebec independence violation of international law Canada Quebec Quebecois rights under Quebec independence international law self-determination secession Reference re Secession of Quebec Supreme Court of Canada minority rights linguistic rights Bill 101 Quebecois culture Canadian federalism ethnic minorities national identity right to self-governance legal precedent international recognition human rights oppressed minorities federal-provincial relations self-government Canadian constitution UN Charter decolonization cultural preservation indigenous rights minority representation Canadian courts legal autonomy state sovereignty political oppression legitimacy of secession Quebec independence self-determination international law Supreme Court of Canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Bill 101 minority rights language protection cultural rights federalism legal precedent secession Canadian federal government human rights violations representation in government international recognition oppressed minorities legal framework right to self-governance UN Charter Quebecois identity Canadian Constitution ethnic autonomy decolonization sovereignty movements international law Quebec independence right to self-determination secession minority rights language rights cultural rights federal representation national self-governance sovereignty international recognition Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 legal precedent oppression marginalized populations state sovereignty international human rights minority protection Canada-Quebec relations United Nations Charter ethnic self-determination self-rule legal autonomy Quebecois identity Quebec independence international law self-determination Canadian federalism minority rights cultural protection linguistic rights oppression secession international community government representation Supreme Court of Canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Bill 101 Canadian human rights federal-provincial relations Quebecois identity legal precedents UN self-determination Canada-Quebec relations Francophone rights Canadian constitution sovereignty movement Quebec referendums legal arguments independence ethnic self-governance international recognition political autonomy rights of peoples Canadian legal system minority government protection Quebec independence international law self-determination Quebecois rights minority rights Canadian federalism Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 language rights cultural preservation secession human rights political representation Canadian constitution UN self-determination international community legal precedent minority oppression Quebec sovereignty right to self-governance international treaties Canadian courts international human rights law Quebecois culture federal vs provincial rights self-determination Quebec independence international law minority rights language rights Bill 101 Quebec sovereignty federalism Canada secession legal framework recognition of states Supreme Court Quebec Reference cultural preservation oppression international law minority representation Canada legal right to secede Quebecois rights international community self-determination Canadian constitution secession national self-governance Quebec legal status UN self-determination protection of minorities Canada-Quebec relations Quebec independence movement international recognition of secession
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, intellectual property legal fiction copyright abolition public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power tangible property profit motive investment incentives creator profit Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial rights art as social good artistic experience copyright reform property rights dissemination of ideas innovation incentives open access fair use knowledge sharing equitable use creative labor monopoly critique anti-copyright free culture commons-based licensing knowledge commons public good intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards creative commons non-commercial use commercial rights artistic experience social good creative process copyright doctrine investment incentive copyright reform intellectual property criticism authorship innovation incentive commons licenses equitable access monopoly criticism public access non-commercial rights labour of creation exclusive rights information sharing creative ownership property rights critique copyright alternatives art sharing free culture open access knowledge commons cultural commons intellectual property legal fiction copyright abolition public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power property rights tangible assets creative commons non-commercial licenses art as social good artist compensation creative process equitable use innovation incentive commercial rights copyright reform information sharing access to knowledge profit motive labor value ownership critique monopoly critique open culture artistic freedom public benefit legal doctrine intellectual commons non-commercial use creative freedom intellectual property legal fiction copyright abolition arguments public domain ideas ownership of ideas debate intangible assets property rights monopoly power and IP efficiency and equity in invention physical vs intangible property protection mechanisms comparison investment incentive intellectual property creative commons licenses advantages non-commercial use copyright societal value of art profit incentives for creators artistic experience and sharing commercial rights reservation fair artist-society balance alternatives to traditional copyright creative commons non-commercial benefits of open access to art legal theory intellectual property critique of copyright laws alternatives to IP protection public domain advocacy moral rights vs economic rights monopol intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets property rights monopoly power tangible assets physical property creative commons non-commercial licenses commercial rights artistic experience social good artists' rights profit motive art sharing creative process equitable use investment in innovation labor of creation copyright reform open access public use monopoly critique economic incentive art value societal benefit fair compensation lawbook company Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald Walsh K creative commons license commercial use restriction intellectual property critique non-functional art copyright alternatives intellectual property debate legal fiction in IP copyright abolition arguments public domain philosophy ownership of ideas critique of intangible asset rights monopoly power in IP efficient use of inventions tangible vs intangible property economic incentives for creators Creative Commons licensing non-commercial use rights art as a social good functional vs creative value profit rights for artists copyright reform access to art balancing creator profit and public benefit IP law critique creative process labor rights alternative copyright models intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards creative commons non-commercial license commercial rights artist rights social good functional value creative value artistic experience art sharing financial gain profit motive investment incentives innovation encouragement creator compensation equitable use efficient use property rights intellectual property law moral rights labour of creation copyright reform open access public access fair use knowledge sharing proprietary rights copyright monopoly cultural commons art licensing derivative works authorship creative process digital rights intellectual property debate copyright abolition copyright reform public domain expansion Creative Commons licensing non-commercial license artist rights creator compensation intangible assets property rights philosophy monopoly power intellectual property innovation incentives equitable use of inventions public access to art copyright vs physical property ownership of ideas legal fiction of IP commercialization of art fair use doctrine societal benefits of art alternative copyright models open access creativity art as social good labor theory of value in creativity restrictive copyright critique creative process protection non-commercial use art economic rights of artists intellectual property law reform negative effects of copyright intellectual property legal fiction copyright abolition public domain idea ownership intangible assets property rights monopoly power efficient use equitable use physical property tangible assets creative commons non-commercial licenses commercial rights non-commercial use art as social good creative process artistic sharing financial gain for artists society benefit compromise copyright reform monopoly critique innovation incentives copyright limitations creator profit copyright alternatives intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property profit motive creative commons non-commercial licenses commercial rights social good artistic experience labour value equitable use invention investment incentive creative process arts protection knowledge commons open access fair use monopoly critique property rights philosophy authorship dissemination public interest access to culture cultural growth
test-religion-frghbbgi-con01a	Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. divine revelation spiritual insight theological knowledge biblical understanding sacred wisdom supernatural guidance faith-based discernment divine truth scriptural authority transcendent knowledge holy revelation immutable truth moral absolutes infallible wisdom religious epistemology human limitation spiritual comprehension God's nature revelation vs. reason faith and science ultimate truth divine wisdom spiritual discernment biblical revelation theological understanding faith and reason limits of human knowledge revealed theology mystical knowledge spiritual insight religious epistemology scriptural authority transcendence of God God’s mysteries divine revelation supernatural wisdom faith versus reason religious truth apologetics ineffable knowledge omniscience of God divine revelation spiritual discernment biblical wisdom theological understanding scriptural authority faith and reason transcendence divine mystery epistemology of religion moral relativism human limitation revelation vs reason sacred knowledge religious epistemology authority of scripture supernatural wisdom revelation in theology divine revelation difference between godly and human wisdom limitations of human understanding faith versus reason revealed truth in theology biblical wisdom versus secular knowledge critique of human morality science versus faith epistemology of divine wisdom God's revelation and human perception theological epistemology transcendence of godly wisdom irrelevance of secular arguments limitations of human criticism absolute authority of divine revelation spiritual discernment versus rational critique incomprehensibility of God divine mysteries and human limitations supremacy of God's wisdom revealed theology divine revelation supernatural wisdom spiritual insight biblical wisdom human limitations faith and reason transcendent knowledge religious epistemology theology divine mystery scriptural authority revealed theology human understanding revelation vs reason moral relativism science and faith limits of reason God’s attributes spiritual discernment divine authority revealed theology divine wisdom vs human wisdom limitations of human understanding God’s revelation critiques of divine knowledge faith versus reason morality and divine revelation science and faith epistemology of revelation authority of God’s word transcendent wisdom spiritual discernment revealed truth philosophical theology revelation and epistemology divine revelation spiritual insight theological wisdom supernatural knowledge faith-based understanding divine mystery sacred knowledge biblical revelation transcendent truth religious doctrine scriptural authority human limitation epistemology of faith religious epistemology ineffable wisdom omniscience spiritual discernment revelation vs reason faith vs science divine authority doctrinal truth moral relativism metaphysical knowledge God’s omnipotence spiritual truth secular vs sacred faith and reason absolute morality religious morality divine transcendence human fallibility divine revelation biblical wisdom spiritual discernment revelation vs reason limits of human understanding critique of human wisdom god versus science theology and morality supernatural knowledge spiritual truth faith and reason revealed theology Christian apologetics wisdom from God nature of divine wisdom epistemology of religion God's self-revelation human limitations philosophy of religion religious epistemology divine revelation spiritual discernment transcendence biblical wisdom human limitation theological understanding faith vs reason scriptural authority epistemology of religion revelation vs reason divine knowledge religious morality limits of science spiritual truth God's nature supernatural understanding faith-based epistemology revelation in theology mystery of God religious epistemology divine revelation theological epistemology biblical authority limitations of human reason faith versus reason spiritual discernment revelation versus science critique of secular morality transcendence of God revealed theology scriptural wisdom supernatural knowledge God's attributes faith and understanding religious epistemology
test-environment-opecewiahw-con04a	The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, Grand Inga hydropower project cost financing investment risk Inga III funding challenges GDP comparison infrastructure megaprojects Westcor financial backing private sector investment DRC economy alternative energy South African investment economic feasibility project scalability energy infrastructure development finance African energy projects Grand Inga Dam construction costs project funding investment risk financial backing GDP comparison Inga III Westcor withdrawal South African investment private sector investment mega-dam costs economic feasibility energy infrastructure Democratic Republic of Congo international investors project viability hydroelectric projects funding challenges sustainable development African megaprojects Grand Inga Dam project cost financial viability hydroelectric power investment risk funding challenges Inga III Westcor GDP comparison Democratic Republic of Congo energy infrastructure private sector investment project financing development barriers multinational investment South African involvement infrastructure megaprojects renewable energy projects economic feasibility financing shortfall Grand Inga dam funding issues Grand Inga project cost comparisons Inga III financial challenges private investment Inga dam Westcor withdrawal Inga III DRC GDP versus Inga cost foreign investment Congo energy projects Grand Inga viability criticism African mega-dam funding problems economic risks of Grand Inga alternatives to Grand Inga dam development risks Congo hydropower international response Grand Inga financing history of Inga III backers South Africa Inga dam investment impact of investment shortage Inga dam Grand Inga Dam Inga III project cost funding challenges financial backing investment risk GDP comparison private sector investment infrastructure funding energy megaprojects Westcor South African investment Democratic Republic of Congo renewable energy finance mega dam economics Grand Inga cost Inga III funding issues Grand Inga project financial viability Grand Inga investment challenges infrastructure project financing Africa Westcor Grand Inga withdrawal foreign investment Congo hydroelectric megaproject financial risk hydroelectric power Congo cost Inga dam economic feasibility Grand Inga GDP comparison private sector Inga dam Inga III South Africa investment hydroelectric project risk assessment Congo renewable energy funding Grand Inga Dam Inga III Democratic Republic of Congo hydroelectric project construction cost project funding GDP comparison investment risk Westcor private sector investment financial backing African infrastructure South Africa investment World Factbook energy megaprojects project viability international financing energy development economic feasibility project cost overrun alternative energy Africa ESI-Africa funding challenges Grand Inga cost Inga III funding Westcor withdrawal Democratic Republic of Congo GDP Grand Inga project risks investment challenges hydropower Africa private sector reluctance Grand Inga energy infrastructure Africa DRC energy projects financing alternative energy Africa South African investment Inga III hydropower funding Congo large-scale energy projects cost electricity megaprojects Africa infrastructure investment risk Africa Grand Inga Dam project cost economic feasibility investment challenges funding issues Inga III Westcor withdrawal financing obstacles DR Congo GDP private sector investment infrastructure development energy megaprojects hydropower financing project risk African energy projects development bank involvement alternative financing South African investment large-scale hydropower financial sustainability Grand Inga Inga III hydropower project funding investment risk infrastructure finance DRC economy GDP comparison Westcor withdrawal alternative energy African energy projects financial backing South Africa investment project viability mega-project cost private sector risk energy development Congo River renewable energy investment barriers
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con03a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. internet regulation digital economy online piracy copyright enforcement file sharing intellectual property graduated response HADOPI internet service providers ISP monitoring digital signature e-government online tax filing cybersecurity internet law copyright infringement content protection creative industries piracy deterrence digital rights management copyright policy online criminal behavior citizen privacy digital authentication economic impact legal frameworks digital security internet governance data protection online business internet policy online piracy copyright infringement digital rights management file sharing graduated response policy ISP regulation HADOPI copyright enforcement intellectual property digital economy online security government intervention digital signature electronic authentication online taxation secure online transactions digital privacy content protection anti-piracy measures internet governance copyright law cybercrime internet monitoring copyright protection online business regulation Internet governance copyright enforcement digital economy online piracy file sharing intellectual property graduated response ISP policies HADOPI law digital signatures e-government cybercrime online security digital rights management regulatory frameworks online tax filing authentication legal compliance internet monitoring online business transactions internet regulation and copyright enforcement graduated response policy effectiveness HADOPI law analysis impact of internet piracy on creators digital signatures for online transactions government role in online copyright protection ISP responsibility in copyright violation balancing privacy and copyright enforcement digital rights management solutions comparing global internet regulation policies online tax reporting and digital identity technological solutions for internet crime economic impact of digital piracy file-sharing laws and legal alternatives user privacy and surveillance concerns effectiveness of digital signature deployment case studies on internet regulation success evolution of copyright laws in the digital age internet regulation digital economy copyright infringement file sharing online piracy intellectual property music piracy movie piracy game piracy graduated response three strikes policy ISP monitoring HADOPI law copyright enforcement digital signatures online authentication electronic signatures tax reporting online cybersecurity government policy digital rights management internet governance cybercrime online business privacy data protection content distribution digital ownership legal frameworks copyright law internet regulation online piracy copyright violation digital rights management graduated response policy ISP monitoring HADOPI law French internet policy internet copyright enforcement file sharing regulation digital signature implementation online tax filing electronic signatures government internet policy online economy protection internet crime prevention intellectual property protection online content piracy digital business regulation copyright enforcement strategies internet regulation online economy criminal behavior file sharing piracy copyright infringement intellectual property digital rights content protection graduated response policy ISP monitoring copyright enforcement HADOPI unauthorized downloading government intervention online activity regulation digital signature electronic authentication online tax filing secure online transactions user accountability anti-piracy laws digital ownership internet governance economic impact online law enforcement privacy vs. security policy effectiveness France internet law identity verification internet regulation digital piracy copyright enforcement online copyright infringement graduated response policy HADOPI law ISP monitoring digital signatures online tax filing internet economy intellectual property protection file sharing laws copyright law enforcement government internet policies cybercrime prevention digital rights management online marketplace regulation internet service provider responsibilities digital authentication secure online transactions anti-piracy measures unauthorized content downloading copyright violator penalties online signature legislation e-government services digital business regulation internet regulation digital economy copyright enforcement online piracy intellectual property file sharing ISP monitoring graduated response policy HADOPI law digital signatures online authentication cybercrime prevention copyright infringement government policy online business tax filing online digital rights management internet service provider policy creative industries protection content piracy cyber law online legal framework secure online transactions e-government IT law internet governance copyright enforcement digital piracy graduated response ISP monitoring HADOPI law internet economy digital rights management online copyright infringement file sharing regulation intellectual property anti-piracy measures digital signatures online authentication cyberlaw e-commerce security government regulation internet governance content protection copyright law digital ownership online identity verification cybersecurity policy
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro04a	This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. ban implementation public places smoking regulations legislation introduction compliance awareness campaigns notice period rule clarity smoking prohibition law enforcement Saudi Arabia example airport bans public health policy effectiveness legislative process public notification legal framework international comparisons public behavior regulatory measures ban implementation public places ban smoking prohibition public health policy legislation introduction enforcement challenges compliance strategies public awareness notice period rule clarity international examples Saudi Arabia airports policy rollout legislative precedent smoking restrictions legal frameworks public education ban effectiveness resistance to bans change management smoking prohibition public smoking smoking legislation legislative implementation smoke-free zones public health policy enforcement challenges policy compliance public awareness campaigns legal restrictions secondhand smoke regulatory notice health regulations learning from Saudi Arabia international examples rule communication public policy rollout smoking control measures public smoking ban implementing public bans introducing smoking restrictions enforcement of smoking bans public health regulations notice for policy changes international examples of bans Saudi Arabia airport smoking ban clear public policies rules for public bans challenges of smoking bans policy adoption process experience from existing bans legislative process for bans precedents for public health bans effective public notification lessons from smoking ban implementation stakeholder communication for bans difficulties in enforcing bans public place regulation ban introduction public places smoking ban implementation ease policy enforcement advance notice Saudi Arabia example rule clarity compliance measures airport regulations legislative process public health policy community adaptation legislative precedent smoking restrictions clear guidelines public acceptance policy communication law implementation regulatory framework smoking ban implementation public place smoking restrictions smoking ban enforcement smoking ban challenges public health policy introducing smoking bans smoking ban communication strategies smoking regulations in airports Saudi Arabia smoking ban public awareness campaigns legislative process smoking bans experience from existing bans compliance with smoking bans policy rollout smoking restrictions effective smoking ban notice period ban implementation public places restriction smoking bans policy introduction compliance public awareness regulation enforcement advance notice public policy legislation transition period Saudi Arabia airport ban legal framework public health rule clarity public communication legislative process behavioral change community adaptation government regulation public smoking laws public smoking ban implementation challenges smoking ban effectiveness smoking regulations public health policy successful smoking bans international smoking bans public place legislation smoking ban compliance smoking policy enforcement public awareness campaigns legal framework smoking ban gradual policy introduction Saudi Arabia smoking laws smoking ban notice period secondhand smoke protection comparative smoking bans health legislation smoking prohibition public areas societal impact smoking ban public smoking smoking ban enforcement public places policy smoking restrictions implementation challenges public health regulations legal framework compliance strategies international examples notice periods stakeholder communication legislative process tobacco control ban effectiveness regulatory clarity smoking regulations public health policy enforcement strategies implementation challenges public awareness legislative measures compliance communication strategies public education Saudi Arabia case study policy effectiveness legal frameworks stakeholder engagement ban rollout public safety social acceptance
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con01a	“Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, death penalty capital punishment deterrence justice retribution cost effectiveness crime prevention violent crime international crime drug trafficking organized crime crimes against humanity Africa conflict resolution law enforcement public safety war on drugs judicial system criminal justice human rights punishment rehabilitation recidivism societal impact moral arguments capital punishment death penalty deterrence crime rate cost savings justice Africa international crime drugs drug trafficking conflict crimes against humanity violent crime law enforcement public safety legal systems retributive justice Africa and death penalty arguments for death penalty execution crime prevention war on drugs West Africa cocaine trade criminal justice punishment effectiveness criminal deterrence human rights capital crimes legal policy recidivism deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa crime rates conflict crimes against humanity death penalty capital punishment legal system public safety retribution law enforcement criminal justice severe punishment war on drugs cocaine trade African arguments human rights public opinion arguments for death penalty capital punishment deterrence Africa cost savings death penalty Africa justice principles capital punishment international crime capital punishment Africa war on drugs Africa death penalty crimes against humanity Africa death penalty support for capital punishment serious crimes Africa death penalty and African justice systems universal applicability death penalty death penalty Africa debate effectiveness of capital punishment Africa capital punishment response international crime support for death penalty violent crimes Africa arguments for deterrence in Africa capital punishment death penalty deterrence justice cost savings universal application Africa international crime drug trafficking conflict crimes against humanity war crimes support Africa and crime West African cocaine trade global arguments judicial principle legalization enforcement criminal justice international law death penalty advantages deterrence effect Africa cost savings capital punishment justice and death penalty international crime Africa drugs and capital punishment African conflict crimes crimes against humanity Africa death penalty universal arguments capital punishment Africa support for death penalty severe crimes death penalty international drug trade African criminal justice death penalty and war on drugs execution deterrence Africa capital punishment death penalty deterrence cost savings justice universal application Africa economic impact international crime drug trafficking human rights crime prevention retribution crimes against humanity conflict war crimes public safety legal systems punishment severity judicial efficiency penal policy victim justice public opinion social order recidivism reduction law enforcement Africa crime trends cocaine trade transnational crime international law capital punishment death penalty Africa deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs conflict crimes against humanity war on drugs West Africa cocaine trade African arguments universal benefits crime deterrent judicial principles cost effectiveness organized crime severe crimes capital punishment benefits deterrence cost savings justice principles universal application Africa international crime drugs conflict crimes against humanity death penalty support war on drugs West African cocaine trade criminal justice crime rates human rights legal systems punishment effectiveness societal impact judicial processes moral considerations public safety crime deterrence justice enforcement cost-effectiveness international crime transnational crime drug trafficking conflict resolution crimes against humanity legal consistency societal protection community safety severe punishment accountability retribution law and order public safety high-profile crimes Africa criminal justice global crime trends
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro04a	Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, affirmative action educational quotas diversity in universities minority student enrollment equitable admissions standardized test bias underrepresented groups racial disparities socioeconomic barriers inclusive education university access admission policy reform college diversity black and brown student representation higher education inequality social mobility preferential admissions meritocracy debate admissions fairness educational opportunity gaps affirmative action minority quotas college admissions racial bias socioeconomic bias standardized testing educational inequality underrepresented minorities university diversity inclusive admissions admission fairness access to higher education education policy equity in education social justice racial disparity Brazil education policy black and brown students affirmative action policies quota systems minority representation educational access college entrance criteria university admissions reform diversity initiatives minority enrollment affirmative action college admissions quotas racial diversity university inclusion educational equity standardized testing bias socioeconomic disparity underrepresented students access to higher education admissions reform Brazil racial quotas diversity policies campus representation fair admissions practices socioeconomic status educational opportunities equitable access minority student support racial justice in education affirmative action in college admissions impact of standardized tests on minority students racial quotas in higher education diversity initiatives in universities socioeconomic disparities in college admissions equitable access to education college admissions bias educational inequality among minorities Brazil university quota system minority representation in higher education arguments for college quotas policies to increase minority students college admissions reform for minorities tackling bias in university admissions addressing socioeconomic barriers in education affirmative action minority quotas college admissions bias educational inequality racial diversity underrepresented students standardized testing socioeconomic disparities diversity initiatives equitable access university enrollment admission reform quota systems Brazil education policy black and brown students social justice meritocracy critique higher education policy admission fairness inclusive education minority student support university access barriers systemic bias privileged students educational opportunities campus diversity affirmative action college admission quotas minority student enrollment racial diversity in higher education educational inequality standardized testing bias university admissions reform increasing diversity in universities equitable college access socioeconomic disparities in education Brazil affirmative action policy minority representation in higher education impact of standardized exams education access for marginalized groups reforming college admissions fairness minority enrollment affirmative action racial quotas university diversity educational equity underrepresented students college access admission fairness standardized testing bias socioeconomic disparities black students brown students marginalized groups meritocracy higher education inclusion Brazil education policy racial inequality diversity initiatives campus representation admission reform affirmative action minority quotas college admissions diversity educational equity racial inequality in education university access for minorities standardized testing bias socioeconomic status and admissions Brazil minority quotas black student admission policies mixed race student inclusion higher education inclusivity barriers to minority enrollment fair admissions processes increasing diversity in universities minority enrollment affirmative action racial quotas college admissions inequality standardized test bias underprivileged students educational equity diversity in higher education socioeconomic disparities university access Brazil affirmative action minority student representation bias in admissions educational barriers fair admissions policies quota systems racial diversity policies education reform admissions criteria minority support programs affirmative action diversity initiatives equitable admissions university access educational equity underrepresented minorities standardized testing bias socioeconomic disparity race-conscious policies holistic admissions representation inclusion racial quotas social justice opportunity gap meritocracy institutional racism access to higher education minority enrollment educational reform
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro02a	Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] political immunity prosecutorial discretion state power national security legitimate use of force executive decision-making political accountability civil unrest police powers interrogation techniques terrorism policy government responsibility ethical decision-making abuse of power political prosecution rule of law public interest constitutional safeguards policy-making risks risk aversion in government separation of powers emergency powers state sovereignty accountability mechanisms legal immunity for officials crime and punishment legal vs. political decisions prosecuting politicians historical precedents state interest rights of the citizenry political decision-making immunity for politicians prosecution of political leaders state power accountability legitimate use of force political responsibility risk aversion in governance national security policy political immunity debate legality of state actions public interest versus legality government abuses of power accountability for government officials moral dilemmas in politics political prosecution risks civil unrest response police power oversight counterterrorism policy ethical decision-making in government executive power limits rule of law in political decisions state power political immunity prosecuting politicians legitimate use of force government responsibility executive decision-making national security civil unrest police action interrogation policy counterterrorism ethical dilemmas rule of law abuse of authority public interest risk aversion political accountability prosecutorial discretion state monopoly on violence emergency powers state responsibility political crimes apolitical crimes public policy governmental authority politicians decision-making legal immunity state monopoly legitimate force government use of force accountability prosecution of political actions balancing public interest and legality risk aversion among policy-makers immunity for political decisions abuse of state power consequences ethical dilemmas in governance police action legal ramifications interrogation legal limits state economic intervention legality legitimate versus illegitimate use of state power prosecution of apolitical crimes national security and political accountability political choices under legal threat responsibility in wielding state power protecting citizen rights from abuse exceptions for illegal yet necessary actions decision paralysis in political office political immunity prosecutorial discretion state power legitimate use of force political decision-making civil unrest response counterterrorism policy government accountability executive privilege national security ethics rule of law criminal liability of politicians abuse of power public interest versus legality risk aversion in governance immunities for officials state responsibility security policy decision political crimes prosecuting policymakers moral dilemmas in politics just war theory consequentialism in governance separation of powers balancing security and liberty human rights versus security emergency powers state misconduct government corruption checks and balances politicians legal immunity state monopoly on force legitimate use of force definition political decision prosecution responsibility of state power state action legality balancing national security and legality risk aversion in policy-making prosecution for political decisions protecting citizen rights from state abuse selective immunity for politicians civil unrest police action terrorist interrogation legality economic policy state intervention good faith illegal actions public interest vs. legal risk criminal liability for politicians moral dilemmas in governance national security exceptions prosecuting political crimes state interest illegal actions political decision-making state monopoly on force legitimate authority political accountability government responsibility state power police action civil unrest national security interrogation terrorism economic policy industry subsidy abuse of power legal vs illegal actions public interest prosecuting politicians political immunity political prosecution risk aversion CIA officials security policy public discourse apolitical crimes protection of citizen rights rule of law executive discretion emergency powers national interest ethics in governance state institutions politician incarceration separation of powers political abuse prevention policymaker responsibility public good politician decision-making legal immunity for politicians state monopoly on force legitimate use of force public interest vs. legal constraints risk aversion in government prosecuting political decisions political accountability abuse of state power state responsibility CIA risk aversion civil unrest government response terrorist interrogation policy economic intervention by state moral dilemmas in politics national security policy apolitical vs. political crimes protecting citizen rights prosecution of policymakers emergency government powers political ethics checks and balances separation of powers government accountability state sovereignty executive decision-making prosecutorial discretion government incursion on civil liberties politicians decision-making state power legal immunity public interest prosecution political accountability legitimate use of force civil unrest police action terrorism interrogation economic policy state monopoly on violence risk aversion national security political abuse government responsibility ethical dilemmas policy-making criminal liability apolitical crimes citizen rights executive authority state legitimacy immunity vs prosecution prosecution deterrence moral responsibility security policy executive decision-making political accountability decision-making immunity state monopoly on force legal liability executive discretion national security decisions prosecutorial discretion political responsibility civil liberties abuse of power risk-averse policymaking ethical dilemmas public interest vs. legality state authority political immunity government prosecution rule of law emergency powers political ethics security policy crisis management law vs. ethics state legitimacy moral responsibility public trust political consequences prosecuting officials executive power limits balancing security and rights
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro03a	Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: educational equity higher education access free university tuition university fees socioeconomic mobility merit-based admissions social inequality income disparity opportunity gap poverty reduction social mobility educational opportunity tuition barriers higher education funding workforce eligibility class stratification tuition costs economic opportunity graduate employment college affordability equal access merit-based admission socioeconomic barriers university tuition fees educational equity social mobility higher education funding income inequality free higher education poverty alleviation university accessibility educational opportunity tuition-free universities class disparity educational justice barriers to education student financial aid higher education affordability low-income students social stratification equal access educational equity university tuition social mobility meritocracy income inequality higher education policy tuition fees student financial aid socioeconomic status access to higher education educational attainment graduate employment barriers to education poverty reduction economic disparity university admission opportunity gap educational justice social stratification free university tuition equal access to higher education university fees and social mobility impact of tuition fees on low-income students university education and employment outcomes merit-based university admission tuition-free college and job opportunities socioeconomic barriers to higher education access to high-income jobs and education removing financial barriers to university affordability of university education education as pathway out of poverty university access and economic inequality educational opportunity and social class expanding access to university for disadvantaged groups educational equality university access free higher education tuition fees socioeconomic mobility meritocracy employment prospects social stratification poverty alleviation income inequality social justice higher education policy opportunity gap educational attainment barriers to education wealth gap class mobility university attendance graduate employment economic opportunity free university access equal educational opportunities socioeconomic barriers to higher education impact of university fees educational attainment and employment university degree employment prospects social mobility and education merit-based university admission poverty and education access education as a pathway out of poverty university fees and social inequality higher education and economic opportunity university access for low-income students impact of tuition on attendance education and income mobility equal opportunity free university higher education access employment prospects university degree merit-based admission socioeconomic mobility tuition fees education inequality poverty reduction university attendance social mobility income disparity educational barriers low-income students education affordability economic status high-income jobs educational access social justice university graduates educational equity opportunity gap class barriers educational attainment equal opportunity higher education free university access benefits university degree employment prospects merit-based university admissions socioeconomic barriers education impact of university fees educational inequality free college and social mobility poverty and higher education access to high-income jobs university tuition fees and university attendance first-generation university students college education and economic status education as a path out of poverty educational attainment and income disparity equal access university education educational inequality tuition fees socioeconomic mobility merit-based admission social mobility higher education access income barriers employment opportunities university graduates educational opportunity poverty reduction fair access education policy fee abolition disadvantaged students economic inequality access to higher education university attendance class barriers equity in education social justice financial barriers educational privilege educational equity higher education access university tuition fees socioeconomic mobility meritocracy social class barriers free tertiary education income inequality graduate employment outcomes social justice opportunity gap educational affordability financial barriers university attendance poverty alleviation social stratification educational disparities higher education policy tuition-free university access to higher education
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con02a	Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, celebrity endorsements political donations campaign finance financial influence big business lobbying disenfranchised groups liberal parties celebrity activism social movements corporate power policy advocacy campaign funding disparity entertainment industry politics partisan fundraising non-financial political power elite influence political contributions corporate lobbying social justice advocacy inequality political campaign support wealth inequality political fundraising Hollywood politics industry donations societal power balance public figures and politics wealthy donors left-wing advocacy cultural elites celebrity endorsements political donations campaign finance corporate influence political advocacy liberal politics celebrity activism big business power wealthy donors social movements political inequality non-financial influence left-wing politics political funding election influence elite advocacy counterbalance to corporate power cultural elites policy influence disenfranchised voters entertainment industry politics money in politics partisan donations media influence political partisanship celebrity political endorsements campaign finance political donations big business influence liberal parties party financing political advocacy disenfranchised groups social movements corporate political power non-financial influence entertainment industry politics financial power counterbalance political equality donation regulations cultural elites film music stars politics left-wing advocacy campaign funding disparities political system influence business lobbying political participation policy impact celebrities donor influence US political donations campaign finance reform celebrity political endorsements celebrity influence on politics big business political donations liberal celebrity activism financial power in politics counterbalancing corporate donations disenfranchised political groups impact of celebrity advocacy film and music star political leanings political party fundraising disparities cultural elite and social movements business interests in elections banning celebrity endorsements non-financial political influence left-wing celebrity support campaign finance inequality effects of political donations role of celebrities in social movements political power imbalance celebrity involvement and party politics celebrity endorsements political donations campaign finance financial inequality disenfranchised groups big business influence political advocacy liberal parties left-wing politics cultural elites social movements wealth in politics donation disparity entertainment industry politics policy influence non-financial power political system imbalance partisan fundraising corporate lobbying celebrity activism celebrity political endorsements celebrity influence on politics campaign finance reform political donations big business liberal celebrities politics disparity in political influence non-financial political power wealth in political campaigns political advocacy celebrities counterbalance corporate power campaign funding disparities political power of the disenfranchised entertainment industry politics celebrity activism business influence on elections political contributions analysis sociological inquiry celebrities political party funding sources role of celebrities in social movements effects of celebrity endorsements politics celebrity endorsement political donations campaign finance big business influence liberal politics left-wing advocacy disenfranchised groups political power balance social movements celebrity activism political funding corporate influence partisan donations political inequality cultural elites film stars music stars policy advocacy republican donations mining industry automotive industry election finance money in politics social justice lobbying donation regulation counterbalance political power entertainment industry politics financial power politics business lobbying campaign contribution disparity celebrity political endorsement counterbalancing financial influence political donations big business political power liberal party support disenfranchised groups celebrity activism political fundraising inequality cultural elites politics celebrities social movements PAC donations campaign finance reform donor influence in politics left-wing celebrity advocacy industry lobbying mining industry donations automotive industry political contributions US political party financing effects of celebrity bans social justice in politics celebrity politics political endorsements campaign finance wealthy donors business influence disenfranchised groups political donations liberal celebrities cultural elites political advocacy film stars politics music industry politics left-wing endorsements financial power in politics big business lobbying social movements celebrities political party funding political power imbalance non-financial influence mining industry donations automotive industry politics republican donations liberal party disadvantage policy advocacy economic power politics counterbalancing power celebrity activism social justice celebrities PACs celebrities Hollywood politics money in politics celebrity endorsements political donations campaign finance social movements liberal parties political advocacy big business influence political power imbalance financial power in politics disenfranchised groups entertainment industry politics left-wing activism political funding sources corporate political contributions political system influence industry donations lobbying political inequality non-financial influence counterbalance in politics
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro03a	International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 Rwanda international aid aid dependency international relations donor countries human rights freedom of speech foreign aid suspension UK aid to Rwanda Congo conflict Ugandan anti-gay law donor conditionality aid and governance international sanctions trade ties poverty reduction DFID Rwanda government accountability freedom restrictions Western donors aid cuts foreign policy development goals political stability human rights violations aid effectiveness democracy promotion donor reactions international community aid and human rights external funding donor influence rule of law civil liberties governance challenges multilateral aid bilateral aid NGO aid dependency foreign aid international relations donor countries human rights freedom of speech aid suspension Rwanda development political stability Congo conflict UK Rwanda aid external funding international community response trade ties Western donors governmental aid policy aid conditionality LGBT rights aid Uganda aid cut governance impact economic growth DFID Rwanda humanitarian support sanctions international pressure foreign policy Africa aid policies international aid Rwanda development donor countries human rights aid dependency freedom of speech international relations foreign aid suspension Rwanda-Congo conflict donor conditionality governance democratic freedoms trade ties humanitarian assistance UK Rwanda aid aid effectiveness poverty reduction DFID Rwanda foreign policy international sanctions aid and development political stability international community response restricting freedoms donor government policies development goals human rights violations international aid dependency Rwanda donor aid and Rwanda development Rwanda international relations impact of foreign aid Rwanda consequences of cutting aid Rwanda Rwanda human rights international response aid conditionality and governance Rwanda Rwanda and donor countries relations Rwanda Congo conflict donor response freedom of speech aid reductions Rwanda foreign aid as leverage Rwanda cutting aid precedent Uganda Rwanda comparison donor policy on human rights Africa trade ties and aid Rwanda international community and Rwanda growth foreign aid influence on Rwanda policy aid reduction effects on poverty Rwanda donor expectations and Rwanda governance political stability and foreign aid Rwanda DFID aid to Rwanda UK Rwanda aid suspension international aid dependency Rwanda development donor relations foreign aid suspension international community human rights freedom of speech aid conditionality Western donor policies aid and governance Congo conflict government accountability aid effectiveness UK aid to Rwanda DFID grant Rwanda trade ties and aid international sanctions donor-driven reforms external pressures on Rwanda LGBT rights and aid Uganda aid cuts political stability economic growth Rwanda political freedoms international reaction to governance diplomacy and development Rwanda international aid donor relations Rwanda foreign aid dependency Rwanda human rights and aid cuts aid conditionality Rwanda international community Rwanda Rwanda development progress freedom of speech Rwanda aid and trade ties Rwanda donor responses human rights cutting aid consequences donor pressure Rwanda Rwanda Congo insecurity allegations UK aid Rwanda donor countries human rights policies aid cuts Uganda homosexuality international reaction Rwanda impact of aid withdrawal Rwanda DFID Rwanda poverty reduction political stability Rwanda aid Rwanda aid dependency international relations donor countries human rights freedom of speech aid suspension Congo conflict government support insecurity trade ties economic growth poverty reduction DFID Rwanda UK aid donor reaction international community foreign aid policy impact Uganda criminalisation of homosexuality aid withdrawal international pressure development achievements diplomatic relations global opinion governance economic stability trade sanctions human rights violations Rwanda aid dependency international aid Rwanda donor relations Rwanda Rwanda growth aid UK aid Rwanda DFID Rwanda report aid cuts Rwanda donor countries response human rights Rwanda freedom of speech Rwanda international reaction Rwanda Rwanda Congo allegations aid and trade relations Rwanda Uganda aid cut anti-gay law Uganda donor action Uganda international community Rwanda human rights donors aid dependency effects foreign aid policy Rwanda aid dependency Rwanda international aid donor relations human rights aid cuts freedom of speech Rwanda international community reaction foreign aid suspension Rwanda Congo conflict donor government policies Rwanda trade ties aid and governance Rwanda UK aid Rwanda aid cuts Uganda homosexuality laws and aid international sanctions Rwanda poverty reduction aid Rwanda foreign policy and aid DFID Rwanda BBC Rwanda news The Guardian Uganda aid foreign aid donor dependency Rwanda development international relations human rights freedom of speech aid conditionality Congo conflict UK aid Rwanda DFID Rwanda donor response human rights trade sanctions aid suspension aid and governance international donor policy Rwanda progress Uganda aid cut LGBTQ rights Africa governance and aid international pressure Rwanda aid and democracy Western donors foreign policy consequences aid effectiveness Rwanda
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro03a	Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 migrant benefits developing countries economic migrants skilled workers brain drain human capital knowledge transfer workforce development education level professional migration remittances migration impact labor market skill acquisition diaspora talent return migration policy workforce upskilling migration development nexus reverse brain drain migrant benefits developing countries skilled migration brain gain economic migrants professional migration skilled worker impact educated youth migration labor force development migration and development migrant remittances human capital transfer workforce skills migration policies reversing brain drain migration economic impact migrant integration diaspora contributions talent mobility migration flows knowledge transfer migration economic migrants skilled workers education brain drain remittances human capital professional migration labor mobility workforce development talent inflow developing economies socioeconomic impact diaspora networks knowledge transfer skill acquisition resource flow youth migration population movement capacity building international development migrants benefit developing countries positive impact of migrants developing world skilled migrants help developing countries brain drain reversal developing nations migration economic benefits developing countries skilled worker migration benefits migrants contribution to development advantages of migration for developing countries professional migrants developing economies impact of educated migrants developing nations migration counteracts brain drain migration and development relationship skilled labor migration developing countries migration skilled youth developing countries human capital migration developing world migrants developing countries economic impact skilled workers brain drain professional migration education level workforce development migration benefits labor market human capital migration trends remittances talent inflow migration and growth skilled migration knowledge transfer diasporas social mobility economic development migrant benefits developing countries skilled migrants impact brain drain developing nations migration and economic growth professional migration benefits skilled labor migration developing world educated youth migration developing countries positive effects of migration skilled worker influx developing countries migration and human capital reversing brain drain migrant contribution economic development migration policy developing countries skilled migration advantages knowledge transfer migrants migrants developing countries economic migration skilled workers brain drain educated youth work opportunities professional migration knowledge transfer labor market workforce development remittances human capital talent mobility migration benefits population education crisis migration brain gain labor shortages international migration migration policy World Bank Docquier Lohest Marfouk migration impact skill transfer socioeconomic development migration statistics migration research migration and development migrant benefits developing countries skilled migrants impact migrant economic contributions brain drain solutions migrant professional classes migration crisis developing world skilled labor migration educated youth migration migration work opportunities skilled worker influx developing nations migration and economic development reversing brain drain migration skills transfer migration labor market effects remittances developing countries migration knowledge transfer migrant workforce benefits impact of migrants on education levels migration and development policy returning migrants benefits migrant benefits developing countries skilled migration brain drain brain gain economic migrants remittances knowledge transfer human capital migration impact skilled labor migration education level workforce development migration and development diaspora contributions reverse brain drain migration policy migrant integration labor market professional migration migration benefits developing countries skilled migrants brain drain educated workforce economic migrants professional migration labor mobility remittances human capital workforce development skill transfer talent circulation diaspora networks knowledge exchange economic growth labor market youth migration migrant integration development impact
test-environment-aiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ wildlife trade legalization regulated hunting endangered species market supply and demand endangered species rhino horn trade ivory markets fur trade legalization anti-poaching alternatives economic wildlife management legalized animal product trade rhino horn farming domestic trade in endangered animals conservation through commercialization price reduction endangered animal products market-based conservation wildlife farming legal supply of animal products government seized wildlife stockpiles commercial poaching deterrence South Africa rhino horn policy legal trade wildlife legalization ivory trade rhino horn trade endangered species conservation supply and demand wildlife products anti-poaching strategies wildlife farming market regulation ivory impact of legalizing wildlife trade economic incentives conservation price of rhino horn black market wildlife wildlife product demand Asia government wildlife policy effect of protected status animals wildlife trade policy sustainable use conservation hunting endangered species South Africa rhino farming legal vs illegal wildlife trade poaching reduction strategies trade bans effectiveness wildlife product legalization debate conservation economics animal pelts trade wildlife trade regulation endangered species conservation poaching reduction strategies rhino horn market ivory trade legalization black market wildlife products supply and demand wildlife trade economic incentives conservation legal hunting impact wildlife farming anti-poaching policies wildlife product commercialization CITES captive breeding programs wildlife trafficking demand reduction strategies conservation economics regulated trophy hunting protected species trade sustainable use wildlife resources legalizing wildlife trade effectiveness regulated horn ivory fur trade impact of legalizing endangered animal hunting economic effects of legal trade in endangered species demand and supply in illegal wildlife markets protected status increasing black market value rhino horn trade South Africa legalization comparison: protection vs legalization extinction prevention price reduction through legal wildlife trade government stockpiles and wildlife product markets wildlife farming and conservation case studies on legalized ivory trade impact of poaching laws on endangered species market dynamics of illegal wildlife products softening protections endangered species consequences examples of legalized animal product markets wildlife trade legalization endangered species conservation poaching economics market regulation anti-poaching policy rhino horn trade ivory trade debate regulated hunting conservation incentives wildlife farming sustainable use supply and demand wildlife trade black market impacts wildlife commodification protected species exploitation price elasticity endangered species alternative conservation models wildlife trafficking Asia trophy hunting policy legal wildlife trade effects endangered animal protection laws rhino horn farming government-held stockpiles trade ban consequences wildlife crime deterrence legal trade endangered species ivory trade legalization legalizing rhino horn trade economic impact animal product trade regulated hunting endangered animals poaching deterrence debate conservation vs legalization endangered species farming wildlife product supply and demand protected status effect wildlife product pricing government-seized animal products anti-poaching policies effectiveness of wildlife protection legal trade conservation outcomes South Africa rhino horn farming animal product demand Asia reducing illegal wildlife trade legal incentives for conservation extinction prevention strategies wildlife trade legalization endangered species conservation anti-poaching strategies horn trade economics ivory market regulation fur trade policy pelt legality market price impact supply and demand wildlife products legal vs illegal wildlife trade rhino horn farming sustainable harvesting species extinction prevention government wildlife stockpiles Asian wildlife product demand conservation incentives wildlife farming protected species policy poaching deterrence wildlife product decriminalization black market reduction supply chain economics habitat protection alternatives wildlife crime trophy hunting legalization conservation funding models legalizing wildlife trade ivory trade regulation rhino horn legalization fur and pelt market endangered species farming conservation through trade anti-poaching strategies wildlife supply and demand price reduction wildlife products economic incentives conservation protected status effects wildlife market dynamics South Africa rhino farming government wildlife stockpiles regulated hunting wildlife trade debate animal product legalization extinction prevention economics Asian wildlife demand illegal wildlife trade impacts poaching alternatives trade ban consequences wildlife trade regulation endangered species conservation regulated hunting wildlife farming poaching economics market-based conservation supply and demand wildlife products legal ivory trade rhino horn legalization anti-poaching strategies wildlife protection policy black market wildlife products conservation incentives CITES regulations trophy hunting impact wildlife commodification sustainable use wildlife wildlife trafficking animal product legalization South Africa rhino farming wildlife trade regulation sustainable hunting endangered species conservation poaching prevention economic incentives black market reduction rhino horn farming ivory trade legalization wildlife management policies supply and demand wildlife products conservation economics legal versus illegal wildlife trade wildlife farming impact of legalization on extinction demand reduction strategies wildlife trafficking price elasticity endangered species anti-poaching strategies government wildlife stockpiles trade bans effectiveness
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, political stability market confidence business environment leadership transition succession planning transparency investor uncertainty economic policy governance government stability regime change leadership quality business investment rumor impact crisis management policy continuity executive health investment risk economic growth regulatory environment succession security transparency in government leader illness impact on markets national leadership market volatility bureaucratic impact energy policy infrastructure policy leader succession business confidence political stability market reaction business environment leadership succession transparency investment decisions economic growth leader health policy continuity uncertainty rumor impact leadership quality government policies economic stability risk management investor confidence regulatory environment fiscal policy leadership transition economic forecasting crisis management business confidence political uncertainty succession planning national leadership policy impact governance economic policy leadership change political stability market reaction leadership succession economic policy business environment transparency government transition investment decisions leader health economic growth market uncertainty risk management policy continuity leader quality executive turnover investor confidence business confidence regulatory environment macroeconomic stability leadership change leadership impact market volatility succession planning crisis management leadership transparency government stability political stability and market reaction impact of leadership illness on market stability transparency in political succession and business confidence consequences of political secrecy on investment leader quality and economic growth succession planning and market resilience business decision-making amid political uncertainty influence of national leadership on economic environment government transparency and market behavior political events affecting business investments role of leaders in economic policy leader succession effects on market volatility the relationship between political leadership and economic growth market strategies during political transitions risk management in unstable political climates political stability market confidence leadership succession transparency investment decisions economic policy business environment leader illness government continuity leader quality economic growth political risk business uncertainty leadership impact taxation policy subsidies bureaucracy energy prices infrastructure transport links leadership transition market reactions economic outcomes national leadership succession planning transparency in governance rumor management business risk macroeconomic stability leader influence policy uncertainty political stability market reaction to political events leadership succession impact of leader illness on markets transparency in government business confidence and politics economic growth and leadership leader quality and economy investment decisions and political risk political uncertainty and markets business environment parameters government transparency benefits leader succession planning economic effects of leadership change risk mitigation in politics government secrecy and rumors policy continuity and markets empirical studies on leaders and growth Jones and Olken leadership study historical cases of market response to political change markets stability political stability business environment leadership leader health succession planning transparency investment decisions economic growth policy uncertainty government stability business confidence regulatory environment economic policy taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices infrastructure transport links leadership transition rumors market risk uncertainty leader quality economic impact national leadership economic development decision-making political stability market reaction business environment leadership succession leader health disclosure transparency in governance economic impact of leadership government stability investment decision-making leadership quality rumor control succession planning policy continuity economic growth business confidence energy policy infrastructure investment taxation policy regulatory environment leadership transition political risk market volatility government transparency leadership influence on economy macroeconomic stability political stability market confidence leadership succession business environment economic growth transparency investment decisions leader health policy continuity governance leadership quality risk assessment leadership transition economic policy market reaction rumor impact business uncertainty succession planning energy policy regulatory environment infrastructure tax policy subsidies bureaucracy global markets political risk economic forecasts leadership impact corporate strategy uncertainty mitigation political stability market confidence business environment leadership succession economic growth transparency investment decisions government policy leader illness succession planning market uncertainty leadership quality economic impact rumor control political risk national leadership business confidence economic policy government transparency leadership transition market reactions stability factors government stability policy uncertainty economic performance investor sentiment transparency benefits impact of leadership leadership influence macroeconomic stability
test-international-bldimehbn-pro03a	Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, media bias news reporting audience interests censorship propaganda editorial judgment advertiser influence cultural sensitivity gay rights coverage selective reporting market-driven news news self-censorship freedom of press Al Jazeera English Al Jazeera Arabic cultural values orthodox religion media ethics news outlet survival financial pressures public interest representation in media news manipulation LGBTQ news coverage media market dynamics media patronization news authenticity press responsibility regional media strategies advertiser pressure media bias news censorship audience interests editorial decisions propaganda definition market influence advertiser pressure news self-censorship cultural sensitivity media patronizing financial viability Al Jazeera coverage gay rights reporting European vs Middle Eastern media freedom of the press news values selective reporting media ethics news audience demographics influence of advertisers self-destruction of news outlets market-driven journalism media bias editorial judgment audience interests news selection censorship propaganda market influence cultural sensitivity advertiser pressure news values self-censorship newsworthiness freedom of the press media economics audience segmentation cultural norms journalistic ethics news agenda content filtering Al Jazeera gay rights reporting Middle East media Western media audience demographics commercial pressures news outlet survival media bias news outlet market dynamics censorship in journalism audience-driven reporting advertiser influence on news propaganda vs reporting cultural sensitivity in news coverage differences in Al Jazeera reporting news of the world closure financial pressures on news organizations selective news reporting gay rights media coverage language-based editorial strategies middle east vs western news standards patronizing news content market self-regulation in journalism free speech in media media self-censorship orthodox values in news cultural values shaping media commercial interests in news industry media bias news selection audience interests media market censorship propaganda news values editorial decisions cultural sensitivity advertiser influence self-censorship public opinion news outlets financial pressures audience demographics gay rights coverage regional differences Al Jazeera English vs Arabic media Middle East media news ethics free speech cultural values orthodoxy media economics news consumption reporting constraints media bias news reporting ethics editorial decisions audience interest propaganda vs news market-driven journalism advertiser influence cultural sensitivity in media Al Jazeera coverage gay rights reporting Middle Eastern media Western media audiences censorship in journalism financial sustainability of news news of the world closure freedom of press self-censorship targeted news content patronizing journalism public interest vs newsworthiness news media bias news agenda setting audience targeting market-driven journalism advertiser influence media self-censorship editorial independence news values propaganda vs news cultural sensitivity media economics selective reporting news audience demographics freedom of the press media ethics public interest journalism media manipulation gay rights reporting Al Jazeera cultural norms in media media responsibility financial pressures on news Western vs Middle Eastern media media consumer interests journalistic integrity media bias news censorship editorial decision-making audience targeting propaganda vs news media market forces advertiser influence cultural sensitivity in news Al Jazeera coverage LGBTQ+ news coverage freedom of the press self-censorship in journalism regional news differences impact of viewership on news media ethics news outlet financial viability news consumption patterns public interest in news selective reporting Middle Eastern media Western media standards news values cultural taboos in journalism commercial pressures on media global news coverage representation in media media bias news censorship audience targeting advertising influence editorial decisions market-driven news self-censorship cultural sensitivity propaganda vs news news ethics public interest media responsibility viewer preferences cultural values business model of news freedom of the press news outlets reporting standards journalistic integrity social norms controversial topics gay rights reporting Al Jazeera media economics news self-destruction representation in media advertiser pressure transnational media English vs Arabic media audience demographics selective reporting media bias news censorship audience interests propaganda vs journalism market-driven reporting advertiser influence editorial independence cultural sensitivity in news self-censorship representation in media Al Jazeera English vs Arabic gay rights media coverage news values selective reporting financial pressures in journalism media self-regulation public interest vs market interest news of the world scandal free speech in media media and cultural norms
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con02a	There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. freedom of speech censorship state power offense protection of expression free expression public opinion government censorship thought policing hate speech silencing dissent civil liberties individual rights equality historical censorship controversial speech legal limits on speech prejudice social harmony personal safety freedom of thought offensive speech workplace discrimination freedom of opinion democratic values open debate suppression of ideas free speech freedom of expression censorship hate speech offensive speech state power government regulation protected speech public discourse viewpoint diversity freedom of thought tolerance political correctness civil liberties individual rights speech laws societal norms public opinion debate dissent silencing dissent historical censorship equality and speech harm principle controversial speech banning ideas freedom of ideas limits of tolerance liberty vs security overreach of government chilling effect freedom of speech censorship offense state power free expression hate speech laws political correctness public opinion government regulation civil liberties social tolerance freedom of thought offensive speech legal restrictions on speech consequences of censorship limits of free speech individual rights protected speech controversial opinions speech legislation freedom to offend historical censorship speech and democracy equality and speech silencing dissent free speech implications limits of government censorship offense and public discourse freedom of expression vs. public order historical consequences of banning ideas protecting citizens from harm vs. offense equality and speech rights government role in regulating speech legal boundaries of offensive speech precedent of silencing dissent state power and thought policing impact on prejudice and public opinion dangers of criminalizing insults slippery slope of speech restrictions justification for speech bans balancing safety and open debate criticism of hate speech laws autonomy in public debate societal tolerance of differing views consequences of enforcing acceptable speech free speech freedom of expression censorship offense offensive speech government regulation thought control acceptable speech public opinion civil liberties hate speech protected speech state power legal limits on speech political correctness freedom of thought minority rights discrimination historical censorship precedent equality civil rights public debate speech restrictions pluralism ideological diversity social tolerance open discourse freedom of speech censorship debate right to offend state power and speech acceptable speech boundaries protecting from offense government role in free speech offense and public policy banning ideas consequences historical censorship public opinion on free speech equality and dangerous precedents physical safety vs. speech regulation employment discrimination vs. free speech silencing dissent precedent of banning speech arguments against censorship freedom of expression Mike Harris Guardian article criminalizing insults debate free speech freedom of expression censorship offense state power government regulation acceptable speech offensive speech public opinion hate speech thought policing freedom of thought silencing dissent historical censorship equality principle dangerous precedent tolerance of ideas public discourse legislative overreach civil liberties employment discrimination prejudice legal limits on speech protected speech expression bans freedom of speech hate speech laws censorship offensive speech state censorship free expression public opinion political correctness civil liberties government overreach speech regulation intellectual freedom silencing dissent historical censorship equality and speech speech and prejudice banning ideas weak arguments precedent in law public discourse social tolerance ideological diversity controversial speech legal limits of speech employment discrimination protected speech freedom of thought moral offense civil rights state intervention philosophical debates on offense free speech freedom of expression censorship offense and speech government overreach political correctness public opinion hate speech laws civil liberties state power controversial speech offensive language societal harm harm principle protected speech discrimination workplace rights equality silencing dissent precedent historical censorship debate argumentation speech regulation freedom of speech censorship political correctness offensive speech hate speech free expression state censorship public opinion government regulation civil liberties protected speech offensive ideas tolerance societal norms controversial speech legal limits on speech dissent marketplace of ideas liberty minority rights discrimination equality historical censorship silencing dissent speech regulation thought control
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro03a	"In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. Catholic Church AIDS HIV contraception barrier methods condoms casual sex sexual ethics Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae church teachings morality sex outside marriage religious doctrine sexual abstinence public health condom effectiveness religious justification prevention strategies sexual behavior faith-based health policies papal statements Catholic views on sexuality Catholic Church teachings AIDS prevention HIV transmission barrier contraception condom effectiveness sexual ethics Catholic doctrine Pope Benedict XVI AIDS statement Church position on condoms Evangelium Vitae abstinence marital fidelity Church response to HIV Vatican policy religion and public health sexual morality Catholic sexual teachings faith-based HIV prevention morality and health religious perspectives on contraception HIV prevention AIDS transmission Catholic doctrine contraception ban sexual ethics Church teachings casual sex condom effectiveness religious perspectives Pope Benedict XVI Evangelium Vitae moral responsibility public health sex outside marriage faith-based HIV response sexual abstinence condom controversy Catholic stance on AIDS harm reduction epidemic control theological ethics Christian sexual morality Catholic Church teachings AIDS HIV Church position on barrier contraception Church stance on casual sex Pope Benedict XVI on AIDS condoms Church justification for banning contraception effectiveness of Church teachings AIDS prevention spread of HIV Church doctrine Catholic views on condoms HIV relationship Church teachings and AIDS prevalence religious sexual ethics and HIV historical shifts Catholic views condoms Pope statements on contraception AIDS Church policy sexual morality HIV Evangelium Vitae contraception position impact of following all Church teachings AIDS religious teachings and public health AIDS Church's holistic sexual ethics HIV selective adherence Catholic teachings AIDS theological perspective AIDS prevention methods Catholic doctrine sex marriage contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception condoms casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Catholic teachings sex outside marriage Church doctrine disease prevention religious ethics papal statements Evangelium Vitae sexual morality public health theological perspective Church justification condom ban historical shift religious authority AIDS epidemic moral responsibility sexual behavior contraception debate papal pronouncements Catholic Church stance on AIDS Catholic teaching on contraception religious views on HIV prevention Catholic doctrine and casual sex Pope Benedict XVI HIV statements moral teachings and HIV spread Catholicism and sexual ethics condoms and Catholicism Church policy on premarital sex religious justification for contraception ban Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae Catholic response to AIDS crisis effectiveness of moral teachings on HIV religious teachings versus public health Church influence on HIV transmission role of sexuality in Catholic doctrine impact of religious adherence on AIDS Catholic perspective on safe sex historical Catholic perspectives on condoms theological arguments against contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV teachings barrier contraception condoms casual sex abstinence sexual ethics Pope Benedict XVI Evangelium Vitae Pope John Paul II Catholic doctrine moral teaching HIV prevention sexual morality marriage Church stance prohibition sexual behavior papal encyclicals condom distribution religious ethics public health religious perspective sexuality sin fornication Church authority Catholic bioethics HIV epidemic sexual abstinence Christian sexual morality Catholic Church teachings AIDS/HIV transmission barrier contraception casual sex sexual ethics papal statements on condoms Pope Benedict XVI AIDS views Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae Catholic doctrine sexuality Church position on condoms religion and public health Church teachings adherence moral theology HIV/AIDS Catholic bioethics sexual morality marriage and contraception Church policy AIDS epidemic Catholic stance safe sex historical positions contraception religion sexual behavior faith-based HIV prevention Catholic social teaching health Church response global health crises religious authority sex education doctrine spread HIV/AIDS Catholic Church teachings AIDS/HIV prevention barrier contraception condom ban casual sex prohibition sexual morality Pope Benedict XVI statements Evangelium Vitae Catholic stance on AIDS moral theology sexual ethics Church responsibility sex outside marriage public health policy religious perspectives on contraception historical shifts in doctrine papal statements on HIV/AIDS effectiveness of abstinence moral teachings and disease prevention social impact of Church policy Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception condoms casual sex sexual ethics papal teachings Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae Catholic views on sex religious doctrine sex outside marriage Church justification transmission prevention public health religious bioethics contraception debate Church and HIV/AIDS Christian morality theological perspectives"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con01a	Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. persuasion coercion compulsory voting voter disengagement political apathy election representativeness political engagement government transparency voting system evaluation low voter turnout political education citizenship classes public engagement electoral process suffragette movement democracy voting age education political conversation democratic participation reform bills civic responsibility effects of politics non-compulsory voting root causes of apathy education vs enforcement political engagement voter motivation civic education compulsory voting debate representative democracy voting behavior political apathy government transparency electoral reform low voter turnout solutions citizenship education political literacy youth political participation democratic participation impact of compulsory voting suffrage history voter education programs public political awareness voluntary voting systems voting system effectiveness political disengagement democracy education in schools electoral participation voting system evaluation voter engagement compulsory voting political education civic participation voter turnout electoral process government transparency political disengagement political conversation citizenship education suffragette movement voting age democracy electoral reform public engagement voting system evaluation political literacy political apathy political responsibility education reforms persuasion vs coercion in politics compulsory voting effectiveness political disengagement causes voter turnout solutions political engagement strategies government transparency and voter participation political education in schools citizenship education benefits history of voting rights education impact of compulsory voting on democracy alternatives to compulsory voting increasing political literacy youth political engagement strategies school-based political curriculum voting system reform effectiveness of electoral reforms political apathy solutions voluntary voting benefits fostering democratic responsibility impact of education on voter turnout compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout citizenship education government transparency suffrage movement electoral process democratic participation political disengagement voting system reform political apathy civic education youth voter education representative democracy voluntary voting education and democracy history of voting rights political motivation government accountability political conversation public education on politics compulsory voting alternatives political engagement strategies voter disengagement solutions political education in schools citizenship classes benefits democracy education government transparency for voter turnout history of suffrage movement education reform bills significance improving electoral participation non-coercive voter engagement political awareness campaigns education vs mandatory voting increasing political literacy causes of low voter turnout effectiveness of compulsory voting political participation improvement encouraging youth political involvement disadvantages of forced voting solutions to political apathy persuasion coercion compulsory voting voter disengagement political engagement election results representative democracy voting systems government transparency voter turnout civic education political education schools citizenship classes electoral process suffragette movement reform bills democracy public engagement political conversation educating voters alternative to compulsory voting voting requirements mandatory voting debate voter participation increasing turnout civic responsibility youth political education persuasion vs coercion compulsory voting debate political disengagement electoral participation voter turnout solutions political education benefits government transparency initiatives citizenship classes democracy and voting suffragette movement history electoral reform civic responsibility engaging youth in politics informed voting compulsory voting criticism increasing political awareness democracy education importance of electoral process political apathy solutions voter motivation strategies non-coercive engagement political literacy voting system evaluation teaching citizenship public engagement in democracy persuasion vs coercion compulsory voting debate political disengagement voter turnout solutions political education citizenship classes government transparency electoral reform political engagement strategies civic education suffrage movement history democracy responsibilities public political awareness reform bills 19th century political participation educating youth politics effects of compulsory voting voter apathy improving political conversation alternatives to compulsory voting compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout civic education political participation democracy electoral process government transparency civic responsibility suffragette movement voting age political apathy voting systems citizenship education reform bills political education public engagement political disengagement democratic participation voting behavior democratic reforms electoral reforms political literacy political conversation civic classes public opinion political motivation electoral representation forced voting voluntary participation
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. poverty alleviation entrepreneurship microfinance startup capital financial inclusion community development access to credit small business funding economic empowerment Lend with Care inclusive finance financial services microloans market entry property ownership asset accumulation self-employment social entrepreneurship business development financial literacy ending poverty entrepreneurialism microfinance access to capital startup capital financial inclusion small business loans microloans community empowerment poverty alleviation economic development microcredit inclusive finance entrepreneurship support capital access business funding social entrepreneurship financial empowerment land ownership property acquisition Lend with Care market entry wealth generation income generation venture funding sustainable development microfinance financial inclusion microloans small business funding community investment poverty alleviation social entrepreneurship microcredit economic empowerment startup capital financial literacy economic development self-employment inclusive finance wealth creation grassroots entrepreneurship access to capital venture philanthropy microenterprise sustainable development ending poverty solutions entrepreneurialism and poverty reduction microfinance for entrepreneurs startup capital for the poor access to finance in development community empowerment through finance Lend with Care initiative microloans for small businesses property ownership and poverty alleviation impact of microfinance small-scale savings programs enabling capitalism in poor communities finance and personal security business ideas for poverty reduction financial inclusion strategies poverty alleviation entrepreneurship microfinance startup capital financial inclusion community empowerment small business funding economic development access to finance Lend with Care microloans small-scale savings borrowing market entry land ownership property acquisition personal security financial dignity social impact investment economic mobility ending poverty entrepreneurship microfinance initiatives startup capital access community financial empowerment Lend with Care program empower entrepreneurs financial inclusion poverty alleviation capital small business funding microloans for communities land ownership poverty reduction property market access inclusive capitalism sustainable development finance business empowerment for poor economic mobility finance microfinance success stories enterprising communities poverty exit strategies capital for social good poverty alleviation entrepreneurship financial inclusion microfinance startup capital community empowerment access to finance small business support economic development social enterprise lending initiatives microloans market entry property ownership wealth creation sustainable development financial literacy inclusive growth economic opportunity self-employment business ideas investment opportunities community development financial empowerment Lend with Care savings borrowing capital access financial services empowerment programs ending poverty entrepreneurialism access to finance startup capital financial inclusion microfinance economic empowerment poverty alleviation community development Lend with Care microloans small business funding financial literacy social entrepreneurship inclusive capitalism property ownership wealth creation sustainable development grassroots entrepreneurship impact investing economic mobility microenterprise business empowerment poverty reduction financial access social impact financial services economic opportunity self-employment development finance microfinance access to capital financial inclusion entrepreneurial empowerment poverty alleviation small business funding community investment startup funding microloans economic development property ownership land access financial services inclusive finance social entrepreneurship wealth generation community banking micro-entrepreneurship sustainable development economic empowerment poverty alleviation entrepreneurship microfinance startup capital financial inclusion small business funding social enterprise economic empowerment community development access to credit Lend with Care microloans sustainable development business incubation economic mobility inclusive finance peer-to-peer lending financial literacy impact investing property ownership
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con01a	Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 genetically modified food GMO genetic engineering biotechnology selective breeding crop cultivation DNA alteration scientific advances agricultural technology modern modification techniques nature genetic modification traditional breeding transgenic crops food safety food regulation genetic diversity DNA editing CRISPR natural genetic variation yield improvement crop improvement legal status GMOs biotechnology ethics GMO regulation history of plant breeding genetically engineered food GMO biotechnology transgenic crops recombinant DNA selective breeding vs genetic engineering molecular breeding CRISPR crops gene editing agricultural innovation plant genetics artificial selection crop domestication history of plant breeding natural genetic mutations DNA alteration crop yield improvement legal status GMOs food safety scientific advancements in agriculture genetically modified organisms GMOs genetic engineering transgenic crops biotechnology selective breeding crop improvement DNA modification natural genetic variation traditional agriculture modern agriculture food safety plant breeding gene editing CRISPR agricultural science regulatory policy food law scientific innovation historical agriculture genetic diversity trait selection genome comparison mutation breeding food production yield improvement genetically modified food pros comparison with traditional breeding history of crop cultivation natural genetic modification selective breeding vs genetic engineering advances in agriculture DNA changes from selective breeding safety of GMOs legal status of GMOs scientific consensus on GMOs nature using genetic modification examples of GM crops wheat selective breeding history efficiency of genetic modification myth vs fact GMOs molecular similarities genetic modification ethics of GMOs why GMOs should be legal biotechnology in agriculture public perception of GMOs genetically modified organisms GMO transgenic crops selective breeding conventional breeding crop domestication biotechnology agricultural innovation DNA modification genetic engineering natural genetic variation molecular breeding trait selection CRISPR gene editing crop yield food safety regulatory approval scientific consensus evolutionary biology agricultural history gene flow mutation breeding GM food legislation food security public perception comparative genomics plant breeding techniques traditional agriculture modern agriculture nature genetic modification genetically modified food benefits scientific advances in agriculture natural genetic modification selective breeding vs genetic engineering history of crop cultivation DNA changes in agriculture modern genetic modification techniques traditional farming methods safety of genetically modified foods evolution of wheat comparison of breeding and modification legality of GMOs ethical considerations GMOs scientific consensus on GM foods nature and genetic modification genetically modified food scientific advancements legal regulation genetic modification natural processes selective breeding traditional agriculture DNA changes modern biotechnology genetic engineering crop cultivation agricultural history selective breeding vs genetic modification nature and GMOs wheat domestication crop yields biotechnology techniques food safety genetic diversity plant breeding GM crop regulation agricultural innovation genetically modified food GMO safety genetic engineering scientific advances legality of GMOs natural genetic modification crop cultivation history selective breeding vs genetic modification DNA alteration methods biotechnology in agriculture wheat genetic changes traditional breeding modern genetic engineering GMOs vs traditional crops genetic modification benefits scientific consensus GMOs agricultural innovation CRISPR crops food biotechnology heritage crop breeding genetic diversity in crops DNA modification detection regulatory policies GMOs gene editing public perception GMOs sustainable agriculture GMOs genetically modified organisms GM food safety genetic engineering history selective breeding vs genetic modification CRISPR transgenic crops biotechnology ethics natural genetic modification DNA alteration crop yields agricultural biotechnology plant breeding history GMO regulation scientific advances in agriculture nature and genetic modification public perception of GMOs GM food legalization molecular techniques in agriculture traditional breeding methods unintended consequences of GMOs genetically modified food GMO scientific progress legal regulation genetic modification natural process selective breeding DNA changes biotechnology crop cultivation modern agriculture traditional breeding modification techniques wheat domestication crop yield food safety nature genetic modification biotechnology advances plant genetics food law agricultural innovation science policy food technology genetic diversity plant breeding history
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. open access copyright reform public domain Creative Commons fair use knowledge sharing information diffusion orphan works intellectual property knowledge commons licensing alternatives content reuse open education resources public funding user rights digital commons copyright duration permissions barriers access to information knowledge democratization copyright limitations cultural enrichment content stagnation copyright infringement global access copyright reform Creative Commons open access orphan works public domain copyright restrictions information sharing knowledge dissemination intellectual property law knowledge commons scholarly communication licensing alternatives non-commercial use copyright barriers access to knowledge culture stagnation content reuse attribution copyright duration copyright exceptions fair use copyright limitations digital commons academic publishing public knowledge knowledge democratization global access copyright policy collective licensing copyright modernization digital rights creative commons copyright reform public domain orphan works information sharing knowledge dissemination open access license standardization restrictive licensing democratization of knowledge intellectual property automatic copyright assignment access to culture reuse of works copyright barriers copyright alternatives knowledge enrichment collaborative creation creator rights commercial availability copyright infringement copyright confusion copyright stagnation public funding attribution requirements expanding open access to knowledge benefits of Creative Commons licensing alternatives to default copyright effects of restrictive copyright on innovation public domain expansion impact reforming copyright for information sharing orphan works solutions copyright and cultural stagnation Creative Commons for publicly funded work comparing copyright licensing models democratization of knowledge commercialization of copyrighted works effect of copyright law on information dissemination Creative Commons and collaboration reducing barriers to creative reuse legal frameworks for open culture copyright protection vs. access copyright policy and orphan works incentives for creators under Creative Commons knowledge globalization through open licenses creative commons copyright reform orphan works public domain knowledge dissemination licensing schemes information access knowledge democratization restrictive copyright copyright barriers digital commons attribution rights copyright stagnation open access knowledge sharing public funding intellectual property copyright exceptions reuse permissions copyright normalization culture enrichment copyright limits market of ideas copyright commercialization knowledge globalization default copyright harm information sharing barriers Creative Commons standard publicly-funded works licensing orphan works access copyright law reform copyright restrictions reuse knowledge democratization creative commons benefits copyright and market stagnation copyright and innovation copyright and public domain automatic copyright assignment restrictive copyright effects open access licensing creative output dissemination copyright alternative models global knowledge access creator rights limitations barriers to creative reuse copyright law information sharing Creative Commons public domain orphan works intellectual property reuse rights knowledge dissemination restrictive licenses open access knowledge commons democratization of knowledge global access copyright reform attribution non-commercial use copyright duration cultural stagnation copyright confusion digital rights knowledge enrichment access to art copyright permission licensing schemes public funding innovation barriers legal barriers commercial viability distribution rights creative stagnation copyright infringement content availability market of ideas authorship rights knowledge globalization contract law copyright default creative expression copyright reform creative commons public domain orphan works information accessibility open access knowledge sharing copyright restrictions copyright alternatives public funding and copyright knowledge democratization copyright law critique cultural stagnation copyright barriers licensing standards copyright and innovation content reuse digital rights management works availability intellectual property reform global knowledge access copyright reform Creative Commons open access public domain orphan works knowledge dissemination information sharing licensing models statutory rights copyright licenses copyright barriers copyright alternatives contract-based permissions access to knowledge copyright stagnation digital commons copyright duration knowledge democratization fair use author rights copyright expiration global access knowledge economy restrictive copyright copyright exceptions cultural enrichment copyright modernization copyright limitations copyright policy copyright and innovation open access information sharing knowledge commons public domain copyright reform open licensing digital commons knowledge dissemination orphan works fair use copyright alternatives intellectual property knowledge democratization global access copyright barriers information society digital rights knowledge economy open culture user rights
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro04a	Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. political trials public trust political corruption scandal impact institutional legitimacy political perception role model political accountability media coverage political scandal effects successor reputation public opinion prosecuting politicians government integrity political polarization legitimacy of charges democratic institutions state functioning political fallout office reputation corruption stigma political ethics impact on governance public confidence criminal proceedings leadership image national unity political scandal political corruption public trust legitimacy of government impact on democracy institutional integrity political accountability reputation damage public perception role of media legal proceedings political polarization public confidence moral authority public officials prosecuting politicians ethical standards political fallout governmental stability perception of justice national unity political scandal public trust political corruption role model institutional legitimacy public perception political accountability media coverage political reputation leadership integrity impact on democracy successor challenges corruption stigma prosecution effects political polarization legitimacy of charges state functioning government credibility legal proceedings citizen trust impact of political scandals public trust in politicians consequences of prosecuting politicians effects on governmental institutions political corruption and public perception role modeling in politics long-term damage to political offices influence on future officeholders legitimacy of political prosecutions polarization over legal proceedings institutional integrity after scandal role of media in political trials repairing public trust post-scandal effects of corruption accusations on democracy safeguarding political institutions reputational harm to political parties leadership credibility after trials managing political fallout from legal proceedings societal impacts of prosecuting leaders balance between accountability and stability political trials politician prosecution office integrity public trust political corruption scandal impact role models institutional legitimacy political polarization governmental stability perception of corruption political institution damage public perception successors' reputation prosecution effects criminal charges political accountability damage to democracy political ethics tainted institutions politician trial impact public perception of political office integrity of political institutions effects of prosecuting politicians scandals and political legitimacy role model politicians damage to political successors corruption perception in politics trust in political institutions prosecution effects on democracy political office reputation impact of criminal charges on politics tainted political institutions bipartisan response to politician trials public trust erosion political scandal consequences political accountability public trust political corruption government legitimacy office integrity political scandal role models criminal charges public perception institutional damage political polarization country stability successor reputation political prosecution political institutions state functioning political ethics misdeeds exposure leadership credibility democracy rule of law political corruption public trust in politicians political scandals integrity of public office effects of political trials impact on political institutions perception of government politicians as role models political legitimacy damage to democracy political polarization prosecution of politicians political accountability political office reputation institutional trust leadership ethics government transparency state functioning political partisanship scandal impact on successors political accountability public trust institutional legitimacy political corruption political scandals rule of law democratic institutions political ethics perception of justice political polarization media coverage impact on governance public opinion leadership credibility legal proceedings political stability civic engagement reputation damage role model responsibility electoral consequences political corruption scandal political trials public trust institutional integrity political legitimacy prosecution effects political accountability role model politicians political polarization impact on democracy public perception governmental institutions political ethics damage to office reputation successor challenges legitimacy crisis media coverage political partisanship state stability
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con01a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT cybersecurity internet safety online security cyber threats digital regulation cybercrime critical infrastructure protection incident response CERT CSIRT IRT hacking prevention identity theft protection phishing mitigation public sector cyber attacks information sharing government cybersecurity private-public cooperation threat intelligence security awareness data breach prevention cyber law online privacy digital policy network security cybersecurity agencies cyber risk management public safety online digital forensics cyberattack response cybersecurity online safety government regulation cyber threats critical infrastructure protection computer emergency response teams incident response security teams hacking prevention cybercrime information sharing phishing attacks identity theft public sector cybersecurity CSIRT CERT IRT intergovernmental cooperation internet governance digital security cyber risk management online threat mitigation cybersecurity agencies public-private partnership cyber defense cyberattack response online information exchange policy enforcement internet safety advocacy regulatory frameworks CERT collaboration cybersecurity online safety digital security internet governance cyber threats critical infrastructure protection identity theft prevention phishing protection public sector cyber attacks government regulation CERT IRT CSIRT cyber incident response intergovernmental cooperation information sharing cybercrime prevention computer security online privacy security agencies cyber defense threat intelligence digital risk management cyber policy network security internet regulation benefits importance of internet safety cybersecurity for citizens security threats online protecting critical infrastructure energy system cyber attacks risks of identity theft online prevention of phishing attacks public sector cybersecurity threats government response to cyber threats roles of CERTs and CSIRTs intergovernmental cyber defense information sharing in cybersecurity private-public cooperation in internet security online incident response teams CERT vs CSIRT differences cyber threat intelligence sharing national cybersecurity agencies regulation for safer internet police vs internet security agencies digital privacy and regulation impact of internet regulations on security best practices for cyber incident response global internet safety Internet regulation cyber security online safety cyber threats hacking critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing data breach public sector cyber attacks CERT CSIRT IRT government cyber response incident response teams information sharing public-private cooperation cyber defense cyber crime prevention digital policing cyber threat intelligence cyber law cybersecurity policy online safety regulations cyberattack mitigation intergovernmental coordination national cybersecurity agencies cyber risk management cyber resilience digital identity protection internet regulation cybersecurity online safety critical infrastructure hacking identity theft prevention phishing protection cyber threats public sector cyber attacks CERT CSIRT IRT governmental cyber response incident response teams cyber threat information sharing cybersecurity agencies private-public cybersecurity cooperation online policing digital security measures cybercrime prevention government cybersecurity policies computer emergency response internet regulation cybersecurity online safety digital security cyber threats critical infrastructure protection identity theft phishing data breach cybercrime public sector security hacking prevention CERT Computer Emergency Response Teams CSIRT IRT government agencies information sharing cyber incident response public-private cooperation cybersecurity policy threat intelligence national security digital governance cyber attack prevention law enforcement online cyber awareness digital forensics cyber law risk management information assurance online privacy safe internet practices internet regulation cybersecurity cyber threats online safety digital security critical infrastructure protection identity theft prevention anti-phishing measures public sector cyber attacks CERT CSIRT incident response teams governmental cyber agencies information sharing private-public cybersecurity cooperation cybercrime prevention hacking countermeasures cyber defense strategies cyber incident management national cybersecurity policy cyber risk management energy system hacking phishing protection online threat intelligence cyber resilience digital law enforcement computer security teams government cyber response secure internet initiatives internet regulation cybersecurity safe internet online safety digital threats critical infrastructure protection cyber attacks identity theft prevention phishing protection public sector cybersecurity cybersecurity agencies CERT CSIRT IRT incident response threat intelligence sharing cybercrime governmental cybersecurity private sector cyber collaboration cyber threat response digital law enforcement information security cyber policy cyber governance online security measures intergovernmental cooperation hacking prevention cyber risk management security awareness digital infrastructure protection cybersecurity online safety cyber attacks internet governance critical infrastructure protection identity theft prevention phishing mitigation government regulation digital policy Computer Emergency Response Teams CSIRT intergovernmental cooperation public sector cybersecurity information sharing threat detection incident response cybersecurity agencies cybercrime digital threats cybersecurity policy privacy protection online fraud prevention CERT functions cyber threat intelligence security frameworks digital risk management cyber laws electronic data protection cybersecurity collaboration national cybersecurity strategies
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con02a	Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. cybercrime online child exploitation digital forensics law enforcement internet surveillance ISP regulation data retention privacy laws encryption national security child protection digital evidence cyber law cross-border crime internet policy content filtering cyber safety internet monitoring electronic surveillance online anonymity technological solutions intelligence sharing global cooperation internet censorship criminal justice anti-terrorism measures Internet governance cybercrime online child exploitation child sexual abuse material CSAM internet regulation ISP monitoring internet history tracking data retention encryption anonymous communication global crime cross-border crime online safety digital surveillance law enforcement access warrantless data access mandatory filtering internet filtering online content moderation digital privacy cybersecurity counter-terrorism governmental intervention legislation internet policy online law enforcement ISP compliance digital evidence privacy vs security surveillance laws internet censorship criminal networks international cooperation online crime prevention digital child protection cybercrime digital surveillance encryption law enforcement ISP monitoring online privacy internet regulation child protection online safety international cooperation legal frameworks data retention content filtering cyber law privacy vs security digital rights internet censorship government intervention online crime prevention transnational crime Internet governance and cybercrime global response to online crimes combating child sexual abuse material online ISP data retention policies government surveillance and privacy mandatory internet filtering encryption and law enforcement access coordinated international law enforcement privacy vs security internet laws Canadian government internet crime proposals Australian internet filtering policy effectiveness of ISP traffic filtering child protection online strategies terrorism and online crime measures balancing civil liberties and crime prevention impact of surveillance on digital rights anonymous communication and criminal activity policy approaches to global online harms legal implications of tracking internet histories technology and criminal justice system internet regulation global trends responses to encrypted criminal communication Internet governance cybercrime online child exploitation child sexual abuse material global crime coordination international law enforcement ISP regulation digital surveillance internet privacy data retention encryption challenges mandatory filtering internet policy cybersecurity digital rights online safety law enforcement cooperation search warrant laws telecommunications monitoring data privacy Australian internet filtering Canadian internet laws criminal communication online justice department reports cyber law online crime prevention internet governance online crime prevention child sexual exploitation online ISP data retention government surveillance mandatory internet filtering encrypted communications crime global crime coordination privacy vs security law enforcement internet access tracking internet history online anonymity regulation combating cybercrime ISP responsibility child abuse material detection online law enforcement cooperation international cyber law digital evidence collection encrypted data challenges internet regulation ethics warrantless data access anti-terrorism internet policy government monitoring online activity Internet governance cybercrime online safety child sexual abuse material global crime coordination international law enforcement encrypted communications ISP data retention surveillance privacy laws government regulation internet filtering digital evidence cybersecurity online anonymity law enforcement cooperation mandatory data disclosure search warrant exceptions digital rights internet regulation terrorism prevention online privacy child protection content blocking communication monitoring cyber law internet policy ISP responsibilities cross-border crime online law enforcement internet governance cybercrime prevention online child sexual abuse global crime coordination encrypted communications ISP data tracking internet history monitoring warrantless data access government surveillance online privacy vs security mandatory internet filtering Australian internet filter Canadian ISP laws law enforcement internet access communication technology and crime transnational cybercrime child pornography laws online criminal networks digital evidence collection cybersecurity policy internet regulation digital surveillance laws data retention policies online safety legislation encryption and law enforcement combating online terrorism global internet policy international legal cooperation privacy rights ethical surveillance content filtering technology Internet governance cybercrime global coordination online child exploitation child sexual abuse material ISP data retention government surveillance mandatory internet filtering privacy vs security law enforcement encryption online anonymity internet regulation digital rights international cooperation online safety policy measures anti-terrorism internet policy technology-facilitated crime cybercrime online child exploitation digital surveillance internet regulation ISP accountability online privacy data retention policies law enforcement access encryption challenges global cooperation content filtering government intervention cybersecurity digital rights internet safety anti-terrorism measures privacy vs security international law enforcement child protection online electronic evidence digital communication monitoring
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro03a	In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] abuses of power political accountability prosecuting politicians punishment for corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence removal from office political misconduct western liberal democracies political immunity electorate accountability public oversight reelection consequences party reputation political legacy corruption scandals Nixon pardon political deterrents gross misconduct criminal liability democratic checks and balances political scandal public prosecution government transparency abuse of power political accountability politician prosecution corruption deterrence political immunity politician removal impeachment vote of no confidence liberal democracies political misconduct political will electoral accountability re-election consequences party reputation political legacy political scandal Nixon pardon presidential accountability government ethics public oversight democratic mechanisms checks and balances political corruption political consequences legal vs political accountability Western governance punishment for corruption accountability political corruption prosecution deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence removal from office political immunity misconduct electoral punishment term limits party reputation political legacy political scandal legal responsibility democratic oversight public accountability criminal prosecution government ethics political consequences public opinion punitive measures judicial process transparency political reform abuses of power accountability prosecuting politicians alternatives political corruption deterrence impeachment process effectiveness vote of no confidence mechanism limits of parliamentary removal electoral accountability politicians consequences of political misconduct party reputation impact politician personal legacy historical examples political scandal Nixon pardon consequences immunity vs impeachment debate Western democracies political accountability checks on political power non-legal deterrents corruption safeguarding democratic integrity public role in political accountability impact of scandal on re-election removing politicians from office criminality and political legacy political accountability prosecuting politicians corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence western liberal democracies removal from office political immunity gross misconduct electoral punishment term limits party reputation political legacy political scandal Nixon pardon public oversight democratic institutions legal accountability political consequences misconduct repercussions political accountability mechanisms for removing politicians impeachment process vote of no confidence prosecuting politicians political corruption deterrence public role in accountability democratic checks and balances political immunity debate legacy and reputation of politicians party image and misconduct election as accountability case studies of political prosecution Nixon Watergate scandal effectiveness of non-legal penalties western liberal democracy accountability systems consequences of political scandals alternatives to prosecution political will mobilization punishment for abuse of power electoral consequences for politicians abuses of power political accountability prosecuting politicians political corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence removal from office political immunity misconduct western liberal democracies legal accountability electoral punishment political legacy term limits party reputation political scandal Nixon pardon Gerald Ford criminality political consequences public oversight political responsibility political prosecution government ethics democratic accountability election consequences abuse of power political accountability prosecution of politicians political corruption deterrence removal from office impeachment vote of no confidence liberal democracies political immunity gross misconduct electoral punishment political will political parties legacy political scandal Nixon presidential pardon Gerald Ford criminality deterrence of corruption political oversight public accountability democratic mechanisms legal accountability political consequences reputation damage government checks and balances political accountability abuse of power prosecution of politicians deterrence of corruption impeachment vote of no confidence western liberal democracies political immunity removal from office political misconduct electoral accountability party reputation political legacy corruption scandal Nixon pardon Ford Proclamation 4311 political consequences democratic safeguards public oversight anti-corruption measures criminal prosecution political responsibility political accountability abuse of power political corruption prosecuting politicians deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence western liberal democracies political immunity political misconduct removal from office electorate accountability elections political parties political legacy Nixon pardon Gerald Ford political scandal government oversight public scrutiny political will democratic mechanisms
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro04a	The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: student debt tuition fees university costs student loans financial burden higher education affordability college expenses debt repayment loan pressure student dropout career choice constraints educational access free college tuition-free education financial stress student loan crisis cost of attendance funding education post-graduation debt student financial aid college affordability socioeconomic barriers education equity student debt higher education costs university tuition tuition fees student loans financial burden college affordability loan repayment educational access college dropout financial stress debt relief college financing student loan crisis educational equity free college cost of attendance financial aid loan default socio-economic impact public funding of education college access barriers post-graduation debt student financial hardship tuition policy higher education reform student debt tuition fees university loans higher education financing student loan crisis cost of college financial aid scholarships free college education affordability college access loan repayment debt burden student dropout career choices economic impact income-driven repayment public funding education inequality debt forgiveness college tuition education loans loan stress post-graduation employment government grants student loan debt statistics impact of university fees on student choice student loan mental health effects alternatives to student loans for higher education free university education benefits university access and socioeconomic status global university tuition comparison long-term effects of student debt student loan default rates income-driven repayment plans government funding for higher education student loans and career choices US vs Europe university fees education and social mobility tuition-free college arguments student loan reform proposals loan forgiveness programs burden of college debt on families barriers to higher education trends in student debt over time student loan debt university tuition fees higher education affordability student financial burden college cost crisis loan repayment stress education access inequality student loans United States impact of student debt free university education college dropout rates graduate employment and debt higher education funding school loan consequences psychological impact of debt income-driven repayment tuition-free college financial aid alternatives university access barriers government education policy student loan debt university tuition costs college affordability financial burden of education impact of student loans free higher education benefits access to higher education loan repayment challenges education financing options student debt crisis college dropout rates career choices and debt student loan reform tuition-free universities socioeconomic impact of tuition fees pressure on students funding for university education alternatives to student loans long-term effects of educational debt government funding for college student debt student loans tuition fees university costs higher education funding college affordability financial aid loan repayment dropout rates economic burden access to education educational equity student financial stress post-graduation employment career choice limitations public funding for education free college tuition-free education educational attainment socioeconomic barriers financial hardship student loan crisis policy reform education access debt-free education repayment challenges income-driven repayment loan forgiveness higher education reform college accessibility student loan crisis university tuition fees student debt burden higher education affordability impact of student loans free college education financial barriers to education loan repayment stress tuition-free university college access and equity student loan default rates effects of student debt on career choices mental health and student debt alternatives to student loans merit vs need-based aid universal higher education student loan policy reform socioeconomic impact of tuition college dropout rates graduate employment and debt student debt tuition fees higher education financing financial aid college affordability student loans loan repayment education policy debt burden free university education economic impact dropout rates career choices loan stress education access financial barriers social mobility tuition policy loan reform debt forgiveness student debt tuition fees university affordability higher education loans financial barriers loan repayment dropout rates college access educational inequality free tuition student financial stress loan default opportunity cost graduate employment debt burden education policy financial aid socioeconomic impact government funding college completion rates
test-environment-opecewiahw-con03a	Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, forced relocation resettlement challenges social impacts environmental displacement human rights compensation delays reservoir impact population displacement affected communities Grand Inga Dam Inga I and II historical displacement relocation policy dam-induced migration post-displacement living conditions infrastructure development Congolese displacement inadequate compensation social justice livelihood disruption forced relocation social impacts resettlement population displacement loss of livelihoods compensation issues human rights environmental justice affected communities involuntary migration indigenous peoples development-induced displacement infrastructure projects large-scale dams relocation policies social disruption long-term impacts grievance redressal post-resettlement Camp Kinshasa Inga I Inga II Grand Inga Dam historical displacement unmet compensation village flooding land loss housing conditions community rehabilitation sustainable development equitable compensation forced relocation involuntary resettlement social impacts environmental justice compensation livelihood restoration indigenous communities large dam projects hydroelectric power reservoir impact displacement history Inga Dam relocation policy community rehabilitation land loss infrastructure projects affected populations socio-economic consequences development-induced displacement compensation programs dams displacement consequences community resettlement dams dam reservoir flooding impact social impact of Grand Inga compensation for displaced by dams history of dam displacement DRC Inga I and II displacement unresolved compensation dam projects dam-induced migration Grand Inga community impact dam construction social justice lessons from Inga resettlement infrastructure projects displacement hydroelectric dams and local populations failed compensation dam projects displacement policy Grand Inga international dam displacement case studies long-term outcomes for displaced people dams human rights and dam construction Sanyanga Ruto Grand Inga analysis forced relocation involuntary resettlement social impacts of dams environmental justice compensation for displaced people dam reservoir impacts community displacement case studies Inga Dam displacement Grand Inga project social effects resettlement policies historical displacement from dams long-term effects of dam construction affected communities advocacy dam-induced migration human rights and dams community displacement by dams impact of dam reservoirs on communities compensation for displaced people by dams history of displacement Inga dam Grand Inga dam social effects resettlement after dam construction Camp Kinshasa displaced residents previous Inga dam displacement issues dam projects and indigenous communities lessons from Inga I and II resettlement long-term impacts of dam displacement effectiveness of compensation for dam displaced large reservoirs displacing populations development vs. displacement in dam projects will Grand Inga dam displacement be compensated forced relocation population displacement resettlement social impact environmental impact community rights compensation hydroelectric projects large-scale infrastructure reservoir flooding human rights indigenous communities Inga Dam Grand Inga development-induced displacement involuntary resettlement affected populations livelihood loss legacy issues water management Congolese communities Camp Kinshasa public policy mega-dams long-term displacement housing compensation dams displacement reservoir impact community resettlement Grand Inga Dam Inga I and II compensation for displaced people hydroelectric projects forced migration dam-induced relocation social impacts of dams environmental justice resettlement policies Congo hydroelectric development displacement history impact assessment compensation delays infrastructure development affected communities dam construction Africa Sanyanga Ruto Grand Inga Camp Kinshasa long-term effects displacement dam displacement community resettlement social impacts of dams reservoir creation Grand Inga Dam historical displacement Inga I and II compensation issues relocation challenges infrastructure projects forced migration affected populations dam construction effects Camp Kinshasa Congo hydropower long-term resettlement hydropower controversies development-induced displacement population relocation dam-affected people forced migration resettlement compensation delays environmental impact social justice Grand Inga Dam Inga I and II Congo River affected communities infrastructure projects human rights development displacement relocation challenges historical displacement reservoir impact Camp Kinshasa livelihood loss policy response compensation scheme project accountability
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro03a	Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. affirmative action university diversity campus inclusivity minority student recruitment perceptions of elite universities racial representation student demographics university admissions diversity quotas cultural climate disadvantaged student access higher education equity stereotype reduction application barriers underrepresented groups inclusive campus policies educational opportunity racial integration social mobility university reputation student body diversity affirmative action university diversity minority representation student perceptions campus inclusion stereotype change university admissions diversity quotas racial diversity higher education access disadvantaged students elite institutions campus climate sense of belonging minority recruitment equitable access inclusive environment overcoming stereotypes educational barriers diversity policies affirmative action university diversity minority enrollment elite institutions campus cultural climate student perceptions racial representation university inclusion diversity quotas disadvantaged students higher education access perception change minority applications university stereotypes student body diversity inclusive environment racial disparities outreach programs university admissions educational equity changing perceptions of university diversity affirmative action impact on university reputation minority student recruitment strategies addressing campus racial climate improving inclusivity at elite universities solutions for negative university stereotypes increasing minority representation in higher education effects of quotas in university admissions overcoming barriers for disadvantaged students enhancing university appeal to underrepresented groups reshaping student body demographics mitigating perceptions of elitism in universities promoting equitable access to top universities race and cultural climate in academia tackling exclusion in higher education affirmative action university diversity campus climate student perceptions minority recruitment higher education inequality racial representation elite institutions access to education educational barriers diversity quotas underrepresented students disadvantaged students university admissions inclusive environment stereotype reduction black student experiences university application rates social mobility higher education policy affirmative action in higher education impact of quotas on university diversity minority student recruitment strategies changing campus cultural climate university reputation and diversity overcoming stereotypes in academia student body diversification barriers to university access improving minority student enrollment inclusive campus initiatives tackling institutional racism in universities elite university accessibility student perceptions of inclusion higher education outreach programs effects of diversity policies in universities affirmative action university diversity student perceptions campus climate minority representation elite institutions racial diversity inclusive environment student body quotas higher education access disadvantaged students university stereotypes application barriers racial integration educational equity outreach programs minority recruitment social inclusion perception of elitism equitable admissions affirmative action university diversity minority student recruitment campus inclusivity racial representation in universities educational equity university admissions reform breaking stereotypes in higher education minority perceptions of elite institutions quota systems in education inclusive campus climate reducing racial bias in universities higher education accessibility student body diversification tackling university racism improving university image supporting disadvantaged students affirmative admissions policies equity in higher education overcoming university stereotypes affirmative action university diversity campus inclusion student demographics minority recruitment stereotype reduction application barriers educational equity racial representation quotas in admissions campus climate university accessibility social integration inclusive education diversity initiatives college perceptions admission policies disadvantaged students higher education reform racial disparities elite institutions university outreach marginalized groups student retention cultural climate affirmative action university diversity student perceptions campus inclusivity minority student recruitment university admissions social mobility educational equity racial representation outreach programs quota systems elite institutions cultural climate access to higher education disadvantaged students higher education policy application barriers stereotype reduction diversity initiatives campus environment
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro03a	The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. creative commons copyright alternatives open licensing artist reach audience expansion viral marketing digital distribution internet art mass media global exposure participatory culture user-generated content music licensing market growth free sharing flexible copyright remix culture attribution commercial rights artist visibility band examples Nine Inch Nails digital economy profit models cultural dissemination state policy art accessibility legal frameworks collaborative creation licensing benefits recognition Creative Commons open licensing copyright alternatives digital distribution viral marketing artist promotion music industry media sharing online visibility collaborative creation content remixing intellectual property fair use attribution requirements market reach self-publishing fan engagement network effects shareable content legal frameworks copyright reform licensing flexibility crowdsourcing global audience independent artists remix culture monetization strategies digital rights cultural diffusion public domain artist revenue streams open licensing art distribution viral marketing digital sharing online platforms artist exposure market expansion fan engagement remix culture collaborative creation user-generated content licensing alternatives public domain intellectual property music industry alternative revenue streams artist autonomy internet culture digital media fair use remix rights crowd promotion global reach audience building legal flexibility copyright reform creative commons vs traditional copyright benefits of creative commons for artists how creative commons expands audience internet impact on creative commons adoption why creative commons helps viral art examples of musicians using creative commons economic impact of creative commons licensing artists’ recognition through creative commons commercial control under creative commons state role in creative commons distribution case studies of viral creative commons works copyright restrictions vs creative commons flexibility artists’ earnings with creative commons creative commons and mass media policy proposals for creative commons in the arts how creative commons fosters innovation creative commons for emerging artists traditional copyright’s limitations for digital artists state-mandated creative commons copyright alternatives artist reach market expansion viral marketing internet distribution mass media artist earnings licensing flexibility viral art digital sharing non-traditional licensing music industry free distribution notable examples Nine Inch Nails commercial control attribution open content public licensing audience growth open licensing impact content propagation revenue strategies state intervention legal frameworks digital rights artists’ autonomy intellectual property reform peer-to-peer sharing mandated sharing user engagement creative autonomy economic impact modern copyright distribution models creative commons benefits artist marketing strategies copyright alternatives viral art distribution internet impact on art mass media and creative commons expanding artist reach licensing for musicians nine inch nails creative commons flexibility in art licensing traditional copyright vs creative commons art sharing platforms artist revenue models open content licensing government mandates for creative commons commercial rights in creative commons crediting artists online building artist reputation artist earnings optimization open licensing and viral growth creative commons copyright licensing artist reach viral distribution internet mass media 21st century market expansion flexibility earnings music industry Nine Inch Nails album release user credit commercial use recognition distribution control modern digital age online sharing collaborative creation content sharing legal protection open licenses revenue generation artistic freedom state policy mandated licensing public domain creative industries digital rights cultural impact creative commons benefits creative commons vs copyright artist reach creative commons expanding art markets viral art online internet art licensing mass media creative commons nine inch nails creative commons earning potential creative commons artist recognition online commercial rights creative commons copyright drawbacks art sharing mandates digital art distribution modern copyright alternatives creative commons impact artist credit creative commons music industry creative commons open licensing for artists state policy creative commons Creative Commons open licensing copyright alternatives artist promotion viral marketing internet distribution mass media music industry digital rights market expansion artist earnings open content intellectual property fair use music sharing remix culture online platforms band case studies Creative Commons benefits traditional copyright limitations licensing flexibility user engagement brand recognition self-publishing commercial rights legal protections digital sharing audience growth government policy cultural distribution Nine Inch Nails Amazon MP3 sales digital marketing creative autonomy content attribution peer-to-peer sharing Creative Commons copyright alternatives artist market expansion viral marketing internet era digital distribution artist earnings intellectual property licensing flexibility mass media content sharing artist recognition music industry case studies Nine Inch Nails commercial rights distribution control state policy digital rights management open licensing art dissemination online platforms cultural impact attribution requirements licensing models content monetization
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con03a	Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, celebrity endorsement minority advocacy mainstream politics political movements voter priorities issue salience marginal issues gay rights religious freedom environmental advocacy public opinion political campaigns vote trading minority representation media influence policy distraction social issues UK politics David Cameron same-sex marriage public backlash agenda-setting electoral strategy advocacy effectiveness political participation celebrity activism minority rights political polarization issue advocacy public engagement celebrity endorsements minority advocacy public opinion political mobilization minority rights mainstream politics voting behavior issue salience marginal issues political campaigns representation of minorities celebrity activism social movements electoral strategy political engagement public awareness celebrity influence social justice LGBTQ+ advocacy media coverage policy priorities minority visibility political discourse political tradeoffs celebrity impact voter priorities celebrity advocacy minority representation political engagement mainstream politics voting behavior key political issues issue prioritization public opinion marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental activism electoral strategy political party focus minority visibility social movements political campaigns celebrity endorsements voter motivations public policy LGBT advocacy media influence minority support political backlash political distractions UK politics same-sex marriage David Cameron political trade-offs interest group politics celebrity endorsement minority advocacy celebrity influence political movements celebrity spotlight on minority rights drawbacks of celebrity activism minority interests mainstream politics celebrity impact on public opinion minority issues effectiveness celebrity advocacy for minorities key issues vs minority issues in elections celebrity distraction from core policies voter prioritization of policy issues case studies celebrity involvement minority policies public reaction celebrity-supported minority causes celebrity advocacy electoral consequences celebrity campaigning impact minority rights celebrity role advocacy within major political parties celebrity advocacy minority rights mainstream politics issue prioritization voter behavior political campaigns public opinion marginalized communities gay marriage politics religious freedom environmental advocacy electoral strategy political backlash symbolic representation media influence policy focus social movements UK political context identity politics protest vote coalition building celebrity advocacy minority rights political representation mainstream politics voter priorities issue salience celebrity influence policy marginal issues public opinion gay marriage politics minority advocacy effectiveness celebrity impact activism political party strategy social movements celebrity endorsements politics mainstream vs minority issues distraction politics UK gay marriage debate Cameron gay marriage reaction voter decision-making political backlash electoral strategy minorities media influence politics voting behavior minority issues identity politics celebrity impact voters celebrity advocacy minority rights political representation mainstream movements issue prioritization marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental activism voting behavior public opinion electoral impact political party strategy media influence public perception celebrity influence social justice minority visibility policy agenda political backlash voter motivation Cameron gay marriage UK politics special interest groups celebrity endorsements advocacy challenges minority voices inclusive politics political distractions social movements celebrity advocacy minority rights political representation mainstream politics advocacy challenges voter priorities issue salience marginalized groups celebrity influence political movements public opinion minority interests gay marriage politics policy trade-offs political distraction voting behavior media coverage social justice advocacy minority visibility coalition building campaign strategy UK politics political backlash celebrity endorsements electoral outcomes minority policy impact public engagement interest group politics celebrity activism minority advocacy political engagement mainstream politics issue salience voter priorities public opinion marginalized groups representation gay rights religious freedoms environmental advocacy education policy economic policy healthcare issues political mobilization UK politics same-sex marriage David Cameron policy distraction media influence social movements public perception electoral impact advocacy strategies minority representation political parties civil rights voting behavior policy support political backlash celebrity advocacy minority rights political mobilization mainstream movements public opinion voting behavior issue prioritization celebrity influence gay marriage politics minority representation media coverage political participation electoral strategy social justice voter apathy advocacy challenges public backlash political distraction UK politics same-sex marriage debate celebrity endorsements policy impact social movements marginal issues government priorities
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro02a	Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, migrant welfare humanitarian aid migrant treatment refugee camps Traiskirchen Amnesty International migrant rights healthcare access welfare services migrant transportation government support cost-effectiveness developing countries developed countries austerity measures Greece migrants migration crisis inhumane conditions refugee assistance migrant integration essential services migrant welfare humanitarian aid migrant treatment migrant camps inhumane conditions Amnesty International Austria Traiskirchen government services healthcare access welfare benefits safe transportation migrant rights refugee support cost-effectiveness developed countries developing countries austerity measures migrant crisis Greece UNHCR reports refugee inflow improving migrant conditions international aid refugee assistance essential services migrant integration human rights migrant reception migrant funding migrant policy migrant welfare refugee rights humanitarian aid migrant camps Austria Traiskirchen Amnesty International inhumane conditions healthcare access welfare services government assistance migrant cost efficiency developing countries developed countries austerity Greece refugee crisis safe transportation essential services migration policy refugee support programs international aid human rights migrant integration UNHCR migrant arrivals European migrant crisis social services migrant protection resettlement programs migrant healthcare social inclusion aid for migrant treatment migrant camp humanitarian conditions Austria migrant camp Amnesty report Traiskirchen camp human rights earmarked aid for migrant welfare migrant access to healthcare migrant access to government services cost-effectiveness of aid in developing countries comparison migrant support developed vs developing countries impact of austerity on migrant treatment Greece migrant arrival statistics migration and public service provision international condemnation of migrant camp conditions effective allocation of migrant aid migrant welfare in the EU migrant transportation safety migrant access to welfare services UNHCR reports on migration Amnesty International migrant rights financial efficiency of migrant aid migrant welfare migrant treatment aid effectiveness migrant camps human rights migrants Traiskirchen Austria migrant healthcare government services migrants migrant transportation safety migrant welfare Austria developing countries aid developed countries migrants migrant costs austerity migrants Greece migrants crisis UNHCR migrants Amnesty International migrants migrant policy Europe humane treatment migrants migrant living conditions refugee aid allocation cost comparison migrant aid migrant social services international migrant support migrant welfare challenges migration and austerity refugee crisis Europe ethical migration policy migrant integration services aid earmarking migrants migrant aid migrant treatment migrant camps Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty International inhumane conditions migrant welfare healthcare access safe migrant transportation government services for migrants cost of aid developed vs developing countries migrant accommodation European migrant crisis migrant numbers Greece refugee support austerity and migration effective aid allocation migrant human rights UNHCR migrants Greece migrant integration strategies aid programs migrant treatment humanitarian assistance refugee welfare Traiskirchen camp Amnesty International human rights migrant camps Austria immigration EU migration policy migrant healthcare welfare access safe transportation essential services developed countries developing countries cost efficiency austerity measures Greece migrant crisis migrant influx migration statistics UNHCR reports refugee support government services migration challenges European migrant crisis funding allocation inhumane conditions migrant rights refugee integration international aid migrant aid migrant treatment migrant camps Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty International inhumane conditions migrant welfare safe migrant transportation migrant healthcare migrant access to services cost of migrant aid developing countries aid developed countries migrants austerity and migrants Greece migrant crisis migrant influx statistics refugee support essential services for migrants migrant welfare in Europe comparative cost of aid human rights migrants UNHCR migrant data migrant integration migrant policy Europe migrant support programs migrant living conditions humanitarian aid migrants migrant treatment humanitarian aid migrant camps Traiskirchen Austria inhumane conditions Amnesty International migrant welfare safe transportation government services healthcare access social welfare cost effectiveness developing countries developed countries migrant influx austerity measures Greece migration refugee support UNHCR reports human rights migrant policy international aid migrant integration refugee protection European Union migration crisis migrant aid migrant treatment migrant camps Austria migrant camp Traiskirchen camp Amnesty International migrant human rights safe transportation for migrants migrant healthcare migrant welfare essential government services aid earmarking developing countries developed countries cost of aid migrant crisis migrant numbers migrant austerity Greece migrants refugee camps refugee treatment UNHCR statistics humanitarian aid inhumane camp conditions migrant integration migration policy migrant support programs
test-environment-aiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” poaching motivations anti-poaching strategies poacher deterrence illegal hunting sociology poaching and poverty economic incentives bush meat trade wildlife trafficking alternative livelihoods effectiveness of strict enforcement demand reduction conservation policy social drivers of poaching thrill-seeking poachers community-based conservation criminal justice approaches African wildlife protection subsistence hunting poaching penalties job opportunities for poachers poaching motivations deterrence effectiveness illegal hunting psychology anti-poaching measures conservation enforcement socio-economic factors alternative livelihoods rural poverty wildlife crime deterrent failure thrill-seeking behavior game reserve security bushmeat trade rhinoceros horn value illicit employment opportunities community-based conservation policy effectiveness criminalization of hunting poaching as necessity socio-ecological impact wildlife protection strategies poaching motivations anti-poaching strategies deterrence effectiveness alternative livelihoods illegal hunting thrill socioeconomic factors wildlife crime bushmeat trade economic incentives poverty and poaching game reserve security conservation policy rhinoceros horn value illicit income sources community-based conservation demand reduction law enforcement limitations wildlife trafficking sustainable development poacher rehabilitation alternatives to heavy handed poaching policies impact of stricter anti-poaching laws effectiveness of increased protection in game reserves motivations for illegal hunting socio-economic factors driving poaching alternatives to poaching for locals deterrent effect of harsh poaching penalties thrill-seeking in illegal hunting poverty and poaching connections illicit vs licit work opportunities in Africa financial incentives for poaching bush meat as nutritional necessity non-native hunters and poaching sustainable anti-poaching strategies community-based conservation solutions incentive-based wildlife protection addressing root causes of poaching rehabilitation programs for poachers education and awareness for poaching motives illegal hunting psychology deterrence effectiveness alternative livelihoods socio-economic factors Africa wildlife crime poverty and poaching anti-poaching strategies rhinoceros horn trade bushmeat economy game reserve enforcement thrill-seeking hunters non-native poachers community-based conservation wildlife protection policies economic incentives conservation challenges Africa illicit wildlife trade criminalization of poaching environmental justice poaching motivations anti-poaching strategies effectiveness of tougher laws socioeconomic factors poaching alternative livelihoods poachers impact of illegal hunting deterrence poaching thrill-seeking behavior poaching poverty and poaching bush meat necessity wildlife crime Africa economic drivers illegal hunting conservation policy effectiveness rhino horn trade ivory trade Africa poaching deterrence motivations illegal hunting enforcement socio-economic factors alternative livelihoods animal protection game reserves thrill-seeking necessity-driven poaching poverty bush meat wildlife trafficking rhino horn trade income opportunities conservation policy sociological analysis counterproductive enforcement African poachers non-native hunters law enforcement escalation community involvement anti-poaching strategies livelihood substitution wildlife crime economic incentives demand reduction wildlife conservation sustainable solutions poaching motivations anti-poaching strategies thrill-seeking poachers economic incentives poaching alternative livelihoods poachers bushmeat economy wildlife crime deterrence poaching enforcement effectiveness social drivers poaching illegal hunting Africa deterrence poaching rhinoceros horn trade poverty-driven poaching game reserve security socioeconomic impact poaching community-based conservation law enforcement wildlife demand reduction wildlife crime poaching prevention programs poaching and terrorism wildlife trade networks conservation policy effectiveness rural livelihoods Africa poaching rehabilitation programs human-wildlife conflict Africa poaching motivations illegal hunting deterrents antipoaching measures alternative livelihoods economic incentives rhino horn trade bush meat necessity sociological analysis poaching thrill-seeking hunters African poachers effective conservation strategies community-based conservation sustainable income alternatives poverty and poaching demand reduction poaching crime prevention wildlife wildlife protection policies ivory trade impact nutrition bush meat game reserve security wildlife conservation anti-poaching strategies socioeconomic factors alternative livelihoods deterrence effectiveness poverty and poaching motivation for illegal hunting social dynamics of poaching economic incentives enforcement challenges illegal wildlife trade community-based conservation demand reduction sustainable development empathy in conservation root causes of poaching effectiveness of law enforcement rehabilitation programs human-wildlife conflict conservation policy bushmeat trade trophy hunting environmental criminology impact of stricter laws local community engagement
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 diplomacy transparency negotiation secrecy leader health personal diplomacy diplomatic negotiations Nixon Mao Zhou Enlai political reliability diplomatic outcomes public perception leadership international relations disclosure credibility backchannel diplomacy historical diplomacy decision making political legitimacy diplomatic secrecy negotiation effectiveness diplomatic leadership government transparency statecraft diplomacy transparency diplomatic negotiations leadership health leader illness secrecy in diplomacy confidential negotiations personal diplomacy diplomatic initiatives public disclosure negotiation reliability leadership influence role of advisers diplomatic alignment high-level negotiations leader incapacitation diplomatic trust decision legitimacy Nixon Mao summit historical diplomacy Zhou Enlai deal repudiation diplomatic credibility leadership succession international relations state secrecy backchannel diplomacy political leadership government transparency negotiation outcomes diplomatic strategy diplomatic secrecy negotiation confidentiality leader health disclosure diplomatic negotiations personal diplomacy international relations transparency risks leadership perception foreign policy Nixon China visit Mao Zedong health political stability negotiation reliability policy credibility diplomatic reputation statecraft government disclosure public knowledge effects decision legitimacy historical diplomacy diplomatic transparency risks personal leadership in diplomacy effects of leader health disclosure health secrecy in international relations role of individual leaders in negotiations transparency and diplomatic effectiveness secrecy vs openness in diplomacy consequences of revealing leader health public knowledge impact on diplomacy historical cases of diplomacy and leader health Nixon Mao diplomacy secrecy influence of advisers in diplomatic deals repudiation of diplomatic agreements undermining diplomatic negotiations precedent of secrecy in major diplomatic breakthroughs transparency secrecy leadership health diplomatic negotiations personal diplomacy decision legitimacy international relations Nixon China visit Mao Zedong Zhou Enlai diplomatic secrecy alignment shifts negotiation reliability leadership image diplomatic history publication effects foreign policy negotiation trust deal-making public perception elite influence Macmillan Seize the Hour diplomatic transparency consequences leader health disclosure effects diplomatic negotiations and secrecy personal diplomacy risks impact of openness on diplomacy historic diplomatic alignments leadership and international agreements Nixon Mao diplomacy reliability of diplomatic deals advisers influence in diplomacy repudiation of diplomatic agreements public knowledge impact on diplomacy Zhou Enlai influence secrecy in international relations undermining diplomatic negotiations diplomatic transparency diplomatic negotiations personal diplomacy leader health disclosure diplomatic secrecy Nixon China diplomacy Mao health impact political alignment diplomatic agreements leadership influence negotiation reliability diplomatic decision-making Zhou Enlai role deal legitimacy policy repudiation confidentiality in diplomacy state secrecy historical diplomatic events diplomacy transparency diplomatic secrecy leader health disclosure personal diplomacy risks negotiation outcomes Mao Nixon diplomatic history impact of leader health on diplomacy diplomatic trust public perception in diplomacy leadership legitimacy diplomacy diplomatic deal reliability historical diplomatic alignments diplomatic initiative individual influence confidentiality in diplomacy reputation in international negotiations criticizing diplomatic openness Margaret Macmillan Seize the Hour Zhou Enlai role diplomacy undermining diplomatic agreements diplomatic negotiation strategies diplomatic negotiations transparency leader health confidential diplomacy personal diplomacy diplomatic outcomes negotiation confidentiality diplomatic secrecy leadership influence diplomatic success factors backchannel communications negotiation reliability historical diplomacy Mao Nixon summit political disclosure public perception trust in diplomacy diplomatic setbacks diplomatic strategy negotiation legitimacy transparency leader’s health secret diplomacy diplomatic negotiations personal diplomacy confidentiality international relations high-level meetings decision legitimacy political stability public perception leadership succession negotiation strategies historical diplomacy diplomatic secrecy credibility of agreements Mao Zedong Richard Nixon Zhou Enlai Sino-American relations Cold War diplomacy leadership influence public disclosure policy reliability diplomatic outcomes
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con02a	"Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal mandatory voting enforcement costs voter fines administrative burden government expenditure civil service expansion tax payer impact resource allocation non-voter penalties financial implications bureaucratic costs court backlog demand letters disenfranchisement compliance challenges budget strain cost-benefit analysis jurisdiction comparison public administration voting system sustainability population scale effects ballot processing expenses voting law enforcement US vs Australia compulsory voting system fiscal consequences compulsory voting voter turnout enforcement costs fine collection government expenditure administrative burden civil service expansion taxpayer impact financial implications court backlog non-compliance penalty system cost-benefit analysis country comparison Australia voting costs US voting population bureaucratic expenses disenfranchised voters socioeconomic impact voting fines government resources policy enforcement scalability issues resource allocation voter abstention penalties compulsory voting voter turnout voter fines election enforcement administrative costs civil service expansion government expenditure tax burden legal enforcement court cases disenfranchised voters financial impact bureaucratic overhead voting penalties collection difficulties noncompliance consequences international comparison policy implementation enforcement challenges economic burden voting legislation compliance rates public administration electoral systems cost-benefit analysis taxpayer impact policing compulsory voting costs challenges of enforcing voting fines impact of non-voter fines on government resources administrative burden of compulsory voting financial impact of compulsory voting enforcement cost-benefit analysis compulsory voting voter fine collection logistics impact on low-income non-voters civil servant hiring for enforcement country comparisons compulsory voting costs compulsory voting administrative expansion Australia vs US compulsory voting costs compulsory voting and tax burden compulsory voting processes impact enforcing non-voter penalties challenges compulsory voting scalability issues compulsory voting and financial feasibility court system burden compulsory voting government expenditure compulsory voting compulsory voting practical difficulties compulsory voting costs voter turnout enforcement administrative burden fine collection challenges civil service expansion financial impact government expenditure non-voter penalties cost-benefit analysis economic impact voting laws bureaucratic efficiency taxation burden mass non-compliance court system overload comparison international voting costs Australia voting cost US voting system finances policy implementation challenges resource allocation elections disenfranchised population impact voting law logistics compulsory voting voter fines enforcement costs voting system administration government expenditure civil servant recruitment non-voter penalties administrative burden voter disenfranchisement bureaucratic expansion comparative costs US vs Australia voting taxpayer impact election law enforcement voter turnout penalties cost of democracy voting process challenges legal processing capacity population and voting costs fiscal impact of compulsory voting punitive effects on low-income voters electoral enforcement compulsory voting voter turnout non-voter fine voting penalties administrative burden government expenditure bureaucracy costs taxation impact civil servant recruitment legal enforcement mass noncompliance UK voting system US voting population Australian voting costs disenfranchisement voter suppression cost analysis public administration civic responsibility government resources financial sustainability election management penalty collection legal proceedings policy evaluation compulsory voting voting fines non-voter penalties election enforcement costs government administration civil servant expansion cost of legal enforcement impact on taxpayers financial burden on low-income voters voting system scalability UK voter turnout US vs Australia voting systems bureaucratic inefficiency election policy analysis voter disenfranchisement election compliance costs comparative voting systems public expenditure on elections social justice in voting laws impact on government budgets compulsory voting voting fines enforcement costs administrative burden voter turnout non-voter penalties government expenditure civil service expansion financial impact bureaucratic overhead cost-benefit analysis tax implications democratic participation disenfranchised voters court caseload civic engagement comparative costs UK voting system US voting population Australian voting costs electoral administration policy implementation taxpayer burden legal enforcement resource allocation mass non-compliance social equity compulsory voting voter turnout enforcement costs non-voter fines administrative burden government expenditure civil servants tax impact financial feasibility comparative analysis Australia voting system US voting population implementation challenges bureaucratic expenses voter disenfranchisement public policy judicial system overload electoral administration fine collection process national budget impact social equity voting laws enforcement mass non-compliance"
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro02a	Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 genocide propaganda AKAZU Rwanda Hutu Tutsi media control obedience authority radio RTLM hate speech freedom of speech press restrictions government manipulation divisionism dehumanization political propaganda misinformation unity censorship reconciliation ethnic conflict historical analysis speech suppression authoritarianism mass persuasion psychological manipulation ideology media influence civil conflict power abuse genocide ideology AKAZU state-controlled media Hutu propaganda divisionism dehumanization Tutsi persecution radio RTLM hate speech government manipulation compliance authority obedience media censorship freedom of speech press freedom Rwandan genocide Agathe Uwilingiyimana assassination propaganda effects mass violence reconciliation debate suppression policy questioning extremist messaging historical lessons post-genocide Rwanda conflict prevention restricted media unity calls speech restrictions transitional justice media ethics collective memory trauma healing authoritarian regimes information control blind obedience authority genocide AKAZU media manipulation government propaganda Hutu Tutsi divisionism hate speech dehumanization RTLM media control press freedom speech restriction political violence misinformation freedom of expression unity political assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana post-genocide Rwanda reconciliation censorship propaganda impact radio propaganda media ethics public opinion manipulation historical lessons conflict prevention blind obedience to authority expansion causes of genocide ideology expansion role of AKAZU media expansion influence of controlled media in Rwanda expansion Hutu population propaganda expansion government propaganda divisionism Rwanda expansion dehumanization of Tutsi media expansion radio RTLM genocide expansion Hutu extremists media directives expansion suppression of unity speeches expansion assassination of Agathe Uwilingiyimana expansion lack of policy questioning genocide Rwanda expansion effects of freedom of speech restriction expansion press restriction consequences Rwanda expansion post-genocide healing Rwanda media expansion necessity of free debate Rwanda expansion prevention of conflict through free speech expansion lessons from Rwand blind obedience to authority AKAZU media Hutu propaganda genocide ideology RTLM radio government censorship media manipulation Rwandan genocide hate speech authoritarian control freedom of press freedom of speech divisionism Tutsi dehumanization Agathe Uwilingiyimana assassination suppression of dissent unity speeches suppression role of media in conflict lessons from Rwanda press restrictions post-genocide reconciliation civic debate propaganda consequences authoritarian regimes media ethics political violence information control blind obedience to authority obedience and genocide media influence on genocide Akazu controlled media government propaganda Rwanda Hutu and Tutsi conflict media manipulation Rwanda freedom of speech genocide impact of restricted press RTLM radio propaganda media inciting violence lessons from Rwandan genocide preventing conflict with free speech dangers of one-sided media Rwanda reconciliation freedom to debate genocide role of media in division authoritarian regimes and obedience suppression of dissent Rwanda propaganda and government control blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu population government propaganda divisionism Tutsi dehumanization media incitement radio RTLM ethnic violence hate speech press censorship propaganda techniques media manipulation groupthink Agathe Uwilingiyimana assassination freedom of speech media responsibility Rwanda reconciliation genocide prevention press restrictions political violence historical lessons Rwanda Rwanda genocide blind obedience authority abuse AKAZU controlled media propaganda RTLM radio hate speech divisionism Hutu extremists Tutsi dehumanization media manipulation government censorship freedom of speech freedom of press media influence genocide Agathe Uwilingiyimana assassination unity suppression reconciliation post-genocide Rwanda conflict prevention press restrictions media responsibility Rwandan history open debate historical analysis lessons from genocide healing society speech restriction consequences historical propaganda media ethics policy questioning blind obedience authority genocide ideology Akazu media manipulation Hutu population propaganda government control divisionism dehumanization Tutsi radio RTLM media censorship hate speech assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press restrictions post-genocide reconciliation Rwanda unity political manipulation media influence historical analysis conflict prevention open debate reconciliation media ethics press freedom lessons from genocide hate propaganda genocide ideology media manipulation propaganda AKAZU RTLM radio government censorship freedom of speech authoritarianism Rwanda genocide hate speech psychological obedience authority influence press restrictions ethnic division Tutsi Hutu media control historical revisionism unity advocacy Agathe Uwilingiyimana conflict prevention freedom of the press reconciliation manipulation of public opinion lessons from genocide post-genocide Rwanda
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro02a	"Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Catholic Church barrier contraception artificial birth control casual sex moral standards AIDS/HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity contraception ethics church teachings sexual morality responsible contraception church doctrine birth control controversy sexual health religious opposition church authority Christianity and sex public health traditional values Catholic ethics HIV prevention ethical contraception doctrine enforcement sexual behavior policy debate religious responsibility contraception ban Catholic Church contraception stance barrier contraception debate casual sex and morality Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI birth control church teachings on sexuality AIDS/HIV and contraception sexual ethics Catholicism artificial birth control controversy marital infidelity Catholic perspective moral standards contraception responsible sexual behavior Church public health and contraception religious views on condoms impact of contraception on society casual sex barrier contraception contraception and morality Catholic Church teachings AIDS/HIV and contraception Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae artificial birth control marital infidelity moral standards Church stance on contraception sexual ethics contraception controversy religious views on contraception impact of contraception in HIV prevention responsible sexual behavior faith and sexual morality Catholic response to AIDS contraception and infidelity ethical implications of birth control casual sex moral implications Catholic Church stance on contraception barrier methods contraception debate contraception and AIDS/HIV Pope Paul VI views on contraception Humanae Vitae contraception teaching contraception and marital infidelity contraception and moral standards responsible contraception policies religious ethics and contraception Catholic teaching casual sex contraception in high HIV/AIDS regions Church authority sexual morality artificial birth control controversy moral consequences contraception Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex condom use Church teachings AIDS/HIV birth control moral standards Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity artificial contraception sexual ethics religious doctrine responsible action influence on behavior contraception stance sexual morality health risks Church authority Catholic Church contraception policy barrier contraception moral debate casual sex and Catholicism Church views on artificial birth control Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae contraception morality of barrier methods contraception and AIDS/HIV crisis Catholic response to contraception Church teaching on premarital sex contraception and infidelity concerns religious perspectives on sex education Catholicism and sexual morality impact of contraception policy moral standards contraception debate responsible contraception policies contraception use in high HIV prevalence countries casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church moral standards marital infidelity Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae AIDS HIV responsible action church teachings artificial birth control sexual ethics condom use Christian doctrine sexual morality Catholic doctrine church authority sexual health birth control debate religious opposition sexual behavior morality enforcement church policy infidelity risk contraception controversy AIDS prevention Catholic stance responsible sexuality Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex birth control Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI AIDS prevention HIV moral standards marital infidelity artificial birth control Church teachings sexual ethics contraception debate Church responsibility sexual morality health policy religious ethics Church doctrine premarital sex barrier contraception casual sex Catholic Church AIDS/HIV birth control Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae moral standards marital infidelity artificial contraception church teachings responsible contraception policy sexual ethics contraception in Africa public health church doctrine sexual morality church and HIV/AIDS religious perspectives on contraception Catholic views on sex contraception debate casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church teachings moral standards AIDS/HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae artificial birth control marital infidelity church policy sexual ethics responsible action contraception debate religious views global health sexual morality condom use church doctrine"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con03a	Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. freedom of speech free expression censorship offensive speech hate speech gay rights LGBTQ+ rights public order civil liberties minority rights majority opinion self-defeating censorship global perspectives UK public opinion protest rights equality before the law democratic principles social tolerance pluralism civil discourse dissenting views human rights free speech limitations public safety equality of expression freedom of assembly controversial opinions freedom of speech freedom of expression offensive speech hate speech gay rights LGBTQ rights public safety censorship civil liberties human rights protest rights equality minority rights majority opinion societal attitudes UK public opinion homosexuality laws free speech principle speech restrictions global perspectives on speech tolerance dissent controversial speech legal protections speech vs. public order democratic values freedom of speech hate speech censorship gay rights civil liberties offensive speech public safety minority rights freedom of expression protest rights LGBTQ rights homosexual rights legal limits on speech speech restrictions equality before the law majority opinion public opinion UK homosexuality laws civil rights tolerance societal norms controversial speech protest freedom democratic principles global views on free speech human rights inclusive society expression limits freedom of speech and gay rights offensive speech and public safety silencing offensive views consequences universal application of free speech majority global opinion on homosexual rights UK public opinion homosexuality legality free expression and protests equality in freedom of expression gay pride marches and free speech Hammond freedom of speech protest curtailing speech threat to democracy argument against restricting offensive speech public order and freedom of assembly legal boundaries of free speech impact of censorship on civil rights freedom of speech freedom of expression gay rights offensive speech censorship public safety majority opinion global attitudes LGBT rights hate speech protest rights equality of expression public order free speech principles civil liberties UK public opinion homosexual sex legality controversial speech minority rights tolerant societies freedom of speech freedom of expression offensive speech rights gay rights and free speech self-defeating censorship majority opinion on speech public safety and speech equality in free speech globally accepted speech principles legality of homosexual sex opinion freedom of protest hate speech laws gay pride freedom Hammond protest rights balance of free speech and offense freedom of speech free expression offensive views hate speech gay rights LGBTQ+ rights censorship public safety civil liberties minority rights protest rights freedom of assembly legal protections UK public opinion homosexuality laws homophobia The Guardian poll tolerance equality public order speech restrictions universal principles self-defeating censorship controversial speech expression vs. safety societal attitudes hate speech laws civil rights legal equality free speech debates freedom of speech offensive speech gay rights censorship public safety freedom of expression hate speech laws First Amendment LGBTQ rights protest rights equality before the law UK public opinion The Guardian poll free speech principle legal limits on speech minority rights tolerance vs censorship offensive views gay pride marches majority opinion civil liberties social tolerance homophobia laws legal protections civil rights advocacy controversial speech universal free speech UK homosexuality attitudes civil discourse protest restrictions freedom of speech free expression hate speech public safety gay rights LGBTQ rights offensive speech viewpoint diversity protest rights majority opinion minority rights censorship civil liberties UK public opinion legal restrictions gay pride parade equality before law freedom of assembly tolerance The Guardian poll homosexuality laws speech curtailment civil rights social attitudes democratic principles freedom of speech free expression offensive speech gay rights hate speech civil liberties public order LGBTQ+ rights protest rights legal limits on speech global opinion on homosexuality freedom of assembly viewpoint diversity censorship UK public opinion minority rights equal treatment under law speech restrictions homophobia social tolerance The Guardian poll LGBTQ+ activism legal protection for protests societal attitudes controversial speech balancing rights rights of minorities speech and safety
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro04a	Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. teacher privacy teacher reputation social media risks educator professionalism personal boundaries online conduct digital footprint teacher-student relationships teacher credibility substance abuse messaging dress code enforcement privacy breaches online photos teacher integrity role model online reputation management professional ethics digital citizenship teacher hypocrisy social networking online identity educator trust teacher misconduct image sharing teacher behavior school policy teacher reputation educator credibility professional boundaries social media impact privacy concerns online presence digital footprint role model student-teacher relationships ethical standards teacher misconduct inappropriate content personal versus professional social networking risks public perception trust in educators teacher discipline authority undermined image management digital professionalism internet privacy boundary violations educator social networks background checks confidentiality scandal prevention reputation management online photos workplace ethics code of conduct teacher privacy online reputation social media risks educator credibility professional boundaries teacher-student relationships digital footprint online conduct role model substance abuse smoking drinking inappropriate photos online ethics personal vs professional school policy hypocrite perception dress code enforcement facebook scandal teacher misconduct cyber ethics teacher discipline digital identity privacy management student perception educator trust teacher social media privacy teacher personal life professional boundaries impact of teacher online presence teachers maintaining authority student access to teacher information teacher professionalism online digital reputation educators teachers criticized for social media consequences of teacher private photos teacher hypocrisy and role modeling educator online conduct separating teacher personal professional life school policy on teacher social media teacher student boundary online educators reputation management teachers and substance abuse messaging teacher personal conduct influence teacher image risks teacher authority undermined teachers digital footprint teacher private life educator credibility social media impact teacher-student boundaries professional ethics online privacy teacher misconduct digital footprint teacher reputation student perception teacher hypocrisy inappropriate photos dress code controversy Facebook scandals educator role model personal vs professional boundaries teacher social media policy privacy protection educator trust teacher authority photo sharing risks teacher privacy social media risks teacher professionalism student-teacher boundaries online reputation educator credibility private life exposure teacher misconduct digital footprint personal vs professional life teacher authority undermined risks of social media for teachers teacher public image educator social media policy safeguarding teacher reputation professional ethics in teaching digital professionalism social media precautions for educators student access to teacher information influence of online behavior on teaching teacher reputation personal life disclosure social media risks educator credibility student perceptions privacy invasion professional boundaries inappropriate photos teacher-student relationships online conduct teacher authority digital footprint role model impact school policy dress code controversy online privacy Facebook scandals workplace professionalism teacher ethics principal scandals boundary violations teacher hypocrisy substance abuse prevention public image educator trust teacher discipline privacy protection teacher guidelines cyber ethics online reputation management teacher privacy teacher social media educator reputation teacher student boundaries digital footprint teachers professional image educators teacher personal life impact teacher credibility social media policy schools online teacher conduct educator online behavior teachers substance abuse messaging teacher hypocrisy student teacher social networks cyber ethics in education personal vs professional life teachers educator public perception teacher dress code controversies online scandals educators privacy protection teachers teacher privacy social media educator reputation personal life disclosure professional boundaries digital footprints teacher-student relationship online conduct teacher misconduct social networking risks teacher behavior professional image student perceptions online professionalism digital reputation management social media policies privacy protection workplace ethics teacher authority undermined educational role model public versus private life online privacy ethical guidelines for teachers teacher dress code teacher hypocrisy school administration challenges teacher privacy social media risks educator professionalism online reputation boundaries in teaching digital footprint student-teacher relationship teacher misconduct maintaining authority ethical standards in education personal vs professional boundaries school policy social media teacher credibility protecting teacher image social networking in schools privacy settings education reputation management educators digital ethics teaching teacher role model impact of social media on teaching
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con03a	Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, late-term abortion dilation and extraction D&X procedure abortion safety maternal mortality abortion alternatives premature labor induction abortion emotional impact hysterotomy abortion risks self-induced abortion illegal abortion maternal health abortion morbidity abortion legislation abortion ban consequences abortion methods comparison abortion mental health late-term abortion procedure abortion statistics abortion complications intact dilation and extraction D&X procedure late-term abortion abortion safety alternative abortion methods maternal risk abortion mortality rates premature labor induction hysterotomy emotional impact abortion post-abortion complications mental health abortion suicidal abortion patients illegal abortion risks banned abortion consequences maternal morbidity fetal viability abortion law comparative safety abortion procedural abortion risks reproductive health Childbirth alternatives abortion abortion legislation partial-birth abortion controversy obstetric intervention clinical abortion outcomes D&X abortion procedure intact dilation and extraction late-term abortion abortion safety maternal mortality abortion risks abortion alternatives premature labor induction hysterotomy banned abortion procedures mental health emotional impact suicidal ideation illegal abortions back-alley abortions maternal health abortion legislation abortion methods obstetric risk women's health reproductive health induced abortion late-term risks abortion policy public health procedure safety abortion complications comparative risk mother’s wellbeing abortion law abortion debate partial birth abortion safety D&X abortion risk comparison late-term abortion mortality rates alternatives to partial birth abortion premature labor induction risks hysterotomy abortion procedure emotional impact of abortion methods abortion procedure mortality statistics maternal health in abortion back-street abortion dangers abortion and suicide risk late-term abortion complications abortion method safety data abortion ban health effects D&X procedure medical benefits partial birth abortion controversy late-term abortion alternatives reasons for late-term abortion health risks of abortion procedures abortion aftercare and complications intact dilation and extraction D&X procedure late-term abortion safety abortion method mortality rates alternative abortion procedures premature labor induction risks hysterotomy abortion maternal health emotional impact of abortion unsafe abortion methods back-alley abortion risks suicide risk late-term abortion abortion procedure comparison banned abortion consequences partial birth abortion medical evidence reproductive health policy abortion law impact maternal morbidity obstetric complications abortion rights Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department medical ethics abortion partial birth abortion safety D&X procedure risks alternatives to partial birth abortion mortality rates abortion methods premature labor induction abortion hysterotomy abortion risks late-term abortion procedures emotional impact abortion methods banning partial birth abortion consequences maternal health abortion methods back-street abortion risks suicide risk late-term abortion safer late-term abortion options D&X versus induction abortion method comparison abortion law health impact abortion risk statistics partial birth abortion medical facts health outcomes abortion procedures abortion emotional trauma partial birth abortion D&X procedure dilation and extraction safety maternal risk abortion alternatives premature labor induction induction abortion complication rates mortality rates emotional impact psychological effects hysterectomy hysterotomy late-term abortion maternal health abortion ban consequences back-alley abortion unsafe abortion self-induced abortion mental health suicide risk reproductive health abortion legislation abortion procedures third trimester abortion women’s safety maternal morbidity reproductive rights abortion access Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department Population and Family Health partial birth abortion safety D&X abortion procedure risks late term abortion alternatives premature labor induction mortality abortion emotional impact hysterotomy abortion risks back-alley abortion dangers maternal health abortion late-term abortion methods abortion mental health outcomes abortion procedure comparison abortion ban health effects abortion method risks abortion laws and safety post-abortion complications induced labor abortion third trimester abortion safety suicide risk abortion unsafe abortion consequences maternal mortality abortion partial birth abortion D&X procedure safety comparison abortion alternatives premature labor induction mortality rates late-term abortion hysterotomy risks emotional impact maternal health abortion ban consequences back-street abortion self-induced abortion maternal morbidity public health legal restrictions abortion methods abortion safety statistics reproductive health policy psychological effects abortion complications suicide risk family planning medical ethics abortion access partial-birth abortion D&X procedure abortion safety mortality rates labor induction emotional distress abortion alternatives hysterotomy risks late-term abortion maternal health abortion methods back-street abortion self-induced abortion abortion complications suicide risk abortion policy women's health abortion bans reproductive rights abortion statistics
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con04a	Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, party coalitions ideological factions broad church parties intra-party diversity republican party factions social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party movement fiscal conservatives moderate conservatives national security conservatives issues conservatism party platforms policy compromise party primaries party member oversight single-party government party policy formation internal party interests ideological spectrum party self-correction GOP conservatism Drew Westen party unity party democratic processes US political parties political party factions ideological spectrum party coalition republican party factions democratic party factions social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party movement fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issue-based conservatism party policy formation party compromise primary elections single-party government party platform intra-party diversity policy negotiation party ideology party unity party representation coalition government policy consensus party self-correction party structure party interest groups party factions ideological spectrum republican factions democratic factions broad church parties party wings policy compromise party platforms primary elections intra-party diversity social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatives tea party movement fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism intra-party negotiation party representation coalition politics party unity single-party government policy formation party interests party oversight Drew Westen political fragmentation party self-correction bipartisan coalitions ideological compromise political spectrum party faction dynamics ideological spectrum in US parties republican party factions democrat party factions party platform formation party policy compromise single-party government policy inter-party coalition politics primary elections influence republican conservatism strands social conservatives republican party tea party libertarianism fiscal conservatism republican national security conservatism issues-based conservatism internal party conflict resolution coalition building in parties broad church parties party self-correction mechanisms comparisons to multi-party systems cross-party alliances party cohesion and fragmentation candidate selection process policy negotiation in parties party member influence on policy party ideological umbrellas party coalitions ideological spectrum political parties republican factions social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism party platforms policy compromise party wings primaries single-party government intra-party interests party unity policy formulation party representation Drew Westen GOP conservatism party self-correction party coherence political compromise party factions political party factions ideological diversity in parties republican party factions conservative movements in GOP party coalition building party policy compromise primary elections influence party platform development single-party government policy intra-party ideological streams party unity party policy formation huffpost five strands of conservatism republican party broad church party internal dynamics party self-correction mechanisms US political parties ideologies democratic party factions policy decisions in party politics coalition government dynamics coalition politics party factions ideological spectrum broad church parties republican movements social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate republicans national security conservatism issue-based conservatism party platforms policy compromise party primaries single-party government internal party oversight policy coherence ideological diversity party interests US political parties policy self-correction republican party democratic party intra-party dynamics partisan factions party unity national politics party ideology Drew Westen political party factions party coalitions ideological diversity republican party factions conservative ideology political party platforms intra-party compromise party primaries social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism single-party government party policy formulation intra-party democracy party unity GOP internal divisions political factionalism Drew Westen political party spectrum coalition politics party self-correction party policy coherence party factions ideological spectrum broad church parties republican party factions social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party movement fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issue-based conservatism political compromise party platform development party primaries single-party government intra-party interests policy formation party coalitions GOP internal divisions party self-correction multi-strand conservatism party factions ideological spectrum political party coalitions policy compromise party platform development Republican Party factions Democratic Party factions intra-party dynamics primary elections policy-making process centrist policies party unity coalition building ideological diversity party member influence national security conservatism fiscal conservatism religious right libertarian conservatism issue-based conservatism party discipline party adaptability interest representation political realignment party broad church
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con01a	Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. workplace rules employee conduct religious accommodation employment discrimination freedom of religion workplace policies job requirements religious expression faith and work conflict employer obligations employment law religious dress workplace rights job choice consequences employee rights workplace conflict legal responsibility employment practices religious symbols at work legal precedent secular workplaces human rights law discrimination claims personal choice in employment cross-wearing at work workplace rules employee conduct religious expression at work religious accommodation employment law workplace discrimination freedom of religion faith and employment employee rights employer responsibilities religious symbols at work workplace dress code human rights at work conflict resolution job requirements workplace equality faith versus job workplace policy religious freedom legal cases workplace diversity cross-wearing dispute personal beliefs and employment employment tribunal court decisions on religion statutory rights reasonable accommodation job selection consequences workplace rules employee conduct religious expression at work faith and employment workplace discrimination religious symbols cross wearing employment law freedom of religion job requirements employee rights religious accommodation workplace conflicts religious freedom employer obligations court decisions employee choices workplace ethics religious beliefs in employment workplace policy workplace conduct rules employer policies and religious beliefs religious expression at work employee rights and workplace regulations conflict between faith and job requirements religious accommodation in employment legal obligations of employers workplace dress codes and religious symbols employee choice and job consequences freedom of religion in the workplace court cases on religious symbols balancing work and faith rights of religious employees employment law and religious freedom workplace discrimination and religion cross-wearing at work employer responsibility for religious conflicts personal beliefs vs professional duties UK law on religious expression at work human rights and employment legal precedent on religious dress employee obligations to employer policies workplace conduct employee rights religious expression at work employment law workplace rules freedom of religion job requirements employee choice faith and employment conflict workplace discrimination religious symbols at work employment consequences workplace ethics legal responsibility employer obligations court rulings workplace policy religious accommodation employee obligations workplace fairness workplace conduct rules religious expression at work employment law religion employee rights faith workplace dress code religion religious symbols employment faith vs job requirements religious accommodation workplace employer responsibilities religion court decisions religious expression workplace discrimination religion balancing faith work employment contracts religious freedom legal consequences religious belief religious freedom job choices workplace rules employee conduct religious accommodation employment law workplace conflict faith and work religious expression dress code policies cross wearing religious symbols job requirements personal beliefs employment discrimination religious freedom workplace rights Human Rights Act equality law employer responsibility freedom of religion court decisions job choice workplace diversity religious practices at work employee rights secular workplace balancing rights religious discrimination legal obligations organizational policies workplace conduct rules religious expression at work employee rights employer obligations cross wearing at work faith versus employment workplace discrimination religious accommodations employment law diversity and inclusion freedom of religion at work employee discipline job choice consequences human rights law workplace ethics separation of faith and work dress code policies workplace conflicts religious symbols employment legal cases workplace religion workplace rules employee conduct religious expression at work faith versus employment employment law religious accommodation workplace discrimination freedom of religion cross-wearing at work conflict of interests employer responsibilities employee rights legal consequences religious choice workplace policies employment consequences court rulings on religion workplace diversity faith-based conflicts job selection and beliefs religious expression workplace discrimination employee rights religious symbols freedom of religion employment law workplace policies human rights religious accommodation dress codes legal cases faith in the workplace employee conduct religious freedom employment contracts workplace conflict tribunal decisions secular workplace personal beliefs cross-wearing cases
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. microfinance community empowerment savings groups Village Savings and Loans Associations financial inclusion informal finance Sub-Saharan Africa household risk reduction women's empowerment financial literacy CARE Oxfam poverty alleviation economic development rural finance social capital financial security education investment health investment gender-based violence reduction community bonds women's financial decision-making sustainable livelihoods startup capital social innovation grassroots development financial resilience community empowerment microfinance community-based microfinance savings groups Village Savings and Loans Associations informal savings financial inclusion poverty reduction household risk reduction financial capital education investment health investment livelihood security microfinance innovations Oxfam Savings for Change women empowerment gender equality financial decision-making community bonding start-up capital food security gender-based violence reduction Sub-Saharan Africa CARE social impact financial literacy savings mobilization economic development inclusive finance peer-to-peer lending self-help groups microfinance community empowerment village savings loans associations informal finance household risk reduction financial inclusion Africa savings mobilization CARE Oxfam women’s empowerment financial decision-making food security startup capital gender-based violence financial training community development social capital Sub-Saharan Africa poverty alleviation informal savings groups economic development sustainable livelihoods financial literacy grassroots initiatives development innovations social impact financial independence women’s groups community empowerment microfinance microfinance case studies microfinance savings impact Sub-Saharan Africa microfinance CARE microfinance projects Village Savings and Loans Associations informal savings Africa microfinance household risk reduction microfinance organizations Africa financial inclusion microfinance savings and security livelihoods microfinance for education and health microfinance and women's empowerment Oxfam Savings for Change microfinance gender impacts microfinance food security microfinance startup capital microfinance community bonds microfinance training Africa microfinance and gender-based violence best practices microfinance empowerment community empowerment microfinance informal savings Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial inclusion poverty reduction financial capital household risk reduction Oxfam Savings for Change women’s empowerment financial decision-making food security gender-based violence community-based finance sustainable development financial literacy social capital Africa startup capital livelihood security education investment health investment community savings groups microfinance impact Africa Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE microfinance programs Oxfam Savings for Change women’s empowerment microfinance microfinance household security informal savings Sub-Saharan Africa financial inclusion Africa microfinance and education microfinance health outcomes microfinance gender-based violence microfinance household decision-making microfinance poverty reduction community development microfinance microfinance community empowerment small is beautiful savings Sub-Saharan Africa informal finance community-based finance CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations poverty alleviation financial inclusion household risk reduction economic development financial capital education investment health investment livelihood security financial literacy Oxfam Savings for Change women’s empowerment Senegal Mali food security women’s financial decision-making community bonds social capital gender-based violence reduction Kim et al 2007 microcredit microloans self-help groups financial training poverty reduction economic resilience sustainable development microfinance community empowerment savings groups village savings and loans associations informal finance Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Oxfam Savings for Change financial inclusion women’s empowerment poverty alleviation financial literacy development risk reduction food security gender equality livelihood security microcredit household resilience community-based banking Africa financial capital education investment health investment community development gender based violence startup capital financial decision-making social innovation sustainable development grassroots finance microfinance community empowerment village savings and loan associations informal finance Africa household savings CARE Oxfam savings for change women’s empowerment financial inclusion Sub-Saharan Africa poverty alleviation financial literacy food security gender-based violence social capital community development Senegal Mali household resilience financial decision-making economic self-sufficiency micro-loans development innovation financial access grassroots finance social innovation gender equality capacity building sustainable livelihoods microcredit rural development financial inclusion community-led development women’s empowerment poverty alleviation informal finance Village Savings and Loan Associations economic resilience household security financial literacy social capital gender equality social entrepreneurship grassroots innovation sustainable livelihoods impact assessment capacity building Oxfam CARE Africa Sub-Saharan Africa risk reduction social cohesion financial decision-making startup capital gender-based violence savings groups financial empowerment small-scale development
test-international-miasimyhw-pro01a	Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. free movement labour mobility productivity gains economic growth neoliberalism laissez-faire knowledge transfer skills exchange innovation cultural integration regional integration East African Community Common Market Protocol employment opportunities market access capital flow goods movement regional development poverty reduction migration policy workforce efficiency labour market flexibility cross-border employment socio-economic benefits labour competition human capital unemployment Eurozone crisis social welfare intra-regional migration labour disparities free movement labour mobility productivity gains economic integration human capital transfer knowledge exchange skill transfer regional development East African Community Common Market Protocol cross-border employment labour market flexibility neoliberalism laissez-faire economics economic growth intra-regional migration jobs creation unemployment reduction poverty alleviation socio-cultural integration barriers removal access to markets economic opportunity migration policy regional labour policies member state benefits social welfare implications EU labour market Euro-crisis employment disparities free movement labour mobility labour market integration East African Community Common Market Protocol cross-border employment regional economic growth neoliberal theory laissez-faire productivity benefits knowledge exchange socio-cultural integration employment opportunities regional development capital mobility goods movement intra-regional migration poverty reduction labour efficiency barriers removal market access flexible labour market EU labour market social welfare unemployment Eurozone crisis job disparities economic integration regional cooperation migration policy economic convergence free movement benefits regional labour mobility advantages free labour market productivity impact neoliberal theory and labour markets advantages of EAC Common Market Protocol removal of movement barriers in EAC effects of free movement on poverty reduction free movement and employment opportunities socio-cultural exchange in labour mobility criticism of flexible labour markets in Europe EU labour market disparities impact of free movement on economic growth free movement and migration risks free movement comparison EAC vs EU labour migration and productivity social welfare and labour mobility regional economic integration and labour free movement and job creation labour market integration challenges free movement policy outcomes free movement labour mobility economic productivity knowledge sharing ideas exchange socio-cultural integration competition development efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire employment opportunities market access East African Community Common Market Protocol removal of barriers regional growth poverty reduction migration risk regional labour market EU labour market labour market criticism unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration backlash growth disparities productivity disparities jobs disparities intra-regional migration cross-border employment regional integration economic convergence labour flexibility structural unemployment economic integration policy harmonization social impacts free movement of labour labour mobility benefits productivity gains free movement common market benefits labour market efficiency economic integration East African Community regional employment opportunities removal of labour market barriers laissez-faire economic growth neoliberal labour policy knowledge sharing labour markets East Africa Common Market Protocol socio-cultural integration employment Europe labour market challenges unemployment Europe labour mobility migration and regional development flexible labour market criticism social welfare and migration EU labour market disparities economic growth free movement regional poverty reduction labour mobility free movement labour mobility productivity gains labour market integration knowledge exchange idea sharing socio-cultural exchange competition market efficiency neoliberalism laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities market access East African Community Common Market Protocol removal of barriers movement of people movement of services movement of capital movement of goods regional economic growth poverty reduction regional development migration flows employment expansion labour risk reduction European labour market flexible labour market unemployment Eurozone crisis social welfare migration impacts economic disparity job creation regional productivity growth inequalities labour market criticism workforce free movement labour mobility productivity benefits knowledge sharing idea exchange socio-cultural integration labour market competition efficiency in development neoliberalism laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities open labour markets East African Community Common Market Protocol removal of barriers intra-regional movement regional economic growth poverty reduction access to jobs migration risk regional labour markets EU labour market Europe labour flexibility intra-EU migration unemployment in Europe Eurozone crisis social welfare backlash economic disparities growth disparities productivity differences regional employment labour integration benefits of mobility transnational labour migration policy labour mobility economic integration cross-border employment regional development skills transfer workforce diversity migration policy human capital shared prosperity market liberalization employment opportunities wage convergence labour market harmonization competitive advantage East African Community Common Market Protocol intra-regional migration economic growth poverty alleviation productivity gaps social welfare impacts labour market flexibility unemployment rates policy comparison European Union regional disparities neoliberal economics laissez-faire policies knowledge exchange socio-cultural integration barriers removal capital mobility service liberalization trade facilitation risk reduction migration trends labour mobility productivity gains economic integration knowledge transfer regional development labour market flexibility employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community cross-border employment regional economic growth market access neoliberal policies laissez-faire economics policy harmonization migration policy poverty reduction socio-cultural exchange workforce competitiveness skills matching barriers removal trade liberalization regional cooperation European labour market Eurozone crisis unemployment disparities social welfare impacts migration challenges labour market criticism growth disparities
test-religion-frghbbgi-con03a	The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, rarity of life fine-tuned conditions habitable zone Goldilocks zone planetary habitability Earth's uniqueness astronomical rarity astrobiology Fermi Paradox probability of life life-sustaining planets exoplanets cosmic coincidence anthropic principle intelligent design origins of life rare Earth hypothesis biosignatures habitable exoplanets planetary atmospheres water presence solar system conditions magnetic field protection planetary environments extraterrestrial life chemical prerequisites cosmic fine-tuning life's improbability planetary formation habitability criteria rare Earth hypothesis planetary habitability fine-tuned universe anthropic principle probability of life exoplanet conditions habitable zone Goldilocks zone origin of life universe fine-tuning life-sustaining planets necessary conditions for life cosmic coincidences intelligent design astrobiology cosmic rarity habitable exoplanets planetary atmospheres solar radiation protection chemical prerequisites for life evolutionary improbability Earth's uniqueness fine-tuned conditions habitability planetary habitability Goldilocks zone anthropic principle rare Earth hypothesis planetary atmospheres magnetic field solar radiation protection astrobiology origin of life probability of life exoplanets cosmic fine-tuning intelligent design extraterrestrial life habitable planets Fermi paradox planetary science cosmic coincidence planetary chemistry emergence of life life-supporting planets life elsewhere rare Earth hypothesis fine-tuned universe probability of life elsewhere habitable zone planets conditions for life emergence anthropic principle Drake equation implications exoplanet habitability cosmic coincidences astrobiology rarity intelligent design argument odds of abiogenesis solar system uniqueness life-supporting planet rarity extremophiles and habitability SETI and rareness Fermi paradox planetary system formation constraints necessary conditions for life arguments for divine intervention fine-tuned habitability rare Earth hypothesis planetary habitability Goldilocks zone anthropic principle exoplanet conditions astrobiology probability of life cosmic coincidence origin of life habitable zone atmospheric composition magnetic field protection solar radiation intelligent design planetary rarity extraterrestrial life cosmic fine-tuning biogenesis Earth uniqueness life-sustaining planets planetary systems oxygen-rich atmosphere cosmic intervention probability paradox universe fine-tuning fine-tuning for life anthropic principle habitable zone Goldilocks zone rare earth hypothesis probability of extraterrestrial life conditions for life uniqueness of Earth origin of life planetary habitability cosmic fine-tuning intelligent design prerequisites for life Earth analogues astrobiology arguments solar system requirements existence of God scientific evidence for rarity habitability criteria search for exoplanets Drake equation cosmic coincidences evolution of life planetary science rare earth factors fine-tuned conditions habitability Earth-like planets Goldilocks zone anthropic principle planetary habitability rare Earth hypothesis extraterrestrial life magnetic field protection solar radiation atmospheric composition astrobiology probability of life cosmic rarity intelligent design origin of life planetary formation life-supporting planets universe uniqueness scientific observation exoplanet habitability chemical prerequisites for life evolutionary improbability creationism biosignatures water presence stable climate cosmic coincidence Fermi paradox rare earth hypothesis fine-tuned universe anthropic principle habitable zone Goldilocks zone conditions for life planetary habitability extraterrestrial life origin of life astrobiology cosmic rarity life-supporting planets Drake equation Fermi paradox probability of life intelligent design cosmic coincidence exoplanet habitability extreme environments planetary science life elsewhere SETI biosignature detection habitability factors emergence of life cosmic fine-tuning habitable zone astrobiology exoplanets anthropic principle Goldilocks zone planetary conditions Drake equation rare earth hypothesis cosmic fine-tuning habitability criteria extraterrestrial life planetary systems origin of life biosignatures Earth-like planets solar system planetary atmospheres magnetic field liquid water evolution of life habitable zone origin of life rare earth hypothesis planetary habitability astrobiology exoplanets anthropic principle fine-tuning probability of life biosignatures extremophiles cosmic conditions Fermi paradox life-supporting planets Drake equation
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con03a	Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 collective bargaining enforceable right labor rights freedom of association trade unions right to assembly freedom of expression workers' rights public sector unions employee representation labor movements industrial relations labor laws unionization group representation right to organize collective action labor dispute resolution employment rights labor conferences state-employer relations labor advocacy social justice workplace democracy union membership trade union rights right to organize labor unions workers’ rights industrial relations freedom of association right to strike collective action employment law union representation negotiation rights labor law public sector unions employee representation collective agreements labor movement industrial democracy right to assembly social dialogue labor rights enforcement collective bargaining enforceable right labor rights freedom of association trade unions workers' rights right to assembly representative negotiation public sector unions labor law industrial relations union representation right to organize group negotiation collective action free expression civil liberties labor disputes collective agreements unionization state employer public employee rights worker isolation labor advocacy social justice union protections collective bargaining as an enforceable right legal recognition of collective bargaining freedom of association and collective bargaining right to assembly and labor rights public sector collective bargaining state responsibility and worker rights impact of restricting collective bargaining union rights in public sector representation through collective bargaining isolation from collective bargaining rights state as employer and worker relations freedom of expression and union representation legal frameworks for collective bargaining collective bargaining and democratic principles effect of union restrictions on society worker rights to organization right to unionize in public employment international law and collective bargaining collective bargaining protections role of government in labor rights collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association right to assembly free expression group representation labor rights public sector workers state as employer union rights worker isolation representative democracy labor unions labor relations collective action labor law trade unions public sector unions workplace democracy employee representation right to organize industrial relations labor advocacy constitutional rights labor policy collective bargaining rights enforceable collective bargaining freedom of association right to assembly freedom of expression representation in collective bargaining public sector unions state and employee relationship legal recognition of collective bargaining impact of restricting assembly rights unions in the public sector international labor rights collective bargaining and democracy collective action in labor law worker representation Michael Bloomberg New York Times unions labor rights enforcement freedom to organize right to unionize effects of isolating public workers collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association right to assembly free expression representative selection group representation rights of workers isolation public sector workers state as employer labor rights civil liberties employee representation labor unions workplace democracy democratic rights freedom of speech workers' rights group advocacy public employment labor relations industrial relations union rights labor law human rights collective action trade unions collective negotiations collective bargaining rights enforceability of collective bargaining freedom of association right to assembly workers' rights trade unions public sector unions labor law representative negotiation employee representation freedom of expression labor relations industrial relations union recognition state and labor rights public sector employment employee isolation union rights enforcement legal framework for collective bargaining workplace democracy labor activism Michael Bloomberg labor opinion public sector labor disputes union representation in government labor rights and democracy limitations on collective bargaining impact of union rights on society labor policy reform human rights and labor law New York Times labor articles collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association right to assembly group representation workers’ rights labor unions public sector workers state-employer relationship union representation labor law freedom of expression worker isolation employee rights employment rights trade unions labor movement industrial relations collective agreements public sector unions worker solidarity labor rights enforcement unionization employment policy social justice government employees labor rights right to assembly freedom of association trade unions public sector unions worker representation industrial relations collective action labor law right to organize unionization state employer public employees workplace democracy employee rights bargaining power employment law freedom of expression social inclusion state-worker relations labor policy union rights legal recognition workplace solidarity collective agreements labor dispute
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. arms control verification treaty compliance inspection protocols telemetry exchange missile monitoring warhead verification ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile ICBM oversight delivery vehicle elimination trust-building measures transparency mechanisms verification standards monitoring systems START Treaty New START limitations compliance assurance robust verification regime inspection effectiveness arms agreement enforcement confidence-building arms reduction treaties mutual trust verification challenges treaty loopholes arms limitation agreements arms control verification problems treaty compliance arms agreement monitoring mechanisms trust in treaties START treaty New START treaty verification inspection effectiveness telemetry exchange missile performance monitoring verification regime deployed warheads verification ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs verification delivery vehicles elimination verification standards arms reduction compliance monitoring treaty weaknesses verification gaps transparency measures trust-building mechanisms international security treaty inspection Heritage Foundation analysis flaws in New START verification reliability arms treaty enforcement arms control treaty compliance verification mechanisms trust-building monitoring START treaty New START telemetry exchange missile inspections ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination verification standards inspection effectiveness treaty transparency compliance monitoring arms limitation confidence-building measures disarmament verification international monitoring nuclear arms agreement robust verification compliance flaws bilateral trust transparency measures arms control verification challenges verification mechanisms weaknesses START treaty verification deficiencies New START verification concerns effectiveness of arms inspections flaws in missile telemetry sharing limitations of warhead number verification mobile ICBM verification issues delivery vehicle elimination oversight trust and compliance in arms treaties improving verification standards international monitoring of arms agreements strengthening arms treaty verification arms treaty enforcement problems verification regime comparison START vs New START impact of weak verification on compliance treaty implementation transparency obstacles to reliable verification systems restoring robust verification protocols consequences of insufficient verification arms control verification treaty compliance START treaty verification New START weaknesses telemetry data sharing missile inspections ICBM warhead verification SLBM warhead verification mobile ICBM monitoring delivery vehicle elimination verification arms control trust mechanisms arms reduction transparency Baker Spring analysis Heritage Foundation arms control verification regime comparison arms agreement monitoring systems US-Russia arms treaties arms control challenges inspection effectiveness verification standards nuclear arms treaties arms control verification challenges treaty compliance monitoring New START verification criticisms START vs New START verification missile telemetry data exchange arms reduction treaty inspection effectiveness deployed warhead verification issues mobile ICBM verification delivery vehicle elimination standards Russia US arms treaty trust flaws in New START verification treaty inspection regime comparisions strengthening arms control verification verification mechanism limitations arms agreement trust factors arms control verification treaty compliance trust-building mechanisms monitoring systems START treaty New START treaty guarantees inspection protocols telemetry data exchange missile performance monitoring warhead verification deployed warheads ICBM verification SLBM verification mobile ICBMs verification regime delivery vehicle elimination compliance monitoring transparency measures inspection effectiveness treaty enforcement nuclear arms reduction Heritage Foundation treaty weaknesses inspection bias verification standards bilateral agreements arms limitation nuclear disarmament international treaties trust deficit arms control verification trust-building mechanisms treaty compliance START treaty New START treaty telemetry data exchange missile performance monitoring arms inspection challenges inspection bias nuclear warheads verification ICBM verification issues SLBM verification issues mobile ICBM oversight delivery vehicle elimination treaty verification standards arms agreement loopholes transparency in arms control Heritage Foundation critique arms control monitoring verification regime comparison compliance mechanisms flaws in arms treaties bilateral trust verification effectiveness arms reduction agreements arms control verification treaty compliance monitoring mechanisms START treaty New START weaknesses telemetry exchange missile inspections warhead verification ICBM monitoring SLBM verification delivery vehicle elimination verification standards arms treaty enforcement inspection effectiveness mobile ICBMs transparency measures trust in agreements Heritage Foundation analysis international security disarmament verification arms control verification arms treaty compliance New START weaknesses START verification regime treaty inspections telemetry exchange missile monitoring ICBM verification SLBM verification warhead counting delivery vehicle elimination mobile ICBM regulations trust-building mechanisms international monitoring nuclear disarmament verification Russian compliance inspection bias treaty transparency nuclear arms agreements verification standards"
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro01a	Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. higher education access university experience personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking skills political engagement democratic participation free universities state responsibility educational equity citizen empowerment lifelong learning societal benefit social mobility educational rights public funding higher education policy university benefits civic education higher education access right to education university benefits personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking political engagement democratic participation free university education state responsibility educational equity informed citizenship societal benefit public good liberal education higher education funding university for all educational opportunity social mobility higher education access university benefits personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking political engagement democratic participation education rights state responsibility free university educational equity civic education lifelong learning societal contribution liberal arts social mobility public university funding higher education policy student empowerment right to higher education expansion benefits of university education university vs secondary education personal development through university intellectual growth at university spiritual exploration in higher education critical thinking in university democratic participation and education state's role in education free university benefits societal impact of educated citizens university and political debate education for democracy higher education accessibility keydegree benefits of college Adam Swift political philosophy public funding for universities equality in university access societal responsibility for education university and social mobility higher education access university benefits personal development intellectual exploration spiritual exploration critical thinking skills democratic engagement political debate free university state responsibility education policy civic education societal benefit educated populace lifelong learning secondary education comparison professional life limitations questioning norms university impact political philosophy Adam Swift keydegree.com educational opportunity public funding for education civic participation citizen skillset right to higher education university benefits personal development in university intellectual growth spiritual exploration in university secondary school vs university critical thinking skills political debate participation civic engagement state responsibility education democratic process skills free university advantages societal benefits of education educated populace access to higher education university and democracy public funding for universities lifelong learning education for active citizenship university and social mobility higher education university experience personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking questioning norms academic freedom democratic participation political debate civic engagement state responsibility free university social benefits educated populace lifelong learning public good higher education access college benefits citizen empowerment educational equity right to education higher education benefits university experience personal development intellectual exploration spiritual exploration secondary school limitations professional life constraints critical thinking skills university vs secondary school questioning norms democratic engagement political debate skills civic engagement state responsibility education free university education societal benefits of education educated citizens active populace access to higher education public funding universities educational equity fostering democracy liberal education lifelong learning university as social good higher education access university and democracy skillset for democracy role of universities university impact society higher education access to education university experience intellectual development personal growth spiritual exploration secondary education professional training critical thinking societal benefits political engagement democratic participation state responsibility free university citizen empowerment lifelong learning civic education educational equity public good social mobility knowledge society university funding universal access skills development university vs secondary school higher learning questioning norms educational policy social responsibility active citizenship higher education access educational equity free university public funding for education critical thinking development civic engagement democratic participation personal growth through education university benefits to society lifelong learning social responsibility of education intellectual exploration education policy state responsibility education higher education reform university vs secondary school political literacy educational opportunities personal development university and citizenship
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con04a	ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement legitimacy foreign intervention local resentment police-community relations minority policing effectiveness of enforcement community cooperation language barriers local versus international forces scapegoating political manipulation race relations legitimacy crisis local law enforcement perceptions of authority international justice sociopolitical dynamics cross-cultural policing law enforcement legitimacy ICC enforcement legitimacy foreign intervention community resentment local cooperation police legitimacy ethnic minority policing language barriers international police community perception legitimacy crisis local force effectiveness peacekeeping enforcement scapegoating native resistance policing minority communities Brixton riots representation public trust international criminal court enforcement sociopolitical impact legal legitimacy enforcement challenges national vs international policing international justice backlash ICC International Criminal Court enforcement legitimacy resentment foreign intervention policing minority communities local cooperation local forces language barrier cultural perception law enforcement effectiveness community relations conflict dynamics international law sovereignty peacekeeping native resistance political scapegoating Brixton riots ethnic tensions policing challenges security forces international justice legitimacy crisis ICC enforcement backlash foreign intervention resentment legitimacy of international policing community resistance to ICC effectiveness of ICC enforcement policing ethnic minorities comparison ICC local cooperation with ICC ICC vs local police effectiveness language barriers in ICC operations legitimacy crisis ICC enforcement political scapegoating by ICC ICC community relations ICC as foreign authority international policing legitimacy historical race riots police resentment ICC enforcement cultural barriers foreign law enforcement legitimacy ICC arrest resistance community trust in ICC ICC and public perception ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign intervention community cooperation local versus international policing minority relations language barriers police legitimacy Brixton riots representation scapegoating international police forces peacekeeping challenges cultural sensitivity local law enforcement resistance to foreign forces trust in policing public perception ICC effectiveness ICC enforcement legitimacy international criminal court resentment effectiveness of ICC enforcement arm foreign enforcement force challenges local cooperation with ICC policing minority communities resentment legitimacy of international policing ICC language barriers community resistance to international law ICC as political scapegoat local vs international law enforcement Brixton riots police legitimacy international law enforcement effectiveness ICC arrest legitimacy community perceptions of ICC challenges of foreign police forces ICC enforcement international criminal court enforcement arm legitimacy foreign intervention local resentment community cooperation local police minority communities Brixton riots police-community relations language barriers perception effectiveness scapegoating local politicians ethnic minorities policing legitimacy international law peacekeeping security enforcement arrest resistance cultural barriers local forces international peace law enforcement law legitimacy policing effectiveness policing resentment international policing ICC enforcement drawbacks foreign intervention legitimacy local resentment international policing effectiveness ICC enforcement community response international forces language barriers law enforcement police legitimacy ethnic minorities Brixton riots policing international police forces challenges local cooperation international law scapegoating international bodies trust deficits ICC ICC arrest local resistance policing minority communities policing legitimacy issues local vs foreign law enforcement international justice enforcement arrest legitimacy international law perceptions of ICC intervention policing race relations ICC enforcement challenges international policing legitimacy community resentment foreign intervention backlash local cooperation barriers language barriers enforcement local vs international police Brixton race riots comparison ethnic minority policing scapegoating international forces police-community relations enforcement effectiveness ICC legitimacy of international law perceptions of foreign law enforcement ineffective international security minority community trust representation in policing international peacekeeping issues ICC legitimacy international law enforcement community resentment foreign intervention legitimacy perception local cooperation language barriers local versus international forces minority policing political scapegoating peacekeeping effectiveness Brixton riots policing ethnic minorities ICC enforcement challenges international police force policing legitimacy community relations cross-cultural enforcement resistance to foreign forces cooperation challenges police-community trust
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, EU foreign policy consensus-building consultation mechanism EU High Representative unified EU voice state-by-state decision-making European Union diplomacy collective decision-making common external policy intergovernmental negotiation cooperation trade policy environmental policy political integration EU institutions conflict resolution identity formation European values political unity diplomacy security policy integration process collaboration debate international relations foreign affairs Mark Eyskens economic power political influence military capability EU governance agreement-building supranationalism EU foreign policy EU High Representative consultation mechanism consensus decision-making unified EU voice EU integration state-by-state consultation EU collaboration EU consensus common EU values EU identity formation EU external relations EU diplomacy EU trade policy EU environmental policy EU political unity Mark Eyskens EU military policy EU commitment European Council Common Foreign and Security Policy European Union governance supranational decision-making intergovernmentalism in the EU EU institutional reform EU international relations EU state cooperation EU High Representative foreign policy EU decision-making consultation mechanism consensus-building EU unity European integration state consultation common values collective identity EU governance political cooperation international relations unified voice EU external action consensus diplomacy supranational decision-making member state negotiation institutional reform EU collaboration state sovereignty multi-level governance diplomatic coordination policy alignment EU political development EU consultation mechanism EU consensus-building High Representative role EU foreign policy unity state-by-state consultation EU decision-making process unified EU voice EU identity formation EU collaboration and debate importance of consultation in EU EU common values EU commitment building EU member state coordination EU trade policy unity EU environmental policy challenges in EU foreign policy Mark Eyskens political dwarf quote evolution of EU external relations mechanisms for EU agreement representative versus supranational in EU EU institutional reforms post-Lisbon Treaty changes EU intergovernmentalism EU diplomatic strategy building EU solidarity EU foreign policy EU High Representative state consultation mechanism consensus decision-making unified EU voice EU external relations EU integration common EU values EU identity formation collaborative diplomacy EU trade policy EU environmental policy Mark Eyskens quote EU political power EU military power EU institutional change EU policymaking interstate negotiation supranationalism European unity EU common security EU international role European diplomacy consensus politics political cooperation EU High Representative foreign policy consultation EU decision-making process consensus-building in EU state-by-state consultation mechanism unified EU foreign policy voice EU identity formation EU collaboration and debate EU common values trade policy unity environmental policy leadership Mark Eyskens quote EU political influence EU integration mechanisms foreign policy unity challenges Craig R. Whitney Gulf War EU institutional development importance of consultation in EU European foreign policy evolution EU state representation significance of EU consensus EU foreign policy consultation consensus EU High Representative unified voice state-by-state mechanism EU decision-making EU integration foreign policy coordination European unity common values EU identities collective action collaboration debate trade policy environmental policy political unity Mark Eyskens quote economic giant political dwarf military worm member state consultation diplomatic process policy agreement supranationalism intergovernmentalism policy evolution European commitment value formation Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity challenges EU High Representative foreign policy EU consultation mechanism European Union consensus EU decision making state by state consultation EU unified voice EU foreign policy development EU political integration EU collaboration EU identity formation Mark Eyskens Europe quote EU trade policy EU environmental policy EU political unity EU values EU debate EU external relations EU institutional change European Council Common Foreign and Security Policy CFSP EU intergovernmentalism EU supranationalism EU integration process EU diplomacy EU decision-making consensus-building consultation mechanism High Representative foreign policy coordination unified EU voice EU governance state sovereignty policy integration EU identity formation collaborative diplomacy value alignment supranationalism intergovernmentalism treaty reform Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) EU institutional change European integration national interests policy harmonization Mark Eyskens trade policy environmental policy political cooperation military capability EU external relations unity in diversity EU enlargement EU policymaking process accountability legitimacy diplomatic negotiation EU foreign policy High Representative consultation mechanism consensus decision-making EU unity EU identity EU external relations state sovereignty intergovernmentalism supranationalism common values EU collaboration EU trade policy EU environmental policy Mark Eyskens quote EU political integration EU commitment EU diplomacy European unity EU institutional reform CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) EU global presence state-by-state decision collective action European Council member state agreement EU role in world Shaping EU policy transnational governance European integration
test-environment-opecewiahw-con02a	A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, dam environmental impact hydropower ecological effects river biodiversity loss oxygen depletion rivers Grand Inga dam consequences Congo River ecosystem sediment transport delta ecosystem disruption organic matter flux plankton productivity carbon sink capacity renewable energy downsides mega dam controversies aquatic species extinction environmental trade-offs Africa hydroelectric projects hydropower environmental impact biodiversity loss aquatic ecosystems oxygen depletion Congo River sediment transport marine ecosystem carbon sink plankton productivity delta dynamics renewable energy drawbacks mega dam consequences Grand Inga project river biodiversity sediment plume organic matter flux environmental sustainability riverine habitats ecosystem disruption downstream effects fish species loss Atlantic Ocean ecology greenhouse gas emissions environmental trade-offs freshwater ecosystems ecological consequences international rivers habitat alteration large dam impacts species extinction hydroelectric power dam impacts environmental consequences river biodiversity species loss oxygen depletion Congo River Grand Inga Dam aquatic ecosystems river deltas sediment transport organic matter flow Atlantic Ocean carbon sink plankton blooms ecological disruption renewable energy criticism mega dams Africa habitat alteration ecosystem services international rivers dam environmental impact Grand Inga Dam biodiversity loss renewable electricity dam consequences Congo River oxygen content mega dam ecosystem disruption dam impact on river species Congo delta environmental effects sediment transport Atlantic Ocean dam plankton productivity dam impact dams and carbon sink function Grand Inga Dam marine life hydroelectric dams ecological footprint International Rivers Grand Inga analysis Showers 2012 mega dam study Congo River delta submerged area dam effects on aquatic life dam construction downstream impact dam-generated renewable energy drawbacks ecological consequences of African dams dam environmental impact hydroelectric power consequences Grand Inga Dam river oxygen depletion species loss Congo River delta sediment transport organic matter transmission offshore plankton productivity Atlantic carbon sink ecosystem disruption mega dam effects riverine biodiversity aquatic habitat alteration African mega projects renewable electricity drawbacks International Rivers Kate Showers environmental sustainability sediment plume carbon cycling environmental impact of dams dam ecosystem disruption renewable energy and dam consequences Grand Inga environmental effects Congo River biodiversity loss dam impact on carbon sink sediment transport by dams delta ecosystem changes plankton productivity dams Atlantic Ocean carbon capture mega dams species loss hydroelectric dams pros and cons ecological footprint of dams impacts of mega projects on rivers International Rivers dam studies oxygen depletion in rivers submerged deltas environmental impact hydroelectric power ecological impact biodiversity loss habitat fragmentation river oxygen depletion aquatic species decline sediment flow disruption delta ecosystem carbon cycle climate regulation megadams Congo River Grand Inga Dam renewable energy controversy environmental trade-offs fish migration barriers water quality reduction downstream effects ocean carbon sequestration marine food web sustainability environmental assessment mitigation strategies African mega-dams dam environmental impact hydroelectric dam consequences Grand Inga environmental effects dam oxygen depletion river ecosystem loss Congo River dam biodiversity loss dams sediment transport dams carbon sink dams dam marine ecosystem impact river delta alteration dam renewable energy controversy Grand Inga river species dam plankton production mega dam environmental assessment sustainable hydropower Africa aquatic habitat disruption Atlantic Ocean sediment plume African river delta ecosystems International Rivers dam research hydroelectric power mega dam impacts environmental consequences biodiversity loss aquatic ecosystems oxygen depletion sediment transport Congo River delta ecosystem Atlantic Ocean plankton carbon sink renewable energy controversy environmental sustainability riverine habitats ecosystem services fish species decline marine productivity transboundary water management habitat fragmentation ecological footprint Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power environmental impact river ecosystem biodiversity loss Congo River oxygen depletion aquatic species sediment transport organic matter Atlantic Ocean carbon sink plankton productivity delta ecosystem renewable energy controversy mega projects ecological consequences environmental assessment dam construction impacts Africa hydroelectric projects
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, copyright enforcement monitoring costs state expenses artist rights legal costs deterrence effectiveness copyright infringement internet piracy piracy statistics book piracy music piracy film piracy DVD bootlegging peer-to-peer networks copyright unenforceability apprehension rate criminal penalties creative commons licensing open licensing copyright alternatives compliance rates public domain intellectual property copyright reform creative commons benefits licensing adaptation artist exposure consumer benefit digital piracy enforcement challenges copyright enforcement cost-benefit analysis public domain copyright infringement piracy deterrence internet piracy statistics unenforceable copyright laws peer-to-peer networks digital piracy DVD bootlegging creative commons licensing relaxed copyright regime artist credit intellectual property rights compliance rates consumer benefits mutual adaptation ineffective copyright laws minimal deterrent effects alternative licensing models WIPO global piracy trends copyright enforcement monitoring costs public domain copyright infringement deterrence internet piracy peer-to-peer networks bootlegging DVD piracy creative commons licensing schemes compliance alternative copyright models intellectual property music industry movie industry digital rights artist credits consumer benefits copyright reform ineffective laws copyright penalties legal adaptation copyright alternatives copyright monitoring costs analysis state expenses on copyright enforcement effectiveness of copyright law enforcement deterrence of copyright piracy impact of copyright laws on piracy rates internet piracy statistics global piracy trends peer-to-peer copyright infringement creative commons vs. traditional copyright creative commons compliance benefits artist credit in creative commons licensing public exposure through creative commons mutual benefits of relaxed copyright unenforceability of copyright laws piracy in China DVD market peer-to-peer networks and copyright severe punishment for copyright infringement outcomes adaptation of copyright law for digital age alternatives to traditional copyright enforcement compliance rates under creative commons intellectual property enforcement challenges copyright enforcement costs state monitoring copyright copyright infringement legal deterrence effectiveness internet piracy trends creative commons licensing copyright law reform public domain digital piracy peer-to-peer copyright violation global DVD bootlegging compliance with copyright artist benefits creative commons copyright alternatives intellectual property law copyright unenforceability artist public exposure consumer benefits copyright music industry piracy film industry piracy copyright enforcement costs effectiveness of copyright laws state monitoring expenses copyright infringement deterrence internet piracy statistics peer-to-peer networks DVD bootlegging China creative commons licensing benefits artist exposure under creative commons public domain vs copyright intellectual property enforcement challenges compliance with relaxed copyright laws mutual benefits of creative commons copyright alternatives artist and consumer interests piracy trends legal vs illicit content distribution WIPO copyright issues consequences of punitive copyright enforcement future of copyright protection copyright enforcement monitoring costs piracy deterrence state intervention artist protection legal expenses intellectual property public domain internet piracy digital piracy peer-to-peer networks DVD bootlegging China intellectual property creative commons licensing alternative licensing compliance rates artist exposure consumer benefits copyright ineffectiveness law adaptation copyright infringement criminal prosecution copyright compliance fair use open access creative rights intellectual property reform media piracy music industry film industry book piracy legal deterrence copyright enforcement failures copyright alternatives public access digital rights copyright punishment rights management bootleg media copyright enforcement costs monitoring copyright efficacy state vs. artist copyright costs cost-benefit analysis copyright copyright infringement copyright law ineffectiveness copyright deterrence internet piracy statistics DVD bootlegging China peer-to-peer copyright circumvention copyright prosecution rate copyright penalties creative commons licensing benefits of creative commons public domain works artist compensation copyright compliance with copyright law music industry copyright enforcement movie industry copyright enforcement copyright reform effects of relaxed copyright laws public exposure for artists consumer benefits copyright law emerging issues intellectual property future of internet piracy alternative to traditional copyright mutual benefit artist consumer copyright enforcement monitoring costs effectiveness deterrent effect internet piracy copyright infringement public domain peer-to-peer networks DVD bootlegging creative commons licensing alternative copyright models compliance artist exposure consumer benefit copyright law reform intellectual property state intervention legal inefficacy piracy statistics digital media punitive measures music industry movie industry legal adaptation public policy copyright alternatives copyright enforcement costs copyright law effectiveness copyright infringement monitoring expenses deterrent effect internet piracy statistics peer-to-peer networks bootleg DVDs copyright compliance creative commons licensing intellectual property rights public domain artist crediting copyright alternatives open licensing piracy prevention enforcement challenges copyright policy reform legal adaptation state intervention costs
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con05a	Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. animal welfare humane treatment pain management ethical animal research animal care standards laboratory animal regulations animal rights animal experimentation scientific ethics animal suffering reduction animal euthanasia treatment guidelines legal requirements animal research research animal well-being animal husbandry replacement alternatives animal protection laws laboratory animal care animal health in research refinement in research procedures animal oversight animal use justification 3Rs principle veterinary supervision research animal housing laboratory animals animal welfare animal care humane treatment animal research ethics pain management anesthesia in research animals animal euthanasia animal experimentation regulations animal suffering prevention animal research benefits animal handling standards legal requirements for animal research animal research oversight animal health in laboratories animal well-being animal research justification animal housing conditions ethical animal research research animal mortality animal research controversy animal welfare laws animal research guidelines responsible animal use alternatives to animal testing animal welfare humane treatment animal research ethics laboratory animal care animal suffering pain management analgesics euthanasia standards animal protection laws animal experimentation research animal health laboratory animal regulations ethical research practices animal rights refinement of procedures 3Rs (Replacement Reduction Refinement) animal wellbeing humane endpoints animal oversight committees Institutional Animal Care and Use Committee (IACUC) animal care guidelines experimental animal husbandry animal health monitoring animal mortality animal pain assessment animal research ethics animal welfare in research humane treatment of laboratory animals pain management in animal research regulations for animal experimentation benefits of animal research oversight animal euthanasia standards animal suffering prevention alternatives to animal experimentation improving animal care in labs moral justification for animal research legal requirements for animal welfare impact of animal research on animal mortality laboratory animal living conditions comparison of wild vs laboratory animal lives minimizing animal pain in experiments animal research regulation policies arguments against banning animal experimentation effectiveness of animal research guidelines animal research controversy animal welfare animal research ethics humane treatment laboratory animal care animal pain management euthanasia protocols legal requirements animal research animal research regulation animal suffering minimization experimental animal health animal experimentation moral debate animal research oversight animal cruelty prevention animal painkillers use animal research controversy Herzog animal research laboratory animals animal well-being animal care standards animal research guidelines animal welfare in research humane animal treatment ethical animal experimentation animal pain management animal research regulations animal care standards laboratory animal ethics animal suffering prevention benefits of animal research animal euthanasia methods animal study legal requirements animal health in experiments animal experimentation justification improving animal lives in research animal research oversight animal research controversy moral arguments animal research regulation vs. ban animal experimentation minimizing animal suffering experimental animal well-being animal welfare laboratory animals animal research ethics humane euthanasia animal pain management animal care regulations animal suffering reduction animal experimentation standards animal health monitoring research animal legislation law compliance animal care best practices humane treatment experimental animal well-being animal research oversight animal protection laws animal use justification animal research benefits alternatives to animal testing ethical animal use animal rights moral considerations animal research responsible animal use animal research controversy animal welfare ethical animal research animal care regulations laboratory animal treatment humane euthanasia pain management in animal research animal research ethics animal health standards benefits of animal research animal suffering minimization animal experimentation laws animal care best practices animal research oversight animal well-being alternatives to animal testing animal use in scientific studies regulations on animal experimentation animal rights in research laboratory animal humane treatment animal research justification animal welfare animal ethics laboratory animals humane euthanasia pain management animal testing regulations animal care standards animal rights animal suffering research animal treatment legal requirements animal research experimental animal health animal experimentation animal research debate animal pain minimization scientific research animals ethical animal research alternatives to animal testing animal well-being animal research laws animal welfare ethical treatment animal research regulations laboratory animal care humane euthanasia pain management animal experimentation research ethics animal rights animal suffering legal requirements animal health animal use in science alternatives to animal testing 3Rs principle animal protection laws animal husbandry research oversight institutional animal care animal experiment justification pain mitigation humane practices animal mortality animal experiment oversight animal care standards
test-environment-aiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ Africa African countries financial constraints limited budgets underdevelopment least developed countries poverty economic challenges civil war national debt budget deficits public spending wildlife protection endangered species conservation funding government expenditure Tanzania economy resource allocation developmental priorities humanitarian needs fiscal policy environmental protection socioeconomic issues globalisation international aid donor funding sustainable development wildlife conservation funding African economic challenges developing nations budget constraints biodiversity protection Africa conservation versus development poverty impact on wildlife environmental policy Africa fiscal limitations endangered species public spending priorities Africa debt and conservation civil unrest wildlife protection sustainable development Africa Africa environmental challenges government expenditure wildlife international aid for conservation poverty alleviation versus conservation economic barriers Africa endangered species endangered species conservation wildlife protection funding African economic challenges poverty and conservation conservation budget constraints civil conflict Africa sustainable development Africa foreign aid conservation underdevelopment effects financial constraints animal protection national budget allocation Africa international conservation support debt relief conservation prioritizing human needs resource allocation Africa globalisation impact Africa environmental funding shortages donor assistance Africa humanitarian crisis Africa economic growth Africa economic challenges in African conservation funding limitations for wildlife protection in Africa impact of poverty on endangered species protection budget constraints and animal conservation in Africa underdevelopment and wildlife preservation debt burden and environmental protection in African countries civil conflict and wildlife conservation challenges case study Tanzania animal protection funding African government spending priorities environmental issues globalisation effects on African underdevelopment and conservation sustainable funding solutions for African wildlife fiscal deficits and conservation efforts in Africa policy responses to animal protection under fiscal stress international aid for African conservation projects prioritizing basic needs over conservation in Africa endangered species protection wildlife conservation funding African economic development budget constraints poverty impact civil war effects national debt Africa development challenges conservation policy Africa financial prioritization Tanzania economic statistics sustainability initiatives international aid environmental funding gaps resource allocation Africa endangered species funding Africa wildlife conservation challenges Africa economic constraints African conservation budget deficits animal protection Africa underdevelopment impact wildlife protection conservation vs poverty Africa civil war effects endangered species Africa debt burden wildlife preservation Africa Tanzania conservation funding African government budget allocation wildlife limited resources endangered animals Africa least developed countries conservation issues African economic development wildlife humanitarian priorities vs conservation Africa financial barriers animal protection Africa Africa African nations economic constraints underdevelopment poverty least developed countries endangered species protection wildlife conservation budget deficit government expenditure national revenue Tanzania economic challenges civil conflict international debt funding priorities scarce resources development aid infrastructure challenges social issues fiscal policy financial limitations conservation funding environmental protection globalisation challenges African economies wildlife management financial burdens social welfare humanitarian needs endangered species funding Africa wildlife conservation challenges Africa African countries budget constraints economic underdevelopment Africa wildlife civil war impact conservation poverty effects animal protection Africa environmental funding international aid wildlife Africa sustainable development African countries government expenditure wildlife Africa debts impact conservation Africa Tanzania budget wildlife protection least developed countries conservation African wildlife protection funding donor funding conservation Africa financing conservation in developing countries conflict zones wildlife protection resource allocation African governments budget deficit environmental impact effective wildlife conservation Africa endangered species wildlife conservation funding African economy foreign aid sustainable development international conservation projects debt relief poverty alleviation civil conflict impact economic priorities protected area management ecotourism potential NGO support capacity building Africa environmental policy budget allocation conservation challenges public health priorities rural development education funding infrastructure needs government spending Africa conservation funding wildlife protection economic constraints biodiversity loss foreign aid international assistance sustainable development debt relief poverty alleviation ecotourism NGO involvement protected areas environmental policy government priorities fiscal challenges rural development natural resource management wildlife trafficking international cooperation community-based conservation
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con03a	There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. voter disengagement political participation compulsory voting electoral reform voter turnout barriers to voting election accessibility weekend voting election holiday simplified registration party finance reform proportional representation electoral systems political inclusion voting incentives electoral administration centralized election bureaucracy multi-party system political alienation political spectrum voting costs democratic engagement electoral fairness UK election reform political representation voter disengagement political disengagement compulsory voting critique increasing voter participation barriers to voting reducing voting costs weekend voting election day holiday simplified voter registration voter turnout strategies party finance reform political spectrum diversity proportional representation UK electoral reform centralized election administration election bureau election accessibility democratic participation electoral system alternatives political inclusivity electoral fairness voter engagement political disengagement compulsory voting voter turnout barriers to voting election reforms weekend voting election holiday voter registration party finance reform proportional representation UK electoral system political participation voting accessibility election administration centralized election bureaucracy multi-party system voter apathy political spectrum democratic reforms alternatives to compulsory voting addressing voter disengagement causes of political disengagement strategies to eliminate voting barriers increasing voter turnout weekend voting benefits making election day a holiday simplifying voter registration party finance reform widening political competition election administration improvements centralized election bureaus proportional representation in UK expanding political spectrum UK reducing voter costs electoral reform UK impact of compulsory voting on engagement democratic participation solutions improving voter inclusivity alternative methods to boost political engagement voter disengagement alternatives to compulsory voting root causes of political apathy barriers to voting increasing voter turnout voter participation strategies weekend voting election day holiday simplified voter registration political finance reform proportional representation UK electoral reform election administration expanding political spectrum centralized election bureaucracy inclusive voting system party system reform removing voting obstacles political competition election accessibility democratic participation voter disengagement solutions reducing voter apathy alternatives to compulsory voting increasing voter turnout barriers to voting voter participation strategies electoral reform proportional representation UK political inclusion simplifying voter registration weekend voting benefits election day holiday party finance reform centralized election administration voter costs reduction political system diversity expanding political competition improving democracy UK election accessibility encouraging political engagement voter disengagement alternatives compulsory voting political participation voter turnout voter apathy electoral reform barriers to voting weekend voting election day holiday voter registration party finance reform proportional representation multiparty system election administration UK elections inclusive democracy political spectrum voting access citizen engagement political inclusion voter disengagement solutions alternatives to compulsory voting causes of political disengagement voter turnout barriers reducing voting costs weekend voting benefits election day holiday simplifying voter registration party finance reform electoral system reform UK proportional representation UK increasing political participation election administration improvements centralized election bureaucracy expanding political spectrum minor party representation democratic engagement strategies political apathy solutions voter motivation equitable election access voter disengagement political apathy compulsory voting criticism increasing voter turnout barriers to voting voter suppression weekend voting election holiday simplified voter registration electoral reform party finance reform proportional representation multi-party system election administration centralized election bureaucracy UK electoral system political participation voting accessibility reducing voter costs inclusive democracy electoral fairness voter disengagement compulsory voting political participation barriers to voting voter turnout weekend voting election holiday voter registration reform party finance reform proportional representation electoral system reform political spectrum election administration voter apathy UK electoral system democratic engagement inclusive democracy political representation civic participation electoral accessibility
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro01a	Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. gender parity workplace diversity women in leadership equal pay EU gender directives affirmative action gender quotas glass ceiling women's empowerment corporate governance political representation social justice human rights inclusion equity equal opportunities policy implementation anti-discrimination female executives legislative frameworks diversity and inclusion EU equality policies gender balance societal change women's rights representation quotas gender parity women's leadership workplace diversity equal opportunity EU gender policy female representation corporate board quotas gender mainstreaming anti-discrimination equal pay human rights in Europe affirmative action empowerment of women gender balance EU directives on equality top management gender gap inclusive workplace justice and equality social justice gender quotas Europe political representation women business gender equality European Commission equality policies women in decision-making equity in employment gender parity women's representation workplace diversity equal opportunities leadership roles EU directives affirmative action gender quotas social justice inclusion policies female empowerment political representation boardroom diversity employment equality anti-discrimination pay equity corporate governance women's advancement policy implementation organizational change European Union policies workplace rights equality legislation best practices gender mainstreaming gender equality workplace EU gender equality policy women leadership Europe gender quotas business gender representation politics EU human rights and gender equality European Union gender directives women in top positions EU gender balance regulation gender equality justice EU proactive gender policies gender diversity corporate boards equal opportunities workplace EU impact of quotas on gender equality women empowerment Europe pan-European gender issues gender equality best practices EU barriers to women leadership EU gender equality fundamental human rights EU directives workplace equality business compliance women's representation leadership diversity political participation social justice pan-European issues equal rights proactive policies women in leadership European quotas gender quotas global model gender representation justice in EU diversity initiatives women's empowerment quota effectiveness gender balance legislative measures equal opportunities gender gap corporate governance gender equality workplace EU gender quotas women in leadership Europe fundamental human rights EU equal representation politics business gender justice EU EU directives gender equality proactive stance gender balance women top positions Europe equal rights EU quotas for gender equality gender representation gaps Europe gender diversity management Morin-Chartier gender quotas effectiveness of gender policies EU gender parity workplace diversity equal opportunity women's rights men's rights EU directives quotas leadership representation gender balance discrimination prevention corporate responsibility justice equity inclusion women in leadership social justice diversity policy political representation corporate governance human rights gender justice affirmative action business ethics gender mainstreaming societal equality women empowerment equal pay employment equality anti-discrimination laws feminist policy legislative reforms gender gap top management diversity pan-European problem global impact representation quotas EU policy workplace equality diversity initiatives equal participation inclusive workplace progressive legislation gender equality human rights EU directives workplace equality gender parity women in leadership political representation business equality gender quotas equal representation women's rights justice equal opportunities gender diversity proactive stance gender gap quota system women in high positions social justice EU policies gender mainstreaming corporate governance women's empowerment diversity and inclusion European Union equality legislation affirmative action gender balance female executives international standards gender equality human rights EU policy workplace diversity women's representation men and women equality business leadership political representation societal equality pan-EU justice equal rights women in leadership proactive policy EU directives gender quotas global model equal opportunity diversity quotas justice in employment gender balance women empowerment affirmative action legislative measures European Parliament gender mainstreaming social justice gender parity workplace diversity women in leadership equal representation gender quotas EU human rights business equality political representation social justice employment law diversity policies women empowerment gender mainstreaming glass ceiling affirmative action corporate governance equality legislation European Union policy board diversity gender balance inclusive workplace equity initiatives international standards gender discrimination representation gap social inclusion
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con01a	Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. freedom of expression women's rights feminist movement pornography debate sexual self-expression female empowerment art and media social movements consent in pornography women's autonomy sex positivity censorship artistic freedom women's voices independence in media self-definition consent culture adult entertainment gender equality sex work female sexuality anti-censorship empowerment through art agency in sexuality feminist perspectives sexual liberation adult industry representation of women gender norms media freedom freedom of expression women's rights feminist movement censorship pornography debate women in media sexual autonomy gender equality artistic expression self-expression body autonomy sex-positive feminism social movements women's liberation adult entertainment consent in pornography female empowerment representation in art sexual agency anti-censorship women in porn industry intersectional feminism feminist perspectives on pornography sexual liberation women's voices artistic freedom free speech digital rights independent porn amateur porn sex work and feminism freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography ban women's agency sexual self-expression art and media self-definition female empowerment sex positivity consent women's sexuality adult entertainment sex work sexual autonomy gender equality sexual liberation representation in media women's voices creative freedom social justice women's empowerment agency in art liberation movements sex-positive feminism anti-censorship bodily autonomy feminist discourse women’s autonomy in sexuality feminist views on pornography self-expression in adult media consent and adult content empowerment through sexual expression artistic value of pornography social movement boundaries censorship and women’s rights sex-positivity in feminism individual agency in sexual representation freedom of sexual identity amateur pornography as self-expression limits of feminist intervention balancing rights and protection intersection of art and sexuality destigmatization of women’s sexual choices historical oppression versus modern agency impact of pornography bans on women feminist debates on sex work representation of women in media freedom of expression women's rights feminist movement censorship pornography debate sexual autonomy self-expression art and media sex positivity gender equality feminist pornography agency and consent social movements women's empowerment sexual liberation anti-censorship empowering women sex work performance art adult entertainment industry art censorship intersectionality women's voices freedom of choice feminism and sexuality freedom of expression and women feminist movement and censorship pornography and women's rights women's sexual self-expression art and sexuality amateur pornography empowerment consent in pornography social movements and individual rights sex positivity feminism women as sex symbols agency banning pornography debate empowerment through adult media history of women's voices limited women's autonomy in art media representations of women's sexuality feminist critique of censorship adult entertainment consensual agency intersection of feminism and sexual expression choice in adult industry freedom of artistic expression women freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement women's voices oppression censorship pornography debate sexual autonomy women in media self-expression self-definition artistic freedom revolutionary art amateur porn independent pornography women empowerment consent consenting adults sex positivity sexual expression porn actresses sex work sex as empowerment gender equality sex symbols banning pornography artistic representation sex industry personal agency intersectional feminism freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminism 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women's empowerment freedom of expression women's rights feminist movement social movements censorship agency pornography debate sexual autonomy self-expression art and media women's sexuality sex-positive feminism adult consent sex work empowerment gender equality self-determination sexual liberation intersectionality opposition to bans representation voice personal autonomy legal regulation artistic freedom
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, leader privacy state leaders confidentiality political figures medical privacy government transparency public right to know health disclosure political leadership illness and governance executive privacy head of state medical information privacy rights ethical leadership personal data protection public interest health and leadership government functioning incapacitation disclosure leaders health rights privacy vs public interest historical examples leader illness privacy rights government transparency leader health disclosure political leaders' privacy public interest vs. privacy health information confidentiality heads of state privacy media intrusion leadership illness public need to know ethical journalism personal data protection executive health secrecy security and privacy balance privacy legislation medical privacy laws political accountability public figures' privacy private life of politicians legitimate public interest state security and privacy leader health secrecy privacy in public office disclosure threshold incapacity of leaders right to private life privacy rights political leaders health confidentiality state secrecy public interest leader illness government transparency head of state privacy medical disclosure political accountability privacy vs transparency notable historical leaders leadership health incapacitation disclosure William Pitt the Younger prime minister health government succession public need to know embarrassing illnesses political leadership ethics leader reputation HIV/AIDS disclosure privacy laws health privacy state security Napoleonic Wars privacy rights of political leaders health information confidentiality leaders leader medical privacy debate public disclosure of leader's health privacy expectations for heads of state leader illness public interest transparency versus privacy in leadership ethical obligations leader privacy leader health newsworthiness leader illness impact government historical examples leader privacy William Pitt health privacy government function during leader illness leader personal health disclosure leader dignity and privacy protecting leader medical history sensitive health conditions leaders leadership and private life balance press intrusion on leader privacy legal frameworks leader privacy leader privacy political privacy health confidentiality leader health disclosure public figure privacy government transparency medical privacy politician illness privacy rights head of state privacy leader incapacitation ethical journalism political accountability media responsibility private information health stigmatization leadership and privacy public interest privacy ethics government leadership confidential illness historical leaders health public versus private life privacy laws disclosure policy leader responsibility leader privacy rights privacy for politicians health disclosure of leaders government transparency and privacy leader illness confidentiality public interest versus privacy medical privacy for leaders ethical disclosure of leader health privacy laws for state officials famous leaders with illness William Pitt the Younger health president working while ill political leader medical confidentiality privacy versus accountability in government history of leader privacy incapacitation of leaders government function during leader illness disclosure policy for leaders' health press coverage of leader illness historical examples of leader privacy leader privacy head of state confidentiality political health disclosures public figure medical information leader illness secrecy government transparency right to privacy political accountability health privacy laws leadership incapacitation executive health disclosure prime minister health secrecy public interest vs privacy governmental continuity historical leader illness William Pitt the Younger health constitutional responsibility privacy rights for politicians state leader medical confidentiality disclosure ethics Napoleonic Wars leadership Victorian Web Marjie Bloy presidential health privacy workplace illness transparency privacy rights of leaders political leader health confidentiality government transparency vs privacy head of state personal privacy disclosure of illness in government ethical considerations leader privacy leader medical privacy laws health information of politicians media intrusion into leader privacy public right to know vs privacy privacy protection for politicians historical examples leader illness accountability and privacy balance transparency in political health issues leadership responsibility and privacy William Pitt the Younger health political scandals medical privacy impact of leader illness on governance international standards leader privacy precedent cases leader privacy leader privacy head of state confidentiality political figures health disclosure privacy rights politicians government transparency public interest illness leaders presidential illness media medical privacy law leaders leadership incapacitation policy public figure personal information government continuity illness ethical journalism political health William Pitt illness executive branch secrecy head of government privacy diseases political leaders AIDS HIV politicians state leader medical history government functionality illness historical leaders health leader privacy head of state confidentiality political figure medical privacy public disclosure of illness government transparency illness and leadership health information rights privacy versus public interest historical leader health issues AIDS/HIV and leadership government functioning during illness incapacitated political leaders ethical considerations William Pitt the Younger health leader personal information protection privacy expectations leaders politician health status disclosure
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro03a	Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. child grooming warning signs at-risk children teacher misconduct private electronic communication child protection online safety trusted adults teacher-student boundaries legal restrictions child awareness digital grooming reporting abuse child exploitation safeguarding children child grooming warning signs child protection online safety teacher-student boundaries electronic communication safeguarding children recognizing abuse trusted adults child exploitation reporting concerns prohibited contact digital safety child awareness predator prevention mandatory reporting child abuse prevention teacher misconduct parental guidance school policies child grooming warning signs child protection electronic communication teacher-student boundaries online safety child abuse prevention trusted adults private messaging digital safety reporting abuse child awareness safeguarding children school safety risk identification child exploitation inappropriate contact legal restrictions teacher conduct protective measures child grooming warning signs teacher-student electronic communication risks awareness of online grooming school policy on teacher contact private messaging between teachers and students child protection from online predators legal restrictions on teacher-student contact reporting inappropriate teacher behavior educating children about grooming recognizing unsafe adult communication prompt action against grooming safeguarding children online identifying inappropriate teacher conduct preventing teacher misuse of technology teacher boundary education for children trusted adult boundaries law prohibiting secret teacher-student talks parental guidance about online risks detecting grooming attempts empowering children against grooming child grooming child protection electronic communication policies teacher-student boundaries warning signs child safety online child safety trusted adults grooming awareness private electronic contact student safeguarding school policies mandatory reporting abuse prevention teacher misconduct digital safeguarding child exploitation prevention child risk indicators child abuse detection parental guidance child grooming warning signs teacher student electronic contact laws online safety for children protecting children from grooming recognizing grooming behaviors trusted adults abuse prevention child exploitation awareness teacher-student boundaries reporting inappropriate teacher behavior child safety education digital communication risks for kids private messaging risks in schools signs of grooming in schools child abuse prevention strategies strengthening school safety policies warning signs child grooming online safety child protection teacher misconduct private electronic communication trusted adults child awareness digital boundaries mandatory reporting internet safety education recognizing abuse student-teacher boundaries safeguarding children risk identification predatory behavior reporting abuse electronic contact policy legal prohibitions protecting minors safe communication prevention strategies warning indicators educational policy child advocacy child grooming signs child safety warning digital communication risks teacher-student boundaries online grooming prevention child abuse red flags trusted adult misuse electronic contact laws student protection measures reporting inappropriate contact internet safety for children legal restrictions on teacher-student contact raising child awareness safeguarding children online recognizing grooming behavior teacher misconduct alerts parental guidance on online safety identifying child risk indicators protecting minors from predators warning signals for grooming child grooming warning signals child protection teacher-student boundaries electronic communication policies legal restrictions trusted adult abuse prevention online safety reporting mechanisms child awareness mandated reporting risk identification teacher misconduct safeguarding children private messaging prohibitions digital safety education child exploitation warning alerting children preventive measures child grooming teacher misconduct child protection electronic communication policies online safety warning signals child abuse prevention trusted adults mandatory reporting boundary violations digital safety education student safeguarding legal restrictions educator-student contact child exploitation internet safety for children reporting mechanisms teacher ethics recognizing grooming behaviors safeguarding children
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro05a	"Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Hell eternity salvation Catholic Church barrier contraception God sin condemnation doctrine condoms moral theology eternal suffering Church teaching Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI contraception ban mortal sin sexual ethics religious belief afterlife salvation vs harm moral responsibility church authority spiritual consequences doctrine of Hell Catholic Church teachings contraception eternal damnation salvation barriers to heaven moral theology sin Church doctrine papal encyclical Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI condom ban sexual ethics religious beliefs afterlife consequences Catholic moral stance birth control spiritual responsibility ecclesiastical authority doctrine on Hell Catholic doctrine salvation mortal sin contraception ban eternal damnation moral theology Papal teachings Humanae Vitae church ethics religious beliefs sin and punishment afterlife spiritual consequences birth control papal encyclicals divine law church authority sexual ethics faith and morality hellfire avoidance Catholic Church and condom use Catholic teaching on contraception eternal damnation and contraception Humanae Vitae contraception doctrine morality of condom use Catholicism Catholic Church stance on Hell salvation and sexual ethics Catholic Church Church authority on contraception religious arguments against barrier contraception doctrinal justification for forbidding condoms Church responsibility eternal consequences contraception and mortal sin Pope Paul VI contraception teachings spiritual harm versus physical harm contraception Catholic doctrine on sin and Hell condemnation for contraception use Catholicism theological debate contraception Council papal encyclicals contraception prohibition of artificial birth control Catholic Church Church doctrine salvation and contraception Catholic Church barrier contraception Hell salvation moral theology doctrine eternal damnation condom use Church teaching Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI sin sexual ethics contraception ban religious doctrine salvation vs harm Catholic morality eternal suffering birth control church authority sexual morality religious belief soul salvation mortal sin Christian ethics Catholic Church contraception stance Catholic views on condoms Humanae Vitae contraception Church teaching on Hell Catholic doctrine eternal damnation barrier contraception sin Church moral theology condoms Catholic sexual ethics religious arguments against contraception Heaven and Hell Catholicism Pope Paul VI contraception Catholic beliefs eternal punishment morality of condom use Catholic Church position on birth control soteriology Catholic contraception Catholic Church salvation eternal damnation Hell contraception barrier methods condoms sin doctrine morality Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI sexual ethics church teachings divine law mortal sin religious belief ethical implications afterlife spiritual consequences Christian doctrine church authority prohibition responsible guidance eternal suffering moral theology papal encyclical Catholic moral teaching Catholic Church teachings condom use morality barrier contraception ethics Hell and salvation Catholicism Humanae Vitae contraception eternal damnation Christianity Catholic sexual ethics Catholic doctrine on sin papal encyclicals contraception contraception and afterlife religious opposition to condoms moral responsibility Catholicism Church authority on contraception consequences of contraception Catholic teaching faith versus health ethics controversial religious teachings salvation and sexuality contraception doctrine debates Vatican stance contraception eternal consequences sexual morality Catholic Church teachings barrier contraception Humanae Vitae contraception and sin eternal damnation salvation doctrine on condoms mortal sin sexual ethics Church authority religious morality papal encyclicals theological consequences spiritual harm afterlife beliefs religious doctrine moral responsibility official Catholic stance Pope Paul VI Christian ethics contraception debate faith and morality salvation Catholic doctrine contraception ban mortal sin eternal damnation Catholic Church teachings morality religious ethics Papal encyclicals ""Humanae Vitae "" Pope Paul VI barrier methods Church authority religious law sexual ethics afterlife spiritual consequences sin and redemption church policy on condoms Christian theology sanctity moral responsibility church position on sexuality eternal suffering contraception ethics religious condemnation"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con02a	Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. abortion legislation partial-birth abortion late-term abortion pro-life strategy abortion ban abortion controversy psychological impact medical ethics fetus development pro-choice arguments abortion debate campaign tactics political framing public opinion fetal viability abortion rights reproductive rights anti-abortion messaging emotional appeal abortion policy late-term abortion partial-birth abortion abortion ban pro-life strategy abortion legislation fetal development abortion controversy medical perspective psychological factors anti-abortion campaign abortion debate abortion rights pro-choice argument abortion policy abortion stigma abortion images reproductive rights abortion advocacy propaganda abortion misconceptions abortion rhetoric political strategy public opinion abortion abortion statistics moral arguments abortion abortion ban pro-life strategy late-term abortion partial-birth abortion controversy abortion debate anti-abortion campaign fetus development psychological impact medical perspective abortion legislation pro-choice arguments abortion policy reproductive rights abortion restrictions campaign tactics abortion conflation abortion stigma public opinion abortion advocacy abortion law partial birth abortion strategy late-term abortion controversy pro-life campaign tactics abortion ban incrementalism psychological aspects of late-term abortion public perception of abortion stages fetal development and abortion debate conflating abortion types in advocacy opposition messaging in abortion laws impact of imagery in abortion campaigns legislative efforts against late-term abortion media portrayal of late-term abortion abortion debate framing moral arguments in abortion discourse shifting public opinion on abortion emotional appeal in pro-life messaging legal strategies in abortion restrictions late-term abortion procedure misconceptions partial birth abortion late-term abortion abortion strategy pro-life campaign abortion ban abortion debate fetal development abortion controversy psychological aspects abortion medical perspective abortion abortion legislation abortion opposition abortion rhetoric abortion public opinion abortion imagery abortion policy abortion conflation abortion advocacy abortion terminology abortion discourse partial birth abortion debate late-term abortion controversy pro-life campaign strategies abortion law expansion abortion psychological impact abortion medical perspective late-term foetus imagery abortion legislation tactics anti-abortion rhetoric abortion rights opposition conflating abortion types abortion public opinion abortion political strategy emotional appeal abortion campaigns late-term pregnancy termination abortion policy implications partial birth abortion late-term abortion abortion ban strategy abortion opposition pro-life campaign abortion debate abortion legislation abortion controversy fetal development psychological impact medical perspective pro-choice response abortion law anti-abortion tactics public perception abortion ethics abortion rights abortion policy abortion arguments reproductive rights partial birth abortion late-term abortion abortion ban strategy abortion opposition pro-life campaigning late-term foetus abortion debate abortion legislation anti-abortion tactics abortion controversy psychological impact abortion medical perspective abortion campaign messaging abortion abortion policy public opinion abortion abortion rights abortion laws fetus development abortion conflation reproductive rights pro-choice arguments abortion stigma abortion ethics abortion misinformation impactful abortion imagery abortion advocacy abortion restriction abortion discourse abortion narrative abortion framing abortion debate abortion bans pro-life strategy partial-birth abortion late-term abortion abortion legislation abortion controversy fetal development pro-choice arguments abortion policy anti-abortion movement medical perspective psychological effects abortion misinformation public opinion abortion abortion stigma reproductive rights abortion laws abortion discourse emotional appeal abortion abortion debate abortion strategy late-term abortion partial-birth abortion pro-life campaign abortion legislation fetal development abortion controversy psychological impact medical perspective anti-abortion tactics abortion rhetoric abortion policy abortion law reproductive rights abortion statistics abortion ethics abortion bans emotional appeal abortion discourse
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con03a	Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs food security global warming climate change adaptation crop resilience drought tolerance heat-resistant crops sustainable agriculture genetic engineering maize wheat crop improvement food scarcity third world agriculture low-nutrient soils local food production environmental impact famine prevention agricultural innovation biotechnology sustainable food systems resilient crops reduced food transport organic farming limitations agricultural biotechnology climate-resilient crops crop genetic engineering food sustainability farming in marginal soils GM crop trials future food supply genetically modified organisms GMOs genetic engineering climate change adaptation global warming rising temperatures crop resilience drought-resistant crops food security future food supply sustainable agriculture GM crops heat-tolerant crops agricultural biotechnology food scarcity crop adaptation food production third world agriculture low-nutrient soils organic vs GM foods environmental impact local food production maize wheat Monsanto drought-prone environments food transport sustainable food systems crop improvement agricultural innovation famine prevention developing countries agricultural trials adaptation to climate change genetically modified organisms GMOs climate change global warming food security starvation prevention rising temperatures heat-resistant crops crop adaptation evolutionary timescales future food supply investing in GM crops drought tolerance crop acclimatization International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Rodomiro Ortiz GM crop trials South Africa Monsanto genetically modified maize food production in developing countries low nutrient soil sustainable agriculture organic vs GM crops local food production environmental impact food transportation resource mobilization improving crop yields climate-resilient agriculture biotechnology food sovereignty genetically modified organisms and climate change GM crops to prevent starvation future food security and GMOs drought-resistant genetically engineered crops rising global temperatures and agriculture adaptation of crops to climate change rapid evolution of food crops investment in GM agriculture Monsanto GM maize South Africa GM crops in low-nutrient soils food production in developing countries reduction of food transport with GM crops environmental benefits of localized GM farming feeding the world with genetically engineered foods crop genetic engineering for extreme weather case studies of GM crop success sustainability of genetically modified crops GM crops vs. organic farming in climate adaptation Rodom genetically modified organisms GMOs climate change adaptation drought tolerant crops global warming agriculture food security crop resilience genetic engineering in crops heat-resistant crops sustainable agriculture crop evolution speed third world agriculture soil nutrient content localized food production environmental impact of transport maize genetic modification Monsanto GM crops Rodomiro Ortiz research International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre GM crops in Africa organic crops limitations future food supply biotechnology in agriculture adaptation to hotter climates innovative crop solutions food crisis prevention genetically modified organisms GMOs GM crops climate change drought resistant crops food security global warming agriculture temperature increase crop adaptation evolution vs genetic modification future food supply GM crops third world low nutrient soil crops sustainable agriculture environmental impact GMOs drought tolerant maize International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa GM trials local food production GMOs organic vs GM crops shipping groceries environmental costs adaptation to climate change agriculture genetically modified organisms GMOs starvation prevention global climate change rising temperatures crop adaptation food security food supply evolution speed future crops agricultural resilience GM crops heat-tolerant crops climate adaptation crop biotechnology drought-resistant crops Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre maize improvement wheat improvement crop trials Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize food cultivation low nutrient soils third world agriculture food transport reduction environmental impact organic farming sustainable agriculture climate resilience biotechnology investment crop engineering food production challenges global warming extreme genetically modified organisms GMOs climate change adaptation drought tolerant crops drought resistant crops food security global warming crop genetic engineering Monsanto GM maize Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre sustainable agriculture third world food production soil nutrient deficiency GM crops global adoption environmental benefits GMOs reduced food transport local food production adaptation to hotter climate organic vs GM crops agricultural biotechnology starvation prevention future food supply crop adaptation climate change food scarcity solutions genetically engineered crops developing countries agriculture climate resilient crops food supply sustainability GM crops yield food genetically modified organisms GM crops climate change adaptation food security drought tolerant crops rising global temperatures crop evolution agricultural biotechnology sustainable agriculture third world food production low nutrient soil Monsanto maize South Africa organic food limitations local food cultivation Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre environmental impact food transport emissions future crop resilience hunger prevention biotechnology solutions arid region agriculture global food supply resource mobilization shipping groceries environmental cost food production innovation heat resistant crops developing countries agriculture genetically modified crops GMOs climate change adaptation drought-resistant crops food security global warming crop innovation biotechnology sustainable agriculture yield improvement crop resilience maize wheat third world agriculture low nutrient soil developing countries environmental impact food transport reduction crop genetic engineering Rodomiro Ortiz Monsanto South Africa organic vs GMO food scarcity future food supply agricultural adaptation
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con02a	Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” employment law workplace rules employee rights employer interests workplace balance health and safety regulations legal costs NHS Trust religious expression uniform policies customer expectations workplace accommodation employee values workplace disputes employment tribunal religious discrimination workplace policy enforcement employee discipline rules compliance work culture service provision belief demonstration workplace harmony workplace fairness conflict resolution workplace policies employee rights employer obligations client interests occupational health and safety legal compliance organizational rules workplace uniformity workplace balance employee values religious expression at work employment tribunals legal costs NHS Trust workplace discrimination religious symbols workplace dress codes reasonable accommodations customer expectations employment law workplace diversity fair treatment job requirements workplace discipline employer policies client interests employee respect rule purpose legal costs NHS Trust health and safety workplace regulations legal action prevention airline uniform policies customer expectations workplace functionality employee lifestyle customer needs service provision employee values religious expression workplace balance employee discipline religious accommodation uniform enforcement workplace rules employment law tribunal decisions crucifix ban workplace dress code Christian beliefs workplace rights religious discrimination workplace diversity employer rules rationale client interests prioritization health and safety legal implications NHS Trust legal costs employee respect for workplace rules workplace uniform policies airline customer expectations religious expression at work Christian workplace rights employment law and religious symbols employee values vs job requirements workplace balance values freedom of religion at work reasonable workplace accommodations legal cases on religious symbols Chaplin NHS Trust case crucifix ban legal precedent employee lifestyle customer needs dismissal due to religious expression employer rule justification workplace legal disputes customer service standards employment tribunal Christianity faith-based workplace conflicts staff uniform regulations employer interests employee respect workplace rules purpose of regulations NHS legal costs health and safety policies avoiding legal action support for rules airline uniform policy customer expectations religious expression at work workplace accommodations balance employee values employer needs demonstration of values employment tribunal religious symbols workplace dress code disciplinary action service user needs workplace diversity belief versus conduct co-religionists workplace uniformity employment rights Christian employee cases case law workplace litigation Daily Mail nursing case Chaplin NHS tribunal employment law workplace rules employee rights employer obligations health and safety regulations religious expression at work legal costs NHS policies uniform policies customer expectations balancing employee values workplace diversity discrimination law Christian beliefs in workplace religious accommodation employee conduct workplace litigation employee religious symbols workplace dress codes employer decision-making workplace discipline workplace policies employer client interests employee respect purpose of workplace rules health and safety regulations legal costs NHS Trust employment disputes reasonableness of rules airline uniform policy customer expectations Christian beliefs at work communion workplace functionality customer needs employee values workplace balance religious accommodation workplace dismissal demonstrating religious values coworker comparison religious workplace disputes crucifix at work tribunal decisions legal precedent Daily Mail nurse case employee rights employer rules workplace policies health and safety legal action employment law religious expression workplace balance customer expectations uniform policies workplace discrimination Christianity in the workplace employee values NHS Trust legal costs tribunal ruling crucifix ban religious accommodation airline policies workplace inclusion workplace dress code employment tribunals religious symbols at work Daily Mail employment case workplace diversity employee wellbeing staff regulations employment dispute nurse employment case workplace legal cases employer concerns customer service standards employment law workplace rules employer motivations client interests employee respect rule justification health and safety regulations legal costs NHS Trust legal action uniform policies customer expectations religious expression at work workplace balance employee values workplace belief demonstrations Christian workplace rights employment tribunals religious symbols work dress codes legal precedent Daily Mail case staff conduct workplace accommodation airline policy legal disputes in employment workplace diversity employer policies employee rights workplace rules client interests legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action workplace balance uniform policies airline regulations customer expectations religious expression workplace values employment law discrimination employee conduct workplace accommodation religious beliefs tribunal ruling
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. livelihoods approach microfinance poverty alleviation vulnerability reduction asset access social protection social capital financial inclusion financial literacy sustainable development poverty reduction self-sufficiency rural development economic empowerment development models community resilience capacity building aid effectiveness income generation microcredit sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction microfinance impact asset building vulnerability reduction social protection financial inclusion social capital economic empowerment financial literacy self-sufficiency community development microcredit resilience to shocks household welfare income generation rural development IFAD resources participatory development financial skills training sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction asset building financial inclusion income generation vulnerability reduction social capital self-sufficiency microcredit empowerment economic resilience community development rural development human capital social protection financial literacy grassroots development small enterprise support skill development resource access household economy livelihoods approach definition livelihoods approach model livelihoods approach in microfinance microfinance benefits for the poor microfinance and vulnerability reduction microfinance and asset access microfinance and social capital microfinance as social protection microfinance financial skills microfinance self-sustainability livelihoods framework in development impact of microfinance on poverty IFAD livelihoods approach sustainable livelihoods and microfinance social networks and microfinance microfinance and resilience livelihoods strategies microfinance financial inclusion and livelihoods empowerment through microfinance microfinance and community development sustainable livelihoods microfinance benefits poverty alleviation vulnerability reduction financial inclusion social protection asset access social capital financial skills development self-sufficiency empowerment income diversification community resilience IFAD resources rural development economic empowerment poverty reduction strategies livelihood assets capacity building livelihoods framework sustainable livelihoods microfinance benefits poverty alleviation vulnerability reduction asset access social protection social capital financial inclusion empowerment of the poor financial literacy self-sufficiency IFAD 2013 community development poverty reduction strategies microfinance impact resilience building livelihood assets microfinance and social capital sustainable microfinance rural development inclusive finance financial empowerment microfinance and vulnerability livelihoods and microfinance livelihoods framework sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction vulnerability resilience microfinance benefits asset access financial inclusion social capital social protection community networks capacity building self-sufficiency empowerment financial literacy economic development poor households financial skills training shock mitigation income generation IFAD rural development inclusive finance asset accumulation sustainable development poverty alleviation sustainable livelihoods livelihoods framework microfinance benefits poverty reduction asset building social capital financial inclusion social protection rural development income generation vulnerability reduction economic empowerment community resilience access to finance financial literacy self-sufficiency IFAD resources shock mitigation financial skills training poverty alleviation economic sustainability microcredit development models empowerment strategies subsistence strategies livelihoods approach sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction microfinance benefits vulnerability reduction asset access financial inclusion social protection social capital financial skills self-sufficiency empowerment community development rural development microcredit financial literacy economic resilience IFAD poverty alleviation inclusive finance livelihoods framework sustainable livelihoods microfinance impact poverty alleviation asset building social capital vulnerability reduction financial inclusion financial literacy social protection economic empowerment income generation community resilience rural development IFAD informal networks financial self-sufficiency microenterprise poverty reduction strategies access to credit
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con02a	Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” collective bargaining labor unions wage negotiation public sector unions natural monopoly monopoly power public utilities rail industry government ownership labor market worker mobility wage setting monopsony employer power public industries vocational roles strike action labor rights public services unionization wage bargaining single employer sectors labor market competition state-run enterprises teachers' unions labor-employer relations employment alternatives industrial relations public goods market efficiency collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries public utilities rail travel monopoly power labor unions wage negotiation single employer employment mobility public sector employment teaching profession vocational roles labor market worker rights public ownership strike action limitations unionization employer-employee power dynamics industrial relations government intervention market efficiency public service sectors monopsony labor market competition worker representation natural monopoly public sector public utilities railway monopoly wage setting union power labor market monopsony employment alternatives teachers vocational workers public ownership government regulation strike action collective action negotiation power labor unions wage negotiation monopoly employer employee mobility labor rights industrial relations market efficiency economic regulation public goods efficiency justification single employer market failure public industry workforce bargaining collective bargaining benefits public sector collective bargaining versus monopoly power natural monopolies and labor negotiation public utilities wage setting monopoly employer impact on workers collective bargaining in education sector collective bargaining in rail industry unionization in public monopolies labor rights in natural monopoly sectors wage determination in public monopolies employee mobility in monopolistic industries alternatives to strike in public sector monopoly power and employee welfare teacher bargaining power monopoly impact of monopoly on public industry wages negotiation tactics in natural monopolies labor representation in public utilities teachers union natural monopoly vocational workers and wage negotiation countering monopolist wage control collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries public utilities rail travel railway monopoly public sector unions wage determination labor market power employer monopoly monopsony unionization in public sector strikes in public services public sector employment labor mobility market structure vocational professions employment alternatives wage setting monopoly power workforce negotiation government enterprises teacher unions essential services labor market rigidity economic efficiency collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries public utilities wage negotiation labor unions monopsony monopoly power worker mobility public sector strikes labor market power wage-setting public sector monopolies teacher labor market railway monopoly public ownership vocational professions market efficiency union leverage employment alternatives monopsony power labor rights public sector employment industrial relations government monopoly utility monopolies collective bargaining natural monopoly public industries public utilities rail transport monopoly power labor unions wage negotiation public sector workers single employer monopsony workers' rights pay bargaining strike action vocational professions employment mobility public ownership Western democracies industrial relations unionization wage setting market structure monopoly employer labor markets public company essential services public sector unions labor market power employment alternatives employee bargaining power industrial monopoly collective bargaining natural monopolies public sector unions wage negotiation monopsony power public utilities labor market power public sector employment teachers unions rail transport monopoly government regulation labor rights public ownership wage setting in monopolies industrial relations labor market mobility vocational professions strike action limitations labor market competition monopoly labor markets bargaining power imbalance public industry wages labor policy economic efficiency public sector collective action public employees labor market segmentation collective bargaining natural monopoly public industries monopoly power public utilities rail travel wage setting labor unions worker mobility public sector unions monopoly employer teacher unions vocational professions strike action alternative employment employee bargaining power government monopolies labor market single employer sectors Western democracies labor rights wage negotiation industrial relations monopsony employment alternatives public ownership unionization teachers’ strikes utility industry economic efficiency labor market dynamics natural monopoly public sector collective bargaining wage-setting power labor unions monopsony public utilities worker mobility strike action vocational professions teacher labor market rail transport government-owned industries labor market competition unionization natural monopolies examples employment alternatives monopoly power bargaining power public sector unions labor rights education sector public goods labor market segmentation social welfare
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con03a	Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc partisan polarization political gridlock culture wars ideological divide liberal-conservative conflict Congress stasis legislative deadlock Tea Party movement Republican Party shift effective governance divided government challenges policy compromise media influence 24-hour news impact partisan blogging American identity debate political polarization trends single-party government legislative effectiveness party extremism policymaking obstacles congressional dysfunction bipartisanship decline hyper-partisanship political climate change Obama stimulus opposition modern US politics partisan polarization political gridlock divided government culture wars American identity partisan media 24-hour news cycle partisan blogging Tea Party movement GOP shift right compromise difficulties policy stalemate Congressional gridlock single-party government legislative effectiveness Obama stimulus opposition Republican Party liberal-conservative divide hyper-partisanship policy inaction partisan conflict US political polarization ideological extremism political climate trends bipartisan cooperation Congress dysfunction partisan polarization political gridlock divided government Tea Party movement culture wars liberal-conservative divide American identity partisan media 24-hour news partisan blogging Congressional stasis GOP rightward shift policy stalemate legislative deadlock single-party government Obama stimulus political compromise House Republicans polarization consequences effective governance US political polarization decision-making paralysis bipartisan cooperation legislative obstruction party extremism growing partisanship effects divided government challenges culture war American politics liberal conservative polarization 24-hour news impact politics partisan blogging influence Tea Party movement origins Republican Party shift right Obama stimulus opposition US Congress gridlock policy stagnation polarization history of US political polarization divided government compromise issues single-party government effectiveness impact of 2010 midterm elections polarization and legislative productivity moderate Republicans GOP rightward shift partisan media and polarization overcoming legislative gridlock cultural identity political conflict polarization public policy outcomes partisan polarization divided government culture war American identity liberal vs conservative political gridlock Tea Party movement Republican Party shift legislative stalemate 24-hour news impact partisan media policy stasis midterm elections single-party government political compromise policy agreement Congress dysfunction Obama stimulus opposition policymaking challenges ideological divide voter polarization legislative effectiveness bipartisan cooperation media influence politics rightward GOP shift partisan polarization divided government challenges political gridlock culture war politics liberal vs conservative divide Tea Party movement impact Republican Party shift right 24-hour news influence partisan media effects congressional stasis US legislative deadlock single-party government advantages policy agreement difficulty Obama stimulus opposition American political identity debate media and polarization modern US party politics effective governance obstacles polarization trend last 25 years midterm elections political impact compromise in US politics partisan polarization political gridlock divided government single-party rule culture war liberals vs conservatives American identity 24-hour news cycle partisan media Tea Party movement GOP shift right Republican Party Democratic Party legislative stasis effective governance Obama stimulus package policy deadlock congressional infighting political compromise midterm elections ideological extremism policy making challenges party polarization legislative gridlock partisan blogging news media influence political decision-making compromise barriers congressional partisanship government dysfunction ideological division US Congress hyper-partisanship legislative productivity bipartisans partisan polarization political gridlock divided government single-party government culture war liberal vs conservative Tea Party movement Republican Party shift legislative stasis US Congress polarization 24-hour news influence partisan media Obama stimulus opposition compromise challenges American identity politics moderate Republicans policy gridlock rightward GOP shift political climate change American Spectator tea party newsmax GOP analysis McCarty policy polarization media-driven partisanship ideology in Congress midterm election effects partisan polarization divided government culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news cycle partisan media political gridlock Tea Party movement Republican Party shift Barack Obama stimulus congressional stasis policy gridlock American political ideology GOP rightward shift single-party government effectiveness of governance legislative compromise midterm elections public policy stagnation ideological divisions political party dynamics modern American politics media influence on politics polarization impact policy making challenges political polarization party gridlock divided government culture wars media influence partisan media Tea Party movement Republican Party shift congressional deadlock legislative compromise American identity single-party government policy stalemate Obama stimulus ideological divide conservative-liberal conflict midterm elections GOP polarization policymaking barriers legislative effectiveness
test-religion-frghbbgi-con02a	The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. first cause unmoved mover cosmological argument causality infinite regress Big Bang origin of the universe God creation metaphysics Aristotle Thomas Aquinas contingency existence of God temporal causation philosophy of religion theism ontology necessity uncaused cause initial singularity creation ex nihilo causal chain divine agency supernatural transcendent being cosmological argument first cause unmoved mover Aristotle prime mover philosophy of causation Big Bang origin creation ex nihilo existence of God metaphysics Kalam cosmological argument temporal causality contingency argument Aquinas five ways universe origin theories causal regress necessary being First Cause cosmological argument unmoved mover causality infinite regress contingency necessary being Aristotle Thomas Aquinas Big Bang theory metaphysics creation ex nihilo ontological arguments existence of God origin of the universe temporal causality philosophical theism kalam cosmological argument divine causation transcendent being ultimate cause cosmology astrophysics theological philosophy cause and effect universe creation metaphysical necessity natural theology existential questions philosophical cosmology first cause argument unmoved mover philosophy Aristotle prime mover cosmological argument for God cause and effect universe origin of causality who created the universe what caused the Big Bang before the Big Bang causality God as first cause theological implications of prime mover philosophy of existence metaphysics of causality creation ex nihilo scientific perspectives on first cause philosophy of time and existence arguments against infinite regress creation and the Big Bang does the universe have a beginning religious interpretations of prime cause prime mover in theology cosmology and God uncaused cause temporal beginning of the causality metaphysics cosmological argument prime mover first cause infinite regress Big Bang universe origin creation cosmology Aristotle unmoved mover theological philosophy existence of God causation temporal beginning time and space philosophy of religion universe inception ontological questions first cause argument unmoved mover cosmological argument Aristotle prime mover origin of universe existence of God Big Bang theory causality and creation metaphysics of causation philosophical theology kalam cosmological argument infinite regress creation ex nihilo cause and effect universe God as creator time and causality contingency argument ontological arguments beginning of universe divine causation Prime Mover First Cause Causality Cause and Effect Infinite Regress Cosmology Big Bang Universe Origin Creation Temporal Beginnings Metaphysics Ontology Creation Ex Nihilo God Unmoved Mover Aristotle Kalam Cosmological Argument Theology Divine Cause Cosmological Argument Existence of God Philosophy of Religion Chain of Causality Time Space Origin of Everything Fundamental Cause Uncaused Cause cosmological argument prime cause first cause unmoved mover Aristotle philosophy Big Bang origin causality principle theistic arguments God existence universe creation metaphysics infinite regress time before Big Bang creation ex nihilo contingency argument Thomas Aquinas philosophical theology origin of universe cause and effect temporal causality cosmology and religion scientific cosmology causation in physics prime mover proof creationism origins debate first cause cosmological argument prime cause unmoved mover Aristotle philosophy of causation metaphysics origin of the universe creation ex nihilo causality Big Bang theory existence of God contingent vs necessary being temporal regress Aquinas five ways theological implications time before Big Bang universe creation theories cosmology divine intervention eternal universe debate scientific vs philosophical causation cosmological argument first cause unmoved mover Thomas Aquinas metaphysics creation ex nihilo contingency necessity Big Bang theory philosophical theology argument from causation infinite regress kalam cosmological argument temporal cosmology divine causality existence of God origin of universe Aristotle prime mover philosophy of religion ultimate cause
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious freedom cultural identity discrimination minority rights religious tolerance secularism human rights freedom of expression multiculturalism social integration religious oppression civil liberties religious diversity social cohesion marginalized groups religious persecution symbolic clothing personal beliefs interfaith relations hate crimes xenophobia social exclusion legal restrictions national identity social harmony religious freedom secularism discrimination cultural identity human rights minority rights freedom of expression multiculturalism social cohesion religious tolerance religious persecution civil liberties anti-discrimination laws national identity religious attire hijab ban crucifix ban kippah ban Islamophobia anti-Semitism public policy social integration cultural assimilation pluralism legal precedent constitutional rights societal impact religious diversity freedom of belief religious freedom cultural identity discrimination secularism human rights minority rights freedom of expression social integration multiculturalism religious tolerance social cohesion anti-discrimination laws civil liberties religious persecution diversity social exclusion constitutional rights symbolic clothing freedom of belief interfaith relations ban on religious symbols arguments effects of religious symbol bans cultural impact of banning religious symbols banning hijab consequences banning crucifix effects banning kippah impact religious freedom and bans scapegoating religious groups banning religious attire controversy societal division religious bans religious group discrimination religious expression restriction increasing religious hatred banning symbols and racism religious bans and social cohesion harm of banning cultural symbols banning religious attire and social unrest Belgium religious symbol ban examples BBC news religious symbols ban religious bans and national unity government policy on religious symbols public opinion on banning religious symbols religious freedom religious discrimination religious symbols ban secularism cultural identity minority rights hijab ban crucifix ban kippah ban freedom of expression religious tolerance anti-religious policies social cohesion cultural diversity human rights government intervention religion scapegoating minorities religious heritage nationalism and religion diversity and inclusion religious pluralism interfaith relations Belgium veil ban identity politics state neutrality religion prejudice and intolerance religious freedom religious discrimination cultural identity secularism freedom of expression human rights minority rights religious intolerance cultural diversity social cohesion religious pluralism anti-religious laws religious symbolism multiculturalism religious clothing bans impact on communities hate crimes societal integration religious oppression civil liberties religious freedom discrimination minority rights cultural identity human rights social cohesion cultural heritage secularism tolerance religious expression civil liberties social exclusion prejudice interfaith relations social harmony multiculturalism religious diversity xenophobia societal integration religious tolerance racism social justice anti-discrimination constitutional rights personal beliefs faith-based symbols marginalization social conflict ethnic minorities inclusivity banning religious symbols religious discrimination cultural heritage hijab ban crucifix ban kippah ban religious freedom religious expression minority rights religious intolerance secularism societal division social cohesion racism hate crimes religious prejudice identity politics multiculturalism religious attire legal restrictions freedom of speech minority oppression anti-religious policies religious persecution religious rights European secularism human rights violations community relations national identity religious minorities integration challenges religious symbolism controversy religious freedom cultural identity religious discrimination freedom of expression minority rights secularism multiculturalism religious intolerance social cohesion human rights social integration religious attire xenophobia anti-discrimination laws religious persecution symbolism in religion civil liberties diversity societal harmony interfaith relations freedom of religion religious expression cultural identity discrimination human rights secularism minority rights social cohesion religious tolerance multiculturalism civil liberties integration religious attire social justice anti-discrimination laws pluralism social harmony equal rights religious freedom ban societal impact
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. New START treaty nuclear deterrence US nuclear policy arms control nuclear arsenal reduction rising powers global zero nuclear proliferation Non-Proliferation Treaty rogue states strategic stability US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program Russian diplomacy North Korea security dilemma great power competition military drawdown nuclear modernization extended deterrence nuclear non-proliferation US national security disarmament challenges multilateral arms control nuclear arms race strategic defense U.S. allies geopolitical competition nuclear weapons states diplomatic incentives weakening deterrence New START treaty nuclear deterrence arms reduction nuclear proliferation US-Russia relations global zero nuclear weapons reduction US drawdown strategic stability rising powers rogue states Non-Proliferation Treaty nuclear disarmament Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran cooperation China-North Korea relations US national security great power competition defense policy treaty criticism diplomatic leverage arms control security alliances New START treaty nuclear deterrence US nuclear policy global zero nuclear arms reduction proliferation nuclear weapons states Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic defense rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear program Russia-US relations diplomatic incentives China nuclear policy North Korea nuclear threat US defense capability arms control great power competition disarmament nuclear modernization New START treaty criticism nuclear deterrence reduction US power decline global nuclear proliferation effectiveness of arms reduction treaties impact on non-NPT nuclear states nuclear policy toward rogue states rising nuclear powers US defense capability concerns US-Russia relations and Iran strategic disadvantages of New START precedent for diplomatic concessions comparison with North Korea critique of global zero consequences of unilateral disarmament allied protection under New START strategic threat adaptation new nuclear arms race international perception of US strength limitations of bilateral arms treaties security implications for US allies New START treaty nuclear deterrence U.S. nuclear arsenal arms reduction global zero nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons states Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic defense rogue states rising powers U.S.-Russia relations Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran cooperation North Korea defense capabilities international security nuclear policy great power competition military drawdown disarmament challenges nuclear modernization alliance protection diplomatic strategy nuclear arms race nuclear nonproliferation New START treaty criticism US nuclear deterrence nuclear disarmament debate global zero arms nuclear proliferation US nuclear drawdown risks great power competition rising nuclear powers flaws in New START US-Russia relations arms control limitations Non-Proliferation Treaty compliance rogue states nuclear threat Iran nuclear program policy Russian cooperation skepticism North Korea nuclear concerns US defense capability strategic deterrence modern threats US decline perception nuclear arms treaty effectiveness global nuclear policy challenges New START nuclear deterrence arms reduction proliferation global zero Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty US-Russia relations rising powers rogue states strategic stability nuclear arsenal disarmament Iran nuclear program diplomatic incentives military balance security policy great power competition North Korea nuclear arms race US defense policy treaty criticism missile defense Russian cooperation proliferation incentives nuclear policy analysis international security nuclear modernization treaty verification arms control mutual assured destruction geopolitical rivalry New START treaty criticism US nuclear deterrence global nuclear proliferation nuclear arms reduction global zero debate nuclear policy rising powers rogue states nuclear threat US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran nuclear cooperation North Korea nuclear issue Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic defense policy military drawdown consequences arms control skepticism disarmament multilateralism US military leadership nuclear modernization strategic stability great power rivalry nuclear weapon states unilateral disarmament risks security assurances US defense capabilities deterrence erosion international security environment nuclear arms control nuclear proliferation global zero deterrence theory US-Russia relations New START treaty critique emerging nuclear powers strategic stability treaty verification nuclear disarmament rogue states Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran relations US defense policy alliance protection North Korea nuclear issue Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) unilateral disarmament great power competition arms reduction incentives nuclear modernization geopolitical shifts nuclear deterrence arms reduction New START treaty nuclear proliferation global zero strategic stability US-Russia relations nuclear policy rogue states rising powers nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons modernization US defense capability Iran nuclear program Russia-Iran relations US allies security North Korea nuclear threat security guarantees disarmament limitations nuclear arms race international security treaty effectiveness precedent setting diplomatic leverage nuclear strategy"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro02a	Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. migration development remittances poverty alleviation free movement economic growth household income diaspora Africa international migration financial flows market connectivity investment education land ownership GDP social development barriers remittance costs livelihoods human capital World Bank informal transfers migration policy labor mobility inequality North Africa developmental impact global economy South-South migration financial inclusion migration development remittances poverty alleviation economic growth global remittance flows household income Africa African diaspora international migration free movement labor mobility financial inclusion investment education alternative assets social development income security World Bank HDR 2009 WDR 2009 IFAD AfDB GDP barriers to remittances livelihood support poverty reduction migration developmental remittances poverty alleviation economic development HDR 2009 WDR 2009 free movement connectivity labor mobility international migration Africa remittance flows human development diaspora social development income support household investment education land investment poverty reduction barriers to remittance global remittance financial inclusion migrants GDP growth AfDB IFAD World Bank North Africa migration policy migration and development migration as poverty alleviation impact of remittances on development remittances and economic growth remittances and poverty reduction migration and household income migration and market connectivity migration and GDP effects of remittances in Africa migration remittances Northern Africa barriers to remittance flows development potential of African diaspora migration and social development international remittance trends case studies migration development migration policies and development migration-led livelihoods migration and investment in education migration and financial inclusion migration and alternative assets migration-related security for households migration developmental impact remittances poverty alleviation economic development human development HDR 2009 WDR 2009 free movement labor mobility diaspora contributions Africa remittances global remittance flows migration and markets social development household income education investment poverty reduction migration policy barriers to remittances transnational ties IFAD AfDB World Bank De Haas migration networks North Africa migration economics livelihoods GDP growth financial inclusion migration developmental impact migration and development remittances and poverty alleviation economic benefits of migration free movement and development international remittance flows migration and GDP growth remittances in Africa African diaspora remittances migration and livelihoods remittances and household income social development and migration barriers to remittances migration and education investment migration market connectivity remittances and asset investment migration policy HDR 2009 WDR 2009 World Bank remittance data remittances Northern Africa De Haas migration remittances migration and poverty reduction migration developmental remittances international migration poverty alleviation free movement market connectivity livelihood support household income investment education land Africa Northern Africa African diaspora remittance flows GDP World Bank AfDB IFAD social development De Haas barriers money transfer economic development global remittances inequality diaspora contributions migration policy household consumption income security migration and development migration remittances remittance flows remittances and poverty alleviation migration and economic development international remittances remittances and GDP migration policy reports remittances Africa migration sub-Saharan Africa migration North Africa impact of remittances remittances and household income diaspora remittances financial flows migration migration and education migration and investment migration and livelihoods World Bank migration HDR 2009 migration WDR 2009 migration IFAD remittances AfDB remittance reports migration and social development De Haas migration international migration developmental migration human development remittances remittance flows poverty alleviation economic development migration and development free movement global remittances migration policy labour mobility household security Africa remittances diaspora investment migration barriers social development alternative assets migration economics African diaspora migration and poverty reduction migration and markets migration connectivity HDR 2009 WDR 2009 AfDB IFAD World Bank reports migration development remittances poverty alleviation economic growth income security household consumption investment education land free movement human development international migration remittance flows African diaspora social development poverty reduction global remittances transnational connectivity World Bank financial inclusion migration barriers North Africa GDP impact migration policy alternative assets Africa HDR 2009 WDR 2009 IFAD AfDB
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro02a	The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. higher education university graduates skilled workforce knowledge economy economic growth innovation productivity cultural awareness arts education historical understanding social mobility educational access talent development leadership development tuition barriers university fees equal opportunity societal advancement public investment in education education policy human capital education inequality educated society meritocracy lifelong learning higher education impact university graduates benefits economic growth educated population workforce innovation skilled labor force cultural awareness university arts education benefits historical knowledge society leadership development higher education social mobility university tuition fees accessibility education policy benefits smart economy education knowledge economy lifelong learning society educational attainment advantages university accessibility public investment education social equity university barriers to higher education higher education economic impact skilled workforce innovation productivity smart economy social mobility cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university funding tuition fees educational access social benefits knowledge economy public investment graduate outcomes societal advancement social equality human capital lifelong learning university educated populace benefits value of higher education to society economic benefits of higher education impact of educated workforce on innovation smart economy advantages university education and productivity higher education and cultural awareness arts and history in higher education development of societal leaders through university impact of university fees on talent barriers to higher education access university education and social mobility benefits of accessible higher education role of universities in state prosperity investing in higher education for national growth higher education university graduates economic benefits smart economy skilled workforce productivity innovation cultural awareness humanities arts history classics social leadership leadership development social mobility university access tuition barriers talent development human capital knowledge economy state benefits educational policy workforce development inclusive education social value national competitiveness university education benefits impact of higher education on economy advantages of educated workforce cultural awareness through higher education university education and leadership development barriers to university access university fees and social mobility economic impact of educated populace smart economy and education benefits of arts and humanities education value of university degree to society promoting access to higher education social benefits of university education university educated society innovation and higher education university education higher education skilled workforce economic benefits smart economy innovation productivity cultural awareness arts education history education classics leadership development social mobility university fees access to education education policy talent development workforce skills educational inequality human capital societal value education access education funding meritocracy university graduates educational barriers educated society knowledge economy state benefits education and innovation university educated populace higher education benefits economic advantages of education smart economy workforce innovation productivity and education technical skills university cultural awareness higher education arts education benefits history education impact classics university influence leadership development university education and social mobility university fees barrier access to higher education education and state development societal value of education education policy benefits education and national productivity education and innovation equitable education access university education benefits economic impact of higher education smart economy advantages skilled workforce innovation from educated workforce cultural awareness higher education arts and history education leadership development through university barriers to higher education university tuition impact potential of educated society access to higher education value of university degree societal benefits of education equitable education opportunities higher education and productivity inclusive education policy higher education university graduates economic impact smart economy skilled workforce innovation productivity cultural awareness arts education history studies classics leadership development university access tuition barriers social mobility public policy educational attainment national development talent cultivation state investment societal benefits
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 European Union integration EU military cooperation Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups European defense integration EU military framework EU Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff UK and France defense cooperation EU security strategy EU institutional development European military capacity EU foreign policy EU peacekeeping missions EU international security EU defense policy EU multilateral military operations Rockwell Schnabel EU security and defense integration European Union integration EU military unification EU defense cooperation Common Security and Defense Policy EU military framework EU defense policy European military capacity UK France EU military leadership EU institutional bodies Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff EU defense initiatives Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina EU missions EU battlegroups EU multinational military EU military deployment EU security strategy EU international peace EU justice development EU foreign policy EU defense collaboration European defense integration European Union integration EU defense policy common military framework EU security strategy UK France military cooperation Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff EU battlegroups European security cooperation Common Security and Defense Policy EU military deployments EU peacekeeping EU institutional development multinational military capacity EU international relations Europe defense collaboration Rockwell Schnabel EU foreign policy European security architecture EU crisis response troops Bosnia-Herzegovina missions Macedonia military envoy EU justice and development Permanent EU military force EU security initiatives EU military integration EU military integration EU common security policy European defense cooperation EU battlegroups deployment Political and Security Committee role EU Military Committee responsibilities EU military staff functions UK and France military leadership in EU EU military missions Macedonia EU military presence Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy implementation EU institutional military bodies Rockwell Schnabel EU views EU security strategy goals EU international peace initiatives European military capacity pooling EU military standby forces EU justice and development strategy incremental EU military steps EU foreign policy integration EU integration European military unification common security policy defense cooperation UK France military leadership military capacity pooling Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU Military Staff EU military missions Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups rapid deployment forces EU institutional development European security strategy international peace promotion EU justice initiatives EU development policy Rockwell Schnabel US perspective on EU security Brown Journal of World Affairs EU military integration EU Common Security and Defense Policy European battlegroups EU military framework EU defense cooperation EU Political and Security Committee European Military Committee pooling European military resources EU military interventions Balkans EU security strategy UK and France EU defense leadership EU institutional military bodies EU international peacekeeping EU security and defense integration EU military capacity building European Union integration EU military cooperation common defense policy EU security framework EU military capacity collective security EU institutional bodies Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups rapid deployment forces EU military envoy European security strategy international peace EU justice initiatives EU development policy European foreign policy military pooling UK-France defense leadership EU crisis management European security governance Rockwell Schnabel EU peacekeeping operations EU military staff European collective defense EU integration European common military framework UK France defense cooperation European military capacity EU Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU military staff EU military envoys Macedonia Bosnia Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups EU standby troops multilateral military deployment EU security strategy EU international peace EU justice promotion EU development strategy European defense union European strategic autonomy EU collective security EU crisis management Rockwell Schnabel EU article EU foreign and security policy EU military cooperation European defense policy EU security institutions EU-NATO relations European strategic initiatives European military alliances European Union integration EU military framework EU security policy Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups European defense cooperation Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee EU institutional development UK France military leadership EU international peace strategy EU foreign policy European military capacity EU crisis management EU military missions EU military staff EU strategic autonomy EU security and development Macedonia Bosnia military envoy Rockwell Schnabel EU analysis EU integration European military cooperation Common Security and Defense Policy EU battlegroups EU military framework security strategy UK France military leadership Political and Security Committee EU Military Committee multilateral military efforts EU peacekeeping missions EU foreign policy European defense policy EU institutional development international peace promotion EU security initiatives EU crisis response EU military capacity Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina EU missions Rockwell Schnabel EU analysis
test-environment-opecewiahw-con01a	Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) project management infrastructure capacity corruption Transparency International corruption perception financial mismanagement maintenance challenges silting Inga I and II dams hydropower potential energy infrastructure World Bank international aid development challenges sustainable energy large-scale projects African electricity operational efficiency governance accountability risk assessment electric utility maintenance project feasibility economic impact Grand Inga Dam Inga Dam project Democratic Republic of Congo DRC infrastructure project management challenges corruption in DRC large-scale dam risks Inga I and II performance hydroelectric power Africa World Bank projects project transparency maintenance of infrastructure dam construction Africa energy development DRC governance issues Transparency International corruption ranking project sustainability African mega-projects dam silting power generation capacity economic impact DRC governance capacity electricity access Africa infrastructure failures anti-corruption measures public sector management DRC Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo hydroelectric project corruption Transparency International project management infrastructure challenges maintenance issues Inga I Inga II river silting energy production electricity generation development risks African infrastructure World Bank funding problems power supply sustainability governance financial mismanagement large-scale projects African energy dam efficiency resource allocation international aid Grand Inga Dam challenges DRC project management capacity corruption impact on infrastructure Inga I and II dam maintenance issues feasibility of mega projects in developing countries Transparency International corruption ranking DRC risks of large-scale hydropower in Africa infrastructure mismanagement in DRC sustainability of hydropower projects in Congo World Bank funding Grand Inga Dam lessons from Inga I and II electricity access Africa Grand Inga anti-corruption strategies DRC socio-economic effects Grand Inga Dam environmental concerns Grand Inga Dam international investment risks DRC development project oversight Africa governance and accountability Congo projects Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo DRC corruption infrastructure project management dam maintenance silting Transparency International hydroelectric power energy projects Africa Inga I Inga II World Bank mismanagement sustainable development international aid large-scale construction electricity access Africa environmental impact capacity challenges financial oversight anti-corruption African energy infrastructure project feasibility risk assessment public-private partnership government accountability Grand Inga Dam challenges DRC corruption impact project management difficulties infrastructure maintenance hydropower project risks Transparency International corruption ranking Inga I and II operational issues Grand Inga feasibility large-scale energy projects Africa project financial mismanagement World Bank involvement Grand Inga silting and dam efficiency African electricity access development project oversight corruption in infrastructure projects Grand Inga dam Democratic Republic of Congo DRC infrastructure hydroelectric power corruption governance maintenance challenges development projects Transparency International Inga I and II electricity generation project management international funding African energy sector World Bank large-scale infrastructure river damming sustainability project feasibility energy access project financing illicit financial flows construction challenges African development environmental impact silting public accountability Grand Inga Dam DRC infrastructure corruption in DRC project management Africa hydropower Africa development challenges DRC transparency international DRC maintenance of dams DRC Inga I and II energy potential Africa mismanagement African projects river Congo energy World Bank African projects electricity Africa sustainable development DRC dam silting issues international investment DRC public sector corruption Africa Grand Inga Dam DRC infrastructure corruption project management development challenges energy potential dam maintenance African hydroelectric projects Transparency International rankings fund mismanagement Inga I and II performance silting World Bank Africa projects electricity access Africa sustainable development large-scale infrastructure risks Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo DRC hydroelectric power corruption governance capacity building infrastructure management Transparency International electricity generation project maintenance siltation Inga I Inga II development challenges funding World Bank sustainable development African energy international finance project risks megaproject feasibility transparency mismanagement economic impact
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro01a	Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] political immunity prosecution exceptions executive focus legislative distractions officeholder stress legal immunity justification indictment impact government efficiency political accountability executive time management impeachment consequences public official duties policy disruption legal proceedings political performance resource allocation government stability judicial interference political responsibility crisis management legislative workload politician immunity benefits prosecution deferral rationale executive distraction legislative performance officeholder criminal charges impact of indictment stress and governance government resource diversion impeachment case studies Clinton impeachment impact executive job demands political crisis management constituent representation immunity vs accountability political office stressors political immunity prosecution of politicians executive privilege legislative immunity public office accountability government ethics political corruption separation of powers rule of law indictment stress public service distractions governmental stability impeachment proceedings presidential duties political scandals national crisis management officeholder protection legal immunity debate political distraction public trust official misconduct governance effectiveness judicial independence legislative burden performance under investigation politicians immunity from prosecution pros impact of legal proceedings on political duties politician workload and legal distractions effects of indictments on governance case studies on politician prosecution historical examples of political immunity impeachment impact on government efficiency resource allocation during political trials pros and cons of prosecuting sitting politicians politician legal immunity international comparison executive branch distraction from prosecution stress of legal charges on political performance legislative productivity and legal proceedings public opinion on presidential vacations prominent prosecutions of politicians immunity and governance effectiveness presidential indictment historical effects policy implications of prosecuting leaders correlation between legal stress and political decision-making government operations during political immunity prosecution of politicians legislative efficiency executive duties officeholder distraction indictment stress political accountability government resources presidential impeachment public service performance national crisis management constituent service legislative workload prosecutorial abstention officeholder productivity criminal charges distraction from duties government operations disruption separation of powers impact on governance obstruction of justice political scandals judicial process political ethics political immunity prosecution of politicians executive immunity legislative immunity public official prosecution stress and governance impact of legal charges on politicians legislative effectiveness distraction from duties impeachment proceedings Clinton impeachment Kosovo war defense allocation constituent service disruption prosecution during office politician workload presidential vacations government resource allocation public trust in politicians accountability vs. immunity legal challenges for incumbents politicians’ immunity prosecution immunity officeholder duties legislative responsibilities political stress indictment impact distraction from governance national leadership legislative workload Bill Clinton impeachment presidential prosecution performance hindrance government resources crisis management constituent service political accountability impeachment process perjury charges obstruction of justice Kosovo war executive branch distraction federal government strain political indictment immunity justification political workload public criticism presidential vacations legislative focus legal prosecution delay officeholder prosecution politician immunity prosecution immunity political office duties legislative workload national-level politicians focus on governance distractions from legal charges impact of indictments political stress effectiveness in office legislative productivity presidential impeachment Bill Clinton impeachment time management politicians public criticism vacations executive branch distractions legislative resources prosecution during office legal defense burden prioritizing governance Kosovo war policy government resource allocation indictment impact politics government effectiveness constituent service legal charges politicians prosecution abstention political office stress prosecution timing government crisis management politician immunity prosecution performance legislative duties executive focus political office prosecution abstention national-level politicians legislative workload crisis management constituent consultation campaign responsibilities indictment impact political stress government disruption impeachment proceedings Bill Clinton impeachment presidential duties perjury obstruction of justice government resources Kosovo war executive branch legal defense political accountability job performance political distraction legal immunity benefits public service effectiveness prosecution consequences historical criticism presidential vacations political immunity prosecution of politicians legislative duties executive focus performance hindrance officeholder prosecution stress and governance presidential impeachment legislative workload Bill Clinton impeachment legal distraction government efficiency resource allocation political accountability indictment effects crisis management constituent service political campaign obligations officeholder legal protection government operations separation of powers historical examples public trust executive time management government productivity
test-society-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), government authority social contract public interest collective decision-making representative democracy individual autonomy community wellbeing state intervention rural depopulation urban migration agricultural policy long-term policy public goods individual vs collective interests social responsibility government legitimacy citizen rights policy trade-offs social philosophy governance ethics social contract theory government authority public interest collective decision-making community welfare individual autonomy civic responsibility rural depopulation urban migration policy intervention long-term benefits common good representative democracy state intervention urbanization effects subsidiarity citizen-government relationship public policy distributive justice social obligations civic participation social contract government authority collective decision-making public interest representative democracy autonomy individual rights community welfare urbanization rural depopulation agricultural decline policy-making state intervention long-term benefits social responsibility common good civic duty government legitimacy individual vs collective rural-urban migration societal obligations population movement city amenities collective harm societal contract theory government intervention social contract theory government decision-making authority collective interest vs individual interest role of representatives in society autonomy vs government control urbanization and rural depopulation government intervention in social issues balancing short-term vs long-term interests philosophical foundations of social contracts responsibilities of government to citizens impact of migration on cities and countryside D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher social contract Stanford Encyclopedia philosophy government policies for community welfare ethical basis for government decisions managing public goods and services individual rights and state power civic responsibility and governance government intervention in population distribution justifications for social contract social contract government authority public interest collective decision-making autonomy civil society individual vs collective community policy rural depopulation urban migration agricultural decline policy-making civic duty state intervention long-term benefits short-term sacrifice representative democracy public goods rural-urban balance common good civic responsibility political philosophy Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy social contract theory government legitimacy social contract theory government decision making collective responsibility public interest community living urbanization effects rural depopulation common good individual vs collective interests state intervention representative democracy autonomy and freedom exchange long-term policy benefits cities vs countryside social philosophy public policy social contract philosophers government legitimacy Stanford Encyclopedia social contract moral justification government actions social welfare individual incentives civic duty agricultural decline population migration urban amenities equity in policymaking social contract government authority civic duty representative democracy public interest autonomy exchange collective decision-making individual vs collective interests rural depopulation urbanization agricultural decline city amenities state intervention long-term policy civic responsibility policy making Fred D'Agostino Gerald Gaus John Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government legitimacy social cohesion community welfare public policy societal obligations urban vs rural migration public good community representation social philosophy state responsibility collective welfare government decision making social contract theory representative democracy public interest policy community decision making individual autonomy vs. collective good rural depopulation urbanization effects governmental intervention long-term societal benefits city vs. countryside migration state role in public welfare common good policies autonomy and freedom trade-off social contract philosophers Fred D'Agostino Gerald Gaus John Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy community welfare policies social obligations urban migration impact agricultural decline social contract examples policy making consequences societal interests social contract government authority collective decision-making public policy civic responsibility individual autonomy common good urbanization rural depopulation agricultural decline city amenities representative democracy policy tradeoffs long-term benefits social cohesion government intervention social welfare utilitarianism state power community interests rural exodus urban migration social obligations public interests political philosophy civic engagement distributive justice social contract theory social contract theory government authority collective decision-making public interest individual autonomy rural depopulation urbanization effects agricultural decline city infrastructure long-term policy benefits representative democracy state intervention community governance social responsibility political philosophy civic duty urban-rural migration public goods government legitimacy societal well-being"
test-environment-aiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ human-wildlife conflict Africa wildlife fatalities endangered animal attacks hippo attacks elephant attacks lion attacks dangerous African animals human safety wildlife wildlife population control animal conservation risks wildlife management animal-human encounters park safety Africa Kruger National Park incidents aggressive animal species reducing animal-caused deaths wildlife protection consequences animal attack statistics most dangerous African animals wildlife tourism safety human-wildlife conflict Africa animal attacks endangered aggressive animals animal-related fatalities Africa dangerous wildlife Africa hippo attacks statistics elephant attacks Africa lion attacks humans Kruger National Park incidents wildlife population risk wildlife conservation impact human safety wildlife animal protection consequences most dangerous African animals wildlife management Africa animal tourism Africa big game interactions humans fatal animal encounters protecting humans from wildlife large mammals human threat human-wildlife conflict animal attacks wildlife management endangered species risk aggressive animals Africa fatalities animal conservation hippopotamus danger elephant attacks lion attacks wildlife protection public safety Kruger National Park animal population control dangerous African animals wildlife-human interactions animal-related deaths safari safety mitigating animal threats protecting humans from wildlife animal attack statistics Africa human-wildlife conflict Africa deaths caused by wild animals Africa endangered animals human safety dangerous African animals elephant attacks Africa hippopotamus fatalities Africa lion attacks Africa wildlife management Africa protecting humans from wild animals impact of animal protection on human safety wildlife population growth risks reducing animal-related deaths Africa most dangerous animals in Africa balancing conservation and human safety fatalities from wildlife attacks wildlife conservation challenges Africa aggressive endangered species safaris and animal attacks measures to prevent animal attacks Africa animal attacks Africa human-wildlife conflict endangered species aggression large animals fatalities hippo attacks Africa elephant attacks Africa lion attacks humans wildlife management Africa Kruger National Park incidents tourist safety Africa dangerous animals statistics wildlife protection effects balancing conservation and safety animal attack prevention high-risk African animals human fatalities wildlife animal population control safari safety guidelines mitigation strategies animal attacks coexistence humans wildlife Africa animal-related deaths dangerous animals Africa human wildlife conflict Africa animal attacks Africa statistics hippopotamus deaths Africa elephant attacks Africa lion fatalities Africa Kruger National Park animal attacks endangered aggressive animals wildlife protection human risk animal-caused human fatalities Africa most dangerous animals Africa increasing wildlife populations human impact safari safety Africa wildlife tourism risks Africa animal-human interactions Africa human-wildlife conflict animal attack statistics endangered species aggression Africa animal fatalities dangerous African animals hippo attacks elephant attacks lion attacks wildlife protection risks Kruger National Park incidents human fatalities wildlife large animal encounters animal-human interactions wildlife management Africa most dangerous animals Africa safari dangers conservation challenges animal population control wildlife tourism safety animal-related deaths public safety and wildlife animal behavior Africa animals attacking humans protecting endangered animals risks wildlife fatality data dangerous animals Africa animal attacks Africa human fatalities wildlife hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks lion attacks Kruger National Park dangers endangered aggressive animals wildlife-human conflict animal-related deaths statistics most dangerous African animals animal conservation risks large beast attacks Africa tourist safety Africa animal protection consequences Africa wildlife fatalities managing wildlife populations animal-human encounters wildlife management Africa animal attack prevention Africa human-wildlife conflict Africa animal fatalities dangerous wildlife statistics elephant attacks hippopotamus attacks lion attacks endangered species aggression wildlife conservation risks human safety Africa animal population control Kruger National Park incidents animal attack prevention wildlife protection impact tourist safety Africa most dangerous African animals wildlife management strategies animal-human encounters aggressive animal behavior African wildlife emergencies protecting endangered species human-wildlife conflict wildlife conservation endangered species animal attacks Africa human fatalities wildlife dangerous African animals hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks lion attacks Kruger National Park incidents wildlife-related deaths animal population control tourism wildlife safety animal aggression wildlife management Africa
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro03a	Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism net neutrality ISP bias internet censorship information control digital rights open access free software open source content throttling platform discrimination anti-competitive practices Comcast vs Netflix file sharing restrictions online objectivity media trust information diversity bandwidth management paid prioritization cross-referencing restricted access web accessibility digital freedom source credibility internet regulation user choice open internet advocacy net neutrality ISP bias digital censorship open access internet throttling content discrimination website accessibility commercial interests file sharing free software software distribution paywall restrictions internet freedom user choice editorial objectivity cross-referencing platform favoritism competition suppression Comcast Netflix case gatekeeping monopoly control online trust open internet information diversity unbiased access internet regulations digital rights censorship concerns internet governance network discrimination net neutrality ISP censorship digital rights open access internet objectivity content bias information gatekeeping free software software freedom anti-competitive practices file sharing digital distribution Comcast NetFlix controversy information accessibility online trust digital monopolies open internet user choice internet governance cross-referencing reliability information diversity commercial interests online information access barriers web neutrality paywall impact software competition media control information monopoly shareware limitations freeware disadvantages freeware risks shareware threats ISP influence on access ISP bias ISP commercial interests ISP content blocking net neutrality challenges file sharing regulation Comcast vs Netflix case open access importance censorship online information objectivity online source reliability internet cross-referencing web sources user choice reduction site accessibility bias competition with freeware internet truth discovery restricting file sharing government control internet media bias internet trustworthy online sources open internet advocacy net neutrality debates ISP manipulation of traffic shareware distribution limitations impact of ISPs on freeware access to free software online net neutrality ISP censorship digital gatekeeping information bias online objectivity freeware vulnerabilities shareware risks open access advocacy cross-referencing integrity internet trust content throttling website accessibility commercial conflict of interest file sharing threats Comcast Netflix dispute digital monopolies user choice limitation information diversity internet governance government control of information digital marketplace competition media bias online freedom of information digital ecosystem transparency freeware threats shareware risks ISP censorship commercial interests internet net neutrality challenges objectivity online file sharing suppression Comcast NetFlix case open access internet cross-referencing web internet trust issues restricted website access digital information bias internet freedom online content accessibility source credibility internet corporate internet control government intervention web digital media objectivity free software protection freeware shareware objectivity ISP bias internet neutrality net neutrality site accessibility commercial interests information trust open access file sharing censorship digital rights competing services cross-referencing media control online freedom digital transparency content filtering source reliability broadband throttling internet regulation user choice information diversity truth in media online journalism site discrimination Comcast vs Netflix source credibility governmental control access restrictions net neutrality ISP censorship digital freedom open access free software risks shareware challenges commercial bias internet online objectivity internet fairness digital gatekeeping ISP competition free service suppression file sharing threats Comcast vs Netflix internet cross-referencing online source trust information accessibility internet choice limitation content throttling digital monopoly controlling online information government internet control internet bias access discrimination online product competition internet democracy restricting freeware shareware suppression source reliability internet journalism and internet access freedom of information online net neutrality internet censorship ISP bias digital rights open access internet objectivity digital gatekeeping information diversity online competition file sharing Comcast NetFlix dispute corporate influence internet freeware challenges shareware vulnerability source trustworthiness cross-referencing internet user choice online digital freedom anti-competitive practices internet governance net neutrality ISP censorship digital objectivity information bias open access online censorship digital gatekeeping internet freedom platform discrimination intellectual freedom digital monopolies file sharing restrictions content throttling digital transparency access to freeware access to shareware media consolidation source reliability technology regulation online competition
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con02a	Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. women’s sexual empowerment feminist porn female sexual identity sexually liberated women sex-positive feminism female agency gender stereotypes female-friendly pornography women’s autonomy sexuality taboos empowering porn lesbian representation women as dominant representation in media feminist movement gender norms women in film 1920s flappers jazz age women breaking taboos sexual self-definition feminist porn awards alternative pornography women’s sexual expression sexual agency feminist values anti-censorship feminism women's sexual empowerment feminist pornography female sexual identity sex-positive feminism women's liberation women's representation in media gender roles and sexuality women as sexual agents history of female sexuality feminist movement and pornography female-friendly porn feminist porn awards women in adult industry breaking sexual taboos women's power in society lesbian representation dominant women in pornography sexual agency gender stereotypes sexual liberation sexuality in 1920s women influencing pornography feminist critique of porn pro-sex feminism intersection of feminism and pornography women's sexual autonomy pornography women empowerment sexual identity female sexuality feminist movement feminist porn gender roles female-friendly pornography women liberation sexual liberation sexuality taboos dominant women lesbian representation feminism and media female sexual agency Roaring Twenties flappers gender stereotypes representation in porn feminist values porn industry feminist porn awards media and feminism societal norms sexual autonomy sexual revolution women in porn sexual empowerment gender expression women role models sexual openness pornography and women's liberation pornography as sexual empowerment feminist pornography female sexual identity and media flappers and sexual revolution history of women in pornography pornography breaking taboos sex-positive feminism representation of women in porn feminist perspectives on pornography impact of film industry on female sexuality lesbian representation in media women as dominant in pornography gender stereotypes and pornography feminist porn awards female-friendly pornography pornography and gender norms women influencing sexual perception LGBTQ+ pornography empowerment sexual agency and women's rights role of media in shaping sexuality feminism and adult entertainment pornography as a tool for social change redefining pornography women empowerment female sexuality sexual identity feminist movement female-friendly porn feminist porn feminist porn awards sexual liberation gender stereotypes flappers Roaring Twenties film industry lesbian representation dominant women sexual taboos women in media gender roles sexual expression LGBTQ representation media influence sexuality and feminism women in pornography feminist values sexual agency cultural change women role models breaking stereotypes sex-positive feminism history of sexuality women’s autonomy feminist pornography female sexual empowerment female-friendly porn feminist porn awards history of women and sexuality pornography and gender stereotypes women defining sexual identity sex-positive feminism empowering representations in porn lesbian representation in pornography dominant women in porn sexual liberation movements pornography and feminist values breaking sexual taboos women in the Roaring Twenties feminist role models women in media influence of film industry on sexuality flapper culture diverse representations in porn female empowerment sexual liberation feminist pornography gender roles sexual identity flappers Roaring Twenties film industry stereotype breaking taboos feminist movement representation female sexuality lesbian visibility sexually active women dominant women sexual agency feminist values Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn female-friendly porn women in media jazz age societal norms gender expression pornography and feminism sexuality discourse women’s rights media influence challenging stereotypes redefining femininity pornography empowerment female sexual liberation feminist porn women sexual identity flappers 1920s sexual taboos female-friendly porn feminist movement sexual agency dominant women lesbian representation sex positive feminism women in media representation in pornography gender stereotypes feminist porn awards sex industry queer porn women empowerment gender roles female sexuality women breaking taboos sexual autonomy women in film feminist values alternative pornography gender norms lesbian visibility sex as empowerment sexual expression women's sexual liberation feminist pornography female empowerment sexual identity gender stereotypes flappers Roaring Twenties representation in media women's sexual agency sexuality and feminism women in film feminist movement breaking taboos sex-positive feminism dominant women lesbian representation feminist porn awards female-friendly porn sex-positive media sexual autonomy media influence on gender redefining femininity sexual expression women's role models alternative pornography empowering women through media feminist pornography women empowerment sexual identity gender stereotypes sexual liberation female-friendly porn flappers roaring twenties feminist movement female dominance lesbian representation feminist porn awards sexuality taboo women's rights sex-positive feminism media influence sexual expression gender roles porn industry sexual agency societal norms representation in media feminist critique historical role models sexuality perception
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, power vacuum political instability succession planning leadership transition government secrecy coup risk health disclosure political opportunism authoritarian regimes leadership vulnerability elite maneuvering crisis management institutional loyalty governance risk regime change political succession state security information control military intervention transition of power internal threats external threats smooth succession power vacuum political instability succession planning leadership transition government vulnerability coup risk secrecy in leadership illness information control elite power struggles regime security military intervention political opportunism executive health disclosure security vacuum elite loyalty crisis management political maneuvering regime continuity leadership incapacitation constitutional succession transitional government elite support public communication government stability opportunistic takeover internal threats external threats regime resilience succession crisis elite coordination coup power vacuum succession political instability leadership transition government secrecy opportunistic rivals leadership illness institutional loyalty military takeover succession planning regime change government vulnerability political opportunism internal threats external threats power transfer crisis management government stability public disclosure military officers presidential succession leadership crisis elite factions authority challenge leadership vulnerability during illness political succession secrecy leader health disclosure risks impact of leader illness on governance stability rivals exploiting leader illness government transparency and succession coup risks after leader death power transition strategies concealing leader health information historical examples of leadership transitions crisis management during leader illness succession planning in government external threats during leader illness internal threats after leader death military coups after leader death effects of quick death announcements protecting state stability during leadership transitions ensuring loyalty post-leader death case study Lansana Conte Guinea power vacuum exploitation leadership succession political instability power vacuum government transparency leader illness coup prevention information control regime change crisis management public disclosure loyalty assurance military intervention succession planning national security elite maneuvering executive vulnerability constitutional provisions transitional authority governance risks opportunistic rivals leadership succession political power vacuum coup prevention leader illness secrecy political instability government vulnerability power transition military coup risks interim leadership crisis management safeguarding national security succession planning political opportunism case studies leadership transition Guinea coup 2008 leader health disclosure power struggles managing leadership transitions executive power shifts internal government threats leadership succession political transition leader illness vulnerability power vacuum government stability coup d'état regime change health secrecy elite loyalty leadership crisis internal threats external threats government response succession planning military intervention political instability opportunistic rivals leadership concealment smooth succession Guinea 2008 Aboubacar Sompare Lansana Conte political opportunism transfer of power constitutional crisis announcement timing leadership vulnerability leader illness secrecy political succession power vacuum risks government stability coup prevention opportunistic rivals leadership transition military coup risks death of leader state secrecy benefits leadership crisis management transition period governance succession planning historical coups Guinea 2008 coup Aboubacar Sompare Lansana Conte crisis exploitation political instability emergency succession external threats internal threats power consolidation governmental loyalty army loyalty institutional control smooth leadership transition leadership succession political instability power vacuum government secrecy leader illness vulnerability in leadership coup d’état military takeover Guinea 2008 Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare succession planning emergency power transition political opportunism stability after leader death executive health disclosure managing governmental continuity institutional loyalty security during transition leadership crisis risk mitigation power vacuum leadership transition political instability succession planning coup risk government vulnerability crisis management health secrecy opportunistic rivals military intervention regime change institutional loyalty elite consolidation political maneuvering power grab executive illness secrecy strategy state security internal threats external threats
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con03a	An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. ICC enforcement enforcement arm ICC-state relations state parties international criminal court trust bottom-up approach top-down approach complementarity principle national courts national sovereignty international force war criminals jurisdiction state consent diplomatic consequences sovereignty intrusion international intervention government officials indicted persons domestic prosecution international law ICC criticism enforcement challenges state cooperation national authority international criminal justice compliance international conflict government resistance state sovereignty diplomatic backlash ICC enforcement mechanism impact on sovereignty state cooperation international criminal law principle of complementarity national jurisdiction ICC intervention trust between ICC and states international law enforcement state consent diplomatic repercussions use of force by ICC state-ICC relations sovereignty intrusion judicial independence war crimes prosecution international trust enforcement challenges peacekeeping operations government resistance legitimacy of ICC prosecution of government officials international community trust national responsibility top-down enforcement jurisdictional conflict ICC enforcement mechanism ICC intervention state sovereignty complementarity principle national jurisdiction international criminal justice enforcement arm international force diplomatic relations trust-based cooperation state consent war crimes prosecution international law jurisdictional conflict government resistance extradition humanitarian intervention international legitimacy national pride ICC authority international cooperation sovereignty violation ICC enforcement arm controversy ICC sovereignty concerns ICC-state party relations principle of complementarity ICC ICC international interventions impact on national sovereignty ICC ICC trust and cooperation ICC diplomatic consequences ICC enforcement legitimacy ICC vs national court jurisdiction ICC intervention backlash ICC enforcement and state consent ICC enforcement force repercussions ICC humiliation argument ICC international trust issues ICC enforcement force scenarios ICC law enforcement international ICC arrest operations risks ICC and governmental resistance ICC enforcement and war crimes prosecution ICC enforcement arm ICC-state party relations complementarity principle international criminal court national sovereignty state consent international intervention diplomatic consequences enforcement mechanisms trust-based cooperation international force war criminals national courts top-down approach bottom-up approach national jurisdiction sovereignty intrusion legitimacy of ICC government resistance international law enforcement prosecution of crimes state unwillingness international legitimacy diplomatic backlash ICC authority compliance with ICC enforcement challenges country reputation humiliation of states international community trust legal jurisdiction protection of sovereignty ICC enforcement arm criticism impact on state sovereignty ICC and state parties relations ICC complementarity principle national court prosecution international intervention risks sovereignty and trust diplomatic consequences ICC enforcement ICC force deployment controversy humiliation of states by ICC force ICC trust and cooperation international criminal court enforcement challenges ICC intrusion implications enforcement arm and complementarity tension sovereignty violation by ICC ICC international force backlash ICC enforcement arm international relations ICC state parties trust-based cooperation bottom-up approach top-down approach complementarity principle national courts national sovereignty international intervention forced enforcement international criminal court prosecution of crimes unwilling states unable states international force war crimes humiliation international trust governmental indictment sovereignty intrusion diplomatic backlash international community consent of states government protection national responsibilities enforcement mechanism state cooperation legal jurisdiction diplomatic relations international justice forceful intervention judicial independence national pride international law cross-border enforcement court legitimacy ICC enforcement arm ICC-state party relations principle of complementarity national courts prosecution ICC trust and understanding international force controversy state sovereignty ICC intervention war crimes prosecution diplomatic backfire ICC legitimacy sovereignty intrusion international criminal justice enforcement mechanisms national vs international jurisdiction government official indictment peacekeeping controversies ICC criticisms international law enforcement state consent national responsibility power devolution law enforcement cooperation international trust intergovernmental relations ICC enforcement arm state sovereignty international relations complementarity principle trust between ICC and states national court jurisdiction international intervention diplomatic backlash ICC and national courts state consent international force implications sovereignty intrusion war crimes prosecution ICC legitimacy government resistance ICC indictments international law enforcement power balance national responsibilities unilateral action risks humiliation of states international community trust state compliance diplomatic conflict ICC-state parties dynamics ICC enforcement state sovereignty principle of complementarity international law diplomatic relations trust in ICC national jurisdiction international intervention state consent war crimes prosecution ICC credibility international criminal justice government officials prosecution national vs international authority enforcement challenges state cooperation diplomatic backlash ICC trust building international policing sovereignty conflicts international human rights ICC legitimacy national legal systems extraterritorial enforcement multilateral relations use of force ICC state parties enforcement mechanisms
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro04a	The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. Catholic teaching procreation contraception birth control Church doctrine Divine command Genesis 1:28 Christian ethics moral obligation reproductive ethics fertility religious beliefs natural law Church authority family planning biblical interpretation papal encyclicals Humanae Vitae sanctity of life Catholic morality theology magisterium faith and reason Church obedience religious duty scriptural basis population ethics religious opposition to contraception doctrines on marriage Catholic bioethics pastoral guidance Catholic Church contraception procreation Church doctrine birth control reproductive ethics religious belief Genesis 1:28 biblical commandment Catholic teaching moral theology family planning natural law Church authority Christian ethics papal encyclical Humanae Vitae Catholic morals religious obligation divine command sanctity of life Catholic population policy Church and society reproductive rights doctrinal obedience Catholic doctrine contraception birth control procreation natural law Humanae Vitae Church teaching papal encyclicals moral theology first commandment Genesis 1:28 fertility reproductive ethics religious ethics Catholic morality family planning magisterium canon law sexual ethics Church authority sanctity of life Catholic beliefs Catholic Church stance on contraception Catholic views on procreation Church teaching on birth control First commandment multiply Genesis Catholic doctrine family planning Religious beliefs procreation limitations Catholicism contraception sin Justification of Church teachings Biblical basis Catholic procreation Church obedience to God vs people Ethics Catholic procreation restrictions Genesis 1:28 multiply interpretation Catholic morality contraception Catholic pastoral care vs doctrine Historical Catholic views on birth control Catholic Church contraception procreation Church doctrine birth control Church teaching morality religious ethics The Book of Genesis biblical interpretation multiplying first commandment divine will Catholicism reproductive rights family planning Church authority Christian beliefs Catholic moral teaching religious obligation theological perspective scriptural basis Genesis 1:28 sanctity of life Church position on contraception Catholic Church teachings on contraception Catholic doctrine on procreation Catholic beliefs about birth control Catholic stance on family planning first commandment multiply meaning Genesis 1:28 Catholic interpretation Catholic Church primary obligations Catholic views on limiting procreation religion and contraception biblical basis for Catholic procreation Catholic ethical teachings on sexuality contraception and Catholic morality Church authority versus individual well-being Catholic Church theological justification harm principle in Catholic teaching Catholic Church contraception birth control procreation Church doctrine religious teachings Genesis 1:28 Bible multiply divine will moral theology natural law family planning Humanae Vitae papal encyclicals church authority obedience to God Catholic morality sin sexual ethics Vatican Catholic beliefs reproductive ethics fertility Church tradition religious obligation Christian ethics Catholic Church teachings contraception doctrine Catholic view on procreation Catholic birth control stance Genesis 1:28 interpretation religious ethics contraception Church authority vs. individual rights morality of contraception Catholic natural law Catholic doctrine history procreation and marriage Catholicism Bible contraception references Humanae Vitae Catholic family planning opposition to contraceptives original sin and procreation divine command theory Catholicism Catholic reproductive ethics Catholic Church vs. modern society papal encyclicals contraception Catholic canon law contraception Catholic Church procreation contraception religious doctrine Genesis 1:28 first commandment multiply Christian beliefs morality church teachings ethics reproductive rights birth control divine will doctrine on contraception theological justification Catholic ethics religious obligations biblical interpretation spiritual authority harm principle moral theology reproductive ethics dogma faith vs. people scriptural basis Catholic Church contraception procreation Vatican teaching Catholic doctrine natural law Humanae Vitae birth control Catholic morality Genesis 1:28 Church authority Catholic social teaching religious ethics family planning Catholic beliefs on sex theological interpretation moral theology Catholicism and sexuality Church hierarchy papal encyclicals
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro02a	Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. electronic communication sexual misconduct child grooming pedophilia social networking sites Facebook teacher-student relationships power dynamics trust violation inappropriate relationships online predators cyber safety student protection digital abuse internet safety communication bans grooming prevention educator misconduct online harassment child exploitation digital ethics safeguarding children school policies after-school contact teacher regulations electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking online child grooming pedophilia teacher-student relationships power dynamics Facebook social media abuse inappropriate teacher behavior online predator child protection digital communication risks internet safety online exploitation teacher misconduct prevention online safety laws child sexual abuse grooming prevention teacher-student boundaries electronic contact regulation cyber safety student vulnerability school policy social media teacher abuse prevention child exploitation online grooming sexual predators teacher-student abuse digital misconduct facebook communication social media risks internet safety school policy electronic harassment child protection predator prevention cyber safety safeguarding students inappropriate teacher contact law enforcement online child safety student vulnerability trusted authority figures social networking dangers electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking sites child grooming online child grooming dangers teacher student inappropriate relationships facebook teacher student risks digital communication and abuse school staff social media misconduct laws banning teacher-student electronic communication online grooming prevention social media and child safety educator digital boundaries student protection social networks teacher misuse of facebook teacher authority power imbalance safeguarding students online regulating teacher student contact digital abuse in schools preventing online sexual offenses cyber grooming by educators impact of social media on school safety electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teacher-student relationships power dynamics Facebook communication inappropriate relationships online misconduct after-school access electronic contact internet safety grooming prevention communication bans teacher misconduct online child safety digital abuse social media risks safeguarding students online predation child exploitation teacher ethics law enforcement educational policy cyber safety student protection digital boundaries child online safety teacher-student social media policy digital child protection online grooming prevention restricting teacher-student Facebook contact electronic communication abuse school internet use policy social networking site dangers teacher misconduct prevention child protection legislation online predator detection student-teacher boundaries internet safety education social media abuse prevention electronic communication risks in schools electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teachers power dynamics trust inappropriate relationships Facebook student-teacher communication after-school access online contact teacher misconduct electronic access grooming prevention law banning communication child protection digital safety online solicitation safeguarding minors educator-student boundaries criminal misuse internet safety Choo Kim online child grooming social media sexual offences Australian Institute of Criminology child grooming online electronic communication risks teacher-student misconduct social network abuse Facebook child safety online sexual exploitation student protection online digital communication dangers school policy electronic contact teacher online boundaries cyber safety education inappropriate teacher-student relationships preventive digital laws online child protection sexual predator prevention minors internet safety social media teacher policies digital grooming prevention internet misconduct prevention safeguarding students online electronic communication sexual misconduct online grooming child safety social networking risks teacher-student boundaries Facebook policies digital exploitation online child protection pedophile detection internet safety laws electronic monitoring virtual access controls inappropriate relationships education policy law enforcement school internet policies cybercrime prevention digital abuse grooming prevention child exploitation detection online predator prevention child exploitation internet safety digital grooming teacher-student boundaries school policy social media monitoring cyber safety legislation online abuse prevention child protection laws inappropriate teacher behavior facebook communication risks safeguarding minors electronic harassment education sector misconduct social media risks professional boundaries in education teacher ethics digital communication policy cyber ethics in schools
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro03a	A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. authoritarian leadership state interests media control Russian democracy political transition Putin governance democratic development transitional society media influence political stability state-controlled media democracy challenges democratic evolution Russian politics governance models power consolidation democratic reforms political modernization political culture government legitimacy authoritarian leadership state interests Putin governance media control Russia Russian democracy transitional democracy strong leader debate democracy vs authoritarianism Russian political system media influence government corrupt oligarchs Russia state-controlled media benefits transitional governance models Russian government evolution democracy implementation democracy challenges Russia effective leadership styles political transition Russia democracy development Russia hybrid regimes regime legitimacy Putin Russian policy making authoritarian leadership political transition state interests media control media ownership Putin governance Russian democracy democracy development state vs private media governance models young democracies Russia political system democratic transition corruption in media leadership effectiveness state stability democracy challenges national interest authoritarianism vs democracy Russian reforms Putin leadership style pros and cons Putin authoritarianism effect on democracy media control in Russia benefits and drawbacks transition to democracy in Russia Russia's definition of democracy Putin role in Russian democracy development state interests vs individual interests in media young democracies challenges and paths authoritarian leadership and political transition Russian democracy unique traits media influence on democracy Russia Russia political transition success factors comparing Western and Russian democracy impact of media control on society Russia Putin's governance model effectiveness is authoritarianism necessary for Russian stability state-owned vs oligarch-controlled media Russia democracy maintenance challenges Russia evolving democracy in Russia Russian authoritarianism Russian democracy Vladimir Putin media control state interests leadership styles regime legitimacy democracy transition political development media ownership governance in Russia transitional democracy democracy theory post-Soviet politics state vs. oligarchs authoritarian modernization political stability freedom of press Russia democracy models democratic consolidation Putin regime benefits Russia political culture Putin leadership style Russia democracy transition media control in Russia authoritarianism and democracy benefits of strong leadership Russia political system media influence on democracy state interest vs personal interest Russian version of democracy democracy in young nations democracy vs authoritarianism Russia governance model Putin and democratic development media regulation in Russia effects of authoritarian rule challenges in new democracies strong leadership state interests Vladimir Putin authoritarian governance democracy transition Russian democracy media control political stability governance models state vs private media global democracy comparison political reform leadership effectiveness transitional government Russia political development media influence democratic values governance strategies comparative politics young democracies national interest political modernization political system evolution Putin leadership style Russian democracy authoritarian governance media control Russia democracy transition Russia state interests Russia media influence government Putin media control benefits democracy development Russia Russian political system strongman politics Russia leadership impact democracy Russia young democracy democracy challenges Russia Putin political strategy state versus private media Russia media ownership Russia democracy evolution Russia Russian governance modernization authoritarianism and democracy authoritarianism democratic transition leadership effectiveness media control Russian politics democracy definition Putin governance state interests media ownership democratic consolidation political stability comparative democracy transitional societies Russian media political reform post-Soviet states governance models democracy challenges democracy in practice regime type political legitimacy authoritarianism democratic transition media control Russian politics Vladimir Putin democracy vs authoritarianism political leadership state interests media influence corruption Russian democracy political reforms governance models transitional democracies political stability democracy in Russia state vs private media political legitimacy leadership style comparative politics
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro01a	Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, healthcare expenditure smoking-related illness tobacco control public health policy smoking ban hospital admissions non-communicable diseases healthcare systems healthcare budget disease prevention healthcare burden lung cancer smoking cessation resource allocation healthcare costs population health developing countries health economics cost-effectiveness government health spending tobacco-related diseases medical costs health outcomes healthcare sustainability HIV/AIDS healthcare savings economic impact anti-smoking legislation healthcare expenditure smoking-related disease costs tobacco control public health spending economic burden developing countries healthcare budget comparison smoking reduction healthcare resource allocation disease prevention healthcare savings lung cancer costs hospital admissions smoking ban effects cardiovascular disease respiratory disease healthcare system strain chronic illness costs smoking cessation impact tobacco policy health economics global health disparities cost-effectiveness health policy disease burden public health intervention healthcare expenditure smoking-related diseases tobacco control smoking ban economic burden public health policy developing countries healthcare smoking cessation lung cancer costs healthcare budgets hospital admissions disease prevention resource allocation chronic illness smoking impact non-communicable diseases health system strain health economics cost-effectiveness secondhand smoke cardiovascular disease public place smoking bans global health disparities health inequality health spending medical costs tobacco-related morbidity lower healthcare costs smoking-related disease expenses healthcare system burden developing countries healthcare costs developed world healthcare comparison lung cancer healthcare cost UK smoking ban impact healthcare costs smoking-related illness reduction public health savings smoking ban resource allocation big killers tobacco alternative diseases HIV AIDS healthcare funding cost comparison UK Ghana healthcare smoking ban hospitalization reduction Arizona smoking ban health impact hospital admission rates smoking smoking ban public health effects cost per capita healthcare smoking national cancer research institute report world bank healthcare spending US smoking ban economic impact smoking healthcare costs tobacco-related diseases economic burden healthcare systems comparison developing countries healthcare smoking reduction benefits public health expenditure cost analysis lung cancer smoking ban impact hospital admissions reduction resource allocation healthcare smoking-related illness prevention HIV AIDS healthcare global health economics cost per capita healthcare policy impact smoking healthcare system efficiency smoking burden developing countries cancer healthcare costs public health policy smoking cessation benefits smoking ban studies healthcare resource distribution international healthcare spending healthcare cost containment healthcare cost reduction smoking-related healthcare expenses smoking ban impact smoking-related disease prevention lung cancer healthcare burden public health system strain smoking and healthcare budgets cost of smoking in developing countries UK healthcare costs tobacco disease economic impact healthcare resource allocation smoking reduction benefits hospital admissions smoking ban smoking and chronic illness prioritizing healthcare funding smoking disease statistics healthcare savings smoking ban economic burden of tobacco smoking ban public health outcomes smoking cessation healthcare savings healthcare expenditure smoking-related illness tobacco control public health policy healthcare savings smoking ban lung cancer costs healthcare resource allocation health economics developing countries healthcare budgets government healthcare spending hospital admissions reduction disease prevention non-communicable diseases cost-benefit analysis smoking cessation chronic disease costs Arizona smoking ban HIV/AIDS healthcare population health secondhand smoke cancer treatment expenses healthcare disparities smoking prevalence reduction reduce healthcare costs smoking related healthcare expenses economic burden of smoking cost of lung cancer UK healthcare spending developing countries smoking ban public health impact hospital admissions smoking diseases resource allocation healthcare smoking reduction effects tobacco related illness cost public health policy smoking financial impact smoking cessation healthcare savings smoking ban preventable diseases cost healthcare efficiency smoking ban smoking and healthcare budgets smoking disease treatment costs public health expenditure smoking health system burden tobacco smoking ban healthcare outcomes lower healthcare costs smoking-related disease healthcare system burden developing countries lung cancer costs smoking reduction smoking ban health impact healthcare resource allocation public health policy smoking ban case studies smoking cost comparison healthcare budget strain tobacco control hospital admission reduction smoking-related illness statistics healthcare spending smoking and HIV/AIDS healthcare economic burden smoking prevention international healthcare costs smoking ban outcomes disease prevention strategies smoking cessation benefits resource optimization health economics healthcare expenditure tobacco control smoking ban impact public health policy smoking-related diseases healthcare resource allocation developing countries healthcare lung cancer costs disease prevention smoking cessation benefits healthcare cost savings hospital admissions reduction resource reallocation HIV/AIDS healthcare public health interventions healthcare economics global health disparities smoking ban studies non-communicable diseases cost-benefit analysis
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro05a	In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. theology atheism theism agnosticism belief disbelief unicorns dragons existence of God evidence reason philosophy secularism Richard Dawkins The God Delusion philosophical positions belief dichotomy lack of evidence burden of proof fantasy versus reality agnostic atheism epistemology religious skepticism secular thought nature of belief religious discourse argument against agnosticism binary belief systems rationalism secular societies justification for disbelief atheism theism agnosticism agnostic atheism philosophy of religion existence of God belief vs non-belief evidence for God burden of proof unicorn analogy dragon analogy Richard Dawkins God Delusion agnostic vs atheist epistemology philosophical skepticism empiricism rationalism religious belief empirical evidence atheist arguments agnostic criticism faith vs reason agnostic spectrum God existence debate philosophical naturalism metaphysics atheism theism agnosticism belief disbelief skepticism rationalism philosophy of religion epistemology evidence unicorns dragons burden of proof Richard Dawkins The God Delusion secularism religious belief faith logic argument from ignorance metaphysics existence of God agnostic atheism atheistic agnosticism belief vs knowledge religious epistemology secular society philosophical positions nonbelief logical reasoning empirical evidence atheism vs theism debate agnosticism criticism atheism unicorn analogy agnosticism logical critique philosophical positions on God agnosticism vs atheism Dawkins agnosticism agnosticism dragons analogy evidence for God belief vs nonbelief philosophy secular agnosticism prevalence theism vs atheism logical arguments agnostic vs atheist definition logical justification for atheism fantasy vs belief philosophy Dawkins The God Delusion quotes criticism of agnostic worldview uniqueness of agnosticism on God atheism and burden of proof psychological reasons for agnosticism theism atheism agnosticism belief disbelief epistemology unicorns analogy dragons analogy burden of proof Richard Dawkins The God Delusion secularism philosophical skepticism evidence rationalism metaphysics religious belief disbelief justification nonbelief agnostic atheism ontological argument faith vs reason logical positivism new atheism empirical evidence philosophical debate theist-atheist dichotomy secular societies epistemic justification supernatural claims agnosticism critique atheism vs theism agnosticism critique logical positivism burden of proof god unicorn analogy atheism belief vs disbelief Richard Dawkins God Delusion agnosticism philosophical critique secular societies atheism evidence for God existence disbelief unicorns analogy agnostic vs atheist agnosticism epistemology arguments against agnosticism lack of belief definition atheism existence of God debate Timid atheism concept fantasy vs reality belief skeptical reasoning religion belief spectrum God atheism theism agnosticism philosophical positions disbelief lack of belief existence of God Richard Dawkins The God Delusion burden of proof unicorn analogy dragons analogy secular societies belief vs. non-belief evidence for God logical reasoning epistemology religious skepticism agnostic atheism metaphysical claims faith vs. reason nature of belief philosophy of religion rationalism justification of belief atheistic arguments theological debate atheism theism agnosticism agnostic atheism Richard Dawkins God Delusion existence of God belief in God unicorns analogy dragons analogy binary belief philosophical skepticism atheist argument agnosticism critique evidence for God non-belief rational skepticism theological stances agnostic vs atheist burden of proof faith vs reason secular society religious belief epistemology of religion God existence debate unicorn analogy in theology philosophical atheism logic and belief atheist identity agnostic terminology atheism theism agnosticism philosophical positions belief non-belief unicorn analogy dragons analogy epistemology Richard Dawkins The God Delusion secularism evidence for God burden of proof disbelief rational thinking skepticism religious belief agnostic atheism logical positivism empirical evidence faith philosophical arguments existence of God metaphysics belief spectrum epistemic justification secular societies agnostic vs atheist theological discourse atheism theism agnosticism epistemology belief nonbelief Richard Dawkins The God Delusion unicorn analogy philosophy of religion evidence for God burden of proof rationalism skepticism logical positivism secularism faith vs reason dragon analogy metaphysics religious epistemology philosophical arguments for atheism critique of agnosticism categories of belief atheistic reasoning absence of evidence logical argumentation
test-science-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. artists' rights public art artistic control public funding moral rights legacy protection copyright law creative control public space expression of art reinterpretation external appreciation artistic ownership creative commons intellectual property performance rights contract rights fair use attribution Samuel Beckett theatre copyright legacy management copyright protection artist's consent legal protections artistic integrity state protection artist rights public space authorial control creative expression copyright protection moral rights public funding and art intellectual property artist legacy artistic integrity reinterpretation derivative works creative commons critique state protection licensing works consent in art freedom of artistic expression copyright law performance rights Samuel Beckett example work preservation control over use artists’ consent contract rights legal framework for art legacy preservation artistic vision public art regulation fair use limitations protection of creators artist rights copyright protection public art creative control public funding intellectual property moral rights artistic legacy reinterpretation creative commons performance rights art ownership fair use artistic expression state protection licensing agreements art justice Beckett case authorial intent derivative works artist consent copyright law contractual rights cultural heritage artist rights in public space public funding and artist control copyright protection for artists creative commons vs copyright artists' moral rights control over artistic reinterpretation artist legacy protection Samuel Beckett play performance rights artistic expression and legal rights copyright in publicly funded art preserving artist intent contract flexibility for artists reevaluating public domain use justice for creators fair treatment of artistic works state role in copyright enforcement misuse of creative commons ethics in art exhibition unauthorized adaptation of artworks balancing public access and artist control artist rights public art control copyright protection intellectual property moral rights funding and ownership public domain creative commons debate artistic expression artist legacy cultural reinterpretation public funding and control performance rights Samuel Beckett case restrictive licensing art and justice conventional copyright artist consent derivative works state protection of art reinterpretation of art artistic integrity legacy rights copyright law creative ownership use of public art authorial control artist rights public art control copyright protection creative commons debate artist legacy art ownership public funding and control art reinterpretation Samuel Beckett copyright artist consent intellectual property moral rights of artists art in public sphere copyright vs creative commons performers' rights copyright law artistic expression art and justice copyright mechanism artist control over public work artist rights public space public funding creative control artistic expression reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere consent intellectual property legacy protection justice copyright creative commons contract rights legal mechanisms state protection Samuel Beckett performance standards artistic integrity copyright law licensing artistic legacy theatrical works authorial intent moral rights fair use copyright protection copyright balance derivative works artists' rights copyright protection public funding artistic control intellectual property moral rights legacy preservation public art creative commons reinterpretation licensing agreements Samuel Beckett performance rights art law artist consent cultural policy derivative works copyright enforcement artistic integrity public domain state protection legal frameworks authorship rights exhibition rights adaptation restrictions fair use contract law creative ownership artwork management arts advocacy copyright vs creative commons artists rights public art control copyright protection artist legacy creative commons debate public funding and control artistic expression reinterpretation of art moral rights performance rights Samuel Beckett case legal protections for artists intellectual property artist consent art in public space copyright law artist's intention art legacy protection creative control public display rights art and justice artist ownership state-supported copyright creative freedom impact of reinterpretation performer vs. creator rights artist rights public space copyright creative control public funding art legacy intellectual property moral rights public domain creative commons artistic expression reinterpretation performance rights Samuel Beckett contract rights legal protection justice cultural heritage fair use authorship artist consent copyright law artistic integrity license agreements art ownership
test-law-phwmfri-con02a	The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, wealth inequality resentment among wealthy progressive taxation perception of unfair punishment media portrayal media bias attack on the rich wealth creation legal deterrents moral reasoning law fairness crime among the wealthy legal compliance perception of justice social inequality punishment disparity newspaper reporting social class resentment attitude toward law media influence on opinion tax policy controversy moral legitimacy enforcement bias upper class crime perception of discrimination fairness in law enforcement progressive taxation wealth inequality legal fairness media bias public perception punishment disparity social resentment wealth creation justice system moral deterrence lawbreaking motivation unequal enforcement elite response perceived injustice crime deterrence punitive measures socioeconomic impact tax policy societal trust legal compliance wealth inequality perceived injustice upper class resentment progressive taxation media framing legal compliance fairness perception moral deterrence law legitimacy punitive measures social stratification economic disparity tax policy criticism fairness in punishment elite discontent media influence on perception attitudes toward law criminal behavior motivation enforcement bias psychological impact of punishment progressive taxation resentment perceived unfair legal punishment media framing of wealth-related laws psychological response to legal inequality lawbreaking and perceived injustice moral disengagement among wealthy rich resentment media coverage impact of perceived unfairness on compliance fairness and legal obedience media narratives progressive taxation wealth creation under attack arguments behavioral response to punitive policy effect of law perception on crime progressive taxes and elite backlash sociological impact of punitive justice for rich wealth inequality progressive taxation legal fairness perceived injustice criminal deterrence elite resentment media framing lawbreaking motivation moral legitimacy punitive justice wealth creation social cohesion policy backlash distributive justice crime perception punishment disparity elite criminality media bias taxation criticism psychological deterrents progressive taxation resentment rich unfair punishment media portrayal attack on rich wealth creation criticism law fairness perception deterrence morality legal compliance motivation crime rates rich inequality and legal punishment public perception taxation punishment and moral judgment tax policy social impact news media economic policy social justice taxation attitudes toward law enforcement fairness in legal system tax policy controversy media influence on crime perception psychological effects of unfair laws wealthy crime deterrence wealth inequality resentment of the rich perceived unfair punishment media influence progressive taxation wealth creation media bias legal compliance moral judgment deterrence efficacy law enforcement perception crime among wealthy social justice punitive policies affluent response to law fairness in law social resentment media framing punitive justice tax policy debates legitimacy of laws moral reasoning legal legitimacy socioeconomic impact psychological deterrents lawbreaking motivation rich vs poor public perception perceived injustice fairness perception progressive taxation wealth inequality media bias legal fairness deterrence theory moral judgment crime psychology punishment perception law enforcement elite resentment tax justice social stratification criminal justice policy impact compliance motivation perceived injustice wealth protection socioeconomic effects public opinion legal legitimacy tax avoidance social cohesion behavioral economics financial penalties perception of fairness resentment among the rich perceptions of fairness progressive taxation media portrayal wealth inequality legal compliance morality and law deterrence theory media influence on law punishment perception law enforcement and wealth attitudes toward crime psychological impact of inequality social justice legitimacy of laws tax policy criticism elite resistance socioeconomic status and morality bias in legal system public opinion and the rich punitive justice wealth creation debates progressive taxation wealth inequality legal compliance moral perception punishment fairness elite resentment media framing tax policy social justice law enforcement media influence public opinion deterrence theory social attitudes elite crime perception of justice policy backlash lawbreaking motivation reporting bias economic policy fairness in law class conflict societal trust taxation ethics
test-economy-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, right to travel liberty of movement migration rights human mobility emigration immigration asylum refugees displacement border crossing relocation personal liberty international law humanitarian rights Article 13 UDHR civil liberties state sovereignty fundamental rights charter of rights survival migration moral rights natural rights relocation for survival state intervention collective rights vs individual rights right to leave any country freedom from restriction global citizenship universal rights freedom from persecution right to mobility human rights Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights migration rights refugee rights liberty of movement international human rights law displacement freedom to travel open borders asylum state sovereignty moral rights survival migration forced migration humanitarian law civil liberties relocation rights global mobility freedom from persecution right to leave and return personal liberty right to travel migration rights human rights law Article 13 Universal Declaration civil liberties refugee rights sanctuary asylum displacement freedom of residence border control international law personal liberty legal mobility fundamental freedoms UN Human Rights global migration relocation rights state sovereignty constitutional rights forced migration humanitarian law freedom of emigration right of return dignity economic migration social justice moral rights international protection family reunification freedom of movement legal basis intrinsic human rights examples Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights impact of freedom of movement on survival rights protected by international charters movement restrictions and human rights moral right to movement freedom of movement and state powers necessity of movement for basic survival humanitarian perspective on migration limits to freedom of movement freedom of movement and collective benefit human dignity and free movement ethical arguments for free movement rights importance of mobility in human life freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 fundamental rights natural rights right to migrate right to travel migration liberty of movement international law refugee rights mobility rights humanitarian law civil liberties inalienable rights personal liberty human dignity right to life state authority moral rights survival rights global charters individual autonomy universal freedoms essential liberties freedom of movement human right Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 intrinsic human rights right to migrate right to relocate human rights charters necessity of movement for survival fundamental human freedoms moral justification for movement starvation and migration state vs individual freedoms international human rights law right to travel protection of refugees right to asylum freedom from persecution human dignity and movement right to seek safety freedom of movement in international law humanitarian migration rights mobility rights freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 personal liberty migration refugees right to travel civil liberties human dignity survival state authority moral rights right to relocate international law fundamental rights global mobility humanitarian law charter of rights self-preservation right to residence emigration immigration displacement right to escape sociopolitical theories civil rights social justice basic needs United Nations freedom of movement human rights Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights intrinsic rights fundamental human rights right to migrate right to relocate enforced migration state vs individual rights migration and survival moral rights international charters human dignity right to life sovereignty and mobility refugees internally displaced persons humanitarian law global migration policy border restrictions collective rights vs individual rights state control personal liberty right to asylum human security Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 human rights charters mobility rights migration right to travel refugees stateless persons global citizenship international law personal liberty state sovereignty asylum seekers humanitarian protection moral philosophy natural rights social contract forced migration border policies civil liberties basic needs food security survival rights displacement human dignity justice international conventions right to leave right to return legal frameworks human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 mobility rights migration right to travel basic freedoms international law personal liberty refugee rights state sovereignty displacement moral rights right to seek asylum freedom from persecution survival rights humanitarian law social justice civil liberties protected rights
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro02a	Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. socialism twentieth century ideologies capitalism vs socialism collapse of Soviet Union end of socialism neoliberalism globalisation labour market changes social class transformation post-industrial society free trade deregulation state intervention government-industry relations union decline Thatcherism neoliberal consensus market economy economic liberalism post-cold war politics European socialism social democracy economic reform labour unions welfare state political transitions socialism decline twentieth century ideologies capitalism success Soviet Union collapse end of Cold War globalization effects labor market changes class structure evolution free trade advantages deregulation benefits state role in economy government-industry relations European socialism union movement decline Margaret Thatcher socialism quote socialist arguments capitalist arguments social issues economic systems comparison post-Soviet Europe neoliberalism rise socialism twentieth century ideology capitalism economic systems Soviet Union free trade deregulation globalisation class structure labour market European socialism union movements Margaret Thatcher state intervention market economy neoliberalism post-socialism economic reform social democracy government-industry relations welfare state collapse of communism market liberalization political ideology economic history history of socialism decline socialism vs capitalism debate impact of Soviet Union collapse on socialism evolution of labor market and class globalisation and political ideologies capitalism advantages over socialism free trade and deregulation effects union movements in Europe Margaret Thatcher socialism quote fate of classical socialism socialism in post-1980s world government and industry relationship neoliberalism rise social-democratic arguments end of twentieth-century socialism socialism in contemporary politics economic systems comparison socialism's role in welfare state socialist parties after Cold War critiques of socialism labor unions and socialism sovereign debt and socialism socialism's legacy in socialism twentieth century ideology decline of socialism capitalism vs socialism globalisation end of the Soviet Union labour market transformation political change class structure free trade deregulation state intervention government and industry relations social issues union movements Europe Margaret Thatcher socialist collapse sovereign debt defaults collapse of Soviet Union end of classical socialism social democracy neoliberalism post-industrial society economic reform post-cold war politics socialism decline twentieth century ideologies collapse of Soviet Union capitalism vs socialism end of socialism debate globalisation and class changing labour market free trade advantages deregulation effects state role in economy government-industry relations trade unions Europe classical socialism collapse Margaret Thatcher socialism quote post-Soviet politics neoliberalism rise social issue debates future of socialism economic systems comparison history of socialism socialism twentieth century ideology decline of socialism capitalism economic systems end of Cold War collapse of Soviet Union globalization class structure labor market social protests 1970s social protests 1980s free trade deregulation state intervention government-industry relations social democrat policies union movements Europe Margaret Thatcher neoliberalism economic liberalization market economy welfare state sovereign debt ideological shift post-socialist Europe social policy classical socialism social issues industrial relations political economy socialism decline twentieth century socialism capitalism vs socialism collapse of Soviet Union end of socialism Europe globalisation and class labour market changes union movements Europe Margaret Thatcher socialism quote classical socialism deregulation advantages free trade benefits government and industry relations state role in economy socialist social policies neoliberalism post-socialist Europe history of socialism economic systems comparison social democracy Thatcherism European left-wing politics sovereign debt crisis socialism legacy political ideologies twentieth century market economy transition Socialism twentieth century ideology capitalism Soviet Union collapse economic systems neoliberalism globalisation labour market class structure trade unions Margaret Thatcher free trade deregulation state intervention social policy political change welfare state economic reform market economy socialism in Europe industrial relations privatisation socialist movements classical socialism labour protests global economy economic history union decline comparative politics capitalism vs socialism socialism decline capitalism success twentieth century ideologies Soviet Union collapse neoliberalism free market economics deregulation privatization Margaret Thatcher quote class struggle evolution labour market transformation globalisation impact post-Cold War politics union movement decline social democracy end of classical socialism economic liberalization free trade advantages government-industry relations European socialism political history twentieth century sovereign debt crisis James Turk social policy debates socialist arguments capitalist arguments
test-international-aegmeppghw-con02a	Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey democracy political stability EU membership democratic elections former communist states Islamist party secularist military constitutional reform military power NATO security crisis Middle East reconciliation cooperation oil pipeline gas pipeline energy security Russian energy Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations strategic gateway EU-Turkey relations flash points global conflicts referendum EU enlargement Western allies regional security alternative energy routes historic enmity European integration Turkey EU accession Turkish democracy Turkish elections Turkish constitution reform secularism in Turkey Islamist political parties Turkey Turkish military intervention history EU enlargement former communist EU candidates Middle East geopolitics NATO Turkey EU security policy Turkey strategic location EU energy security Turkey oil and gas pipelines Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus conflict resolution EU-Turkey cooperation Muslim countries EU relations East-West relations Turkey-Western alliances Turkey as a gateway Middle East Turkey political stability EU political cooperation Turkey NATO membership Turkey regional conflicts Turkey-EU trade Turkey modernization EU foreign policy Turkey democracy EU membership Islamist party secularist military constitutional referendum military power democratic authority global flash points EU security NATO Middle East strategic gateway oil and gas pipeline Russian energy dependence Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations regional stability EU enlargement European integration conflict resolution Turkish foreign policy Europe-Asia bridge energy security Turkey-EU partnership Mediterranean security Islamist democracy Turkey EU accession debate Turkey democracy evaluation Turkey NATO membership impact strategic significance Turkey EU Turkey Middle East gateway Turkey and EU energy security Turkey Greece EU relations Turkey Cyprus conflict resolution Turkey Islamist party election impact Turkish constitutional reforms 2010 EU security risks Turkey Turkey as oil and gas conduit Turkey and Russian energy dependence EU political cooperation history Turkey Muslim world relations Turkey EU benefits Turkey as East-West bridge Turkey regional stability Turkey secularist military history Turkey role in EU foreign policy Turkey EU membership Turkish democracy EU enlargement NATO Turkey Middle East strategic gateway Turkish constitutional reforms Turkish military power Islamist political parties Turkey Turkey Greece relations Cyprus conflict resolution Turkey energy transit EU-Russia energy dependence East-West relations Europe Turkey Muslim world relations EU Mediterranean policy Turkey political stability Turkish elections history EU foreign policy EU security cooperation Turkey Israel Palestine border Turkey as energy corridor EU-Turkey reconciliation democracy in the Middle East secularism in Turkey EU economic benefits Turkey Turkey Central Asia oil gas EU historical enmity resolution Turkey EU accession Turkey democracy stability Turkish elections EU comparison Islamist party Turkey elections Turkish military democratic reforms 2010 Turkish constitutional referendum EU Turkey regional security role Turkey NATO membership Turkey Middle East gateway Turkey oil gas conduit Turkey Greece relations EU Cyprus solution EU Turkey EU Middle East political cooperation EU Turkey Muslim world relations East-West barriers Turkey Turkey strategic importance EU Turkey-Russia energy dependence Turkey-Israel Palestine border security Turkey EU integration benefits Turkey democracy instability EU membership democratic elections former communist states Islamist party secularist military Turkish constitution military power democratic authority global flash points EU security NATO Palestine Israel Western neighbors strategic gateway Middle East reconciliation cooperation oil gas central Asia energy conduit Russian dependence Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations political integration regional stability conflict resolution international relations EU enlargement Turkey EU accession Turkish democracy stability Turkish constitutional referendum 2010 Turkish military role in politics Turkey Islamist party elections Turkey NATO membership Turkey Middle East gateway Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division solution EU political cooperation Turkey strategic energy corridor EU-Russia energy dependency Turkey-Israel-Palestine relations Turkey-Western cooperation Turkey Muslim world relations East-West integration Turkey EU security impact Turkey as honest broker Middle East Turkish democratization EU enlargement challenges EU enlargement Turkish democracy Middle East relations NATO membership constitutional reforms military-civilian relations Islamist governance EU security Cyprus reunification Turkey-Greece relations oil and gas pipelines energy diversification EU-Muslim world relations East-West relations geopolitical stability EU foreign policy democratic transition Turkey-EU accession regional flashpoints Israel-Palestine conflict Western alliances European security architecture Turkey EU accession Turkish democracy stability secularist military Turkey Turkish constitutional referendum 2010 Turkish Islamist political parties EU-Turkey relations Turkey NATO membership Middle East strategic gateway Turkey oil gas transit Turkey Cyprus relations Turkey Greece relations East West relations EU Turkey Muslim world relations EU enlargement Turkish political reforms Turkey regional security Turkey European integration Turkey cross-cultural cooperation EU foreign policy Turkey Europe Middle East reconciliation
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con03a	"Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchange controversy drug-related crime concentrated criminal activity urban crime rates drug user congregation public safety concerns crime hot spots gang violence drug dealing prostitution and needle exchange community impact needle exchange law enforcement and needle exchange neighborhood safety crime displacement drug-addicted offenders harm reduction criticism policing needle exchange sites social disorder street crime criminal networks needle exchange programs crime rates drug-related crime public safety community impact drug addiction criminal behavior drug user concentration crime hotspots gang activity violence criminal networking urban crime harm reduction controversy law enforcement prostitution neighborhood safety drug policy criminal justice opposition arguments social consequences public health debate needle exchange programs drug-related crime addiction and criminality harm reduction public safety crime rates drug user concentrations gang activity community impact law enforcement public health policy neighborhood safety drug markets prostitution urban crime police presence policy opposition social consequences crime displacement drug rehabilitation community response needle exchange crime statistics impact of needle exchanges on neighborhood safety do needle exchanges increase crime rates needle exchange programs and local crime correlation between needle exchanges and criminal activity drug addict concentration needle exchange needle exchanges and gang violence effect of needle exchange locations on property crime police reports near needle exchange centers prostitution and needle exchange sites public safety concerns needle exchanges community opposition to needle exchanges needle exchanges and violent crime criminal networking needle exchange areas law enforcement response to needle exchanges needle exchange programs crime rates drug addiction and crime congregation of drug users crime hotspots criminal networking gang violence drug-related offenses public safety concerns prostitution and drug use police presence and crime negative effects of harm reduction urban crime clusters law enforcement responses community impact policy debates needle exchanges unintended consequences needle exchange social harms drug programs risk environment drug policy neighborhood safety drug policy controversies anti-harm reduction arguments needle exchange crime statistics impact of needle exchanges on neighborhood crime needle exchange programs and public safety drug addiction and criminal behavior concentration of drug users and crime rates needle exchange zones crime increase needle exchange programs and gang activity needle exchanges and prostitution prevalence law enforcement views on needle exchanges community concerns needle exchange programs needle exchanges and violent crime studies on needle exchanges and crime needle exchange crime correlation societal impact of needle exchange locations arguments against needle exchange programs needle exchange programs crime rates drug addiction harm reduction criminal activity public safety drug-related crime syringe services programs concentration of criminals community impact violence gang activity prostitution police presence neighborhood safety drug policy law enforcement urban crime social issues public health criminal behavior drug users drug policy debate opposition to needle exchange community concerns drug abuse street crime needle exchange programs crime rates drug addiction public safety drug-related crime harm reduction criminal concentration gang activity drug user gatherings urban crime increase police presence community impact prostitution organized crime drug policy debate criminal networks syringe access neighborhood safety violence hotspots law enforcement response neighborhood decline social services drug user mobility public perception substance abuse health policy needle exchange opposition criminal behavior local crime statistics gang violence street crime needle exchange crime rates needle exchange neighborhood crime drug addict criminality harm reduction crime statistics impact of needle exchanges on public safety needle exchange and gang activity needle exchange programs and prostitution law enforcement needle exchange drug-related crime near needle exchanges community impact needle exchange urban crime needle exchange proximity needle exchange and police presence needle exchange social consequences needle exchange policy debate needle exchange and organized crime harm reduction public health syringe exchange programs drug policy crime statistics urban safety addiction and crime drug-related crime community impact law enforcement drug user demographics gang activity prostitution and crime neighborhood effects police presence drug treatment social services criminal behavior evidence-based policy peer-reviewed studies drug markets opioid epidemic safe injection sites criminal justice area blight"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con04a	Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, colourism anti-colourism skin tone discrimination skin lightening skin whitening social media activism beauty standards fashion industry media representation diversity in media racial equality anti-racism campaigns fairness creams inclusive beauty body positivity #darkisbeautiful celebrity endorsements India Dakar Fashion Week dark skin acceptance anti-fairness cream legislative alternatives prejudice reduction advocacy campaigns public awareness fairness cream boycott Vishaka Sing cultural norms social change beauty campaign representation matters colourism anti-colourism campaigns skin tone equality social media advocacy beauty standards media representation fashion industry reforms skin lightening fairness cream boycott dark skin acceptance celebrity endorsements India awareness campaigns Dakar Fashion Week anti-discrimination initiatives beauty norm change campaign effectiveness inclusivity in fashion diversity promotion legislative alternatives cultural demand reduction colourism skin tone discrimination anti-colourism campaigns skin lightening beauty standards social media activism equality advocacy diversity in media representation in fashion #darkisbeautiful India Dakar Fashion Week celebrity endorsements media influence fairness cream critique cultural perceptions of beauty anti-racism public awareness skin positivity inclusivity skin tone diversity prejudice reduction beauty industry reform changing beauty norms empowerment campaigns education campaigns alternatives colourism India solutions anti-colourism campaigns #darkisbeautiful movement promote equality India reduce skin bias celebrity advocacy colourism Vishaka Singh fairness cream social media colourism campaigns beauty industry reforms colourism fashion industry change skin tone Dakar Fashion Week colourism ban skin lightening creams influence media representation skin tone non-legislative colourism solutions equality campaigns India combating skin tone prejudice successful awareness campaigns change cultural beauty standards India anti-discrimination movements colourism campaigns India #darkisbeautiful movement anti-colourism education celebrity endorsement skin tone equality fairness cream activism dark skin representation changing beauty standards India social media equality campaigns fashion industry diversity India media industry inclusivity Dakar Fashion Week skin tone skin lightening activism anti-skin whitening movement Vishaka Sing anti-colourism beauty industry reforms equality in Indian media public education colourism combating skin tone prejudice inclusion in fashion industry cultural demand skin fairness colourism in India anti-colourism campaigns #darkisbeautiful initiative education vs legislation colourism social media campaigns colourism fashion industry skin tone equality beauty industry anti-colourism media practices skin tone representation Vishaka Singh anti-colourism dark skin representation India Dakar Fashion Week skin tone policies skin lightening ban combating fairness cream prejudice cultural demand for lighter skin success of dark is beautiful campaign anti-colourism skin tone equality fairness cream criticism social media advocacy celebrity endorsements beauty standards India campaigns #darkisbeautiful fashion industry change media representation cultural prejudice alternative to legislation public awareness beauty norms Dakar Fashion Week skin-lightening discrimination inclusive beauty public education representation diversity body positivity celebrity support skin color bias awareness campaigns equal representation beauty industry reform fairness cream opposition colourism India anti-colourism campaigns #darkisbeautiful social media activism diversity in media beauty standards equality advocacy Vishaka Singh fairness cream protest representation in fashion Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening controversy inclusivity in beauty industry dark skin positivity anti-discrimination initiatives public awareness campaigns media diversity cultural beauty norms skin tone acceptance beauty industry reform celebrity activism changing beauty practices social change movements legislative alternatives grassroots campaigns skin color discrimination anti-colourism movements social media advocacy inclusive beauty standards darker skin positivity fairness cream criticism celebrity endorsements media representation fashion industry reforms beauty campaign strategies skin tone diversity legislative alternatives #darkisbeautiful impact Vishaka Singh activism Dakar Fashion Week policies South Asian beauty norms Indian social change skin lightening awareness cultural beauty standards media influence on prejudice education campaigns colorism India #darkisbeautiful equality anti-colorism social awareness media industry fashion industry beauty standards skin tone discrimination celebrity endorsements social media activism fairness cream prejudice skin lightening ban Dakar Fashion Week diversity inclusion South Asia cultural practices public awareness changing narratives social change advocacy representation
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro02a	Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction judicial independence fair trial standards domestic legal systems politicized prosecutions victors' justice post-conflict justice international justice impartial judiciary war crimes prosecution head of state immunity ethnic conflict justice higher court intervention state cooperation with ICC United States ICC policy Israel ICC stance large scale international crimes anti-terrorism prosecutions complementarity principle state unwillingness state inability prosecution of national crimes accountability for war crimes independent judiciary transitional justice international law enforcement universal jurisdiction fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice biased judiciary ICC intervention international justice war crimes prosecution complementarity principle state unwillingness state inability alternative jurisdiction impartial tribunal head of state prosecution ethnic conflict political divisions transitional justice accountability mechanisms United States ICC relations Israel ICC relations independent courts international criminal law whitewash prosecutions prosecution bias large scale crimes terrorist prosecution universal jurisdiction judicial effectiveness criminal procedure international accountability ICC International Criminal Court domestic courts fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice judicial bias war crimes crimes against humanity complementarity principle independent judiciary national courts international justice extradition international law United States Israel state compliance prosecution standards post-conflict justice ethnic conflict judicial impartiality international criminal jurisdiction accountability transnational crimes head of state prosecution adjudication alternative dispute resolution international human rights terrorism prosecution fair trial in domestic courts ICC filling judicial void lack of judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice accusations judicial bias in conflict aftermath ICC independent judiciary unbiased international judicial forum challenges of prosecuting former heads of state ethnic and political divisions affecting trials US and Israel support for international justice transferring cases to higher judicial authorities international criminal accountability ICC and terrorism prosecution ICC principle of complementarity state unwillingness or inability to prosecute ICC as court of last resort domestic prosecution of war crimes US and Israel judicial independence safeguards against ICC prosecution ICC jurisdiction over nationals international crimes prosecution fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors' justice whitewash conflict justice International Criminal Court ICC effective court independent judiciary unbiased justice head of state trial ethnic division political conflict judicial bias evidence versus hatred United States Israel international crimes prosecuting terrorists complementarity principle state incapacity state unwillingness domestic prosecution war crimes international criminal law national versus international jurisdiction prosecutorial independence domestic judicial failure higher-level courts international accountability ICC effectiveness judicial independence fair trial international law complementarity principle domestic courts limitations politicized justice war crimes prosecution victors’ justice whitewashed judiciary international criminal justice head of state trials ethnic conflict trials prosecution of terrorism ICC US and Israel ICC interests independent judiciary and ICC ICC role in war crimes prosecution of international crimes ICC and domestic legal systems impartial courts international transfer of cases to ICC ICC as alternative court International Criminal Court ICC domestic courts judicial independence fair trial politicised prosecutions victors' justice biased judiciary conflict resolution head of state prosecution ethnic divisions political divisions United States Israel independent judiciary international crimes terrorism war crimes principle of complementarity state responsibility effective prosecution unwilling states judicial incapacity international justice accountability whitewash criminal procedure alternative jurisdiction impartial justice ICC fair trial domestic courts judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice judiciary bias post-conflict justice international criminal justice impartial court head of state trial ethnic conflict justice political divisions United States ICC policy Israel ICC stance international crimes prosecution complementarity principle state unwillingness state inability war crimes court jurisdiction independent judiciary terrorist prosecution international law accountability war crimes tribunal impartial judiciary international cooperation transitional justice domestic legal reform judicial reform ICC International Criminal Court fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice biased judiciary domestic courts international justice head of state trials ethnic conflict political divisions independent judiciary United States Israel international crimes terrorism war crimes complementarity principle unwilling states incapable courts prosecution accountability tribunal transitional justice universal jurisdiction rule of law legal safeguards international law criminal responsibility judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice whitewash ICC effectiveness international justice fair trial standards domestic legal systems complementarity principle war crimes prosecution international criminal law head of state trials ethnic conflict justice US and Israel ICC stance independent judiciary prosecution of terrorists ICC jurisdiction state sovereignty impartial tribunal bias in judicial systems transitional justice
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con03a	Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. freedom of expression civil liberties internet censorship social media blocking communications blackout freedom of speech state intervention impact on businesses rights of citizens digital rights human rights peaceful assembly online activism constitutional rights access to information democratic values restriction of services public safety riot response misinformation Twitter during riots protest communication digital economy lawful assembly unintended consequences internet shutdowns communication blackout freedom of speech digital rights censorship social media access mobile network blocking public safety vs civil liberties online expression corporate rights information flow digital activism emergency communication impact on business collective punishment human rights violations chilling effect technology and protests legal implications riot control policies Twitter during riots London riots social media internet governance telecommunications regulations access to information unlawful restrictions state surveillance public warning systems protest censorship constitutional rights media freedom freedom of expression digital rights internet censorship police powers social media blocking mobile network shutdowns freedom of speech civil liberties human rights business impact public safety constitutional rights London riots Twitter usage riot communication state intervention legitimate protest information flow private enterprise online restrictions technology and law enforcement emergency communication media blackout public warning systems social media regulation internet shutdowns during protests police blocking social media freedom of expression during riots impact of blocking communications on citizens business consequences of internet blocking government social media censorship mobile network disruptions and public safety role of social networks during riots police communication blackouts effectiveness of internet shutdowns in riot control digital rights during unrest social media harm versus protection in riots technological disruption and human rights Twitter use during London riots case studies on internet censorship state intervention and citizens' rights policing strategies and civil liberties mass communication restrictions unintended effects of communication blocking emergency information flow during riots freedom of expression communication rights social network censorship internet access digital rights police powers freedom of speech business interruption mobile network shutdown riot communication public safety vs privacy social media during crises Twitter riot studies Facebook censorship law-abiding citizens’ rights state intervention internet censorship constitutional rights collective punishment legitimate business operation civil liberties emergency powers abuse chilling effect tech policy communication blackout media freedom crisis management policy surveillance proportional response digital blackout public warning systems freedom of expression police communication blocking social network censorship internet shutdowns mobile network blocking riots communication impact on law-abiding citizens private company rights business disruption freedom of speech curtailment effectiveness in riot control public safety information blocking social media during riots Twitter use in riots digital rights human rights and communication internet freedom social media and public order mass communication blackouts civil liberties during crises harm to uninvolved citizens state intervention in communication protecting business interests case studies London riots social media warnings censorship and democracy legal implications internet blocking freedom of expression communication rights digital rights internet censorship social media censorship police censorship civil liberties free speech internet shutdown mobile network blocking state surveillance right to privacy freedom of information human rights public safety vs civil rights social networks business impact collateral damage protest communication riot control government overreach digital business disruption Twitter usage during riots case studies London riots warning systems risk communication effects of blocking networks ineffective riot suppression rights of law-abiding citizens social media access digital infrastructure emergency communication crowd-sourced information mass communication shutdown police censorship freedom of expression internet censorship social media blocking mobile network shutdown right to protest business disruption digital rights communication blackout civil liberties riot response state intervention public safety free speech human rights social media regulation emergency powers online activism government overreach network neutrality information access digital communication technology and protests Twitter during riots Facebook censorship case studies London riots freedom of information freedom of expression internet censorship digital rights free speech social media business impact civil liberties communication blackout mobile networks human rights police power protest rights information access public safety riot control freedom of information private sector rights Twitter research social network study online activism riot response warning systems digital interference proportionality government overreach information flow internet censorship freedom of speech social media blocking civil liberties digital rights police communication restrictions mobile network restrictions freedom of expression law-abiding citizens business impact access to information social networks digital economy state intervention riot communication emergency communication human rights protest rights information flow Twitter analysis Facebook blocking public safety nonviolent communication civil unrest online expression UK riots communication shutdown digital democracy legal implications rights restriction
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con03a	Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . baseball safety plate collisions runner sliding rules catcher blocking rules collision prevention baseball injuries home plate safety safety regulations baseball non-contact play base running rules amateur baseball contact baseball rule changes player safety measures injury prevention baseball sports collision risks American Legion Baseball rules home plate rules eliminating collisions non-contact sports baseball safety protocols baseball safety reducing collisions runner sliding rule catcher blocking rule plate collision rule eliminating physical contact amateur baseball safety sports injury prevention baseball rules changes home plate collisions player safety in baseball non-contact baseball collision prevention baseball regulation rule 1(E) American Legion Baseball rule enforcement safer gameplay impact on game dynamics youth baseball safety baseball safety baseball collisions runner sliding rules catcher blocking rules plate collision prevention player safety sliding requirements collision rule changes amateur baseball safety professional baseball rules contact sports comparison home plate collisions injury prevention safety regulations baseball rule enforcement American Legion Baseball rules non-contact baseball sports concussion prevention sportsmanship youth baseball safety baseball collision rules eliminating collisions in baseball catcher blocking rule runner slide requirement baseball safety measures rule changes to prevent collisions amateur baseball collision rules impact of collisions in baseball plate collision alternatives statistics on baseball collisions American Legion Baseball collision policy safety benefits of banning collisions comparison to football rugby collisions dramatic safety improvement in baseball non-contact baseball policies baseball collisions home plate collisions runner slide rule catcher blocking rule baseball safety eliminating collisions intentional collisions player safety collision rule changes baseball injuries amateur baseball American Legion Baseball rules MLB rule changes physical contact in baseball sliding technique catcher interference base running rules protective measures sport comparison rule enforcement baseball tradition home plate safety youth baseball regulations safety benefits non-contact sports baseball collision rules eliminate home plate collisions catcher blocking rules runner slide requirements baseball safety measures amateur baseball collision policy American Legion Baseball rules collisions preventing injuries in baseball compare baseball and football collisions baseball rule changes safety non-contact baseball play home plate safety protocols banning collisions in baseball MLB runner sliding rules baseball injuries collision prevention baseball collisions runner sliding requirement catcher blocking rule eliminating plate collisions baseball safety amateur baseball rules unnecessary physical contact injury prevention American Legion Baseball baseball rule changes collision frequency plate blocking prohibition non-contact sports rule 1(E) safe base running sports safety benefits comparison football rugby reduce injuries youth baseball safety home plate slides baseball contact rules baseball collisions eliminating collisions in baseball runner sliding rules catcher blocking rules baseball safety improvements amateur baseball rules American Legion Baseball collision rule home plate collision prevention baseball injury prevention rules for base running contact rules in baseball non-contact baseball sports safety regulations baseball rule changes youth baseball safety baseball physical contact comparison baseball football rugby impact of collisions in baseball baseball safety runner sliding rule catcher blocking rule eliminate collisions amateur baseball safety collision prevention home plate rules contact-free baseball sports injury prevention baseball rule changes American Legion Baseball rules safety regulations non-contact sports player safety improvements base running rules baseball safety collision rules preventing collisions sliding rule catcher interference base running regulations eliminating home plate collisions amateur baseball safety American Legion Baseball rule changes player injuries rule enforcement contact sports comparison safety benefits non-contact baseball injury prevention rule 1(E) fair play sports safety policies
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro05a	Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: consequentialist ethics moral justification outcomes utilitarianism terrorism revolutionary violence justice freedom welfare redistribution equality moral philosophy political violence utility ethical legitimacy Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh uprisings social progress poverty oppression rights recognition violence justification ethical dilemmas controversial actions moral calculus revolution humanitarian impact Middle East state authority resistance movements Utilitarianism moral justification of terrorism ethical legitimacy terror for justice means vs ends revolutionary violence redistribution of justice utility maximization Arab Spring ethics political violence ethical consequences justifying terrorism consequentialist ethics radical measures resistance ethics violence for freedom moral philosophy cost-benefit analysis terrorism morality of political violence outcome-based ethics utilitarianism moral justification ethical outcomes moral philosophy revolutionary violence ends justify the means terrorism ethics justice equality redistribution of rights authority resistance Arab Spring political violence consequentialist theory utility maximization ethical dilemmas legitimacy of violence Middle East uprisings resistance movements social welfare poverty alleviation just war theory moral permissibility civil disobedience oppression structural injustice ethical revolution violence for justice suffering reduction collective good political legitimacy Consequentialism terrorism justification moral philosophy terrorism debate utilitarianism and political violence terrorism as revolutionary tool ethics of ends justifying means terrorism to achieve justice and equality consequentialist views on terrorism morality of violence for greater good redistribution through violent actions authorities resistance and terror tactics case studies Arab Spring terrorism Saleh Yemen attack ethical analysis terrorism increasing welfare justification utility based defense of terror acts terrorism in political struggles ethics philosophical arguments for terrorism terrorism and outcome-based legitimacy ethical dilemmas in revolutionary violence consequentialism ethical justification terrorism utilitarianism moral philosophy revolutionary violence justice redistribution human rights ethical dilemma political violence Arab Spring Middle East Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh utility maximization just war theory social justice freedom welfare ethical theory violence and ethics ends justify the means legitimacy of political violence moral relativism suffering and ethics revolution ethics consequentialism justification of actions ethical justification of terrorism terrorism and justice utilitarianism and violence moral philosophy terrorism outcomes ethics terror for greater good revolutionary violence ethics legitimacy of terror acts utility theory terrorism Arab Spring terrorism redistribution and terror justice through violence authorities and rights ethical implications revolution terrorism as weapon Middle East uprisings terrorism ethical consequences terrorism Ali Abdullah Saleh attack Yemen political violence consequentialism ethical justification moral philosophy utilitarianism outcomes consequences legitimacy of actions justice freedom welfare terrorism revolutionary struggle political violence redistribution acknowledgment of rights utility greater good moral dilemmas Arab Spring Middle East Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh poverty injustice violence ethical theory political ethics justification of terror social change ethical implications authority resistance drastic measures effective weapon progression BBC News Sinjab historical examples philosophy of ethics consequentialism ethical justification terrorism utilitarianism moral philosophy legitimacy of violence ends justify means political violence revolution ethics Arab Spring moral relativism justice equality redistribution suffering authority opposition revolutionary violence social progress Middle East terrorism impact of terror acts ethical dilemmas radical activism utility maximization greater good moral calculus justification of terror outcome-based ethics harm-benefit analysis terrorism and justice BBC News Yemen Saleh attack Sinjab 2011 ethical implications terrorism in revolutions violence for justice moral trade-offs consequentialism moral philosophy ethical justification actions and outcomes legitimacy utility greater good justice freedom welfare poverty inequality social justice violence political philosophy redistribution rights authorities revolutionary struggle terrorism utilitarianism radical measures moral dilemma Middle East Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh ethical implications political violence just war theory means and ends proportionality revolution effectiveness of terrorism moral permissibility human suffering international relations political ethics collective welfare terrorism ethics case studies real-world examples utilitarianism ethical justification moral philosophy terrorism revolutionary ethics justice freedom welfare redistribution social justice rights recognition violent resistance political violence Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh ethical dilemmas ends justify means legitimacy of violence utility maximization just war theory consequentialist ethics human suffering poverty injustice violence justification ethical implications collective welfare moral permissibility resistance movements ethical expansion greater good
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con02a	There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, family planning reproductive health women's rights poverty reduction birth control education access child welfare nutrition population growth slum communities economic stability healthcare access Philippines gender equality maternal health contraceptive access child education social justice public health policy sustainable development family planning reproductive health contraception women's rights maternal health poverty reduction education access child health population control slum conditions overpopulation Philippines public health policy demographic transition socioeconomic impact birth control sustainable development gender equality healthcare access legislative debates child malnutrition urban poverty family welfare social justice health education reproductive justice health disparities developing countries human rights policy impact family planning reproductive health women's rights poverty reduction education access nutrition population control maternal health child welfare contraception slum conditions Manila socioeconomic status healthcare access birth control gender equality public health policy demographic research poverty eradication sustainable development Filipino families RH Law urban poverty legislative debate child education health benefits Filipino families reproductive health Philippines women’s rights family planning poverty eradication family size educational outcomes family size nutrition child family planning economic impact population control opposition reproductive health bill research family planning Philippines urban poverty family planning slums Manila health global family planning studies contraception benefits Philippines reducing poverty birth control international perspectives family planning family planning government spending child support elderly parents investment education family size maternal health benefits contraception demographic transition Philippines effective poverty interventions family planning policy debate women's health outcomes Philippines arguments reproductive health opponents poverty research population growth family planning reproductive health women’s rights poverty eradication education access nutritional levels slums Manila Filipino families healthcare population control birth control gender equality economic development research studies legislation debate child support retirement security public health demographic trends policy impact poverty reduction family planning Philippines benefits of family planning women's health Philippines reproductive health rights poverty eradication family planning impact of family size on education slums Manila family health health benefits of birth control nutrition and family size population growth and poverty contraception debate Philippines economic impact family planning opponents of reproductive health bill research on family planning benefits family planning and education access poverty reduction through contraception global perspectives on family planning reproductive rights debate reduction of child malnutrition Philippines support for reproductive health law effects of large families on health evidence-based family planning benefits international comparisons family planning effective poverty allev family planning reproductive health Filipino families women’s rights maternal health child welfare poverty reduction education nutrition population control demographic transition Manila slums socio-economic status public health policy contraceptive access birth control gender equality economic development international research social welfare health outcomes sustainable development informed choice legislative debate poverty eradication Philippines health intervention female empowerment research studies urban poverty family planning Philippines women’s health benefits poverty eradication population control reproductive rights education and family size Manila slum health child education funding legislative debate RH Bill socioeconomic impact family size nutritional outcomes children Filipino women empowerment access to contraception global family planning research research on poverty Philippines maternal health improvement RH Law impact birth control policy Philippines child welfare urban poor family income allocation demographic transition Philippines reproductive health advocacy Philippine population studies family planning reproductive health women's rights poverty reduction education access nutritional outcomes Filipino families Manila slums health benefits contraceptive access population control maternal health child welfare demographic trends socioeconomic status developing countries birth control policy impact social determinants legislative debate global health gender equality rural vs urban sustainable development human rights fertility rates family planning reproductive health women's rights poverty reduction education nutrition population control maternal health contraception Filipino families slum conditions public health policy economic development gender equality healthcare access child welfare rural vs urban disparities legislative debate birth control generational poverty demographic studies social welfare programs international perspectives household income family size sustainable development women's empowerment Philippines
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro01a	The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. journalism journalist definition mass communication new media Internet impact Assange Wikileaks information dissemination traditional journalism digital media media transformation citizen journalism investigative reporting press freedom fourth estate government accountability news access newspaper decline media convergence media democratization information transparency privileged information news commentary broadcast monopoly open information media ethics journalism awards digital revolution media disruption transparency activism society influence journalist definition journalism evolution digital journalism mass communication citizen journalism new media internet impact on journalism information dissemination Wikileaks Assange journalism media transformation news gathering press freedom fourth estate role of journalists gatekeeping media democratization privileged access to information traditional vs modern journalism online news journalism ethics independent journalism media credibility journalism in the digital age journalist definition citizen journalism media transformation digital journalism Wikileaks Assange press freedom information dissemination internet impact media convergence new media traditional journalism journalism ethics media landscape news gathering investigative journalism fourth estate media disruption independent journalism information access media credibility democratization of news media roles press evolution online journalism news commentary legacy media journalism standards digital media platforms definition of journalist evolution of journalism impact of internet on journalism new forms of mass communication citizen journalism vs professional journalism Assange as a journalist Wikileaks and journalism changing role of journalists privileged access to information future of newspapers democratization of news journalism ethics in the digital age fourth estate responsibility traditional media vs alternative media media as check on government press freedom in the internet era journalism and technology journalism and public interest rise of online media transparency and accountability in journalism qualities of modern journalists journalism awards and recognition journalistic identity redefining journalism digital journalism citizen journalism Assange journalist media transformation impact of internet on journalism traditional vs new media access to information newspaper decline media democratization gatekeeping Wikileaks journalism fourth estate journalism ethics freedom of the press media disruption privileged information news dissemination role of journalists press and government accountability definition of journalist new forms of journalism digital journalism impact of internet on journalism traditional vs modern journalism citizen journalism wikileaks and journalism Julian Assange journalist journalism and freedom of press changing role of journalists privileged access to information media disruption internet decline of newspapers fourth estate role media transparency investigative journalism political impact of new media watchdog journalism media and government accountability journalism ethics boundaries Assange journalism debate journalist definition journalism evolution mass communication digital media Internet impact new media information dissemination citizen journalism role of journalists Assange Wikileaks media transformation press freedom fourth estate access to information traditional media decline newspaper sales media democratization investigative journalism government accountability media commentary media disruption public interest journalism broadcasting monopoly privileged access news industry changes online journalism media trust media independence journalism evolution definition of journalist Julian Assange journalism Wikileaks media impact new media forms internet and journalism mass communication changes decline of newspapers privileged information citizen journalism fourth estate role traditional media transformation information dissemination investigative journalism media democratization press freedom digital journalism journalist vs commentator political access media journalism basics government accountability media disruption newsgathering practices media credibility impact of internet journalism alternative media platforms journalist definition new media forms mass communication Julian Assange Wikileaks digital journalism journalism evolution Internet impact on media citizen journalism news dissemination information access media transformation traditional vs modern journalism fourth estate press freedom government accountability media industry changes newspaper decline news commentary investigative journalism media democratization privileged access to information political access media journalism role society watchdog journalism journalist definition journalism evolution mass communication Julian Assange Wikileaks internet impact on journalism citizen journalism traditional media role of the fourth estate press freedom media transformation digital journalism news dissemination privileged information information access newspaper decline broadcasting changes media responsibility watchdog journalism investigative journalism media ethics journalism basics new media reader empowerment political access media
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro04a	"Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" trial by jury petty offences minor crimes court resources jury cost legal efficiency magistrate courts crown courts plea bargaining criminal justice system court backlog jury alternatives judicial efficiency non-jury trials summary offences criminal justice reform cost-saving measures justice expenditures plea deals court congestion defendant rights criminal case processing UK legal system US legal system criminal trial procedures justice resource allocation Louise Casey judicial reform court system improvement criminal case disposition trial by jury minor offences petty offences jury alternatives court efficiency judicial resources court costs magistrates court crown court plea bargaining guilty plea rates criminal justice reform jury trial exceptions small-scale trials non-jury trials justice system costs case disposition legal system efficiency crime victim support judicial workload bench trials trial cost comparison summary offences criminal procedure legal system reform trial by jury petty offenses minor offenses court resources judicial efficiency cost of juries plea bargaining criminal justice reform magistrates court crown court UK legal system US legal system justice system costs legal system efficiency non-jury trials court congestion criminal case disposition guilty pleas sentencing reform alternatives to jury trials crime victim support legal process streamlining criminal court reform trial by jury alternatives cost of jury trials jury trial efficiency minor offences without jury petty crimes court process juryless trials benefits resources saved without juries magistrates court savings crown court vs magistrates plea bargaining and jury trials case backlog jury trials criminal justice system resource allocation effectiveness of non-jury trials crime victim resource allocation international jury trial comparison jury expense statistics impact on plea deals court system reform minor vs serious offence judicial process criminal case disposition statistics jury trials petty offences court efficiency resource allocation criminal justice reform trial costs magistrates court crown court plea bargaining guilty pleas court backlog criminal case disposition legal system funding jury trial exceptions minor offences judicial process criminal court resource management United States justice system UK justice system criminal trial alternatives summary offences legal expense reduction jury trial alternatives petty offences jury trial cost of jury trials magistrates court benefits non-jury trial advantages plea bargaining reduction court resource allocation minor offences trial process savings from no jury trial efficiency of criminal courts trial by jury UK US comparison criminal justice reform Louise Casey crime advisor crown court vs magistrates court jury trial expenses improving justice system resources impact of jury removal on defendants British court cost savings plea deal prevalence expanding judge-only trials trial by jury petty offenses minor offenses jury trial costs court resources judicial efficiency jury expense non-jury trials summary offenses magistrates court crown court UK justice system US justice system Louise Casey Peter Wozniak plea bargaining guilty pleas court backlog criminal case disposals resource allocation judicial reform public expenditure alternative sentencing court efficiency legal system improvements criminal justice costs court congestion judicial workload small-scale trials victim assistance judicial process trial alternatives legal efficiency criminal justice reform jury trial alternatives petty offenses jury trial non-jury trials minor offences efficiency of jury trials court resource allocation cost of jury trials magistrates court vs crown court plea bargaining reduction criminal justice reform trial by jury United States trial by jury United Kingdom minor crimes justice process criminal case dispositions criminal justice system costs summary offenses trial judicial efficiency minor crimes jury trial expense impact criminal court case backlog verdict efficiency petty crimes legal system resource management trial by jury petty offences minor offences jury cost court resources plea bargaining magistrates court crown court UK legal system US legal system alternatives to jury trial criminal justice reform court efficiency justice system costs legal process sentencing policy jury trial exceptions defendant rights judicial efficiency crime victim support jury trial alternatives petty offences bench trial magistrates court cost-benefit analysis plea bargaining criminal justice efficiency court resources non-jury trials summary offenses judicial efficiency expediting minor cases criminal case backlog judicial resource allocation trial costs legal reform court modernization victim compensation justice system improvement sentencing reform criminal court procedures plea deal prevalence court system overload judicial decision-making public defender workload crime victim support government justice expenditure"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro02a	A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. leadership authoritarianism Putin approval ratings Russian politics political stability social order anti-corruption public support electoral success Putin popularity youth support for Putin freedom versus security Russian society leadership benefits political trade-offs authoritarian leadership regime legitimacy governance in Russia civic trust equality in Russia strong leadership advantages Putin leadership style Russian politics stability corruption in Russia public opinion Putin authoritarian leadership benefits political approval ratings Russia youth support Putin freedom vs stability debate leadership in post-Soviet Russia governance and equality Russia Putin popularity reasons sacrifice freedom for order Russian society transformation national stability leaders strong leadership benefits of strong leaders Putin leadership style Russian politics Putin approval ratings anti-corruption in Russia political stability authoritarianism public support for Putin Russian youth opinions electoral success Russia stability vs. freedom Putin popularity Russian society leadership and equality Putin regime analysis Putin leadership benefits strong leaders in Russia Putin approval ratings Russian public opinion on Putin Putin and corruption reduction stability under Putin Putin authoritarianism debate youth support for Putin sacrificing freedom for stability Putin as a transformational leader Putin and Russian equality Russian society’s view on leadership social stability in Russia Putin's electoral success factors leadership and public perception Russia authoritarian leadership pros and cons strong leadership benefits of strong leaders Putin leadership style Russian politics Vladimir Putin approval ratings Russian youth support Putin stability versus freedom authoritarianism in Russia Putin and corruption support for authoritarian leaders Russian electoral politics leadership and public opinion effects of strong leadership trade-off freedom stability Russia Putin and Russian society leadership popularity Putin and equality Putin and calm society Putin generations support Russian political stability Putin leadership benefits strong leader advantages Russia Putin approval ratings Russian political stability trade-off freedom stability Russia Putin support among youth Putin anti-corruption efforts Russian leadership and public opinion Putin's effect on equality authoritarian tendencies and popular support Russian electoral trends Putin's impact on society Putin vs corruption Russia youth support for strong leaders Russia Russian stability versus freedom Putin leadership popularity public perception of Putin Putin regime benefits harms Russian leadership qualities Putin's vision for Russia strong leadership benefits of strong leaders Vladimir Putin Russian politics Putin approval ratings Russian society corruption in Russia political stability authoritarian leadership public opinion Russia youth support Putin electoral success Russia freedom versus stability governance Russia political enthusiasm youth restoration of order Russia equality under strong leaders Russian government contemporary Russian leaders social order Russia strong leadership pros Putin leadership style benefits of strong leaders Russian political stability Putin public support authoritarian leadership Russia Russian youth support Putin Putin electoral success corruption in Russia Russian society stability sacrifice freedom for stability Putin approval ratings Russia leader popularity Putin versus democracy Putin and Russian equality Putin leadership criticism authoritarianism pros and cons Putin youth enthusiasm Russia political opinions Putin and corruption cleanup Russian leader effectiveness strong leadership benefits Vladimir Putin leadership style Russian political stability Putin approval ratings corruption in Russia authoritarianism versus democracy sacrifice freedom for stability youth support for Putin Putin electoral success Russian society reforms leadership and public trust Putin regime analysis governance in Russia pros and cons strong leadership public opinion Putin generational support Russian leaders authoritarianism political stability Russian leadership Putin approval ratings anti-corruption policies social equality Russia youth support Putin electoral politics Russia public opinion authoritarianism democracy vs stability Russian political history leadership qualities sacrifice freedom for security governance Russia popular support leaders
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con01a	CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, Common Agricultural Policy CAP European Union EU food security agricultural subsidies self-sufficiency Europe food supply market fluctuations climate change global food crisis commodity crisis 2008 state intervention price stability food prices food affordability food policy food safety net economic support household food spending non-alcoholic beverages food markets agricultural policy supply chain resilience rural development food crisis management EU intervention European agriculture food self-reliance food production income support food security policies Common Agricultural Policy EU agricultural subsidies European food self-sufficiency EU food security food price stability state intervention agriculture agricultural policy EU food affordability Europe food supply resilience climate change agriculture Europe commodity price crisis EU rural support food market regulation EU household food expenditure CAP impact food prices agricultural protectionism Europe farm income support EU food crisis prevention market intervention CAP European food system stabilization Common Agricultural Policy EU agricultural subsidies European food self-sufficiency food security Europe state intervention agriculture commodity crisis climate change impact agriculture food price stability income support farmers EU household food expenditure agricultural market regulation food affordability Europe rural development policy agricultural policy effects European food supply chain EU food crisis management CAP role in European food security importance of agricultural subsidies in Europe European self-sufficiency in food production impact of CAP on food price stability effects of global market fluctuations on EU agriculture EU intervention during food commodity crises state intervention in agricultural markets reduction of food expenditure for EU households significance of continent-wide agricultural policy comparison of EU and global food subsidy policies support for poorer EU regions through CAP impact of climate change on European agriculture historical trends in EU household food spending CAP and food affordability European Commission CAP policies relationship between CAP and EU food supply stability Common Agricultural Policy EU agricultural subsidies European food sovereignty food self-sufficiency food price stability market intervention commodity crisis 2008 food affordability food security Europe household food expenditure CAP effectiveness climate change agriculture EU food policy state intervention agriculture affordable food supply EU rural support agricultural market fluctuation EU food resilience food markets Europe European Commission CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU food security agricultural subsidies European food self-sufficiency state intervention agriculture food price stability food affordability Europe CAP impact on households commodity crisis Europe global food markets EU agricultural policy and food supply CAP and poverty reduction EU household food spending crisis management agriculture European Commission CAP food policy Europe food supply chain EU climate change agriculture market volatility food prices EU food system resilience Common Agricultural Policy CAP agricultural subsidies food self-sufficiency European food security state intervention price stabilization commodity crisis global food markets food affordability household spending on food EU food policy climate change impact food supply chain EU market integration food price volatility rural economy support agricultural sustainability food production food imports export compensation mechanisms CAP subsidies European food security agricultural policy Europe EU self-sufficiency state intervention agriculture food market stability commodity crisis 2008 climate change impact food EU agriculture subsidies affordable food Europe food price volatility EU household food spending European food supply common agricultural policy effects EU food affordability food security policies market intervention agriculture poverty food access Europe agricultural resilience Europe historical food spending EU Common Agricultural Policy agricultural subsidies food supply stability EU food policy European self-sufficiency food price regulation food security measures state intervention agriculture commodity market fluctuations climate change agriculture food affordability intra-EU market compensation household food expenditure EU agricultural support food crisis prevention food market stabilization food price volatility European food production rural economy agricultural protectionism Common Agricultural Policy EU agricultural subsidies food self-sufficiency food price stability state intervention in agriculture global food markets climate change impact commodity price crisis food security Europe agricultural policy effectiveness household food expenditure rural economy EU food supply chain price volatility European food policy market intervention agricultural sustainability food affordability poverty and food access agricultural resilience
test-science-ascidfakhba-con01a	Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. artists property rights creative output copyright intellectual property artistic works music film sculpture painting creator rights creative process artistic investment artist compensation moral rights commercial rights art ownership creative commons licensing public domain artistic contribution creator consent copyright protection property law cultural value creative economy legal rights artistic freedom originality authorship artistic labor creation incentive rights enforcement copyright erosion artist exploitation economic rights intellectual property copyright artist rights creative ownership moral rights artistic control economic rights creative labor property law creative output protection creator compensation copyright law individual creation artistic investment original works artist profit creative commons critique public domain property rights in art rights management artistic endeavor work for hire creative industries copyright infringement creator consent cultural production art law legal protection for artists author rights copyright policy artistic autonomy copyright enforcement art commodification creative contribution intellectual labor art licensing intellectual property copyright property rights creative work artistic ownership moral rights economic rights creative commons public domain artists' rights art law cultural property creative freedom original works copyright protection licensing authorship unauthorized use artistic control fair compensation creative process artistic contribution art industry royalties legal protection artistic recognition copyright infringement rights management creative investment artistic expression property rights in art intellectual property protection for artists copyright law for creative works artists' economic rights moral rights of creators creative commons license debate public domain vs. proprietary art artist compensation models artist rights policy impact of copyright on artists profit rights from artistic work unethical art sharing intellectual property erosion artistic contribution devaluation legal protections for creators unauthorized use of artwork artist ownership over output commodification of creativity importance of copyright in the arts creative work theft incentives in creative industries commercial value of originality individual vs. collective rights in art creators' consent in public sharing intellectual property copyright artists’ rights creative ownership moral rights economic rights art law property rights creative commons criticism artistic control copyright protection licensing unauthorized use creator compensation originality authorship work-for-hire public domain art commodification legal recognition copyright infringement derivative works fair use art policy copyright ethics cultural value art and law artist remuneration creators’ incentives artistic freedom IP enforcement creative independence copyright debate artist property rights creative output ownership intellectual property in art rights of creators copyright in music and film creative commons vs artists' rights moral rights of artists artist profit rights property right protection impact of copyright policy on artists economic value of art philosophical basis of copyright individual rights in art legal protection of creative works artist consent in licensing copyright erosion universal property rights individual vs public domain in art commodification of creativity artist investment in art defense of artist ownership artist rights intellectual property copyright creative output music film sculpture painting creator ownership property law artistic creation artistic labor artist compensation copyright protection creative commons public domain artist consent property erosion artistic endeavor creator profit moral rights cultural value artist investment original work individual creativity legal protection artist property rights intellectual property copyright law creative ownership moral rights creator's rights art licensing creative commons debate fair use artistic labor creator compensation art commercialization artist control public domain copyright infringement artistic investment original work protection copyright policy cultural value of art economic rights derivative works copy protection artist exploitation anti-mandatory licensing art and law copyright erosion property law creative rights advocacy artist revenue copyright reforms intellectual property copyright creator rights artistic ownership moral rights economic rights creative output copyright protection creative commons license public domain property law artists' compensation art licensing cultural value originality fair use copyright infringement artists' profit copyright policy copyright law creative labor authorship artistic contribution intellectual rights copyright enforcement artists’ empowerment intellectual property copyright artist rights creative output property law moral rights economic rights creative commons public domain artistic ownership original works creative process copyright protection author rights incentive to create artistic investment creative labor unauthorized use copyright infringement cultural value public interest intellectual labor artistic expression copyright policy creative industries licensing fair use derivative works exclusive rights legal protections
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro04a	"The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). logical positivism theological noncognitivism omnipotence paradox quantum cosmology causality and god creator god criticism empirical arguments against god logical arguments atheism physics god existence paradox of the stone cosmological argument critique quantum fluctuation universe origin omnipotence contradiction god outside universe metaphysical impossibility rationalist critique god universe causality origin god and time divine attributes logic philosophical atheism logical inconsistency of God paradox of omnipotence creator deity contradictions cosmological argument critique quantum fluctuation universe origin causality and time in physics God and universe metaphysics empirical arguments against God omnipotence paradox Savage Paradox of the Stone atheism justification arguments against classical theism impossibility of external creator existence of God logical analysis scientific explanations for universe origin philosophy of religion divine attributes contradiction rational critique of God theological noncognitivism physics and theology interface logical contradiction creator god paradox ontology of God cosmological argument quantum cosmology causality metaphysics of creation omnipotence paradox paradox of the stone omnipotence contradiction universe origin quantum fluctuation causality in physics God outside universe theological noncognitivism empirical refutation of God logical problem of God atheism justification cosmological inflation temporal causality philosophical theology existence of God debate logical positivism invalidity of conventional God Savage paradox philosophical atheism self-contradictory attributes incoherent deity logical impossibility logical contradictions God creator god logical absurdity logical arguments against God's existence empiricism and theology philosophy of religion atheism causality and universe creation quantum fluctuation universe origin causality arises with time physics and god debate omnipotence paradox paradox of the stone omnipotence logical contradiction Savage paradox of the stone arguments for atheism critique of theistic explanations god existing outside universe meaningless concepts in theology quantum cosmology and god impossible attributes of god empirical evidence against god philosophy of science and religion invalidity of conventional god logic rational reflection god logical contradiction creator god logical absurdity empirical evidence rational reflection existence of God outside the universe meaningless concept physics and cosmology quantum fluctuation universe expansion causality causative agent impossibility omnipotence paradox paradox of the stone omnipotent God self-limitation logical unfounded attributes invalid theological explanation atheism justified atheism philosophical theology Savage 1967 metaphysics philosophy of religion argument against God existence debate logical paradoxes cosmological arguments logical contradiction God omnipotence paradox paradox of the stone creator god logical absurdity quantum cosmology and God causality and universe origin empirical arguments against God God outside universe meaninglessness physics and creation universe quantum fluctuation origin causality emergence universe impossibility of causative agent before universe omnipotence logical problem Savage 1967 stone paradox logical foundation atheism philosophical arguments atheism empirical evidence against creator God theological position justification philosophical review God paradox traditional God critique logical atheism logical contradiction creator god logical absurdity empirical evidence rational analysis universe existence metaphysics causality quantum fluctuation space-time cosmology causative agent omnipotence paradox omnipotent god paradox of the stone Savage 1967 attribute of God logical unfounded theology atheism belief in gods philosophical arguments classical theism cosmological argument contradiction in terms universe creation causality in physics quantum cosmology scientific explanation religious philosophy logical justification God’s existence existence of God temporal causality critique of the logical problem of God omnipotence paradox paradox of the stone creator God critique contradiction in God attributes atheism justification quantum fluctuation universe origin causality and God empiricism and theology physics and God existence cosmological argument refutation logical absurdity of God omnipotence logical inconsistency theological contradiction nonexistence of God arguments scientific explanation of universe philosophy of religion metaphysics of God arguments against theism Savage 1967 origins of causality inflationary universe theory problem of omnipotence logical analysis of God meaningfulness of God outside logical contradiction creator god omnipotence paradox empirical evidence rational argument quantum fluctuation cosmic inflation causality universe origin metaphysics philosophy of religion problem of evil logical positivism scientific atheism paradox of the stone Savage 1967 philosophy of science causation meaningless concepts theological positions arguments against God universe causality existence of God atheism justification logical absurdity logical contradiction creator god paradox omnipotence paradox paradox of the stone causality and universe origin cosmology atheism justification empirical evidence against god quantum fluctuation universe philosophy of religion metaphysics logical absurdities universe causality theological refutation critique of omnipotence impossibility of god argument from physics space-time emergence meaninglessness of god outside universe Savage paradox nonexistence of god arguments"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . trade human rights wealth standard of living Western values academic cooperation cultural exchange gradualism elite universities educational access social mobility global education political systems death penalty international relations China US EU cooperation reform processes elite education Western education social justice educational equity educational opportunities UNESCO educational reform international development free trade educational policy trade and human rights cross-cultural exchange academic cooperation economic globalization dissemination of values educational opportunities elite universities Western education developing countries social mobility gradual change international relations value transfer cultural diplomacy global education policy transnational engagement intercultural dialogue global justice mutual recognition death penalty policies educational access social equality international cooperation moral case for engagement UNESCO human rights education trade human rights contact hypothesis value dissemination academic cooperation wealth increase standard of living gradual change international cooperation educational exchange elite universities Western education social mobility cross-cultural exchange policy diffusion educational access globalisation cultural influence diplomacy economic development societal transformation soft power knowledge transfer international relations UNESCO development studies comparative education democratization global elite societal change trade and human rights academic cooperation and values globalization and value dissemination cross-cultural exchange and ethical standards economic engagement and social change gradualist approach to human rights international educational collaboration elite universities and social mobility Western education and local elites expanding access to education education as a catalyst for human rights trust and cooperation between nations Western values transmission cross-border academic partnerships global education equity university internationalization effects trade as a conduit for values local impact of global universities educational access and social justice comparative human rights progress economic integration and cultural influence incremental reform through engagement trade and human rights cultural dissemination academic cooperation economic development standards of living gradualism international relations Western values elite universities global education access social mobility educational equity political elite educational reform death penalty and trade US-China-EU relations cross-cultural exchange education and human rights UNESCO human rights report Robert Sirico CATO Institute moral case for engagement Burma reforms wealth and opportunity educational disparity values transmission soft power Western education abroad inclusivity in education international cooperation educational justice contact leads to value dissemination trade benefits human rights increased wealth improves living standards Western governments support trade-human rights link academic cooperation parallels trade gradualist approach to cooperation building on existing strengths agreeing to differ China US EU trade despite differences cooperation leads to change slow vs. rapid change (China Burma) elite universities globalization wider social access to education Western education abroad impact on political and social elites expanding learning opportunities equitable education access education and human rights development UNESCO human rights education free trade and morality Robert Sirico CATO Institute cross-border educational cooperation societal values transfer trade human rights value dissemination cross-cultural exchange academic cooperation wealth and development global trade impact Western influence educational opportunity elite universities social mobility international cooperation gradual change policy differences death penalty comparison China-US-EU relations soft power education and human rights UNESCO report moral case for engagement social inclusion democratization educational justice global education intellectual exchange empowerment through education trade and human rights academic cooperation value dissemination international trade benefits gradualist approach Western education impact elite universities globalization social mobility in education cultural exchange China US EU trade relations economic development and rights education and human rights UNESCO education report free trade moral case global education access influence of educational exchange international academic collaboration societal development through education political elite education democratization of opportunity human rights trade liberalization value dissemination academic cooperation cultural exchange gradualism international relations global education elite universities social mobility Western influence economic development standards of living wealth distribution social justice political reform educational equity global cooperation death penalty divergence case studies (China Burma) UNESCO CATO Institute educational diplomacy values transfer multinationals policy implications student mobility educational access global elite developing nations trade human rights value dissemination academic cooperation wealth standard of living cultural exchange gradualism international relations death penalty university globalization education access social mobility Western education elite universities global cooperation knowledge transfer soft power policy change economic development educational reform UNESCO democracy promotion intercultural dialogue nation-building
test-economy-beghwbh-con04a	If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, Hyperloop Elon Musk transportation innovation rapid transit high-speed travel sustainable transport alternative transportation infrastructure development public-private partnerships next-generation transit technology entrepreneurs startup investment mass transit systems venture capital urban mobility futuristic transport transport technology transportation pioneers innovation leadership major engineering projects disruptive technology transportation industry transportation startups engineering challenges project feasibility transportation policy Hyperloop development alternative Hyperloop builders Hyperloop project leadership Hyperloop commercial interest Elon Musk Hyperloop involvement future of Hyperloop private sector Hyperloop projects public sector Hyperloop projects technology adoption Hyperloop infrastructure innovation high-speed transportation open-source Hyperloop initiatives transportation startups Hyperloop investment Musk project prioritization Hyperloop feasibility Hyperloop commercialization Hyperloop alternatives transportation innovation mass transit technology Elon Musk Musk successor infrastructure investment private sector transportation public transportation projects startup founders tunneling technology sustainable transport high-speed rail maglev Virgin Hyperloop SpaceX influence disruptive transportation technology adoption venture capital government funding future mobility urban transit transportation pioneers innovation incentives infrastructure challenges Hyperloop alternative builders Hyperloop project leadership companies interested in Hyperloop Hyperloop investors future of Hyperloop without Musk Hyperloop development prospects other Hyperloop champions industry response to Musk Hyperloop technology firms Hyperloop interest barriers to Hyperloop adoption private sector Hyperloop initiatives government involvement in Hyperloop transportation industry disruptors Hyperloop funding opportunities next steps for Hyperloop project Musk Hyperloop project abandonment impacts of Musk's priorities on Hyperloop who will champion Hyperloop Hyperloop project challenges Hyperloop project viability. Elon Musk Hyperloop project leadership transportation innovation infrastructure development alternative investors technology entrepreneurs private sector involvement startup collaboration government funding public-private partnership high-speed travel sustainable transport advanced engineering feasibility studies project prioritization visionary leadership SpaceX Tesla emerging technologies investment opportunities Hyperloop alternative developers potential Hyperloop investors Hyperloop project takeover future of Hyperloop Hyperloop innovation leadership who will build Hyperloop Elon Musk Hyperloop involvement Hyperloop feasibility challenges in Hyperloop development Hyperloop project successors Hyperloop technology adoption Hyperloop without Musk Hyperloop commercialization transportation startups for Hyperloop public-private partnership Hyperloop Hyperloop Elon Musk transportation technology high-speed transit tube-based transport infrastructure innovation futuristic transport Tesla SpaceX engineering challenges project leadership alternative investors startup involvement public transportation private sector R&D venture capital feasibility studies transport pioneers technical hurdles transportation entrepreneurs investment opportunities sustainable travel futuristic engineering large-scale infrastructure transportation startups project development innovation leadership rapid transit intercity transport disruptive technology Hyperloop alternatives Hyperloop investors Elon Musk Hyperloop Hyperloop development companies Hyperloop partnership opportunities Hyperloop innovation Hyperloop competitors Virgin Hyperloop Hyperloop startups Hyperloop implementation transportation technology futuristic transport projects high-speed travel infrastructure investment sustainable travel Maglev trains next-gen transit systems transportation disruptors SpaceX Hyperloop Hyperloop engineering rapid transit future mobility solutions public-private partnerships Hyperloop funding sources Musk transportation projects Hyperloop alternatives Hyperloop investors transportation innovation public-private partnerships infrastructure funding future transport projects Musk project handover Elon Musk priorities Hyperloop technology new Hyperloop leadership commercial Hyperloop development high-speed transit startup involvement global Hyperloop competitors rapid transit solutions infrastructure entrepreneurs high-speed rail comparison venture capital Hyperloop potential Hyperloop builders Hyperloop project feasibility Hyperloop alternatives Hyperloop investors Hyperloop startups transportation innovation high-speed transit infrastructure projects public-private partnerships emerging technologies sustainable transport next-generation travel Elon Musk successors private sector initiatives engineering firms government funding mass transit development entrepreneurial ventures future of Hyperloop feasibility studies technology adoption mobility solutions
test-law-phwmfri-con03a	Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, fines taxes punishment perception of fines justice system revenue raising government coffers hypothecation New Zealand UK speed cameras public opinion crime deterrence criminal penalties enforcement legitimacy public trust deterrence effect motorist fines justice fairness financial penalties law enforcement funding punishment vs. revenue effectiveness of fines social attitudes criminal justice policy fines as taxes public perception punishment vs revenue government coffers hypothecation justice vs money-making crime deterrence legitimacy of fines speed cameras revenue compliance motivation fine effectiveness criminal behavior New Zealand fines policy UK speed cameras public trust in justice system deterrent effect monetary penalties government revenue generation fairness of fines alternative punishments attitudes toward fines fines perception fines vs taxes punishment vs revenue justice system government revenue hypothecation public trust speed cameras New Zealand fines UK speed cameras revenue raising deterrent effect criminal justice policy public opinion fines fine deterrence law enforcement funding crime and punishment administrative penalties financial penalties government coffers legitimacy of fines perception of fines as revenue raising fines versus punishment fines as taxes public perception of traffic fines speed cameras and revenue generation justice versus government revenue impact of fine allocation hypothecation of fines effectiveness of fines in crime prevention deterrence and fines fines as deterrents criminal justice fines public opinion fine proceeds and public trust New Zealand fines government coffers UK speed camera revenue public attitudes to fines behavior change and fines fines and justice system credibility penal policy public perception separating fines from punishment legitimacy of fines as penalties fines as taxes perception of fines monetary penalties justice system government revenue punishment vs. tax detachment from crime public opinion on fines hypothecation of fines speed camera revenue UK speed cameras New Zealand fines motivation behind fines effectiveness of fines deterrence of crime fines as deterrents public trust in justice criminal behavior and fines revenue raising mechanisms legal consequences vs. financial penalties punishment perception law enforcement funding criminal sanctions behavioral compliance attitudes toward fines fines vs taxes perception of fines fines and justice fines as government revenue fines hypothecation fines detachment from crime criminal justice fines public perception of speed cameras speed cameras revenue attitudes toward fines effectiveness of fines as punishment fines deterrence new zealand fines policy UK speed camera opinions revenue raising fines psychological impact of fines fines and law compliance government coffers fines hypothecation of fine revenue fines and criminal behavior public trust in fines fines perception fines as taxes fines vs punishment fines justice government revenue fines government coffers fines hypothecation speed cameras public opinion fines deterrence fines effectiveness New Zealand fines UK speed cameras revenue raising legal penalties behavioral deterrence public trust justice system criminal justice perception punishment legitimacy crime deterrence traffic fines perception financial penalties law enforcement revenue public skepticism fines justice system credibility motorists attitudes crime and punishment policy effectiveness public attitude toward fines justice vs revenue penalty legitimacy law as punishment fines versus taxes perception of fines fines as punishment government revenue fines justice system fines hypothecation of fines speeding fines public opinion fines deterrence effect New Zealand fines system UK speed cameras revenue criminal justice fines effectiveness of fines public trust fines fines and crime prevention fine allocation fines as deterrent revenue-raising penalties government coffers fines public perception justice fines versus justice crime and punishment fines fines as taxes perception of fines justice and punishment government revenue public trust in law enforcement hypothecation of fines New Zealand fines system UK speed cameras public opinion on fines effectiveness of fines crime deterrence revenue raising vs deterrence legitimacy of law enforcement attitudes toward traffic enforcement behavioral impact of fines policy analysis fines fines and criminal justice financial penalties public attitudes toward punishment law enforcement credibility fine perception fines as taxes punishment vs revenue justice system perception government revenue hypothecation of fines public trust in law enforcement speed camera controversy deterrence effectiveness criminal behavior incentives fines and crime deterrence New Zealand fines UK speed cameras public opinion on fines revenue raising vs punishment effectiveness of financial penalties behavioral impact of fines law enforcement legitimacy justice vs revenue generation policy implications of fines
test-economy-beghwbh-pro01a	Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 high-speed transit urban mobility rapid transit systems maglev trains bullet trains pod transportation point-to-point travel short-haul flights electric vehicles personal rapid transit microtransit high-speed rail advanced public transportation urban hyperloop city-to-city travel transport innovation next-generation transport alternative transport modes travel time reduction frictionless transport future mobility transportation efficiency intercity transport automated transport rapid ground transport fast ground transportation rapid transit urban mobility Hyperloop high-speed rail maglev trains bullet train short-distance travel intra-city transport intercity transport solutions transportation innovation travel time reduction alternative public transit advanced transport systems efficient transit modes emerging transportation technology next-generation trains personal rapid transit electric shuttle automated transit pod transport green transportation urban rapid transport transportation speed comparison short-haul travel high-speed transit alternatives rapid transit urban mobility point-to-point transport maglev trains bullet trains vacuum tube transport Elon Musk transportation high-speed rail alternatives short-haul flights ground transportation technologies intercity travel Hyperloop system electric vehicles personal rapid transit commuter options sustainable transportation green mobility zero-emission transport automated transit systems next-generation public transit time-saving travel efficient urban transport fastest short-distance transport alternatives future of rapid local transportation high-speed ground transport options next-generation urban travel solutions Hyperloop versus traditional transport improving intra-city travel speeds fastest way to travel between nearby cities innovations in short-haul transport supersonic travel alternatives for short trips public transport speed advancements transportation revolution for urban corridors cutting-edge short-distance travel modes high-efficiency city-to-city transportation advancements in rapid local mobility next-level intercity travel technologies short distance travel rapid transit urban transportation public transport innovation high-speed rail alternatives Hyperloop technology maglev trains point-to-point transport door-to-door travel commuter transport intra-city transport electric vehicles personal rapid transit transportation efficiency travel time reduction advanced transit systems urban mobility solutions intercity transport future of public transport city-to-city travel fast ground transport next-generation transit short distance transport solutions fastest urban transit rapid city-to-city travel high-speed ground travel urban hyperloop alternatives next-generation public transport efficient intercity transportation short-haul travel innovation advanced ground transport systems high-speed urban mobility fast regional travel modes future of short-range transport innovations in public transportation rapid transit systems ground-level supersonic transport ultra-fast short distance travel transportation speed comparison high-speed rail alternatives next-gen transport technologies metropolitan area transport solutions rapid transit short distance travel urban mobility ground transportation high-speed rail bullet train maglev personal rapid transit electric vehicles micro-mobility e-scooter e-bike ride sharing shuttle service urban air mobility vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) drone taxi hyperloop supersonic travel Concorde replacement innovative transport travel time reduction intercity transport commuter solutions sustainable transport multimodal transport next generation transit loop system Elon Musk SpaceX transport initiatives short distance transportation fastest transport solutions rapid ground transit hyperloop vs high speed rail urban mobility innovation intercity travel alternatives subsonic vs supersonic travel high speed ground transport future public transportation next generation transit city to city travel options high speed train alternatives hyperloop travel time improved transit efficiency tech-driven transportation efficient urban travel fast commuter options fast intercity connections modern mass transit transportation technology advancement high-speed ground transport urban mobility rapid transit maglev trains vacuum tube transport sustainable transportation short-haul travel next-generation transit city-to-city connections travel time reduction commuter transport surface transportation alternatives innovative transport solutions electric trains bullet trains future transport technologies travel efficiency intercity mobility transportation infrastructure transit innovation green transportation urban connectivity point-to-point travel transit speed comparison alternative public transport mobility-as-a-service urban mobility short-distance travel rapid transit maglev trains personal rapid transit electric scooters e-bikes urban air mobility flying taxis autonomous vehicles high-speed ground transport vacuum tube transport infrastructure innovation city-to-city transport transportation efficiency commuter solutions next-generation transit travel time reduction sustainable transportation advanced public transit
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con02a	Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. free speech freedom of expression personal autonomy civil liberties censorship speech restrictions individual rights self-expression First Amendment expressive freedom human rights viewpoint diversity speech suppression liberty vs security harm principle unalienable rights democratic values government regulation individualism societal harm civil rights open discourse dissent intellectual freedom thought freedom public debate constitutional rights free speech individual rights freedom of expression censorship harms liberty vs. security unrestrained speech personal autonomy expressive freedom civil liberties harm principle self-expression speech restrictions open discourse government censorship individual autonomy First Amendment speech suppression thought freedom expression rights value of liberty protected speech freedom of speech free expression censorship personal autonomy self-expression civil liberties First Amendment speech restriction moral autonomy individual rights democratic values harms of censorship free society liberty vs. security expressive freedom philosophical justification human rights individualism open discourse social harm government regulation public discourse freedom of thought suppression of speech value of liberty individual liberty vs state control free speech versus censorship harms of restricting expression value of self-expression importance of free thought incalculable harm of speech bans moral primacy of individual freedom personal autonomy and expression negative consequences of censorship individual rights and free speech philosophical defense of liberty dangers of speech prohibition inherent value of self-expression societal impact of speech restrictions fundamental rights and liberties free speech freedom of expression censorship personal autonomy civil liberties individual rights harm principle unrestrained speech expression ban suppression of speech philosophical liberalism foundational liberties John Stuart Mill open discourse self-expression liberty vs. harm constitutional rights thought freedom government censorship speech regulation dissent protection marketplace of ideas First Amendment fundamental rights human dignity free speech individual rights freedom of expression civil liberties censorship harms value of liberty personal autonomy free society speech prohibition fundamental freedoms expression rights banning speech consequences self-expression importance liberty vs harm unrestricted speech suppression of ideas marketplace of ideas philosophical liberty intrinsic worth of liberty democratic principles importance of free expression individual autonomy personal freedom freedom of speech civil liberties self-expression censorship free expression harms of censorship fundamental rights rights of the individual freedom of thought expressive freedom individual rights speech restrictions liberty vs security suppression of speech open discourse First Amendment self-determination intrinsic rights value of liberty chilling effect philosophical liberty harm principle moral autonomy free speech individual liberty harm of censorship freedom of expression unrestrained speech civil liberties speech restrictions value of liberty personal autonomy thought freedom expressive rights liberty vs security speech prohibition philosophical liberty moral individuality expression harms speech suppression right to speak liberty protection costs of censorship free speech censorship individual rights freedom of expression civil liberties personal autonomy harms of censorship philosophical arguments John Stuart Mill marketplace of ideas self-expression democracy First Amendment human rights liberty vs security societal impact speech restrictions value of dissent open discourse mental autonomy expressive freedom free speech freedom of expression individual autonomy civil liberties censorship personal rights harm principle self-expression freedom of thought liberty vs security First Amendment democratic values moral autonomy societal harm government restriction unrestrained speech speech limitations free society human rights philosophical arguments
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro03a	Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. socialism socialism decline left-wing leaders capitalist principles European socialist parties market economics high-tax economics high-spend economics open borders state economic control capital flow class divisions wealth increase modern capitalism class relevance socialist creed abandonment economic policy shifts political ideology change global capitalism economic liberalization fiscal policy income inequality wealth distribution political party evolution socialist rhetoric economic reform left-wing leaders abandonment of socialism acceptance of capitalism European socialist parties avoidance of socialism terminology market economics neoliberalism high-tax policies high-spend economics open borders globalization capital flow control economic liberalization class structure relevance social mobility modern left politics economic reform decline of state intervention post-socialist Europe capitalist principles adoption economic prosperity left ideology transformation social democracy neoliberalism market economy capitalist reform European left social democratic parties mixed economy welfare state globalization free market class mobility post-socialism open borders capital mobility economic liberalization third way politics high-tax economies public spending economic modernization socialist parties economic convergence left-wing politics capitalist adoption market reforms class structure declining socialism modern capitalism state intervention privatization economic inequality decline of socialism among leftist leaders acceptance of capitalist principles by socialist parties modern left political parties market economics European socialist parties market acceptance high-tax high-spend economics effectiveness market economics over socialism state control of capital in modern era open borders and capital flow class barriers in contemporary society relevance of class blocks today evolution of left-wing economic policies comparison of capitalism and socialism in Europe economic impact of open borders socialist party economic policy transformation leftist political ideology shift post-socialism socialism decline left-wing capitalism socialist parties Europe market economics high-tax economics high-spend economics open borders global capital flow class relevance economic liberalization modern socialist policies capitalist principles adoption state economic control European left politics Cuba socialism Colombia socialism contemporary socialism changing class structure state intervention effectiveness socialist identity shifts socialism decline modern capitalism leftist leaders capitalism European socialist parties market economics acceptance high-tax high-spend critique open borders economics state control capital class relevance today post-socialist Europe left-wing economic policies socialism vs capitalism socialist party rebranding global capital flow changing class structure economic policy evolution Cuba socialism exception Colombia political economy rise of market principles end of state economic control leaders of the Left socialism decline capitalism adoption European socialist parties market economics high-tax high-spend failure global capitalism open borders capital flow state intervention decline class structure relevance economic policy shifts socialist party rebranding wealth increase political ideology shift 21st-century socialism post-socialism left-wing economics neoliberalism globalisation party platforms European politics economic liberalisation welfare state reform decline of socialism acceptance of capitalism modern capitalist principles European socialist parties market economics high-tax economics high-spend economics globalisation and borders state control of capital class divisions income inequality trends post-socialist left socialism vs capitalism economic policy shifts political party ideology European political shifts socialist parties modernisation left-wing economic policy Cuba socialism Colombia socialism market reforms impact of capitalism global economic integration end of class politics open borders economics taxation policy spending policy effectiveness socialism decline leftist leaders capitalism European socialist parties market economics acceptance high-tax economics failure global capital flow open borders economy class structure relevance welfare state evolution post-socialist policies modern left economic stance neoliberalism adoption political ideology shift social democracy transformation state economic control income inequality globalisation impact economic liberalisation party rebranding post-Marxist politics socialism decline left-wing leaders capitalist principles market economics European socialism social democracy high-tax high-spend policy globalization open borders capital mobility class structure wealth distribution socialist parties economic liberalization state intervention neoliberalism political ideology shift Cuba socialism Colombia socialism welfare state economic reform
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con01a	The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, Neo-functionalism spill-over European integration automaticity supranationalism functionalism national sovereignty artichoke analogy high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy European Union integration theory policy coordination nation-state integration limitations opposition to enlargement Hoffmann EU global role integration challenges functional spill-over defence cooperation external relations institutional limitations policy effectiveness security community European policy integration obstacles European studies Neo-functionalism spill-over effect automaticity European integration supranationalism national sovereignty functionalism integration theory high politics low politics EU enlargement common foreign policy common security policy European Union policy coordination integration limitations security community defense policy integration dynamics Ernst Haas Stanley Hoffmann intergovernmentalism integration critique EU foreign policy integration failure integration theories European studies Neo-functionalism spill-over European integration supranationalism functionalism automaticity national sovereignty artichoke analogy high politics common defence foreign policy security policy EU enlargement Hoffmann Pabst theory of integration community project policy coordination international relations EU external role integration limitations political integration EU security defence community functional spill-over limits Western Europe nation-state spill-over theory criticism neo-functionalism limitations automaticity of integration debate supranational functionalism critique failures in EU high politics common EU defence policy challenges lack of coordinated EU foreign policy obstacles to EU enlargement role of EU in global affairs future of European integration Hoffmann nation-state vs Europe Pabst EU defence community integration theory alternatives EU foreign policy consensus barriers limits of functional spill-over EU security policy shortcomings nation-state resilience in Europe EU institutional effectiveness high politics vs low politics integration scenarios for EU future enlargement Neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity European integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty artichoke analogy limitations of spill-over high politics common defence policy common foreign policy EU enlargement EU security failure of integration functionalism critique EU global role Stephen Hoffmann nation-state foreign and security policy EU external action intergovernmentalism Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies policy coordination integration theory obstacles to integration institutional limitations EU defence community Pabst Adrian Neo-functionalism spill-over critique automaticity of integration limits of spill-over supranational functionalism national sovereignty high politics failure EU foreign policy EU security policy common defence challenges European integration EU enlargement opposition Hoffman obstinate or obsolete European Union role integration theory criticism functionalism limitations coordinated EU policy Pabst EU security defence community EU nation-state vs integration neo-functionalism spill-over European integration automaticity supranationalism functionalism national sovereignty artichoke metaphor integration theory community method low politics high politics European Union foreign policy security policy defence policy policy coordination enlargement Hoffmann nation-state EU global role institutional limitations integration challenges common security policy failure integration criticism Western Europe academic debate European studies EU institutions integration vs. sovereignty policy-making neo-functionalism spill-over theory European integration automaticity of integration supranationalism nation-state sovereignty functional spill-over limitations of spill-over high politics common defence policy EU foreign policy integration challenges security policy EU enlargement European Union role intergovernmentalism Hoffmann “Obstinate or obsolete?” supranational vs intergovernmental debate EU security community Pabst EU security EU external relations failure of automatic integration deepening vs widening EU institutional constraints policy coordination EU political integration neo-functionalism spill-over European integration automaticity supranationalism national sovereignty functional method integration limitations high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy EU global role coordination failure political union intergovernmentalism integration theory security community EU external relations spillover critique Neo-functionalism spill-over effects European integration automaticity functionalism supranationalism national sovereignty high politics low politics foreign policy security policy EU enlargement defense integration Hoffmann Pabst integration theory European Union policy coordination obstacles to integration limits of spill-over nation-state Daedalus Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies
test-international-aegmeppghw-con01a	"The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. geographical definition Europe boundaries Turkey inclusion European frontier Russia Europe status Georgia Armenia Europe Cyprus Malta Europe Mediterranean countries Italy NATO membership regional organizations Europe East-West border EU enlargement Eastern European countries Turkey European territory historical significance Turkey Turkey European population NATO membership OECD Council of Europe Eurovision European football EU membership criteria political geography cultural Europe European identity continental boundaries European institutions Asia-Europe border transcontinental countries European integration Turkish accession socio-political definitions geographical controversies European Union expansion Europe boundaries continental definition Turkey EU membership European frontier geographical Europe political Europe Russia Europe status Georgia European identity Armenia European identity Cyprus Europe Malta Europe Mediterranean Europe NATO membership geography EU enlargement Eastern Europe EU Turkey European territory Turkish population Europe historical Europe borders Council of Europe Eurovision Turkey European integration European identity Asian Europe supranational organizations Westward orientation Turkey Europe Asia border transcontinental countries European Union expansion European politics cultural Europe European borders continental boundaries geographical Europe political Europe Turkey EU membership European identity Eurasian countries European Union enlargement cultural geography Europe Asia border Transcontinental countries European institutions Council of Europe EU accession Mediterranean Europe historical frontiers East-West divide European integration NATO Europe regional organizations Cyprus European identity Malta Europe Russia Europe Armenia Europe Georgia Europe European population European mainland Eurovision participation European football Europe definition debate Europe geographic limits geographical boundaries of Europe definition of Europe Turkey in Europe is Russia European is Georgia European is Armenia European is Cyprus European is Malta European European frontier political versus geographical Europe changing definitions of Europe Italy NATO membership geography Mediterranean countries in NATO East and West Germany Europe border EU expansion Eastern Europe Turkey EU membership debate part of Turkey in Europe Turkey European territory population historical significance of European Turkey Turkey in European organizations Turkey NATO membership Turkey OECD membership Turkey Council of Europe membership Turkey Eurovision participation Turkey in European sports political imagination in defining Europe perception of regional Europe boundaries geographical Europe European frontier Turkey Europe Russia Europe Georgia Europe Armenia Europe Cyprus Europe Malta Europe Mediterranean states Europe NATO membership EU membership criteria European identity political geography Europe Europe Asia boundary European Union enlargement historical significance Europe Western Asia Europe Council of Europe OECD membership Eurovision participation European football UEFA East-West Europe Eastern Europe EU transcontinental countries European integration European continent definition geographical boundaries of Europe Europe definition debate Turkey Europe membership Russia European country Georgia European status Armenia European identity Cyprus Europe inclusion Malta Europe classification Mediterranean countries in Europe NATO membership geography European Union expansion Eastern Europe EU membership Turkey historical significance Europe Turkey European population Turkey NATO member Turkey OECD member Turkey Council of Europe Turkey Eurovision Turkey European football changing European frontiers Europe-Asia border European identity politics European regional organizations map of Europe boundaries geopolitics of Europe EU accession Turkey cultural identity Europe Westward orientation Turkey Europe boundaries geographical Europe European frontier Turkey in Europe Russia Europe Georgia European status Armenia Europe Cyprus Europe Malta Europe Mediterranean countries NATO membership regional organization European identity EU enlargement European integration Eastern Europe Western Europe political geography cultural geography transcontinental countries European institutions Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest EU membership criteria historical Europe Asia-Europe border European Union enlargement regional politics European population European continent continental boundaries Europe-Asia border Turkey EU accession geographical definition of Europe European borders Turkey in Europe Turkey EU membership Europe Asia boundary Russia European country Armenia Europe Georgia Europe Cyprus Europe Malta Europe NATO membership Europe European Union expansion Mediterranean Europe Eastern Europe European identity political geography Europe European frontier historical significance Turkey European population Turkey Council of Europe European continent definition transcontinental countries Eurovision Song Contest Europe European football competitions cultural boundaries Europe OECD membership Europe Westward orientation Turkey Europe borders European frontier geographic definition Europe Turkey Europe membership Russia European identity Georgia Armenia Europe Cyprus Malta Europe political geography Europe NATO membership geography Mediterranean countries Europe Eastern Europe EU expansion Turkey EU accession European identity politics Turkey population Europe Council of Europe Eurovision Europe European football westward orientation Turkey continental boundaries Europe historical significance Europe regional integration Europe Europe boundaries European identity geopolitical borders EU membership criteria continental definitions Turkey in Europe Russia Europe status Georgia Armenia Europe Cyprus Malta Europe geographic vs political Europe NATO membership regional organizations Europe-Asia boundary historical Europe expansion Eastern Europe inclusion Mediterranean countries Europe Turkey European institutions Westward orientation Turkey European integration supranational organizations cultural Europe"
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro03a	The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. International Criminal Court US public opinion ICC ratification US democracy Chicago Council poll American support ICC US foreign policy international law human rights public support ICC international justice global governance US participation treaty ratification ICC membership benefits citizen opinion legal accountability multilateralism international cooperation US government policy ICC membership US public opinion American support International Criminal Court democracy and foreign policy US participation ICC public polling ICC Chicago Council surveys ICC ratification support US attitudes international law international justice US US government and ICC American democracy international engagement opinion polls ICC United States popular support international treaties US foreign relations ICC International Criminal Court US public opinion ICC ratification US foreign policy democracy public support Chicago Council poll international justice global governance treaty participation war crimes international law human rights US government stance ICC membership benefits US treaty ratification poll statistics accountability international relations American democracy public opinion on ICC US ratification of ICC benefits of ICC membership American democracy and international law US foreign policy and international courts polling Americans on international criminal court Chicago Council poll ICC legitimacy of ICC in US arguments for ICC participation objections to ICC membership US US global leadership and justice history of US stance on ICC US Senate and ICC ratification value of ICC to American interests international perception of US and ICC ICC membership public opinion US support democracy international law Chicago Council poll 2005 survey American attitudes International Criminal Court ratification US foreign policy public sentiment US international relations ICC participation poll data citizen influence ICC drawbacks international justice treaty ratification popular support global governance ICC membership US public opinion US support International Criminal Court democracy and international law Chicago Council 2005 poll ICC US ratification ICC public opinion international agreements benefits of ICC membership US US participation global justice American attitudes ICC US foreign policy and ICC public support US international treaties International Criminal Court advantages US voters ICC stance American democracy international relations US role international criminal justice American support ICC membership democracy public opinion US ratification International Criminal Court 2005 Chicago Council poll majority favor ICC participation US foreign policy public influence opposition ICC drawbacks international law US involvement global justice US public support US government ICC ratification American attitudes war crimes prosecution ICC membership United States US international agreements public opinion accountability international crimes US public support for international justice system ICC membership public opinion US support for ICC Chicago Council 2005 poll American attitudes international law US ratification ICC democracy foreign policy US US public opinion global justice International Criminal Court US participation American support for international courts US international accountability ICC treaty US ratification public influence foreign policy USA US perception ICC drawbacks benefits ICC membership US public survey ICC USA International Criminal Court US public opinion US ICC ratification democracy and international law Chicago Council poll 2005 US foreign policy US ICC participation American support ICC public perception international courts ICC benefits US international commitments national sovereignty ICC global justice war crimes tribunal popular opinion global governance International Criminal Court US membership public opinion democracy US foreign policy Chicago Council poll public support ICC ratification international law US participation poll results policymaking American democracy citizen influence US government international treaties war crimes global justice treaty ratification public attitudes
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con04a	Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . baseball collisions retaliation bench-clearing brawls sports injuries catcher safety player grudges unsportsmanlike conduct MLB rules plate blocking dangerous plays player discipline revenge in sports Brian Sabean Buster Posey injury Mike Matheny comments hit-by-pitch baseball ethics conflict escalation player safety measures fair play enforcement baseball collisions home plate injuries retaliation in baseball player grudges unsportsmanlike conduct catcher injuries MLB player conflicts beanball incidents sportsmanship revenge plays baseball safety rules Buster Posey injury Brian Sabean comments Mike Matheny quotes deliberate hit by pitch player protection baseball ethics escalation of conflict violent plays in sports MLB disciplinary actions baseball collisions plate collisions sports injuries retaliation in baseball unsportsmanlike conduct baseball grudges player injuries catcher safety MLB rules dangerous plays baseball fights Brian Sabean comment Buster Posey injury Mike Matheny perspective player safety protocols bench-clearing brawls intentional hit by pitch player suspensions sports ethics baseball tradition retaliation in baseball baseball collisions consequences antagonism after sports injuries player grudges after collisions MLB unsportsmanlike conduct catchers remembering hits baseball revenge behavior impact of injuries on team relations MLB player safety debates Brian Sabean comments on Cousins Mike Matheny on catcher retaliation preventing dangerous baseball plays sportsmanship in professional baseball effect of player injuries on team dynamics escalation of conflict after on-field collisions retaliation bench-clearing brawls baseball unwritten rules player safety sportsmanship catchers collisions MLB disciplinary actions player injuries tit-for-tat behavior beanball revenge in sports Buster Posey injury Brian Sabean comments Mike Matheny perspective collision rules MLB dangerous plays baseball payback baseball emotional consequences player rivalries aggressive play enforcement baseball collisions plate collisions consequences retaliation in baseball unsportsmanlike behavior MLB player injuries plate MLB grudges Posey Cousins collision Brian Sabean Posey comment MLB payback catchers memory hits player safety baseball dangerous plays MLB Mike Matheny catcher quotes MLB ethics collisions baseball player revenge sports injuries and retaliation MLB rule changes collisions player protection plate escalation in baseball conflicts impact of player injuries MLB baseball collisions plate collisions retaliation revenge in sports baseball injuries player grudges unsportsmanlike conduct MLB confrontations catching injuries player safety baseball conflict aggressive plays Brian Sabean Buster Posey injury Mike Matheny quotes intentional hit by pitch payback in baseball player disputes antagonism escalation MLB disciplinary actions baseball collisions plate collisions retaliation in baseball baseball injuries player grudges MLB unsportsmanlike conduct baseball ethics player safety MLB dangerous plays baseball revenge in sports benches clearing incidents catcher safety Buster Posey injury Brian Sabean comments Mike Matheny opinion rules changes MLB baseball sportsmanship escalation of violence sports player protection MLB headhunting in baseball physical confrontations baseball MLB discipline targeted pitches player rivalries MLB team retribution catcher-pitcher dynamics baseball collisions home plate injuries retaliation sports grudges catcher safety MLB rules unsportsmanlike conduct Buster Posey injury Brian Sabean response MLB discipline player safety sportsmanship beanball incidents Mike Matheny comments revenge in baseball dangerous plays MLB player injuries intentional hit by pitch baseball ethics sports violence baseball collisions retaliation sports injuries catchers home plate incidents unsportsmanlike conduct MLB player safety baseball fights rule changes grudge matches player discipline Brian Sabean Buster Posey injury Mike Matheny payback in sports baseball ethics risk of injury sportsmanship consequences of aggression
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con04a	The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. internet censorship government regulation online speech digital rights freedom of expression social media blocking Twitter censorship public interest censorship governmental overreach online dissent power expansion credibility threat people power free societies digital activism information control civil liberties internet freedom government accountability surveillance platform censorship online organization citizen rights state influence freedom of assembly anti-censorship digital authoritarianism civil society chilling effect net neutrality media suppression internet censorship government censorship freedom of speech online free speech social media blocking Twitter ban public interest censorship state control of internet digital rights online dissent suppression governmental power expansion internet freedom speech regulation online expression mass communication restriction digital civil liberties internet surveillance opposition suppression social 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speech social media bans state's power over digital platforms internet as a tool for dissent government intervention internet risks social media and government credibility restricting online assembly chilling effect examples case studies government censorship digital rights advocacy preventing government censorship impact of blocking Twitter freedom of speech case studies expanding state surveillance protecting online speech combating government overreach legal precedents internet censorship Twitter bans and democracy internet censorship government control freedom of speech social media crackdown Twitter blocking digital rights online dissent state surveillance public interest censorship free societies online activism government credibility internet regulation information control public policy civil liberties media suppression speech regulation authoritarianism communication rights mass mobilization digital authoritarianism online expression political speech civil society government intervention cyber activism information freedom online assembly dissent suppression internet censorship government control blocking social media free speech online public interest censorship digital rights state power expansion online dissent social media regulation freedom of expression internet freedom state intervention online activism chilling effect freedom of information precedent for censorship platform regulation civil liberties internet government credibility information suppression digital authoritarianism platform blocking restricted access online organizing citizen empowerment state surveillance internet censorship government surveillance freedom of expression digital rights online speech regulation government power public interest censorship social media blocking state control of internet free societies dissent suppression citizen empowerment governmental overreach online activism internet freedom speech restriction human rights digital authoritarianism information control civil liberties government intervention chilling effect social media platforms information dissemination mass communication blocking online services internet regulation media censorship policy precedent Twitter ban Facebook blocking internet censorship free speech online government censorship blocking social media Twitter ban digital rights public interest censorship digital authoritarianism online dissent internet freedom surveillance state state control over speech platform moderation online civil liberties information control civic engagement online internet regulation government overreach social media suppression digital activism digital civil rights propaganda public interest regulation internet policy anti-censorship speech regulation online political dissent breaking encryption internet shutdowns chilling effect democracy and internet internet censorship government surveillance freedom of speech online dissent digital rights social media regulation public interest censorship information control state power expansion online free speech net neutrality government intervention digital activism civil liberties online expression internet regulation Twitter blocking social media bans internet freedom political censorship state credibility online organizing dissent suppression information warfare digital authoritarianism internet censorship government overreach freedom of speech online dissent digital rights state surveillance social media blocking public interest justification online activism civil liberties government credibility information control speech regulation internet regulation authoritarianism platform censorship digital free speech government intervention opposition suppression online organizing
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro01a	"Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, secondhand smoke passive smoking human rights non-smokers rights right to health smoke-free public places public smoking bans involuntary smoking Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks of secondhand smoke lung cancer risk workplace smoking family health smoking legislation tobacco control non-smoker protection well-being public health policy exposure to tobacco smoke United Nations rights WHO tobacco studies indoor air quality environmental tobacco smoke legal rights of non-smokers health impact of smoking secondhand smoke passive smoking involuntary smoking human rights universal declaration of human rights public smoking ban smoke-free laws non-smoker protection right to health lung cancer risk health legislation tobacco control public health policy environmental tobacco smoke workplace smoking ban smoking in public places right to clean air smokers' rights vs non-smokers' rights UN health standards familial exposure non-smokers' advocacy second-hand smoke passive smoking human rights right to health public health smoking ban smoke-free public places lung cancer risk workplace exposure non-smoker protection tobacco control Universal Declaration of Human Rights United Nations health legislation involuntary smoking smoking regulations family health wellbeing non-smoker rights tobacco smoke exposure smoking policy respiratory diseases public policy air quality environmental tobacco smoke second-hand smoke health effects passive smoking cancer risks non-smokers' rights smoking ban public places Universal Declaration of Human Rights smoking right to health smoke-free legal protections against second-hand smoke smoking in workplaces human rights evidence second-hand smoke lung cancer public health smoking restrictions smoking policy human rights non-smokers’ exposure legal recourse WHO tobacco smoke studies family health smoking laws standard of living second-hand smoke anti-smoking legislation United Nations human rights smoking protecting vulnerable from smoke second-hand smoke children’s rights ethical obligation smoke-free spaces secondhand smoke passive smoking human rights health risks lung cancer smoking ban public places non-smokers' rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights workplace smoking tobacco control policies involuntary smoking WHO studies public health smoking legislation smoke-free environments constitutional rights exposure to tobacco smoke family health standard of living anti-smoking campaigns indoor air quality smoking-related diseases legal regulations protection of non-smokers second-hand smoke health risks rights of non-smokers banning smoking in public places Universal Declaration of Human Rights and smoking lung cancer from passive smoking WHO studies on second-hand smoke second-hand smoke and human rights non-smokers' protection laws second-hand smoke policy recommendations public health and smokers' rights effects of involuntary smoking non-smokers' exposure prevention United Nations human rights and health standard of living and air quality smoking bans benefits worldwide research on passive smoking second-hand smoke legal arguments second-hand smoke passive smoking environmental tobacco smoke non-smokers' rights human rights health risks lung cancer universal declaration of human rights public smoking ban smoking restrictions indoor air quality smoking in public places involuntary smoking tobacco smoke exposure smoking and health non-smoker protection smoking policy workplace smoking family health un human rights who tobacco smoke smoking legislation right to health smoking-related diseases smoking bans secondhand smoke impact healthy living standards second-hand smoke passive smoking smoking bans public smoking laws human rights smoking Universal Declaration of Human Rights smoking smoking and health risks non-smoker rights workplace smoking policy smoking in public places involuntary smoking lung cancer risk second-hand smoke tobacco regulations smoke-free environments smoking and legal rights World Health Organisation smoking studies smoking prohibition public areas health policy tobacco non-smokers' protection cigarette smoke exposure respiratory health rights smoking law enforcement public health smoking advocating smoke-free zones global smoking legislation second-hand smoke passive smoking smoking ban public health human rights violation right to health workplace smoking lung cancer risk smoke-free public places non-smoker protection Universal Declaration of Human Rights well-being air quality tobacco control involuntary smoking WHO reports legislative measures indoor air pollution smoking legislation public smoking policy environmental tobacco smoke health risks non-smokers’ rights smoking regulations smoking and human rights secondhand smoke passive smoking human rights violations public health smoking ban smoking in public places smoke-free laws involuntary smoking tobacco control right to health lung cancer risk non-smoker protection air quality workplace smoking policies children exposure environmental tobacco smoke WHO tobacco reports UN rights declarations disease prevention tobacco policy indoor air pollution protective legislation legal rights non-smokers standard of living global smoking studies health and well-being"
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con01a	This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. reproductive health bill RH Bill Philippines democracy Filipino values majority support public opinion unplanned pregnancies maternal health abortion women's rights legislative process sexual health family planning healthcare access population policy legislative majority church and state public debate maternal mortality backstreet abortions reproductive rights gender equality Filipino society health policy RH Bill Reproductive Health Bill Philippines democracy Filipino values legislative support public opinion popular support unplanned pregnancies maternal mortality unsafe abortion abortion statistics women's health family planning reproductive rights legislative debate Catholic Church opposition contraception access healthcare reform legislative majority culture wars public policy social values women's rights healthcare access legislative decision Emily Rauhala Time Magazine Church influence medical care access RH Bill reproductive health Filipinos democracy legislative support public opinion unplanned pregnancies abortion maternal mortality reproductive rights family planning contraception women’s health reproductive justice Catholic Church church influence secularism women’s rights population control maternal care healthcare access social values Filipino society legislative debate majority rule policy reform RH Bill popular support reproductive health Philippines Filipino democracy values Philippines unplanned pregnancies statistics maternal mortality abortion Philippines RH Bill legislative majority public opinion RH Bill church influence reproductive health Philippines women's health rights Philippines reproductive health bill benefits Filipino public health policy RH Bill controversy debates democracy vs church authority Philippines RH Bill life of mother RH Bill life of child abortion statistics Philippines RH Bill legislative history support among Filipino lawmakers Filipino attitudes reproductive health RH Bill and Filipino modernity Reproductive Health Bill RH Bill Philippines democracy Filipino values public support legislative majority unplanned pregnancies maternal health abortion backstreet abortion women's rights public opinion family planning healthcare access maternal mortality Church influence reproductive rights population control religious opposition government policy reproductive health legislation Filipino society social change legislative process Emily Rauhala cultural debate healthcare reform reproductive justice public health Philippines RH Bill Philippines reproductive health bill democracy Philippines Filipino values unplanned pregnancies Philippines backstreet abortion Philippines maternal mortality Philippines church and state Philippines reproductive rights public support RH Bill legislative majority RH Bill maternal health Philippines abortion statistics Philippines women's health Philippines family planning law Philippines reproductive justice Emily Rauhala RH Bill Filipino public opinion reproductive policy Philippine law reproductive health Catholic Church RH Bill debate reproductive health culture wars Philippines democracy Filipino values RH Bill reproductive health popular support public opinion majority vote elected representatives unplanned pregnancies maternal health backstreet abortion unsafe abortion women's health maternal mortality reproductive rights contraception family planning Church influence secularism legislative process social change cultural values women's rights healthcare access Philippines legislation policy reform abortion statistics societal progress democracy in Philippines RH Bill Reproductive Health Bill Philippines Filipino democracy unplanned pregnancies abortion statistics Philippines maternal mortality Philippines public support RH Bill legislative support RH Bill Church influence RH Bill women’s reproductive rights Filipino values democracy Philippines reproductive health debate family planning Philippines backstreet abortion Philippines mother’s life protection child life value public opinion RH Bill modernization Philippines women’s healthcare access population control Philippines reproductive health policy safe motherhood Philippines Reproductive Health Bill RH Bill Philippines Filipino values democracy public support parliament support unplanned pregnancies abortion maternal mortality women's health reproductive rights contraception family planning legislative process majority opinion church vs state secularism healthcare access women's rights population policy social reform cultural values policy debate legislative history religious influence Emily Rauhala Time Magazine 2012 RH Bill Reproductive Health Philippines democracy Filipino values unplanned pregnancies maternal health women's rights abortion public opinion legislative support church influence healthcare access family planning reproductive rights maternal mortality policy debate birth control political majority public health legislative process women's healthcare reproductive justice cultural values population control religious influence government policy
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro02a	Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . press freedom investigative journalism freedom of information Julian Assange Wikileaks media control government transparency digital journalism new media citizen journalism information society media independence whistleblowing publication of leaks mainstream media criticism reader engagement source transparency news without spin Internet and journalism journalist definition state vs press media regulation direct broadcasting traditional media publishing source material speaking truth to power press freedom freedom of information investigative journalism Julian Assange Wikileaks government censorship information control digital journalism new media citizen journalism mainstream media media bias source transparency news without spin Internet and journalism publishing source material journalistic ethics speaking truth to power media plurality information dissemination online journalism open access journalism media trust digital age press proprietary media control alternative news sources public interest journalism press freedom government control freedom of information investigative journalism Julian Assange Wikileaks new media citizen journalism journalism ethics mainstream media information dissemination media control digital journalism source transparency news without spin Internet media publishing source material media skepticism John Pilger blogosphere truth to power media evolution media bias media independence journalistic integrity press freedom expansion Assange journalism debate government media control internet impact on journalism new media journalism Wikileaks news approach citizen journalism rise independent news publishing source material transparency digital age journalism skills press versus government conflict information dissemination and power media control history mainstream media bias news without spin reader engagement news traditional versus new media media patronage decline journalistic ethics in digital era publishing primary sources freedom of information government censorship press investigation Julian Assange journalism definition Wikileaks media control new media citizen journalism Internet era traditional media information dissemination journalistic ethics source transparency news without spin digital journalism media patronage political influence online publishing investigative journalism media transformation speaking truth to power reader engagement news credibility mainstream press opinion journalism freedom of press government control of media Assange journalist debate Wikileaks journalism history of press freedom Internet and media control citizen journalism new media era transparency in journalism media evolution source material publication news without spin mainstream media criticism public trust in media digital journalism skills opinion-driven press journalistic integrity speaking truth to power role of publishers political influence on media information dissemination online freedom of information government censorship press investigation Julian Assange journalism new media Internet media control citizen journalism Wikileaks mainstream media information dissemination independent media news without spin source transparency digital journalism speaking truth to power media trust media patronage media evolution publishing source material alternative media investigative journalism public opinion media ownership information age press freedom investigative journalism Julian Assange Wikileaks media control government transparency freedom of information citizen journalism new media internet journalism source material publication news without spin mainstream press blogosphere journalistic ethics digital journalism speaking truth to power reader engagement media evolution information dissemination media bias alternative journalism whistleblowers media independence publishing source documents role of journalists information age open access news reader-driven journalism unbiased reporting press freedom freedom of information Julian Assange journalism investigative journalism government media control Internet media media transparency citizen journalism Wikileaks new media open publishing source material news without spin digital journalism mainstream media media ethics truth to power information control journalistic integrity public access to information media landscape political influence on media publisher independence audience engagement data-driven journalism press freedom freedom of information Julian Assange journalist definition government control of media media regulation Internet impact on journalism independent media citizen journalism Wikileaks publishing source material news without spin mainstream press digital news dissemination transparency investigative journalism information access media trust role of journalists new media skills power dynamics in journalism media evolution media credibility self-broadcasting journalistic ethics public opinion on media
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 secularism secular values church-state separation religious neutrality religious symbols public expression equality integration religious dress state institutions school policies government workplaces religious freedom National Secular Society national identity social cohesion public policy religious pluralism Sharia law minority rights social unity Western values laïcité religious expression restrictions multiculturalism civic identity religious discrimination tolerance diversity management secularism secular values state neutrality religious expression religious symbols ban public institutions religious dress religious identity equality state-church separation National Secular Society religious diversity integration social cohesion laïcité multiculturalism religious freedom public space uniformity religious pluralism Western society state-sponsored religion religious rights legal restrictions on religion school dress codes government offices identity politics religious tolerance anti-discrimination freedom of expression secularism religious symbols state neutrality public expression of religion separation of church and state religious dress equality multiculturalism pluralism National Secular Society religious identity state institutions government offices school policy public policy Western values civil unity religious suppression freedom of expression cultural integration secularism in Western societies secular values and state neutrality separation of church and state religious expression in public spaces impact of religious symbols in schools equality and secular identity National Secular Society influence suppression of religion in public life religious dress and social unity controversy over religious symbols in government legal measures against Sharia courts effects of secular policies on minorities religious freedom vs. state neutrality multiculturalism vs. secularism public debates on religious attire secularism separation of church and state secular values religious symbols public expression of religion equality state neutrality religious dress national secular society state institutions religious identity social cohesion British society religious freedom religious suppression unity public policy civic identity multiculturalism laïcité Sharia law religious accommodation state sponsored religion diversity secular education collective ethos religious pluralism secularism in Western societies secular values and state separation of church and state UK National Secular Society religious expression in public equality and secularism religious symbols in schools religious dress and state institutions religion and state authority secular identity Western society public space religious neutrality impact of religious symbols on unity secularism and government policy religious freedom vs secularism UK secular law state-sponsored religion debate religious attire and equality suppression of religious expression Sharia courts UK multiculturalism and secularism public policy on religion secularism Western societies separation of church and state state neutrality religious symbols ban equality public space religious expression National Secular Society British secularism state institutions dress codes religious identity social cohesion multiculturalism diversity public policy state governance religious freedom uniformity state authority secular values religious suppression secular education government offices law and religion civic identity Sharia courts religious pluralism civil rights secularism secular values Western societies religion and state separation religious expression public places National Secular Society religious symbols state institutions school dress codes government offices equality unity social cohesion religious identity religious dress Sharia courts UK secularism state neutrality religious freedom religion in public sphere multiculturalism state-sponsored religion religious pluralism social integration secularism religious symbols state neutrality equality religious expression public spaces Western society church-state separation National Secular Society multiculturalism religious dress state institutions social cohesion civic identity religious tolerance freedom of religion secular values public policy UK Sharia courts laïcité school dress codes government offices pluralism religious rights minority rights secularism religious expression state neutrality equality religious symbols ban public institutions church-state separation National Secular Society religious dress British society Sharia courts multiculturalism religious identity state-sponsored religion pluralism education policy governmental authority social cohesion minority rights
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con05a	It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. economic calculation problem Hayek Mises market socialism resource allocation central planning decentralized decision-making price signals information asymmetry knowledge problem planned economy critique spontaneous order private property market efficiency coordination problem economic planning limitations economic calculation problem dispersed knowledge Hayek Mises central planning failure resource allocation price mechanism spontaneous order market signals information asymmetry decentralized decision-making socialism critique informational constraints knowledge problem efficiency of markets private property rights coordination problem supply and demand incentives economic efficiency economic calculation problem central planning resource allocation price mechanism information asymmetry decentralized decision-making knowledge problem Hayek market signals distributed knowledge inefficiency of planned economies spontaneous order private property incentives Ludwig von Mises socialist calculation debate economic efficiency information processing market coordination command economy scarcity opportunity cost resource utilization comparative advantage economic planning supply and demand planned economy information problem resource allocation complexity knowledge problem economics central planning inefficiency decentralised price system advantages Friedrich Hayek knowledge economic calculation problem spontaneous order market market coordination vs planning private property role economy limits of central planning resource combination possibilities information requirements for planning prices as information signals economic resource diversity distributed knowledge in markets efficient resource allocation markets Hayek road to serfdom economic coordination decentralization comparative advantages markets planned economy economic calculation information problem resource allocation price system decentralization central planning knowledge problem Hayek Mises economic efficiency private property market coordination distributed knowledge economic incentives resource utilization information scarcity spontaneous order economic planning information asymmetry market signaling decision-making public choice scarcity economic coordination socialism capitalism resource distribution comparative advantage economic complexity economic calculation problem knowledge problem planned economy Hayek knowledge argument central planning inefficiency decentralized price system resource allocation challenges private property economic efficiency Friedrich Hayek economic theory market vs central planning dispersed knowledge economics socialism information problem Austrian economics resource allocation price signals in markets information and economic coordination impossibility of central economic planning planned economy centralised planning economic calculation problem resource allocation information asymmetry price system decentralised decision-making market efficiency resource coordination private property economic planners knowledge problem Friedrich Hayek information dissemination spontaneous order resource utilization market signals price mechanism allocation efficiency resource distribution economic information complexity of economies decision-making economic planning Austrian economics distributed knowledge inefficiency of central planning incentives resource variety combinatorial explosion Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices planned economy limitations economic calculation problem centralised planning inefficiency resource allocation challenges decentralised price system information problem economics Hayek knowledge problem socialist calculation debate market economy advantages resource coordination price signals Ludwig von Mises planned economy informational decentralization spontaneous order economics central planning vs market economic complexity private property role economy coordination mechanism economics distributed knowledge markets economic impossibility theorem economic calculation problem decentralized decision making knowledge problem resource allocation price signals Friedrich Hayek central planning limitations market coordination spontaneous order private property rights distributed knowledge economic efficiency socialism vs capitalism subjective value informational constraints planning fallacy coordination problem information asymmetry market economy advantages resource combination complexity planned economy resource allocation economic calculation problem information problem central planning decentralization price system private property resource coordination market signals resource optimization economic efficiency resource utilization Friedrich Hayek knowledge problem Ludwig von Mises spontaneous order economic planning challenges distributed information resource combination economic complexity ontological uncertainty market coordination incentives resource misallocation socialism vs capitalism
test-international-epglghbni-pro05a	Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, economic integration economies of scale public administration unification all-Ireland services resource allocation infrastructure consolidation cost savings efficiency improvement single electricity grid unified transport network administrative costs cross-border cooperation Northern Ireland economy Republic of Ireland economy public sector efficiency service delivery economic growth administrative duplication streamlined governance shared resources border economy North-South infrastructure fiscal benefits unified public services government efficiency McGuinness quotes Ireland reunification economics economic integration all-Ireland economy economies of scale public administration consolidation unified governance cross-border cooperation infrastructure unification cost savings service delivery efficiency administrative duplication resource optimization economic growth public sector reform North-South cooperation Irish reunification economics shared services economic impact of unification Ireland-Northern Ireland integration fiscal efficiency unified public services economic integration all-Ireland economy administrative unification cross-border services public service integration economies of scale single electricity grid unified transport network police force merger judicial system unification resource allocation cost savings government efficiency economic growth north-south cooperation shared infrastructure public sector reform partition costs border impacts unified governance economic benefits service delivery fiscal efficiency unified public administration economic benefits of unified Ireland economic integration Ireland Northern Ireland cost savings unified public services Ireland economies of scale Irish unification impact of administrative division on economic growth Ireland efficiency of merged infrastructure Ireland economic case for all-Ireland services McGuinness quote economic arguments unification cross-border service integration Ireland potential savings unified policing and judiciary Ireland unified electricity grid benefits Ireland transport network efficiency Ireland unification resource allocation unified Ireland economic impact of partition Ireland arguments for unified administration Ireland public service duplication costs Ireland economic rationale for Irish unity economic impact study unified Ireland direct quotations on economic integration Ireland economic integration all-Ireland economy public sector efficiency unification benefits economies of scale administrative cost reduction cross-border infrastructure shared services resource allocation North-South cooperation policy harmonization unified public administration duplication of services system integration economic impact of unification government consolidation single market Ireland economic growth unified Ireland infrastructure efficiency administrative overlap unified Ireland economic benefits all-Ireland integration economies of scale Ireland cost savings reunification Ireland single Irish administration public service efficiency Ireland Ireland economic growth unification shared infrastructure Ireland economic arguments for Irish unity cross-border collaboration Ireland unified utility services Ireland Irish public sector efficiency Northern Ireland economic integration resource allocation unified Ireland economic impact Irish reunification economic integration cost savings administrative efficiency public services economies of scale all-island cooperation infrastructure unification border elimination resource allocation public sector reform north-south collaboration cross-border services single electricity grid unified transport system improved governance policy harmonization economic growth productivity gains unified policing judiciary integration fiscal efficiency economic benefits of reunification shared services structural reform administrative consolidation economic efficiency unified ireland all-ireland economic integration benefits of Irish unification public administration merger Ireland economies of scale Ireland cost savings Irish unity unified public services ireland northern ireland economic impact cross-border cooperation ireland duplication of services ireland single electricity grid ireland transport network unification ireland police force integration ireland judiciary consolidation ireland Martin McGuinness economic statements McGuinness unified ireland economy resource efficiency ireland economic growth unified ireland all-ireland cost reduction administrative unification ireland economic integration all-Ireland economy economies of scale public services unification cross-border cooperation infrastructure integration resource allocation administrative efficiency cost reduction unified infrastructure service delivery Northern Ireland economy Republic of Ireland economy electricity grid merger transport network integration police services unification judicial system consolidation Martin McGuinness economic statements economic benefits reunification fiscal efficiency Ireland unification economic integration public services economies of scale administrative efficiency resource allocation cross-border cooperation cost reduction infrastructure unification Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland governance policy harmonization public expenditure economic growth service delivery political reunification McGuinness all-Ireland integration duplication of services government cost-saving efficiency reforms border economy fiscal impact national administration
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro05a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" jury impartiality biased juries fair trial terrorism trials Northern Ireland nationalist conflict bench trial judge-only verdict jury selection emotional bias Lackawanna Six 9/11 trials legal reform public opinion criminal justice judicial discretion defendant rights terrorist attacks special courts prejudice judicial impartiality alternative justice psychological bias trial fairness security concerns high-profile cases jury impartiality biased juries jury selection nationalism conflict terrorism trials non-biased jury bench trial judge-only trial Northern Ireland terrorism bias Lackawanna Six post-9/11 trials pretrial publicity emotional bias fair trial acquittal bias defendant rights jury nullification judicial verdict trial fairness plea bargaining jury prejudice hate crimes media influence conflict zones magistrate influence criminal justice reform security concerns impartial verdict terrorism law jury impartiality unbiased jury jury selection terrorism trials nationalist conflict judge-only trials bench trial Northern Ireland terrorist attacks Lackawanna Six emotional bias jury bias pretrial publicity fair trial judicial discretion justice system defendant rights jury nullification post-9/11 guilty plea pressure criminal justice reform non-jury trials magistrate reasonable doubt court proceedings public opinion influence systematic bias trial fairness British criminal law American criminal law trial by jury limitations impartial jury recruitment challenges bias in nationalist conflict trials terrorism trial jury bias Northern Ireland jury sympathy post-9/11 terrorism trials Lackawanna Six case jury bias emotional impact on jury impartiality judge-only trials in terrorism cases defendants pleading guilty due to jury bias fairness of jury trials in high-profile cases alternatives to jury trials for terrorism British and American law on jury trials jury bias and justice in conflict regions historical examples of biased juries in terrorism cases impact of public sentiment on jury decisions reforming jury selection in politically sensitive trials jury impartiality biased juries terrorism trials nationalist conflict non-biased jury acquittal bias judge-only trials Northern Ireland terrorist attacks jury selection emotional bias post-9/11 justice Lackawanna Six judicial verdicts fair trial prejudice in court public sentiment trial by judge legal fairness September 11 influence terrorism prosecution trial fairness criminal justice legal reforms judicial impartiality jury nullification plea bargaining emotional influence on verdicts jury recruitment magistrate observations trauma and justice jury impartiality eliminating jury bias judge-only trials terrorist trial procedures nationalist conflict jury selection Northern Ireland jury impartiality post-9/11 jury bias Lackawanna Six case emotional influence on juries terrorism trial fairness criminal justice reform alternatives to jury trials trial by judge overcoming jury prejudice solutions for impartial juries juror sympathies in conflict cases impact of terrorism on juror objectivity British vs. American jury trials reasons for bypassing jury trials criminal law and terrorism judicial decision-making in sensitive cases jury impartiality biased juries fair trial judge-only trials terrorism trials nationalist conflict Northern Ireland acquittal bias preponderance of evidence emotional bias post-9/11 Lackawanna Six trial by jury limitations judicial verdicts terrorism prosecution jury selection challenges objective justice judicial decision-making defendant resignation criminal justice reform controversial verdicts emotionally charged cases accused terrorists non-biased jury recruitment judge versus jury Laura Donohue British American law terrorism and legal process high-profile cases jury selection bias trial fairness jury impartiality biased jury terrorism trials nationalist conflict jury selection bench trials non-biased jury Northern Ireland justice Limit jury trials post-9/11 justice Lackawanna Six emotional bias court terrorism legal process judge verdicts fair trial concerns acquittal bias trial by judge emotional impact juries criminal justice reform jury nullification British criminal law American criminal law plea deal bias judicial discretion terrorism prosecution compromised juries jury impartiality biased juries trial by judge nationalist conflict terrorism trials Northern Ireland Lackawanna Six 9/11 terrorism emotional bias justice fairness judicial verdicts guilty pleas jury selection challenges terrorism prosecution criminal justice reform bench trials judicial impartiality defendant rights political violence trials public opinion influence prejudice in juries jury impartiality biased juries trial by judge terrorist trials jury recruitment nationalist conflict Northern Ireland trials terrorism post-9/11 Lackawanna Six emotional impact on juries jury selection challenges jury fairness criminal justice alternative to jury trial judicial verdict terrorism prosecution emotional bias acquittals in terrorism cases national security trials terrorism-related legal procedures jury bias prevention"
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro03a	Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian conflict peace process territorial withdrawal East Jerusalem Palestinian state PLO recognition Hamas truce Six-Day War international support Arab Peace Initiative two-state solution final status negotiations border demarcation mutual recognition Middle East peace land for peace Israeli security territorial compromise Palestinian sovereignty recognition of Israel pre-1967 lines settlement withdrawal Olmert peace plan Saudi peace initiative Iranian stance Jerusalem status ceasefire agreement regional normalization Arab-Israeli relations diplomatic negotiations 1967 borders Green Line Israeli-Palestinian conflict two-state solution East Jerusalem PLO recognition Hamas truce international support Ehud Olmert territorial withdrawal land for peace UN Resolution 242 West Bank Gaza Strip Arab-Israeli peace process diplomatic recognition peace negotiations Middle East peace Arab Peace Initiative settlement evacuation border demarcation 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Green Line Israeli-Palestinian conflict two-state solution territorial withdrawal peace negotiations East Jerusalem Israeli legitimacy PLO recognition Hamas truce international support Arab Peace Initiative land for peace territorial compromise Six-Day War Olmert peace deal Arab-Israeli relations border demarcation recognition of Israel Palestinian statehood Middle East peace process Israeli security final status agreement West Bank withdrawal Gaza Strip diplomatic solution border negotiations peace agreement international mediation Israeli concessions conflict resolution 1967 borders peace process Israel withdrawal 1967 borders PLO recognition Israel Palestinian state 1967 lines East Jerusalem status negotiations Hamas acceptance 1967 borders Arab states 1967 borders peace Saudi Arabia Israel peace conditions Iran support 1967 borders international opinion 1967 borders Ehud Olmert 1967 borders statement Six-Day War territory return Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution two-state solution 1967 lines land for peace Israel map of future Palestinian state US mediation 1967 borders Israeli security post-withdrawal legitimacy recognition Israel Arab 1967 borders Israel-Palestine conflict Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem Palestinian statehood Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Arab-Israeli peace process Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territorial withdrawal two-state solution land for peace Middle East diplomacy Israeli legitimacy Arab recognition peace negotiations UN resolutions pre-1967 lines West Bank Gaza Strip Israeli security settlements border demarcation refugee right of return 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian peace two-state solution PLO recognition of Israel East Jerusalem territorial withdrawal Hamas long-term truce international support for withdrawal Saudi Arabia peace initiative Iran stance on peace talks Six-Day War territories Ehud Olmert statements land-for-peace Israeli security concerns recognition of legitimacy US role in negotiations Palestinian statehood Israel map proposal Arab-Israeli conflict resolution return of captured land peace agreements Palestinian Authority border negotiations Israeli settlements Middle East diplomacy end of conflict UN resolutions Arab peace plan historical preced 1967 borders pre-1967 borders Green Line Six-Day War Israeli withdrawal Palestinian state East Jerusalem Palestinian Liberation Organization PLO recognition of Israel territorial compromise two-state solution land for peace Israeli-Palestinian conflict peace negotiations international support Hamas long-term truce Arab Peace Initiative Iran Saudi Arabia border demarcation peace talks legitimacy settlements disputed territories Olmert peace deal mutual recognition security guarantees 1967 borders Israel-Palestine conflict Israeli withdrawal Palestinian statehood PLO recognition East Jerusalem Six-Day War peace talks two-state solution Hamas stance international support Arab states Saudi Arabia peace initiative Iranian position Ehud Olmert land for peace Israeli security territorial compromise border negotiations peace agreement Palestinian recognition West Bank Gaza Strip territorial disputes Israeli settlements international diplomacy UN resolutions Arab-Israeli relations Middle East peace process 1967 borders Israel Palestine peace process Palestinian state PLO Hamas East Jerusalem international support territorial withdrawal Six-Day War two-state solution land for peace border negotiations Middle East conflict Olmert peace talks Arab-Israeli conflict legitimacy recognition long term truce territorial compromise U.S. mediation Iran Saudi Arabia diplomatic maps Israeli security Palestinian recognition mutual recognition border preconditions regional stability conflict resolution 1967 borders Arab-Israeli conflict two-state solution Palestinian state East Jerusalem PLO recognition Hamas truce international support peace negotiations Israeli withdrawal territorial exchange Six-Day War Israeli security Palestinian legitimacy Middle East peace border demarcation land-for-peace Olmert statements Arab states Saudi Arabia peace plan Iranian policy diplomatic recognition Oslo Accords Camp David UN resolutions refugee right of return settlements Jerusalem status map proposals peace talks regional stability
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro01a	Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) political stability economic reform post-communist Russia market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos economic recession government distrust public opinion strong leadership order versus democracy Russian transition USSR breakup social stability authoritarianism leadership effectiveness public disillusionment Russian economic crisis political stability economic stability post-communist Russia market reform effects privatization outcomes Russian recession inequality in Russia corruption post-communism public opinion Russia Russian leadership order versus democracy Russia societal trust government chaos economic reform post-Soviet transition strong leadership Russia Russian political attitudes Russia public polls social impact of reform democracy versus stability government legitimacy Russia political stability economic stability market reforms privatization post-communist Russia economic recession Russia Russian inequality Russian corruption Soviet Union collapse public opinion Russia Russian democracy strong leadership Russia order vs democracy Russian government distrust Russian political chaos post-Soviet transition social upheaval Russia public security Russia economic recovery Russia authoritarianism Russia economic liberalization Russia Yeltsin era Putin stability Russian societal attitudes reform consequences Russia stability vs reform Russia importance of stability after communism Russia Russian economic crisis post-1991 market reforms impact Russia privatization and inequality Russia corruption post-Soviet Russia public opinion stability democracy Russia leadership and national stability Russia polls stability democracy Russia post-Soviet transition challenges strong leadership Russia transition Russian attitudes order vs freedom order vs democracy polls effects of USSR collapse on society challenges of Russian political reform stability during economic transition chaos from reform Russia trust in government post-communism Russia stability in nation-building Russia economic inequality and government trust Russia Russian political stability economic reform Russia post-communist Russia Russian economic inequality privatization effects Russia corruption in Russia 1990s post-Soviet transition Russian public opinion stability democracy vs order Russia Russian strong leader Yeltsin era instability Russian government trust social impact market reforms Russia transition economy Russia collapse of USSR consequences Russian reforms criticism public disillusionment Russia opinion polls Russia stability authoritarianism post-Soviet states leadership in transitional economies economic stability vs reform Russian economic transition 1990s effects of privatization in Russia political stability after Soviet collapse Russian public opinion on democracy inequality in post-Soviet Russia rise of corruption Russia 1990s leadership in post-communist states order versus democracy Russia societal consequences of rapid reform strong leadership and national unity Russia Russian attitudes toward government reform chaos after Soviet Union dissolution stability versus change in emerging economies balancing reform and stability in Russia economic stability political stability post-communist Russia Russian economic crisis market reforms privatization inequality in Russia Russian corruption post-Soviet transition government distrust Russia democratic reform Russia order versus democracy strong leadership Russia Vladimir Putin stability Russian public opinion Russian recession USSR breakup consequences economic chaos Russia social stability Russia authoritarian leadership Russian societal disillusionment public order priority reform resistance Russia leadership necessity polling Russian attitudes post-Soviet Russia economic transition political stability market reform consequences Russian public opinion order vs democracy economic inequality post-communism Russian privatization leadership in Russia corruption in Russia political reform Russia societal trust Russia governance after USSR Russian economic crisis population disillusionment Russia strong leadership benefits authoritarianism vs democracy Russia support for authoritarianism Russia Russian recession causes impacts of USSR breakup Russian stability preferences social chaos Russia democratic reform Russia Russian societal values polling Russian attitudes reform resistance Russia post-communist Russia economic transition political stability market reforms privatization income inequality governmental trust social order leadership in crisis strong leadership collapse of USSR Russian public opinion democracy vs order corruption in Russia economic chaos socio-political reform public disillusionment political legitimacy rebuilding trust post-Soviet transformation post-communist Russia economic stabilization market reforms privatization impact income inequality government corruption public opinion Russia political stability strong leadership order versus democracy Russian recession collapse of USSR public trust government authoritarian leadership Russian political history reform vs stability economic transition Russia social consequences reforms political chaos Vladimir Putin Russian governance economic reforms Russia societal disillusionment economic policy Russia
test-economy-beghwbh-con03a	There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, intercity travel Hyperloop vacuum train high-speed transit pneumatic transport tubular transport vactrain Robert M. Salter George Medhurst Beach Pneumatic Transit tube transport maglev Elon Musk supersonic train low-pressure tube underground railway rapid transit historical transport proposals pipeline transportation 19th-century transportation 20th-century transport innovation RAND Corporation transportation technology alternative transport systems transit history pneumatic tube systems hyperloop vacuum train very high speed transit Robert M. Salter pneumatic tube transport subsonic train George Medhurst Beach Pneumatic Transit 19th century pneumatic systems tube transport maglev alternatives evacuated tube transport high-speed rail history ultra-high speed transportation historical transportation proposals Elon Musk RAND Corporation transportation innovation pneumatic railway intercity rapid transit historical precedents tube-based travel air-propelled transit supersonic ground transport vacuum train maglev Vactrain high-speed rail pneumatic tube transport tube transport system atmospheric railway Robert Salter George Medhurst Beach Pneumatic Transit historical transportation technology rapid transit proposals low pressure tubes advanced rail systems Elon Musk Hyperloop history early intercity travel concepts ultra-fast transportation 19th century innovation RAND Corporation transit Bloomberg Hyperloop article vacuum tube trains early pneumatic transport systems Robert M. Salter high speed train proposal 19th century pneumatic railways George Medhurst tube transport Beach Pneumatic Transit New York history of tube-based travel precursors to Hyperloop pneumatic railway demonstrations historic vacuum transportation concepts evolution of high-speed rail ideas Elon Musk Hyperloop predecessors very high speed transit system archives pneumatic tube innovations transportation technology history intercity travel Hyperloop vacuum train Robert M. Salter 1972 tube transportation high-speed rail pneumatic transport 19th century trains George Medhurst Beach Pneumatic Transit New York Elon Musk historical proposals RAND Corporation D.N. Shury rapid transit transportation innovation low-pressure tubes high velocity trains transportation history Hyperloop history vacuum train proposals pneumatic tube transport Robert M. Salter 1972 very high speed transit historic tube transport 19th century pneumatic trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York George Medhurst 1812 vacuum tube train technology high speed rail innovation pneumatic subway systems early hyperloop concepts past high speed train proposals failed pneumatic transportation systems Hyperloop intercity travel vacuum train high-speed transit pneumatic transport tube transportation low-pressure tubes very high speed transit system Robert M. Salter RAND Corporation 3000 mph train 1972 proposal pneumatic railway 19th century train George Medhurst air-powered transportation Beach Pneumatic Transit New York demonstration tracks early proposals transportation innovation Elon Musk tube train technology historical transport systems Hyperloop vacuum train high-speed rail Robert M. Salter pneumatic transport tube transport 19th century railways Beach Pneumatic Transit George Medhurst vacuum tube system early rapid transit maglev trains Elon Musk Hyperloop underground transportation intercity mobility propulsion technology rapid conveyance railway history transportation innovation pneumatic subway high-speed transit proposals Hyperloop vacuum train high-speed rail pneumatic tube intercity transportation Robert M. Salter RAND Corporation George Medhurst Beach Pneumatic Transit historical transport proposals tube transport low pressure transit maglev 19th century trains transportation innovation Elon Musk mass transit history rapid transit underground rail transportation technology evolution air-powered train Hyperloop vacuum train pneumatic transport tube transport magnetic levitation Robert M. Salter George Medhurst Beach Pneumatic Transit high-speed rail maglev Elon Musk RAND Corporation vactrain intercity transit transportation innovation historical proposals rapid transit systems low-pressure tubes 19th-century transport transportation history advanced rail concepts futuristic travel transit technology railway innovations high-speed transportation transportation engineering
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro02a	Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, authoritarian regimes political stability long-term planning foreign direct investment policy continuity government turnover election instability regime durability economic development FDI attraction infrastructure investment administrative efficiency governance costs policy uncertainty partisan conflict mass protests investor confidence regime legitimacy democratic transition economic growth expenditure on elections political risk regime type comparison authoritarian regimes political stability government continuity long-term economic planning foreign direct investment investment climate economic policy consistency regime durability democracy versus dictatorship electoral uncertainty political risk government turnover public expenditure on elections cost of democracy political disorder regime legitimacy policy volatility investment security administrative efficiency political unrest economic development FDI attraction comparative political systems one-party rule political cost-benefit infrastructure investment business climate fiscal efficiency regime stability China economic growth authoritarianism political stability foreign direct investment economic growth long-term planning government continuity election uncertainty regime change policy consistency political risk investor confidence China development governance efficiency democracy costs electoral expenses infrastructure investment policy volatility government transition partisan politics legislative gridlock unrest protest economic environment state expenditure business climate political system comparison FDI attraction institutional stability regime durability dictatorships political stability benefits dictatorship vs democracy foreign investment democracy election instability economic impact cost of elections vs authoritarian regimes foreign direct investment stable governments political rotation and economic planning policy uncertainty in democracies infrastructure spending vs election costs authoritarian regimes attractiveness to investors government continuity and FDI partisan appointments and policy shifts case study Mexico election unrest policy stability impact on economic growth authoritarian stability political regime comparison foreign direct investment political risk democratic governance policy continuity electoral volatility long-term planning regime uncertainty investment climate government expenditure electoral costs public unrest partisan politics development economics political appointments election-related disorder economic stability regime legitimacy resource allocation infrastructure investment economic development FDI attraction China political system US democracy cost Mexico 2006 election political transition regime sustainability political unrest economic environment shifts dictatorship political stability authoritarian regimes and foreign investment democracy versus dictatorship economic impact election-related instability policy uncertainty investment foreign direct investment stability cost of democracy rotation of office effects political risk business environment government continuity investor confidence long-term planning autocratic states FDI in China vs US democratic transition costs policy shifts elections electoral unrest economic development democracy election expenses partisan appointments policy political framework investor trust economic development stability Mexico 2006 election unrest infrastructure investment vs election costs dictatorships political stability authoritarian regimes government stability long-term planning foreign investment regime durability lack of political turnover election disruption democracy costs electoral uncertainty policy continuity foreign direct investment (FDI) economic growth rapid development resource allocation democratic expenses administrative costs infrastructure investment economic environment government policy partisan politics political unrest election protests legislative gridlock China FDI United States FDI OECD data election expenses cost of elections political environment investor confidence regime type political disorder comparative politics political systems political stability dictatorships vs democracies foreign direct investment economic environment government policy changes election costs political unrest regime stability long-term planning authoritarian governance democratic governance infrastructure investment partisan appointments election disorder international confidence regime change risks policy continuity government expenditure economic development electoral systems governance efficiency political risk China FDI United States FDI Mexican presidential election 2006 economic growth policy uncertainty election-induced instability governance models investment climate authoritarianism political stability foreign investment economic planning regime durability policy continuity government turnover regime legitimacy electoral costs infrastructure investment political unrest election disputes political risk FDI determinants China economic growth Mexico elections partisan conflict democratic expenses regime comparison economic development state capacity political institutions stability vs. flexibility investor confidence long-term policy political transition infrastructure financing democracy challenges authoritarian efficiency governance models authoritarian stability regime durability long-term policy planning political risk election uncertainty foreign direct investment FDI policy continuity government turnover economic development governance cost democracy expenses electoral volatility political unrest regime legitimacy investment climate administrative efficiency infrastructure investment governance comparisons policy predictability
test-international-ghbunhf-con05a	As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf global governance international cooperation conflict resolution United Nations global institutions diplomacy multilateralism international relations peacekeeping international law global security interdependence world peace international forums global mediation regional organisations transnational issues international diplomacy collective security global dialogue global governance international cooperation dispute resolution global institutions multilateralism United Nations role peacekeeping diplomacy conflict prevention international relations intergovernmental organizations regional organizations EU ASEAN WTO global challenges international law world peace international security global dialogue globalization effects UN Charter collective security transnational issues international forums global governance international cooperation conflict resolution diplomacy globalization United Nations multilateralism peacekeeping international law world peace global institutions regional organizations international relations global security interdependence transnational issues supranational bodies international dialogue dispute settlement global policymaking Hammarskjold UN reform international organizations global challenges global governance international conflict resolution role of United Nations importance of UN global forums for diplomacy international cooperation mechanisms benefits of global institutions regional bodies vs global forums necessity of United Nations history of UN creation Dag Hammarskjold UN speech UN as forum for dialogue resolving international disputes impact of globalization on diplomacy evolution of international organizations alternatives to United Nations function of specialized international agencies interdependence in global economy diplomatic solutions to global conflict peacekeeping and UN future of global governance global governance international cooperation multilateralism conflict resolution United Nations peacekeeping diplomacy international relations global forums regional organizations EU ASEAN World Trade Organization economic interdependence war prevention international law global security supranational bodies global institutions international dialogue dispute settlement intergovernmental organizations global peace transnational issues international collaboration globalisation and international conflict resolution importance of United Nations global forums for dispute resolution interdependence in global economy costs of war in globalised world role of regional bodies in conflict resolution ASEAN and EU international diplomacy WTO dispute settlement necessity of global governance alternatives to United Nations Dag Hammarskjold UN speech history of United Nations formation contemporary relevance of UN international cooperation and peace mechanisms for global problem-solving globalization global governance international cooperation conflict resolution multilateralism United Nations diplomacy international relations global forum international organizations peacekeeping international law interdependence global security world order EU ASEAN WTO dispute settlement international dialogue global stability Hammarskjold UN reform collective security transnational issues global challenges international peace global institution international community supranational bodies global governance international cooperation United Nations role conflict resolution global forums multilateral organizations globalization impact peacekeeping international law diplomatic dialogue regional organizations European Union ASEAN World Trade Organization international relations interdependence global challenges Hammarskjold speech UN reform supranational institutions global security international diplomacy global peace economic interdependence multilateralism international dispute settlement globalization international cooperation global governance conflict resolution international forums diplomacy interdependence peacekeeping war prevention United Nations multilateralism international relations regional organizations European Union ASEAN World Trade Organization global institutions transnational issues negotiation Hammarskjold global governance international cooperation conflict resolution multilateral organizations peacekeeping diplomacy international relations United Nations reform interdependence global security economic globalization collective security international law transnational challenges sustainable development global institutions regional integration multilateral forums global public goods international mediation
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro03a	"If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. God existence evidence for God atheism religious belief faith and reason human knowledge secularism growing atheism evidence for atheism argument from nonbelief divine hiddenness omniscience holy books criticism religious texts superiority of holy book wisdom of God revelation rationalism theodicy secular society philosophy of religion the hiddenness argument divine revelation religious ignorance social development enlightenment skepticism Theodore Drange John Schellenberg arguments against God lack of evidence empirical evidence religion atheism nonbelief existence of God irrefutable evidence divine hiddenness Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument argument from nonbelief faith vs reason religious skepticism decline of religion secularism empirical evidence holy books biblical criticism omniscience religious epistemology revelation philosophy of religion atheist arguments rationalism supernatural evidence agnosticism religious pluralism cognitive science of religion atheism agnosticism theism belief in God existence of God divine hiddenness religious skepticism philosophical naturalism secularism irreligion evidence for God faith vs reason enlightenment rationalism scientific advancement social progress holy books religious texts revelation religious epistemology argument from nonbelief hiddenness argument psychology of religion sociology of religion growing atheism God’s wisdom omniscience divine revelation religious pluralism philosophy of religion Drange Schellenberg reason for nonbelief in God hiddenness of God argument atheism and evidence religious faith decline belief and rationality atheism in developed countries impact of science on religion universal evidence for God divine revelation and wisdom critique of holy books diversity of religious texts divine hiddenness argument from nonbelief omniscience and divine communication rationality vs. faith philosophy of religion Theodore Drange John Schellenberg God and empirical evidence religious pluralism superiority of religious texts authenticity of divine wisdom sociological trends in atheism ignorance vs revelation in belief criticisms of hiddenness argument atheism agnosticism nonbelief divine hiddenness God’s existence evidence for God religious epistemology growth of atheism secularization holy books criticism religious pluralism argument from ignorance theodicy philosophy of religion rational belief faith vs reason religious knowledge secular society revelation critique theological epistemology divine revelation scriptural authority arguments against God flawed scripture empirical evidence God omniscience religious doubt argument from nonbelief hiddenness of God evidence for God's existence atheism vs theism rise of atheism in developed countries faith versus reason critique of holy books divine revelation philosophy of religion Theodore Drange nonbelief John Schellenberg hiddenness argument why does God not reveal himself arguments against religion rationality and belief in God religious epistemology social factors in religious decline existence of God debate superiority of holy scripture flaws in holy books atheism and human knowledge atheism agnosticism theism belief in God divine hiddenness God's existence evidence for God religious faith secularism irreligion rationalism reason vs faith holy books scriptural criticism superiority of scripture religious pluralism revelation nonbelief secularization increasing atheism social development scientific knowledge philosophy of religion epistemology of religion Drange nonbelief argument Schellenberg hiddenness argument arguments against God human knowledge omniscience divine wisdom problem of divine hiddenness growth of atheism flaws in scripture revelation vs atheism hiddenness argument evidence for God divine hiddenness theodicy secularism growth of atheism religious belief decline philosophy of religion argument from nonbelief lack of divine revelation holy book criticism epistemology of religion faith versus reason rationalism scientific progress and religion irreligion in developed countries religious epistemology morality without God supernatural evidence agnosticism atheistic arguments God's existence debate comparative religion secular humanism religious skepticism cognitive science of religion social development and religion global atheism trends criticism of scripture divine wisdom atheism nonbelief hiddenness argument religious doubt evidence for God philosophy of religion divine hiddenness secularism rationalism faith vs reason sociology of religion growth of atheism holy books criticism religious pluralism revelation material evidence argument from nonbelief enlightenment scientific worldview human knowledge secular societies morality without God empirical evidence theology criticism scriptural fallibility religion and science divine wisdom disbelief trends agnosticism belief motivation atheism divine hiddenness religious epistemology evidence for God argument from nonbelief secularization faith and reason philosophy of religion holy books critique human knowledge vs divine wisdom atheistic arguments unbelief social development and religion religious pluralism empirical evidence God philosophical arguments God Drange nonbelief Schellenberg hiddenness argument religious doubt rationalism belief psychology existential evidence revelation vs ignorance religion and modernity anthropological atheism"
test-science-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. artists copyright copyright protection financial support artist income creative output intellectual property copyright laws artist revenue creative commons copyright policy artist livelihood family support economic impact copyright system artist rights income loss artist struggles copyright enforcement artistic work selling art copyright reform creative rights artist welfare material needs copyright security copyright stripping alternative employment artist appreciation struggling artists successful artists copyright benefits copyright protection financial support artist income creative output copyright laws artist revenue creative commons impact artist livelihoods copyright policy financial burden on artists copyright stripping family support robust copyright system struggling artists successful artists material needs of artists appreciation versus payment insecure copyright effects alternative employment for artists artist compensation copyright enforcement copyright protection artists creative output financial support revenue creative commons intellectual property copyright laws artist income copyright system family support artistic livelihood profit from artwork copyright policy fair compensation economic impact artistic rights digital distribution creative rights monetization struggling artists successful artists royalties intellectual property rights work for hire licensing copyright reform fair use copyright infringement artist income sources copyright protection benefits impact of copyright loss on artists creative commons vs copyright artist family financial support copyright as artist livelihood financial challenges for artists effects of weaker copyright laws artist dependence on copyright revenue artist struggles without copyright policy impact on artist earnings supporting artists through strong copyright balancing public access and artist rights artist survival without copyright economic security for artists implications of removing copyright protections alternatives to copyright for artists copyright law and artist well-being creative industry economic issues copyright system robustness artist compensation methods fair compensation for artists copyright policy debate creative works and economic value artist income copyright protection creative rights intellectual property copyright infringement creative commons artist revenue economic impact financial support copyright law artist livelihoods copyright policy artist compensation monetization of art artist welfare family support artist earnings copyright reform content ownership creative economy copyright enforcement impact on artists art market copyright benefits artist employment legal protection for artists copyright for artists financial support for creators impact of creative commons on artists artist income and copyright law artist livelihood and copyright protection copyright policy impact on artists artist family financial support selling creative work artist compensation and copyright problems with reduced copyright protection creative output monetization artists and intellectual property law artist revenue streams artist rights and compensation effect of copyright laws on artists artists copyright protection intellectual property creative output revenue financial support copyright law creative commons artist livelihood copyright policy family support artist income freelance artists copyright infringement art sales compensation artist rights creative industries legal protection royalties copyright enforcement protections for creators creative work artist welfare fair compensation artist struggles income stability lost revenue copyright benefits economic support artist copyright protection artist income sources creative output monetization copyright law benefits creative commons impact financial support for artists artist revenue loss copyright and family support economic impact on artists creative commons disadvantages copyright system advantages artist livelihood protection artist rights copyright enforcement artist compensation intellectual property law copyright policy effects music copyright visual arts copyright author copyright digital art copyright fair compensation for artists copyright reform protecting artist income artist economic challenges artists’ rights copyright law financial support creative output intellectual property revenue loss creative commons artist compensation copyright protection artist livelihood copyright policy artist income family support copyright enforcement economic impact copyright royalties creator rights copyright infringement artist welfare art monetization struggling artists copyright reform copyright security arts funding fair use creative industry artist employment copyright debate legal protection artist sustainability copyright law artist income creative rights intellectual property copyright protection creative commons artist livelihood copyright policy artist compensation copyright revenue artist family support copyright infringement economic impact of copyright copyright reform copyright and artists financial support for artists copyright system artist rights copyright royalties alternative income for artists
test-economy-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural poverty rural-urban divide mortality rates living standards developing countries famine child mortality disease prevalence AIDS in rural areas Hukou system rural China urban growth social inequality food insecurity urbanization rural deprivation health disparities sub-Saharan Africa economic development social exclusion rural policy forced migration economic inequality rural health urban benefits government policy rural marginalization class divide population control social stratification rural poverty rural mortality rates urban-rural disparity developing countries famine child mortality rural diseases AIDS in rural areas Hukou system China rural policy social inequality rural underdevelopment rural living standards rural health disparities deprivation in villages urbanization impacts migration restrictions political economy of food security rural versus urban growth social cleavage rural-urban divide sub-Saharan Africa rural exclusion government policy and rural areas rural health outcomes demographic disparities rural poverty rural-urban disparity child mortality famine infectious diseases AIDS prevalence developing countries living standards rural health urbanization Hukou system China rural policy social inequalities economic development food insecurity rural deprivation premature death migration barriers urban growth public health rural underdevelopment social stratification rural demographics policy impact poverty alleviation rural living conditions developing countries rural vs urban mortality rates causes of rural poverty comparison of famine rural urban areas child mortality rural areas disease prevalence rural vs city health disparities developing countries effects of China’s Hukou system rural underdevelopment in China urban-rural economic gap government policies rural inequality famine in rural Africa social cleavage urbanization impact of economic growth on rural life rural deprivation statistics political economy rural development rural health and mortality solutions to rural poverty migration restrictions China urban food security developing countries rural poverty rural mortality rates urban-rural divide rural health disparities famine in rural areas child mortality rural rural diseases AIDS in rural regions developing countries rural life hukou system rural-urban migration social inequality living standards food security rural sub-Saharan Africa rural China rural development government policy rural areas income disparity urban growth social stratification premature death rural food insecurity rural deprivation exclusion policies economic development rural agricultural economies population control rural malnutrition rural healthcare access rural rural infrastructure rural demographics rural poverty rural urban divide developing countries living standards rural health disparities famine in rural areas child mortality rural regions disease prevalence in villages China's hukou system urban vs rural China social inequality government policy rural areas economic growth disparities urban food security urbanization effects public health rural China social stratification China mortality rates hukou policy consequences rural deprivation rural development issues rural famine AIDS in rural regions rural poverty rural mortality rural vs urban health developing countries famine child mortality disease prevalence AIDS in rural areas urban-rural divide living standards China Hukou system social inequality economic growth disparity rural underdevelopment political economy food security rural deprivation social policies mortality rates Sub-Saharan Africa rural-urban migration institutional discrimination wealth gap rural health disparities socioeconomic exclusion urbanization Maxwell Daniel Mao's Great Famine Frank Dikötter Wang Fei-Ling rural poverty rural mortality rates rural versus urban living standards famine in developing countries child mortality rural areas diseases rural regions AIDS rural communities China Hukou system rural deprivation China urban-rural economic disparity developing countries rural health social inequality rural food insecurity Sub-Saharan Africa rural life political economy of rural areas urban migration barriers rural underdevelopment rural social policies World Development journal rural focus Frank Dikötter Mao famine Fei-Ling Wang Hukou rural morbidity developing world health disparity rural-urban divide rural life challenges exclusionary social policies rural poverty rural mortality rural deprivation developing countries living standards famine child mortality disease burden AIDS rural Hukou system China rural-urban divide urban-rural inequality social cleavage economic disparity food insecurity sub-Saharan Africa urbanization migration barriers systemic exclusion premature death underdevelopment policy impact health disparities rural health poverty traps structural inequality rural hardship rural modernization agricultural development rural infrastructure social stratification rural poverty rural mortality rural-urban divide developing countries famine child mortality infectious diseases AIDS living standards rural China Hukou system social inequality urbanization economic growth disparity food security Sub-Saharan Africa migration restrictions public health rural deprivation political economy social stratification demographic transition agricultural decline government policy social mobility rural development wealth gap urban growth rural stagnation structural inequality"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con04a	Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey EU accession secularism political Islam religious freedom European Union enlargement Muslim-majority countries integration democracy compatibility human rights cultural diversity minority rights headscarf ban Justice and Development Party AKP secular constitution Islam in Europe religious discrimination Christianity EU values Albania EU membership Bosnia EU membership Kosovo EU membership Westernization moderate Islam cultural integration European identity religious pluralism societal stability discrimination concerns Turkey EU accession Turkish secularism Justice and Development Party AKP headscarf ban religious freedom EU Muslim population Europe Islam in EU secular constitution Turkey EU membership criteria human rights Turkey discrimination against Muslims religious minorities EU European identity Christian club EU EU enlargement Turkey democracy Islamic democracy Bosnia EU membership Kosovo EU accession Albania EU membership freedom of religion Europe EU Islam relations integration of Muslims EU multiculturalism EU secularism Europe European Union enlargement Turkey EU membership secularism religious freedom integration Islam in Europe democracy human rights headscarf ban Justice and Development Party AK Party moderate Islam multiculturalism discrimination constitutional secularism political Islam EU values Westernization Muslim minorities Albania EU accession Bosnia EU accession Kosovo EU accession Christian-Muslim relations EU diversity cultural integration EU constitution progressive Islam religious tolerance EU candidate countries Turkey's constitution Turkey EU membership debate Turkey secularism vs Islam Turkey Justice and Development Party AKP policies Turkish headscarf ban EU laws religion and EU expansion EU freedom of religion Turkey Muslims in the European Union EU discrimination religion Albania Bosnia Kosovo EU entry Turkey as moderate Muslim democracy compatibility Islam and democracy Turkey as EU role model EU relations with Islamic countries religious rights in Europe Turkey constitutional secularism human rights laws EU Turkey Turkey and European identity future of EU enlargement cultural integration EU secularism vs religious expression Europe Turkey EU accession secularism in Turkey religious freedom Europe headscarf ban Turkey Justice and Development Party AKP Islam and democracy EU membership criteria Muslim population EU religious discrimination EU Turkey human rights laws integration of Muslims EU Turkey secular constitution EU enlargement Turkey as a model Islamic democracy diversity in European Union Islam-Christian relations Europe Turkey political reforms religion and state separation EU future expansion Islamic states in Europe Turkey EU membership secularism in Turkey Islam in Europe EU religious diversity headscarf laws Turkey Justice and Development Party AKP Turkey human rights EU Turkey religious freedom EU enlargement Muslim countries Turkey as model Muslim democracy EU integration Turkey discrimination against Muslims Europe Muslim population EU secular constitution Turkey EU values freedom of religion Albania EU membership Bosnia EU membership Kosovo EU membership Turkey democracy compatibility Islam and democracy EU EU and moderate Islam Turkey EU accession secularism Islam in Europe religious freedom Justice and Development Party AK Party headscarf ban discrimination against Muslims Christian-Muslim relations EU member diversity religious tolerance human rights Muslim population in EU Albania EU membership Bosnia EU membership Kosovo EU membership integration of Muslims democracy and Islam western Islam EU enlargement faith and governance secular constitution religious expression European secularism Turkey modernization EU values interfaith relations multiculturalism European identity religious inclusion moderate Islamic state Turkey EU accession Turkey EU membership secularism in Turkey Islam and democracy Muslim countries in EU headscarf ban Turkey religious freedom EU EU integration Muslim states AK Party secularism human rights EU Turkey Turkey religious laws EU enlargement Turkey Christianity Islam EU discrimination Muslims EU Turkey European Union debate multiculturalism EU Islamophobia Europe Turkey political reforms Muslim minorities EU Albanian EU membership Bosnia EU accession Kosovo EU membership EU religious diversity EU freedom of religion Turkey constitution secular Islamic democracy examples EU candidate countries Turkey liberal Islam EU identity religion tolerance EU Turkey EU membership secularism in Turkey Islam and democracy religious freedom EU headscarf ban Justice and Development Party EU expansion Muslim population Europe discrimination against Muslims EU human rights secular constitution religious expression laws integration of Islam Europe Christian-Muslim relations EU diversity positive example Islam compatibility Islam democracy minority rights EU Albania EU membership Bosnia EU membership Kosovo EU membership religious discrimination Turkey's AK Party European identity multiculturalism EU religious pluralism women's rights Turkey Turkey EU membership secularism in Turkey Islamic democracy religious freedom in EU headscarf ban Justice and Development Party AK Party policies discrimination against Muslims human rights EU Islam and democracy Muslim integration EU EU enlargement Turkey secular constitution religious diversity Europe EU candidate countries Albania EU membership Bosnia EU membership Kosovo EU membership European Muslims Islam in Europe Turkey democracy EU values EU religious tolerance Europe Christianity Turkish modernization positive example Islam EU inclusivity
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro03a	China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China arms imports global arms trade EU arms embargo alternative suppliers Russia military exports Israel military exports high-tech weaponry US-Europe relations European defense industry defense market access arms export controls indigenous arms sector economic implications military research funding European job market international arms competition China arms imports global arms trade EU arms embargo Russia China military trade Israel China arms sales European defense industry military exports to China US criticism arms sales European economic interests China arms market competition indigenous arms sector military R&D funding defense export policies global marketplace arms lifting EU arms ban European jobs defense sector Western arms sales China international arms regulations American allies arms trade China military modernization China arms imports EU arms embargo global arms trade Russian arms sales to China Israeli military exports European defense industry US foreign policy China military technology economic interests Europe China European arms exports international arms market indigenous arms sector research and development defense European Union trade policy arms industry jobs military material exports US-Europe relations China defense procurement global supply chain arms military-industrial complex China alternative arms suppliers EU arms ban impact global arms marketplace dynamics Russia arms sales to China Israel high-tech arms exports US criticism of EU-China arms trade Europe economic interest China European arms industry exports sustaining European defense industry indigenous arms sector risks global competition arms exports American-Israeli-China military relations EU-China military technology transfers European jobs arms industry R&D funding defense sector lifting EU arms embargo China arms trade geopolitical implications effect of arms embargo on allies European market share in China global arms sales trends China arms imports EU arms embargo global arms trade Russia-China military relations Israel-China defense cooperation European arms industry arms export markets military technology transfer US-Europe-China relations defense market competition indigenous arms sector European economic interests arms sales statistics arms trade policy military R&D funding high-tech military equipment employment in defense sector strategic alliances arms sales global military supply chain defense industry sustainability arms trade alternatives global arms marketplace EU China arms sales Russia Israel arms exports to China European arms export ban impact on EU defense industry US Europe China arms policy European arms sector economic impact Chinese military imports sources international arms competition EU economic interests China consequences EU arms embargo China American criticism EU arms policy indigenous European arms industry global defense market dynamics China arms imports EU arms embargo global arms trade military exports Russia weapons sales Israel military technology US-Europe relations European defense industry export markets indigenous arms production research and development costs international military sales Chinese market American allies economic interests global marketplace ban on arms sales defense market competition European jobs arms sector collapse high-tech military material China arms import alternatives global arms marketplace EU arms embargo Russia-China military trade Israel-China defense deals US-Europe arms policy European arms industry exports arms export market impact EU economic interests China European defense sector jobs indigenous arms sector risks high-tech military sales global arms trade competition arms research and development funding EU-China arms trade prospects US-Israel-China arms relations military technology transfer European defense market sustainability international arms trade regulations consequences of EU arms ban China arms procurement global arms trade EU-China military trade Russian arms exports China Israel military exports China arms embargo impacts European arms industry R&D funding military US-EU arms policy indigenous defense sector China market access European economic interests arms sales competition shifting defense suppliers global market competition military technology exports EU job protection defense export restrictions US-Israel-China relations EU trade policy China arms embargo EU arms sales China military imports global arms trade military technology transfer Russia-China defense relations Israel-China arms deals US-Europe arms policy economic impact of arms exports European defense industry research and development funding indigenous arms production international arms market export restrictions geopolitical implications US-Israel-China relations European market access arms industry employment military sales statistics ban on arms exports
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con01a	"Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchange drug use normalization harm reduction criticism state endorsement drugs drug policy ethics public health concerns drug use stigma crime and drug policy taxpayer funding drugs moral hazard drug programs first-time drug users state intervention drugs law enforcement drugs anti-harm reduction arguments drug user support opposition drug policy controversy societal harm drugs drug prevention substance abuse legalization punitive drug policy needle exchange criticism arguments against needle exchanges needle exchange moral concerns harm of needle exchange programs drug policy opposition drug use normalization negative effects of syringe exchange ethical concerns needle distribution state endorsement drug use public health ethics needle programs law and drug users deterrence drug use state accountability drug addiction taxpayer funded harm reduction morality of harm reduction legal consequences drug policy first-time drug user risk normalization of drug-taking social impact needle exchange societal harm drug facilitation needle exchange programs drug legalization drug decriminalization harm reduction public health policy state intervention drug addiction drug policy criticism moral hazard drug prevention substance abuse criminal justice taxpayer funding drug rehabilitation punishment vs rehabilitation drug use stigma social harms law enforcement state responsibility public safety needle exchange moral concerns needle exchange increases drug use normalisation of drug taking state endorsement of drug use ethical issues needle exchange needle exchange first time users peer pressure drug use needle exchange state responsibility harm reduction taxpayer funded needle exchange legal implications needle exchange state enabling drug use arguments against needle exchange needle exchange societal harm public policy needle exchange needle exchange law contravention punishment vs support drug users needle exchange and crime needle exchange and public perception harm reduction controversy government responsibility drug addiction needle exchange drug normalization harm reduction state policy drug decriminalization drug user behavior public health drug use stigma drug use prevention government responsibility law enforcement addiction support moral hazard substance abuse taxpayer funding criminal justice first-time drug users drug legalization debate policy ethics societal impact drug rehabilitation public safety opioid crisis risk compensation drug addiction drug policy controversy needle exchange controversy arguments against needle exchange needle exchanges and drug use do needle exchanges increase drug use moral objections to needle exchanges state support for drug users harm reduction policy criticism public policy drug addiction needle exchange ethic debate taxpayer funding for needle exchange needle exchange first-time drug users normalization of drug use punishment vs harm reduction needle exchange law enforcement needle exchange societal impact needle exchanges and public opinion needle exchange criticism normalisation of drug use state endorsement of drug use harm reduction debate drug policy opposition moral arguments against needle exchange public health ethics taxpayer funding controversy drug use legalization criminal justice approach deterrence substance abuse stigma government responsibility law enforcement drug prevention social acceptance of drug use first-time drug users slippery slope argument public safety concerns societal harm needle exchange criticism needle exchange cons harm reduction opposition drug policy debate state enabling drug use moral arguments needle exchange needle exchange legal issues needle exchange normalization public health vs criminalization needle exchange ethics drug use stigma taxpayer funding needle exchange needle exchange first-time drug users governmental role drug addiction arguments against harm reduction needle exchange social effects drug policy conservative arguments needle exchange negative outcomes state responsibility drug policy needle exchange increase drug use needle exchange programs drug normalization harm reduction public health policy drug use prevention state policy on drugs drug user behavior legal implications moral arguments taxpayer funding substance abuse drug paraphernalia distribution first-time drug users crime and drug policy punitive measures rehabilitation alternatives addiction support services drug policy debate societal impact government responsibility ethical concerns drug policy harm reduction public health addiction substance abuse syringe exchange programs criminal justice state responsibility drug criminalization rehabilitation prevention programs moral arguments legal consequences public safety government intervention taxpayer funding drug decriminalization drug prevention social impact drug legislation"
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro02a	This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. smoking ban healthcare costs smoking-related diseases government healthcare expenditure private healthcare expenditure social smokers passive smokers secondhand smoke hospital admissions Arizona smoking ban public health policy cost reduction smoking cessation acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health benefits healthcare savings economic impact of smoking tobacco control health outcomes population health evidence-based policy smoking prevalence medical cost analysis smoking ban healthcare cost reduction public health policy economic impact secondhand smoke social smokers passive smoking government healthcare spending private healthcare costs hospital admissions smoking-related diseases Arizona smoking ban study cardiovascular disease acute myocardial infarction stroke asthma public health savings tobacco control smoking cessation healthcare burden health economics population health benefits cost-benefit analysis smoking legislation preventive healthcare smoke-free policy smoking ban healthcare costs smokers government healthcare private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke hospital admissions smoking-related diseases cost reduction public health Arizona smoking ban smoking policy impact health expenditure tobacco control myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health policy taxpayer burden health economics smoking cessation healthcare savings smoking law effects healthcare cost savings smoking ban smoking ban economic impact public health policy smoking ban secondhand smoke healthcare costs government healthcare spending smoking private healthcare costs smoking Arizona smoking ban study hospital admissions reduction smoking ban smoking ban and taxpayer burden social smokers healthcare impact passive smokers medical costs cost-benefit analysis smoking bans smoking ban public health outcomes smoking-related illness costs smoking reduction economic benefits policy effectiveness smoking bans smoking bans and insurance premiums population health smoking legislation fiscal benefits of smoking bans healthcare utilization smoking restriction smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers government healthcare private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke hospital admissions smoking-related diseases Arizona smoking ban cost savings public health policy smoking reduction cardiovascular disease acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma economic impact public health benefits smoking-related hospitalizations smoking legislation Herman Walsh 2011 American Journal of Public Health smoking ban healthcare costs impact of smoking bans on hospital admissions cost savings from smoking reduction passive smoking healthcare expenses social smokers policy effects economic benefits of smoking ban public health expenditure and smoking second-hand smoke medical costs government healthcare and smoking smoking ban Arizona study reduction in smoking-related diseases taxpayer burden from smoking healthcare spending after smoking ban smoking cessation policy impact evidence-based smoking ban outcomes smoking ban healthcare cost reduction taxpayer burden government healthcare private healthcare hospital admissions second-hand smoke passive smoking social smokers public health policy smoking-related diseases economic impact Arizona smoking ban acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma cost-benefit analysis public health studies smoking cessation health expenditure tobacco control medical costs statewide smoking bans cigarette consumption preventive health measures smoking ban healthcare costs economic impact public health policy secondhand smoke passive smoking social smokers hospitalization rates cost-benefit analysis government healthcare expenditure private healthcare costs smoking-related diseases Arizona smoking ban study public health savings acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma health policy outcomes tobacco control smoking prevalence reduction healthcare burden taxpayer savings health economics smoking cessation legislative impact population health bans on public smoking preventative healthcare health legislation empirical studies U.S. smoking bans hospital admission reduction smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayer burden public health private healthcare expenditures smoking-related illnesses social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke hospital admissions smoking ban impact cardiovascular diseases stroke asthma Arizona study cost reduction smoking prevalence health economics public policy healthcare savings American Journal of Public Health smoking ban healthcare cost reduction economic impact government healthcare private healthcare social smokers passive smoking secondhand smoke hospital admissions Arizona study public health policy smoking-related diseases cost-benefit analysis smoking legislation acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health outcomes smoking cessation health policy evaluation
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con01a	Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. internet censorship social media ban protest communication online activism digital circumvention government surveillance communications blackout information flow riot control web monitoring alternative platforms digital resistance network shutdown mobile communication authoritarian measures Tibetan unrest freedom of expression internet adaptation public safety media suppression internet censorship communication blackout social media blocking police response digital rights freedom of expression protest communication alternative networks government control information suppression network shutdowns crowd coordination emergency response digital activism online reporting censorship circumvention disruption of services unrest management China internet control mobile network suspension internet censorship social media bans communication blackout digital riots online protest police strategies censorship circumvention information flow crowd coordination emergency response mobile network shutdown alternative communication government control social unrest digital activism network resilience online reporting authoritarian tactics technology adaptation public safety government internet censorship methods social media blocking effectiveness police strategies during riots alternatives to blocking social networks communication blackout consequences adaptation to censorship impact on civil liberties mobile network shutdown during unrest lessons from China internet control information flow during crises technology workaround tactics effectiveness of Twitter blocks implications for public safety freedom of information during emergencies online reporting during riots crowd coordination via social networks law enforcement digital countermeasures comparison with historical communication blackouts risks of cutting internet access unintended consequences of network shutdowns internet censorship communication blackout social media bans police control social networks government internet restrictions riot information flow digital adaptation citizen reporting mobile network shutdown network circumvention online activism emergency communication control censorship resilience police strategy protests Chinese internet tactics information suppression digital civil unrest media blocking effectiveness alternative communication channels unrest government response social network censorship blocking social media effectiveness of internet blackouts police internet control government communication blackouts Twitter ban impact online reporting during riots adaptation to censorship internet shutdowns riots and social media protest communication online digital censorship response mobile network blocking information spread during unrest China Tibet internet blackout internet community resilience freedom of information law enforcement and social media emergency internet restrictions circumvention of internet blocks social network blocking internet censorship police response riots Twitter restriction online networking communication blackout adaptive internet community phone network shutdown government censorship digital communication disruption information flow during unrest Chinese internet control Tibet internet shutdown digital rights photo sharing during riots network resilience circumvention tools law enforcement strategies mobile connection interruption freedom of information blocking social networks police censorship internet blackout communication shutdown riots social media Twitter ban online reporting digital censorship government control internet protest coordination adaptive internet community censorship circumvention law enforcement digital tactics social network blocking efficacy mobile network shutdown China Tibet internet digital rights freedom of expression internet riot communication government unrest response internet censorship social media blocking digital communication during riots police internet shutdown Twitter censorship communication blackout online protest organization adaptive online communities government response to unrest mobile network shutdown reporting during riots China Tibet internet ban effectiveness of censorship freedom of expression online law enforcement digital strategy unrest information spread emergency communication restrictions online activism political internet control real-time protest reporting internet censorship social media blocking riot communication police strategies online adaptation network shutdown Twitter ban communications blackout information suppression protest tactics digital rights network circumvention civil unrest mobile network disruption comparative censorship China Tibet internet government control media freedom digital resilience real-time reporting
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro02a	Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. affirmative action university admissions implicit bias discrimination minority applicants racial bias meritocracy equal opportunity diversity academic selection unconscious prejudice fair admissions higher education equity institutional bias inclusive policies anti-discrimination social justice hiring practices underrepresented groups Bertrand and Mullainathan study race-based admissions gender bias socioeconomic bias representation access to education affirmative action university admissions bias racial discrimination in education diversity in higher education implicit bias unconscious prejudice minority representation equal opportunity policies meritocracy and fairness social justice in admissions anti-discrimination measures positive discrimination inclusive education policies systemic bias representation of minorities holistic admissions process racial bias in hiring academic diversity 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test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 ban enforcement public buildings religious symbols religious apparel France conspicuous schools restriction legal precedent implementation security policy secularism compliance visibility regulation teacher enforcement security guards legislation public spaces school policy religious expression European laws law enforcement example cases restrictions legal framework ban on religious symbols enforcement of religious symbol ban public buildings dress code France religious apparel law conspicuous religious symbols secularism in schools headscarf ban European religious symbolism bans security enforcement religious dress 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France secularism laws France enforcement methods religious bans public sector dress code religious apparel regulations European religious bans teachers enforcing bans security guard religious symbol enforcement law enforcement religious bans BBC News French scarf ban religious expression in schools public institutions religious attire comparative religious bans secular public spaces religious symbols ban enforcement simplicity public buildings France religious symbols law conspicuous religious apparel secularism school dress codes teacher enforcement security enforcement religious apparel policy laïcité public policy visible religious symbols international comparisons dress code regulations government intervention religious freedom social integration legal precedent anti-religious display laws religious symbolism ban enforcement public buildings France secularism religious apparel school dress code conspicuous symbols legal precedent policy implementation law enforcement teacher authority security measures religious freedom secular policies case studies international examples government regulation public policy compliance methods
test-society-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, human rights mobility rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 basic liberties right to travel right to reside migration forced displacement refugee rights asylum international law moral rights freedom from persecution right to seek safety personal liberty humanitarian law indivisible rights inherent rights dignity right to survival United Nations social justice legal protection sovereign borders state restrictions statelessness non-refoulement human dignity basic needs freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 fundamental rights inalienable rights migration rights right to travel forced migration state sovereignty individual liberty right to leave country refugee rights right to residence mobility rights survival migration moral rights humanitarian law international law personal liberty freedom to relocate economic migration deprivation of liberty right to seek asylum rights protection right to mobility human rights Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights migration refugee rights asylum displacement liberty of movement international law civil liberties personal freedom internal migration border crossing freedom to travel global mobility statelessness resettlement humanitarian law self-determination human dignity social justice moral rights survival emigration forced migration state sovereignty collective rights vs individual rights freedom of residence non-refoulement international protection freedom of movement human rights Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights intrinsic human rights examples importance of freedom of movement right to movement migration moral right to mobility state limitations on movement freedom of movement and survival family migration and human rights collective theory vs individual rights human rights starvation migration protected rights under international law necessity of movement for survival freedom of movement ethical arguments movement restrictions and human dignity human rights charters protection fundamental rights to migration freedom of movement historical context state responsibility human rights movement as a basic human liberty freedom of movement intrinsic human rights universal human rights human rights charters Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights right to relocate survival migration moral rights state vs individual rights collective theory starvation and migration General Assembly 1948 fundamental rights rights to life right to travel migratory rights movement restrictions international human rights law humanitarian migration freedom of movement definition intrinsic human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 right to move for survival human rights protection migration and human rights moral right to freedom international human rights law starvation and migration individual rights vs collective good state restriction on movement humanitarian right to relocate United Nations human rights charters freedom to travel legal basis for freedom of movement human dignity and migration freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 fundamental freedoms inalienable rights natural rights right to migrate right to travel human dignity liberty civil liberties displacement migration rights state sovereignty moral rights right to survival collective rights vs individual rights International law right to leave and return refugee rights United Nations charters social justice right to asylum freedom of movement intrinsic human right universal human rights Article 13 UDHR human rights protection migration and survival state and individual rights moral right to movement right to life moving for survival humanitarian principles General Assembly human rights forced migration right to escape starvation right to relocate civil liberties international law UDHR 1948 basic human freedoms collective theory versus individual rights legal recognition of rights inherent rights freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 migration right to travel refugees state sovereignty international law charter of rights right to life personal liberty displacement humanitarian law human dignity mobility rights state authority basic rights fundamental freedoms survival relocation global citizenship moral rights protection of rights social justice Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 migration rights human mobility right to relocation refugee rights asylum international law charter protections moral rights individual freedom state sovereignty survival migration right to live humanitarian principles human dignity collective responsibility fundamental freedoms inalienable rights freedom of residence internal movement border laws global mobility human rights law
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro02a	A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. UN standing army rapid deployment peacekeeping operations humanitarian intervention impartial intervention force multinational military force modern warfare conflict prevention ceasefire enforcement neutrality in conflict peace enforcement crisis response UN Emergency Peace Service coordination challenges military impartiality humanitarian disaster prevention troop contribution challenges international peacekeeping global security military neutrality political independence post-conflict stabilization multinational cooperation military readiness civilian protection quick response force military logistics UN military reform genocide prevention conflict mediation cultural barriers in peacekeeping military effectiveness peace support operations international legitimacy UN reform UN standing army rapid deployment multinational force modern warfare peacekeeping impartiality neutrality police actions ceasefire enforcement humanitarian intervention peace enforcement UN peace operations civilian protection military intervention collective security crisis response military neutrality UN emergency forces troop mobilization troop coordination cultural barriers linguistic barriers member state contributions humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia UN emergency peace service genocide prevention crimes against humanity state sovereignty military bureaucracy troop readiness international intervention military professionalism conflict prevention rapid response force UN standing army rapid deployment impartial force multinational peacekeepers modern warfare peace enforcement conflict prevention ceasefire enforcement neutrality peacekeeping operations humanitarian intervention civilian protection international legitimacy military coordination troop mobilization crisis response emergency peace service genocide prevention crimes against humanity United Nations reform operational readiness troop commitment military neutrality state sovereignty political impartiality rapid reaction force global security peacekeeping effectiveness conflict resolution humanitarian disaster prevention multinational collaboration peace operation logistics UN standing army benefits UN peacekeeping reforms rapid deployment peacekeeping impartial peacekeeping force multinational military response modern warfare peace enforcement humanitarian intervention army UN military neutrality prevention of genocide and war crimes UN army vs national troops peacekeeping effectiveness improvements UN emergency peace service overcoming peacekeeping bureaucracy peacekeeper cultural barriers improving humanitarian response times trust in UN interventions civilian perceptions of UN troops independence from state interests reducing delays in conflict response historical peacekeeping failures UN military structure suggestions UN standing army rapid deployment modern warfare impartial force multinational force peacekeeping peace enforcement neutrality humanitarian intervention conflict prevention ceasefire enforcement crisis response civilian trust anti-propaganda state sovereignty troop coordination peacekeeping effectiveness military logistics humanitarian disasters emergency peace service genocide prevention crimes against humanity UN reform troop contribution multinational cooperation global security military impartiality cultural barriers linguistic barriers international intervention disaster response security council West Africa Balkans Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia UN standing army UN peacekeeping reform rapid deployment peacekeeping multinational military force impartial intervention modern warfare response humanitarian intervention conflict prevention peace enforcement ceasefire implementation neutrality in peacekeeping international crisis response UN military effectiveness overcoming troop shortages cultural barriers in peacekeeping Bosnia humanitarian intervention Central Africa crisis response Sierra Leone UN operations Somalia peacekeeping UN Emergency Peace Service military neutrality peacekeeper impartiality UN intervention challenges troop coordination problems peacekeeping bureaucracy member states troop contributions accelerating humanitarian response independent UN army benefits global security force UN rapid response force UN standing army rapid deployment contemporary crises response impartial force multinational military modern warfare peacekeeping operations peace enforcement neutral intervention conflict prevention ceasefire enforcement humanitarian intervention neutrality international legitimacy civilian trust anti-propaganda state sovereignty peace support operations coordination challenges linguistic barriers military readiness permanent force UN Emergency Peace Service genocide prevention crimes against humanity humanitarian disaster response Bosnia Somalia Sierra Leone Central Africa troop mobilization bureaucratic delays troop pledges multinational coordination impartiality advantage independence from national interests UN intervention challenges UN standing army peacekeeping operations rapid deployment force impartial intervention multinational military force modern warfare response crisis management humanitarian intervention ceasefire enforcement neutrality in conflicts peace enforcement missions global security United Nations reforms military impartiality disaster response troop mobilization efficiency coordination challenges international conflict prevention civilian protection genocide prevention emergency peace service military logistics cultural barriers linguistic diversity in military member state contributions UN military effectiveness post-Cold War conflicts West Africa peacekeeping Balkans interventions criticism of UN peacekeeping military professionalism permanent peacekeeping force global governance UN standing army rapid deployment peacekeeping impartial force multinational military contemporary crises modern warfare police actions ceasefire enforcement neutral peacemaker humanitarian intervention crisis response peace enforcement civilian protection unbiased intervention cultural barriers linguistic barriers peace service troop mobilization military coordination humanitarian disasters emergency response international security collective security genocide prevention conflict mediation military impartiality military neutrality multinational cooperation UN military reform UN standing army peacekeeping rapid deployment impartial force multinational force modern warfare crisis response humanitarian intervention peace enforcement troop neutrality ceasefire enforcement conflict prevention international law Balkans intervention West African missions military coordination logistical challenges troop contributions cultural barriers linguistic barriers humanitarian disaster Sierra Leone Bosnia Central Africa Somalia UN peace service emergency response global security military bureaucracy armed neutrality military credibility troop independence sovereignty military funding international cooperation
test-international-epglghbni-pro04a	Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. sectarianism reconciliation peace process Protestant inclusion Irish unity political integration conflict resolution unionist participation national identity British institutions power-sharing community engagement Northern Irish identity political autonomy grievance airing lasting peace cross-community dialogue inclusive governance cultural integration post-Brexit Ireland Irish reunification sectarianism conflict resolution Protestant inclusion Northern Ireland politics unionist grievances British identity political integration peace process power-sharing cross-community dialogue nationalist-unionist relations post-Brexit Ireland constitutional change inclusive governance minority rights identity politics community reconciliation self-determination UK-Ireland relations Irish reunification Northern Ireland peace process Protestant inclusion political integration sectarian conflict resolution Unionist representation power-sharing agreements cross-community dialogue British-Irish relations identity politics constitutional nationalism minority rights inclusive governance transitional justice peacebuilding strategies reconciliation programs Northern Irish identity post-conflict society democratic participation peace agreement implementation reasons for uniting Ireland ending sectarian violence in Ireland Protestant inclusion in united Ireland political participation of Unionists resolving Unionist grievances identity in Northern Ireland emotional ties to Britain British institutions in Northern Ireland comparison with Scotland and Wales identity lasting peace in united Ireland impact on Protestant community benefits of inclusive political process unionist representation in united Ireland peace process in Northern Ireland UK-Ireland political relations reconciliation in post-conflict societies challenges to Irish unification fears of Unionists in united Ireland case studies of political integration prospects for national unity in Ireland united Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political inclusion unionism political process grievances resolution Northern Irish identity British institutions power sharing peace process reconciliation UK-Northern Ireland relations national identity Irish unity unionist concerns community integration conflict resolution lasting peace political autonomy united ireland sectarian violence inclusion of protestants in politics unionist grievances resolution political representation northern ireland sense of british identity northern irish power sharing irish unification impact of ireland unification on peace northern irish identity vs british identity unionists inclusion in united ireland political integration protestants ireland resolving sectarian conflict ireland debate and discussion protestants ireland lasting peace ireland unification northern ireland attachment to british institutions unionist autonomy united ireland marginalization of protestants ireland united Ireland Irish unification sectarian violence peace process Protestant inclusion political participation Unionist grievances British identity national identity political autonomy Northern Irish identity British institutions reconciliation power sharing lasting peace conflict resolution Unionist representation community integration constitutional change Irish nationalism social cohesion post-conflict society cross-community dialogue inclusive governance minority rights united ireland sectarian violence protestant inclusion political process unionists northern ireland identity british institutions irish unification peace process unionist grievances power sharing nationalism vs unionism political integration lasting peace northern irish identity british vs irish allegiance governance in ireland reconciliation religious conflict resolution protestant marginalization ireland-uk relations political debate community inclusion post-brexit ireland identity politics Irish unification sectarian conflict Protestant inclusion political participation Northern Irish identity British institutions Unionist perspective post-conflict integration power-sharing peace process national attachment devolution minority rights reconciliation lasting peace cross-community dialogue political grievances UK-Ireland relations cultural integration constitutional change self-determination sectarian conflict Irish unification Protestant inclusion unionist perspective political integration peace process reconciliation British identity national identity power-sharing constitutional arrangements community relations historical grievances cross-community dialogue conflict resolution Northern Ireland politics United Kingdom disassociation inclusive governance Irish nationalism British unionism
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con04a	Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, globalization socialism economic liberalization financial markets speculative attacks Eurozone crisis austerity measures technocrat governments Greece Italy privatization deregulation central economic planning market flexibility economic growth unemployment financial speculation investment flows global economic forces neoliberalism European debt crisis economic regulation state intervention economic sustainability market-driven economies economic policy international capital economic competitiveness globalisation socialism economic liberalisation privatisation deregulation financial speculation investment flows global markets Eurozone crisis austerity measures technocratic governments Greece Italy market forces growth prosperity unemployment central planning economic regulation neoliberalism transnational capital global finance structural adjustment old Europe stagnant growth economic sustainability government intervention free market capital mobility policy convergence international investors global economic integration neoliberalism market liberalisation privatisation deregulation financial globalisation capital mobility speculative capital austerity measures technocratic governance financial markets Eurozone crisis economic liberalisation international investment central planning government intervention economic stagnation unemployment economic regulation macroeconomic policy global capital flows economic competitiveness structural reforms economic integration market-driven policies sovereign debt crisis IMF interventions economic sustainability globalisation and socialism impact of financial speculation on socialism investment flows and economic policy liberalisation versus socialism privatisation and deregulation effects market forces against socialism austerity and government change Eurozone speculative attacks technocrats in government Greece and Italy economic crisis flexible markets and economic growth returns on investment and liberalisation stagnation in regulated economies socialist regulation and unemployment unsustainable central planning global economic forces shaping policy decline of socialist models old Europe economic performance market liberalisation outcomes economic reforms and social policy neoliberalism financial globalization market liberalization privatization deregulation speculative attacks Eurozone crisis austerity measures technocratic governance investment flows global capital markets economic integration economic sovereignty central planning economic stagnation unemployment economic regulation supranational influence financial markets global economic governance transnational investors economic policy autonomy global financial institutions Washington Consensus structural adjustment economic reform state intervention global capitalism globalisation and socialism socialism in a global economy impact of financial speculation on socialism investment flows and socialist policies eurozone austerity and socialism technocrats in government privatisation versus central planning liberalisation pressures deregulation and economic growth global economic forces on national policy challenges to socialist economic models market-driven austerity stagnation in regulated economies neoliberalism vs socialism international finance and state sovereignty rise of technocratic governance implications for welfare state market flexibility and prosperity economic consequences of resisting globalisation effects of globalisation on unemployment globalisation socialism economic liberalisation privatisation deregulation financial speculation investment flows global markets Eurozone crisis austerity technocratic government market pressures economic growth prosperity unemployment economic regulation central planning neoliberalism financialisation capital mobility sovereign debt fiscal policy structural adjustment economic reform market-driven economies old Europe policy convergence global capitalism globalisation and socialism impact of financial markets neoliberalism liberalisation vs regulation privatisation effects de-regulation outcomes financial speculation impact investment flows and policy Eurozone crisis austerity measures technocratic governments Greece economic crisis Italy government change market-driven policy economic growth drivers returns on investment resistance to globalisation old Europe stagnation unemployment in socialist economies sustainability of central planning effects of economic regulation socialist economic models market flexibility global economic forces social democracy vs capitalism challenges to welfare state impacts of global finance policy convergence economics of austerity globalization neoliberalism financial markets austerity economic liberalization privatization deregulation Eurozone crisis speculative attacks technocracy economic growth market forces capital flows central planning economic regulation socialism decline unemployment economic stagnation international investment policy reform economic integration old Europe growth strategies economic sustainability financial instability globalization impacts economic policy economic restructuring labor markets sovereign debt globalization socialism neoliberalism financial speculation capital flows liberalization privatization deregulation austerity eurozone crisis technocracy economic growth market forces unemployment central planning economic regulation investment economic reform economic policy economic sustainability market liberalization financial markets economic integration economic globalization sovereign debt crisis
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro01a	"Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf needle exchange programs syringe services harm reduction intravenous drug use HIV prevention hepatitis C clean needles disease transmission public health intervention substance abuse treatment drug user outreach infectious disease control opioid crisis safe injection NEP effectiveness HIV seroprevalence community health drug addiction stigma over-the-counter needles policy liberalization epidemiological evidence risk behavior reduction treatment entry urban health programs New Haven study Canadian study Seattle NEP public awareness harm minimization drug policy reform needle exchange programs harm reduction HIV prevention infectious disease transmission syringe services public health interventions clean needles drug user health intravenous drug use safe injection practices HIV seroprevalence hepatitis C prevention community health needle distribution substance use treatment drug addiction support disease control strategies risk reduction urban health policies over-the-counter needle access drug user education needle exchange programs harm reduction HIV prevention syringe exchange blood-borne diseases hepatitis C substance abuse treatment safe injection public health intervention drug user awareness HIV seroprevalence clean needles over-the-counter needles disease transmission health education addiction stigma community health behavioral change drug policy reform HIV infection rates injection drug use risk reduction strategies heroin addiction opioid crisis NEP effectiveness urban health initiatives needle exchange programs effectiveness disease transmission prevention needle exchange needle exchange HIV reduction statistics public health benefits needle exchange societal impact of needle exchanges needle exchange awareness raising needle exchange drug treatment entry reduction in HIV seroprevalence needle exchange clean needles access impact liberalizing needle access over-the-counter clean needles harm reduction needle exchange needle exchange program research needle exchange addiction treatment NEP and public opinion shift needle exchange and drug user behavior effectiveness of NEPs in different cities NEP attendance and risk reduction need for needle exchange policy international comparisons of needle exchange outcomes needle exchange programs harm reduction HIV prevention syringe services injection drug use public health disease transmission needle sharing clean needles drug addiction HIV seroprevalence opioid crisis safe injection drug treatment hepatitis C prevention community health interventions needle accessibility drug user education NEP effectiveness over-the-counter needles public opinion shift addiction stigma evidence-based policy substance abuse urban health strategies infectious disease control high-risk behaviors policy outcomes NEP statistics health behavior change needle exchange programs harm reduction HIV prevention disease transmission reduction syringe exchange clean needles public health intervention drug user safety opioid epidemic community health HIV seroprevalence risk reduction strategies drug treatment linkage overdose prevention public policy safe injection practices needle access addiction stigma reduction bloodborne disease prevention health education for drug users needle exchange programs harm reduction disease prevention HIV transmission syringe exchange public health drug users clean needles dirty needles fluid transfer HIV awareness infection risk over-the-counter needles public opinion societal change addiction stigma HIV prevalence reduction New Haven Connecticut seroprevalence Canadian study high-risk behavior NEP attendance injection frequency cessation of drug use drug treatment entry drug policy substance abuse needle distribution health policy NEP effectiveness needle exchange programs harm reduction HIV prevention injection drug users clean needles syringe exchange disease transmission bloodborne infections public health interventions opioid epidemic safe injection sites drug treatment entry HIV seroprevalence reduction hepatitis C prevention access to sterile syringes over-the-counter needle sales public opinion on harm reduction drug policy reform NEP effectiveness urban health substance abuse prevention addiction services HIV statistics NEP research health policy stigma reduction community health initiatives infectious disease control behavioral change drug user education needle exchange programs harm reduction HIV prevention bloodborne disease hepatitis C injection drug use syringe access public health policy safe injection drug treatment entry seroprevalence reduction community awareness over-the-counter needle sales risk reduction substance use disorders epidemiological studies drug policy reform anonymous needle exchange infectious disease control urban health interventions addict health outcomes behavioral change healthcare access public opinion addiction stigma empirical evidence harm minimization behavioral intervention HIV transmission routes NEP effectiveness harm reduction HIV prevention needle exchange programs syringe access public health drug policy safe injection bloodborne diseases injection drug users clean needles HIV seroprevalence substance abuse treatment opioid crisis harm minimization infectious disease control hepatitis C prevention over-the-counter syringes public awareness drug addiction stigma community health intervention New Haven needle exchange Seattle NEP Canada NEP outcomes public opinion shift health policy evidence-based practice NEP effectiveness urban health HIV transmission rates NEP research studies"
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro02a	It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. jury tampering jury intimidation trial by judge bench trial organized crime witness protection international terrorism drug trafficking criminal justice juror safety jury security mistrial judicial intervention fair trial defendant misconduct police protection legal reform trial procedure high-profile cases criminal court jury tampering jury intimidation non-jury trials judge-only trial protection of jurors jury security legal safeguards organized crime trials terrorism trials drug smuggling cases high-profile trials mistrials judicial discretion criminal procedure fair trial witness protection jury selection criminal justice reform UK Home Office historical jury tampering cases Sacco and Vanzetti Heathrow robbery trial alternatives to jury court security measures defendant influence on trial criminal court procedures extreme jury protection costs of mistrial effectiveness of judge-led trials jury tampering jury intimidation trial by judge alone protecting jurors police protection for jurors mistrials organized crime trials terrorism trials drug smuggling trials high-profile criminal cases jury security judicial discretion fair trial concerns eliminating jury trials impact on justice system notorious jury tampering cases alternatives to jury trial safeguarding juror safety courtroom security jury system limitations limit trial by jury cases alternatives to jury trial dangers of jury tampering jury intimidation prevention protecting jury members jury tampering examples organized crime jury risk terrorism and jury trials drug smuggling jury threats judge-only trials mistrials due to tampering high-profile jury cases eliminating jury for safety legal consequences of tampering UK home office jury policy Sacco and Vanzetti jury case Heathrow armed robbery trial effectiveness of non-jury trials juror protection measures jury trial fairness defendant interference with juries jury tampering jury intimidation non-jury trials judge-only trials trial security juror protection home office guidelines organized crime trials terrorism trials drug smuggling cases mistrials high-profile cases witness intimidation legal reforms jury system challenges criminal justice public safety Vanzetti Sacco trial Heathrow armed robbery judicial process fair trial rights UK legal system special criminal courts legal precedent court security measures jury tampering cases alternatives to jury trial judge-only trials jury intimidation protecting jurors fair trial safeguards organized crime trials terrorism trials high-profile criminal cases mistrial due to jury tampering police protection for jurors UK home office jury policy jury trial limitations famous jury tampering examples Sacco and Vanzetti trial Heathrow armed robbery trial criminal justice reforms ensuring juror safety impartial trial alternatives legal response to jury threats jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury judge-only trial jury protection juror safety police protection organized crime international terrorism drug smuggling trial disruption home office mistrial armed robbery Heathrow case Sacco and Vanzetti security measures fair trial defendant interference criminal trials judicial decisions judicial discretion trial collapse evidence tampering witness intimidation legal precedent no-jury trial criminal justice public safety court security alternative trial methods jury tampering jury intimidation limit trial by jury judge-only trials non-jury trials criminal justice reform jury protection juror safety organized crime trials terrorism trials drug smuggling cases high-profile criminal cases mistrials jury coercion trial security UK legal system police protection for jurors Vanzetti Sacco trial Heathrow armed robbery trial judicial decision making defendant interference fair trial concerns bypassing jury court procedural safeguards witness intimidation justice system integrity criminal trial procedures jury selection process high-risk case management legal exceptions to jury trial trial by jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury limitations juror protection police protection jurors organized crime trials terrorism cases drug smuggling trials security measures jurors non-jury trials judge-alone trials mistrials jury tampering Sacco and Vanzetti case Heathrow armed robbery case home office jury protection fair trial and jury safety criminal justice system alternatives to jury trial integrity of legal proceedings defendant influence jury judicial safeguards UK trial procedures high-profile crime cases special measures for jurors jury selection challenges witness intimidation prevention of jury interference jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury judge-only trial organized crime jury protection police protection UK home office international terrorism drug smuggling mistrial Heathrow armed robbery Vanzetti and Sacco Massachusetts government legal reforms criminal justice jury safety fair trial high-security trials judicial discretion legal precedent
test-science-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. copyright intellectual property artistic incentives creative ownership profit motives artist compensation originality artistic output art market copyright protection economic incentives creative investment control over art art duplication innovation in art creative rights artistic labor copyright law art originality artistic creation art economy artist rights creative freedom installation art art production motivation copyright intellectual property artist motivation creative incentive profit motive ownership rights artistic output creative investment art market plagiarism art originality copyright protection duplicate works artistic control installation art copyright system art creation innovation in art economic incentive copyright law copyright intellectual property artistic incentive financial motivation art ownership creative control artist rights profit motive originality plagiarism creative labor economic reward incentive systems copyright protection artistic production art economy installation art content duplication innovation in art creative industries cultural economics artist investment originality in art market adaptation deterrence to creativity copyright policy artist motivation copyright economic incentives for artists impact of profit on artistic output role of ownership in creative production copyright protection and creativity effects of copyright removal on artists art market and intellectual property copyright and innovation in art originality promoted by copyright copyright deterrence against plagiarism incentives for new artistic work marginal cases in art creation installation art copyright concerns economic impact of copyright on artists protecting artist rights discouragement due to lack of profit duplication of art without copyright barriers to artistic investment copyright and cultural progress motivating artists through intellectual property copyright intellectual property artistic incentive profit motivation artist ownership creative output copyright protection economic incentive art market installation art creative investment originality duplicate works artistic innovation marginal cases artistic control creative rights artistic productivity copyright benefit legal protection for artists art production copyright system labor reward market adaptation creative freedom artistic incentive copyright and creativity effect of profit on art production artist ownership impact of copyright on artists reasons for copyright laws disincentives for artists profit motive in art value of artistic control originality and copyright intellectual property rights artist income and copyright copyright protection benefits new ideas in art market adaptation of art motivation for artistic creation artistic output and legal protections economic incentive in creative work copyright law effects creative investment and ownership copyright intellectual property artistic incentive profit motive creative output artist motivation ownership rights copyright system investment in art marginal cases installation art originality duplication artistic control new ideas artistic innovation copyright protections art market economic incentive creative industries legal rights art creation artist income disincentive authorship plagiarism creative labor art production art economics creative ownership artistic incentive copyright protection motivation to create artist compensation ownership of art profit-driven creativity art production intellectual property rights artistic output economics of art creative industry original art artist’s rights art duplication installation art market for art innovation in art creative freedom copyright law protecting creativity artistic labor art investment copyright infringement artistic originality value of art art market dynamics encouragement to create copyright enforcement copyright and creativity art business incentivizing artists artistic incentive creative motivation artist income economic reward artistic ownership intellectual property copyright protection originality in art creative freedom innovation in art art market financial security artist livelihood installation art artistic investment deterrents to creativity profit motivation artistic output art duplication plagiarism prevention marginal creators artistic risk new ideas in art creative industries copyright law artistic rights artist productivity value of art copyright enforcement art originality legal protection for artists copyright law intellectual property artistic motivation economic incentive creative ownership artist compensation originality art market copyright protection art investment creative rights profit motive art production art innovation copyright enforcement installation art creative freedom artistic entrepreneurship duplicate works copyright infringement art originality artistic labor creative industry authorship rights digital art copyright system art economy
test-economy-beghwbh-con02a	"Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, capacity constraints passenger throughput Hyperloop limitations transportation demand ridership comparison infrastructure scalability capsule frequency Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar ridership urban population metropolitan area growth mass transit expansion passenger flow system bottlenecks future scalability train capacity urban mobility rapid transit systems transport infrastructure high-speed rail alternatives capacity constraints infrastructure limitations passenger throughput transportation scalability ridership comparison high-speed rail benchmarks transit system expansion Hyperloop limitations passenger demand future scalability population comparison commuter demand transit corridor capacity system bottlenecks transportation demand forecasting peak hour capacity intercity travel growth modal capacity analysis service frequency limits upgrade potential capacity constraints scalability passenger volume ridership comparison transportation demand infrastructure limits high-speed rail Eurostar Taiwan High Speed Rail population served commuter transport expansion potential service frequency Hyperloop limitations transport capacity analysis metropolitan population capsule occupancy ridership statistics future demand transport infrastructure travel patterns intercity transport urban mobility passenger throughput transport efficiency Hyperloop capacity expansion passenger demand forecast scalability of Hyperloop system comparison with high-speed rail capacity transportation infrastructure limitations future ridership estimates scalability challenges capacity bottlenecks intercity transportation demand high passenger volume solutions ridership projections transit system expansion plans increasing Hyperloop throughput alternative high-capacity transport modes population vs. transport utilization lessons from Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar ridership comparison metropolitan travel demand transport network scalability improving mass transit capacity transport capacity scalability infrastructure limits projected ridership population comparison high-speed rail comparison passenger throughput expansion constraints Eurostar ridership Taiwan High Speed Rail metropolitan population modal demand traffic forecasting system redundancy growth potential frequency limitations capsule occupancy transit efficiency comparative analysis regional transit demand Hyperloop capacity limitations passenger volume comparison transportation scalability high-speed rail ridership intercity travel demand Hyperloop expansion constraints projected passenger numbers Eurostar vs Hyperloop Taiwan High Speed Rail statistics transport infrastructure growth scalability of transport systems future capacity upgrades population-to-passenger ratio ridership projections intercity transport capacity transportation capacity infrastructure scalability passenger throughput high-speed rail comparison ridership statistics system limitations capsule frequency population demand commuter patterns Eurostar capacity Taiwan High Speed Rail Los Angeles–San Francisco travel transit expansion system bottleneck passenger flow intercity rail transportation demand future growth ridership projections mass transit alternatives Hyperloop capacity limitations passenger throughput transportation infrastructure high-speed rail comparisons ridership estimates expansion constraints urban transportation demand intercity travel capsule capacity frequency limitations scalability issues population-based demand analysis transportation systems comparison commuter market mass transit capacity Eurostar ridership Taiwan High Speed Rail statistics transportation planning infrastructure scalability metropolitan transportation needs capacity constraints transportation demand passenger volume ridership comparison high-speed rail Hyperloop limitations scalability infrastructure expansion mass transit urban population Los Angeles San Francisco travel Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar ridership commuter traffic transportation infrastructure route capacity passenger throughput transport feasibility metropolitan area population intercity travel demand peak capacity capsule frequency mass transportation systems rail transit scalability transportation network planning passenger demand projections capacity constraints scalability passenger throughput transport demand infrastructure limitations ridership projections population comparison high-speed rail benchmarks transportation planning future growth demand forecasting capacity utilization service scalability alternative transportation technical limitations Hyperloop challenges expansion feasibility operational frequency passenger volume comparison"
test-international-emephsate-pro01a	The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 EU enlargement Turkey EU accession EU economic growth demographic trends aging population youth population labor market workforce diversity GDP growth dynamic economy innovation EU Turkey integration population decline EU productivity migration skilled labor economic complementarity population projections sustainable development financial sector European competitiveness industrial growth human capital employment rates welfare burden dependency ratio social security cross-border cooperation economic union market expansion future workforce Turkey EU accession EU economic growth demographic complementarity young workforce Turkey EU aging population labor market dynamics migration impact EU Turkish economic integration population decline EU skilled labor Turkey economic benefits EU enlargement youth population statistics GDP impact Turkey EU innovation contribution Turkey EU population projections working-age population EU elderly care economics GDP per capita EU net migration Turkey EU sustainable development EU EU enlargement Turkey accession economic integration demographic trends workforce migration EU aging population labor market dynamic growth GDP impact youth population innovation industrial development financial sector population decline economic complementarity fiscal sustainability human capital social cohesion intergenerational balance productivity economic competitiveness Turkey EU membership economic benefits Turkey young workforce impact EU Turkey growing economy EU integration demographic challenges EU aging population complementarity Turkey EU demographics EU population decline solutions Turkish innovation and industry EU Turkey EU GDP growth projections migration Turkey EU economic effects skilled labor Turkey for EU economy Turkey youth population statistics EU labor force aging problems Turkey EU mutual demographic benefits integration of emerging economies EU economic growth through EU enlargement addressing EU aging workforce Turkey EU integration policy impacts European Union population projections boosting EU innovation with Turkey Turkey finance sector impact EU Turkey EU accession Turkish economic growth EU demographic trends youth workforce Europe EU Turkey migration aging population EU economic complementarity EU GDP per capita dynamic EU development Turkish skilled labor European population decline innovation Turkey Europe EU enlargement benefits labor force participation European economic integration Turkish demographics EU social security burden intergenerational workforce EU Turkish industry and finance population projections EU sustainable growth EU EU economic policy Turkish young population EU productivity challenges EU economic revitalization EU member state demographics Turkish economic contribution workforce diversity EU Turkish-EU relations future of EU economy Turkey EU accession economic impact Turkey young workforce EU implications effects of Turkish population structure on EU economy benefits of Turkish integration for EU labor market Turkey EU membership and demographic complementarity EU aging population solutions Turkey dynamic GDP growth with Turkey in EU innovation and industry benefits EU Turkey Turkish demographic advantages for EU economy working population trends Turkey EU economic forecast Turkey joining EU mitigating EU population decline Turkey Turkey EU integration and youth employment Turkey vibrant economy EU development synergy Turkey EU economic growth Turkey EU accession Turkish economic growth dynamic European economy young workforce demographic complementarity aging EU population Turkish innovation Turkish industry contribution skilled labor migration EU demographic decline population projections GDP growth impact labor force expansion EU economic development youth population statistics elderly care costs pension sustainability intergenerational equity economic integration workforce rejuvenation financial sector contribution Turkish-EU cooperation economic synergy net migration benefits productivity sustainability European labor market demographic challenges economic forecasts resource allocation economic policy population aging solutions Turkey EU membership EU economic growth Turkish workforce demographics aging EU population Turkish population statistics European labor market EU GDP growth youth population Europe Turkish innovation EU population decline economic benefits EU enlargement skilled migrant labor Europe Turkey industry contribution intergenerational balance Europe Turkish financial sector EU productivity and demographics migration policy EU complementary economies EU Turkey economic integration Turkey EU sustainable EU economic development Turkey EU accession EU economic growth demographic advantage youth population skilled workforce population decline EU aging population Europe labor market EU innovation Turkey industry Turkey finance Turkey GDP per capita EU economic integration economic complementarity migration EU EU labor shortage economic impact Turkey dynamic development EU EU enlargement EU productivity social welfare burden elderly care costs EU future EU demographics sustainable growth EU economic forecasts Turkey EU-Turkey relations EU population projections economic policy EU migration policy EU labor force participation human capital Europe EU enlargement Turkey EU accession Turkey economic growth dynamic EU economy demographic dividend young workforce EU aging population skilled labor migration population growth innovation potential labor force complementarity EU GDP growth economic integration EU productivity dependency ratio intergenerational balance economic benefits of immigration sustainable development EU economic policy Turkish industry population projections European labor market workforce diversity youth population macroeconomic impact
test-international-ghbunhf-con04a	Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. UN reform Security Council reform outdated UN structures UN transparency financial transparency international organization reform modernizing UN Security Council membership global governance 21st-century UN institutional reform UN standards improvement UN accountability international institution transparency UN efficiency democratic governance international cooperation global representation policy reform international transparency standards UN reform United Nations restructuring Security Council expansion modernizing UN procedures accountability in international organizations UN transparency improvement updating UN governance permanent membership reform international institutions modernization financial accountability UN global governance reform multilateralism challenges strengthening UN effectiveness updating international standards 21st century UN reforms UN reform Security Council expansion modern governance institutional transparency global representation decision-making processes contemporary international relations financial accountability structural modernization multilateral cooperation international standards organizational effectiveness member state inclusion 21st-century challenges veto power reform UN reform proposals improve Security Council membership modernize UN procedures enhance UN financial transparency 21st-century UN reforms restructure UN decision-making update international organizations governance UN accountability standards expand Security Council representation adapt UN to global changes increase UN organizational transparency reform outdated UN structures fiscal oversight in international bodies inclusive UN governance models Security Council modernization international institutional reform global governance improvement transparency in international organizations strengthen UN effectiveness new criteria for Security Council members UN reform Security Council restructuring governance modernization financial transparency international organization accountability global governance institutional reform permanent membership changes 21st-century reforms global representation decision-making processes multilateral cooperation UN efficiency international standards political legitimacy democratization of UN equitable representation modern world challenges organizational improvement global diplomacy UN reform solutions outdated UN structures Security Council membership change modernizing the UN improving UN transparency UN financial standards 21st-century UN reforms alternatives to abolishing UN challenges in UN procedures international organization reform expanding Security Council global governance reform UN accountability representation in UN effective multilateralism updating global institutions United Nations effectiveness international cooperation reform institutional reform UN increasing UN legitimacy UN reform United Nations modernization Security Council expansion permanent membership changes institutional transparency international organization governance global governance reform accountability in the UN UN procedural improvement multilateralism reform international cooperation 21st-century UN financial transparency United Nations international organization reform decision-making United Nations inclusivity in global governance Security Council augmentation global power redistribution United Nations standards reform proposals UN UN reform United Nations modernization Security Council expansion permanent membership changes UN transparency international organization reforms global governance improvement multilateral institution reform financial accountability in UN updating UN procedures 21st-century UN strategies modernizing international organizations Security Council representation global institutional change United Nations structural reform international transparency standards UN accountability reforming global institutions democratic UN structures institutional adaptation UN UN reform Security Council expansion institutional transparency global governance modernizing UN structures financial accountability international organization reform 21st-century diplomacy permanent member criteria multilateral cooperation organizational efficiency global representation decision-making processes legitimacy of UN international relations power dynamics equitable representation governance challenges transparency standards Security Council modernization UN reform Security Council expansion modern governance international organizations financial transparency structural reform permanent members global representation 21st-century challenges institutional accountability membership criteria decision-making processes multilateral cooperation governance standards institutional effectiveness
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro02a	If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: problem of evil theodicy divine hiddenness logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil gratuitous suffering omnibenevolence omnipotence omniscience free will defense natural evil moral evil suffering and divinity evil and God's existence atheism agnosticism skeptical theism Abrahamic religions argument from evil philosophical theology God and imperfection world suffering disaster and divinity divine indifference existential evil evil and universe naturalism vs theism Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy problem of evil logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil theological evil divine hiddenness theodicy gratuitous suffering moral evil natural evil omnipotence paradox omnibenevolence atheism agnosticism anti-theism argument from evil Epicurean paradox free will defense skeptical theism God and suffering divine providence evil and suffering Abrahmic religions Christian theodicy God’s goodness religious skepticism Michael Tooley existence of God arguments against God philosophy of religion divine indifference cosmic indifference problem of evil theodicy divine hiddenness logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil gratuitous suffering moral evil natural evil inconsistent triad omnipotence omnibenevolence omniscience free will defense soul-making theodicy atheism agnosticism existential suffering Epicurean paradox atheistic arguments suffering and faith religion and evil Abrahamic religions theological determinism philosophical naturalism God and morality argument from evil religious skepticism justification of evil natural disasters theology pain and suffering divine intervention problem of evil logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil existence of God and evil benevolent God and suffering theodicy arguments divine hiddenness free will defense natural evil vs moral evil argument from suffering God’s omnipotence and omnibenevolence atheism and the problem of evil skeptical theism responses to the problem of evil evil and Abrahamic religions philosophical arguments against God’s goodness natural disasters and God child suffering and God genocide and God’s morality God’s interest in creation divine indifference Michael Tooley problem of evil universe problem of evil divine hiddenness theodicy evidential argument from evil logical argument from evil suffering and religion free will defense natural evil moral evil omnibenevolence omnipotence paradox atheism arguments agnosticism skeptical theism Epicurean paradox God and morality skeptical philosophy evolutionary theodicy soul-making theodicy Dostoevsky problem Rowe’s evidential argument gratuitous suffering evil and omniscience incompatible properties argument existential suffering Abrahamic religions nature of god theology of suffering divine providence problem of evil logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil theodicy benevolent god and evil suffering and divine goodness inconsistent triad God and natural disasters divine hiddenness moral evil vs natural evil argument from evil atheism and the problem of evil free will defense omnipotence and evil omnibenevolence and suffering evil and the Abrahamic religions God and human suffering evil in philosophy of religion existence of God and evil Michael Tooley problem of evil Stanford Encyclopedia philosophy evil problem of evil logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil theodicy divine hiddenness gratuitous evil moral evil natural evil suffering free will defense omnibenevolence omnipotence omniscience God’s goodness atheism agnosticism skepticism philosophical theology religious skepticism anti-theism naturalism Epicurean paradox Abrahamic religions Christian theology God’s attributes evil and suffering natural disasters innocent suffering divine providence Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy rationality of belief argument from evil inconsistent problem of evil evidential problem of evil logical problem of evil theodicy divine hiddenness gratuitous suffering gratuitous evil natural evil moral evil argument from evil atheist critique existence of God God and suffering God and evil philosophical atheism omnipotence paradox omnibenevolence inconsistent triad free will defense soul-making theodicy skeptical theism Abrahamic religions Michael Tooley religious epistemology divine providence God’s intervention suffering and faith natural disasters and evil genocide and God child suffering and religion scientific problem of evil benevolent deity logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil omnibenevolence omnipotence omniscience theodicy natural evil moral evil gratuitous suffering free will defense soul-making theodicy divine hiddenness Abrahamic religions atheism agnosticism existential risk suffering disaster genocide atheistic argument skeptical theism religious belief faith and reason cosmic indifference Michael Tooley theological response evil and suffering Epicurean paradox philosophy of religion suffering of innocents divine providence problem of evil theodicy divine hiddenness logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil theological skepticism omnibenevolence omnipotence paradox suffering and God free will defense soul-making theodicy natural evil moral evil atheism agnosticism anti-theism Abrahamic religions Epicurean paradox theism vs atheism Leibniz optimism nature of God miracles and suffering disproving God philosophical arguments against God divine providence skeptical theism god’s inaction children suffering religious apologetics philosophy of religion
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro03a	Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 authoritarianism autocracy political stability economic growth crime reduction public order security policies social control government effectiveness investment climate opposition suppression Singapore governance People’s Action Party immigration policy hierarchical values labor strikes prevention riot prevention financial stability state discipline expat attractiveness democracy alternatives regime types social cohesion policy enforcement political framework development under authoritarianism regime legitimacy productivity public safety authoritarianism social stability political order law and order crime reduction economic stability investment climate foreign direct investment political hierarchy state control opposition suppression one-party state Singapore governance disciplined society autocratic rule democratic shortcomings political framework trade facilitation social harmony immigration policy anti-riot measures labor strikes prevention productivity expat safety economic competitiveness anarchy prevention Mancur Olson political stability transition to democracy regime effectiveness authoritarian resilience authoritarianism political stability economic growth crime reduction social control security policies law and order investment climate autocracy governance state hierarchy social discipline financial stability anti-democracy opposition suppression Singapore model expat safety immigration policy regime effectiveness anarchy prevention regime comparison attractive business environment productivity rule of law economic competitiveness stable government strong leadership social cohesion order over freedom managed society dictatorships and social order authoritarian regimes and stability economic benefits of dictatorship dictatorship vs democracy stability autocracy preventing unrest effect of dictatorships on crime rates Singapore governance and order investment attractiveness in dictatorships autocratic policies and foreign investment expat safety in authoritarian countries opposition suppression in one-party states productivity under authoritarian rule dictatorship and economic growth Mancur Olson on dictatorship stability restoring order in unstable countries autocracy and immigration policy anarchy vs dictatorship economic impact security policies in authoritarian regimes comparative study of authoritarian and democratic governance dictatorship and international trade hierarchical values in autocracies authoritarian stability social order maintenance dictatorship economic performance autocracy and social unrest political stability investment hierarchical governance crime reduction authoritarianism productivity under dictatorship opposition suppression autocratic immigration policy Singapore political system People’s Action Party governance controlled societies investment democracy versus autocracy stability Mancur Olson political theory economic growth dictatorship authoritarian crime rates investor confidence dictatorships financial stability autocratic regimes incentives under authoritarianism strikes and riots prevention one-party state efficiency expat safety authoritarianism democratic opposition drawbacks authoritarian regime stability autocracy economic benefits dictatorship crime reduction social unrest prevention dictatorship hierarchical governance pros Singapore political system effectiveness investment climate authoritarian states productivity under dictatorship opposition suppression outcomes autocracy vs democracy stability immigration and authoritarianism Mancur Olson dictatorship theory order vs free speech debate expat safety authoritarian countries strikes and riots prevention financial stability dictatorship democratic transition challenges control of discipline authoritarian states comparative analysis authoritarian democracies trade and investment in autocracies security policy effectiveness dictatorship dictatorship authoritarianism social stability order maintenance law and order hierarchical society security policies political control strike prevention riot prevention crime reduction economic stability investment climate expatriate safety immigration policy political opposition democratic deficit centralized power autocracy regime stability state capacity Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech limitations productivity business competitiveness foreign direct investment social unrest prevention economic growth Mancur Olson anarchy political framework trade development stability political repression economic policy state intervention social cohesion stability vs. dictatorship stability authoritarian regime benefits social order in autocracies political stability and investment dictatorship vs democracy Singapore government model economic growth under dictatorship crime rates authoritarian governments strikes and riots prevention hierarchical values governance autocracy financial stability dictatorship immigration policies expat safety under autocracy opposition suppression effects trade in non-democratic countries Mancur Olson anarchy theory comparative political systems authoritarian discipline enforcement economic productivity dictatorship investment climate dictatorship autocratic government case studies political unrest prevention social unrest authoritarianism democracy challenges in unstable countries authoritarianism social stability political order economic growth state security hierarchical governance crime reduction foreign investment political opposition one-party states Singapore governance economic competitiveness immigration policy autocratic leadership historical context democratic alternatives civil liberties free speech limitations social discipline policy effectiveness state control social order trade facilitation investment climate risk of anarchy government effectiveness expat safety productivity economic development authoritarianism social stability crime reduction economic productivity investment climate political order hierarchical governance security policies opposition suppression public order business environment political stability governance effectiveness immigrant attraction democratic alternatives anarchy prevention regime stability economic development national security public safety Singapore politics expat safety industrial unrest autocratic governance Mancur Olson political frameworks foreign investment competitive advantage government control law enforcement
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro01a	Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. banking crisis financial meltdown protests lack of ideology ideological diversity Occupy movement Athens protests Rome protests social liberals modern capitalism anti-capitalism general malaise class struggle manifesto government policy socialism social movements activism economic inequality protest motives political identity public unrest economic crisis protester demographics liberalism policy critique banking crisis financial meltdown protests protest movements Occupy movement Athens protests Rome protests financial crisis lack of ideology protester ideology general malaise coherent manifesto government policy social movements social liberalism Socialists modern capitalism capitalism critique political ideology street protests economic protest economic grievances anti-capitalism Occupy Wall Street protestor demographics protest motivations liberalism vs socialism political unrest economic discontent banking crisis financial meltdown protests cohesive ideology political manifesto government policy Athens protests Rome protests Occupy movement social liberals modern capitalism socialism economic inequality global protests protest motivations anti-capitalism social movements financial crisis response activist ideology economic justice grassroots activism neoliberalism austerity measures public discontent protester demographics protests banking crisis financial meltdown protests protester ideology occupy movement socialism occupy movement ideology protests in Athens protests in Rome financial crisis protest motives occupy movement manifesto occupy movement demographics social liberals in Occupy capitalism criticism occupy liberalism vs socialism occupy class warriors socialism claim protester demands banking crisis protester organization financial meltdown government manifesto protest occupy movement beliefs economic crisis protests protester political identity occupy movement political goals banking crisis financial meltdown protests Occupy movement Athens protests Rome protests ideology manifesto social liberals modern capitalism socialism government policy economic inequality financial crisis aftermath anti-capitalism class warfare economic protest movements Occupy Wall Street protester demographics global protests political identity economic reform capitalist critique social movements post-2008 crisis banking crisis protests protest ideology financial meltdown social liberalism vs socialism Occupy movement analysis Athens Rome protests protestor motivations modern capitalism criticism occupy movement ideology differences protest movements manifesto for government post-2008 financial crisis protests social movements and politics left-wing protest analysis political identity of protestors Occupy Wall Street discussions protestor demographics anti-capitalist movements protest group cohesion financial crisis political impact protests banking crisis financial meltdown ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement social liberals modern Capitalism socialism class warriors street protestors Occupy Wall Street liberalism economic crisis political activism worldwide protests anti-capitalism social movements protest ideology financial crisis response banking crisis financial meltdown protests protest movements ideological cohesion Occupy movement Athens protests Rome protests financial crisis activism socialist accusations Occupy Wall Street capitalist critique social liberalism protester ideology manifesto absence global protest movements economic unrest class warfare seventies leftism liberal vs socialist anti-capitalist sentiments modern capitalism protests financial crisis discontent government manifesto protestor motivations economic protests banking crisis financial meltdown protests protest ideology Occupy movement Athens protests Rome protests financial crisis response economic discontent lack of manifesto social liberals capitalism critique socialism misconception protester motivations political identity class struggle modern capitalism dissatisfaction anti-capitalist movement protester demographics liberalism vs socialism government reform economic inequality financial system critique banking crisis financial meltdown protests protest movements Occupy movement Athens protests Rome protests ideology political ideology socialism social liberals capitalism criticism government manifesto economic inequality financial crisis response social movements political activism class warfare Occupy Wall Street liberalism vs socialism modern capitalism
test-economy-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. population mobility migration control developing countries administrative capacity law enforcement social stratification urbanization corruption Hukou system illegal residency bribery legal compliance social exclusion alienation urban migration informal settlements social integration crime rates urban-rural divide policy effectiveness governance challenges state capacity rural-to-urban migration unregistered migrants selective law enforcement systemic corruption population control migration management developing nations enforcement challenges legal compliance urban-rural migration capacity limitations law enforcement regional disparities social exclusion corruption illegal migration hukou system bribery urban hukou alienation social stratification urbanization crime increase policy effectiveness unequal enforcement governance issues social integration bureaucratic corruption policy implementation migration policy informal settlements urban policy developing country governance internal migration legislative impact policy loopholes societal division outmigration consequences migration control population movement developing countries administrative capacity law enforcement disparity social stratification hukou system China corruption illegal migration urban migration social exclusion legal alienation crime increase governance challenges policy effectiveness rural-urban divide bureaucratic inefficiency bribery informal settlements urbanization policies controlling internal migration in developing countries challenges of enforcing movement restrictions capacity limitations in developing nations social impact of migration laws corruption and internal migration control hukou system and urban migration selective law enforcement migration unintended consequences migration laws migration control and social exclusion alienation due to migration restrictions crime increase migration control case studies China hukou system illegal hukou trade bribery migration law enforcement social stratification migration policy effectiveness of movement restrictions developing countries policy failure migration control urbanization and migration restrictions law evasion migration policy migration law and inequality population control migration policies developing nations administrative capacity law enforcement inconsistency urban-rural divide hukou system China case study corruption illegal residency official bribery social alienation crime increase social segregation social stratification household registration systems policy implementation challenges rural-urban migration legal loopholes governance limitations urbanization issues Hukou system China's household registration internal migration control developing countries governance law enforcement challenges urban-rural migration social stratification corruption in migration policies alienation in urban areas consequences of illegal migration migration-related crime policy effectiveness in developing nations migration and social exclusion law circumvention capacity to manage migration comparative analysis China developing nations migration control population movement developing countries institutional capacity governance challenges law enforcement policy implementation corruption Hukou system social exclusion urban migration urbanization illegal residency social stratification bribery policy failure urban-rural divide legislative effectiveness inequality social alienation crime rates state capacity administrative limitations informal settlements legal compliance bureaucracy China case studies population control migration management developing nations policy enforcement legal compliance law evasion social segregation urban migration Hukou system China case study corruption bribery illegal residency social alienation crime rates policy implementation administrative capacity rural-urban divide legal loopholes governance challenges social stratification law enforcement disparity urbanization informal settlements internal migration socioeconomic impact internal migration control developing countries governance policy implementation challenges social stratification Hukou system corruption in registration urban-rural divide law enforcement disparities migration-induced alienation social exclusion illegal migration crime escalation systemic corruption regulatory capacity selective law enforcement China migration case study urbanization issues demographic policy migrant integration registration law loopholes internal migration population control developing countries governance capacity policy implementation hukou system China corruption law enforcement urbanization illegal migration social alienation social exclusion crime rates social stratification administrative challenges resource limitations rural-urban migration policy impact bureaucratic corruption undocumented migrants state capacity legislative effectiveness urban policies migration restrictions informal settlements"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro02a	"China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. Chinese political reform post-Tiananmen China Chinese openness domestic policy changes village elections in China township elections democratization in China one-child policy end China population policy international relations China China United Nations Security Council veto China diplomacy peaceful rise of China six-party talks North Korea nuclear talks regional diplomacy China East Asia relations Southeast Asia diplomacy Central Asia cooperation PRC foreign policy China global integration Jamie Horsley China Yun Sun UN China China international community Chinese governance reform UN Security Council China Tiananmen Square post-Tiananmen China political reform economic reform Chinese democracy village elections township elections one-child policy repeal family planning UN Security Council China foreign policy China veto history peaceful rise six-party talks North Korea nuclear regional diplomacy East Asia relations Southeast Asia Central Asia international community domestic openness Chinese governance democratization human rights social change reform era China economic reforms political reform democratization village elections township elections open policies globalization one-child policy repeal population policy UN Security Council international relations diplomatic engagement peaceful rise regional cooperation East Asia diplomacy Southeast Asia diplomacy Central Asia diplomacy North Korea nuclear talks foreign policy governance changes post-Tiananmen China human rights civil society public participation Chinese modernization transparency United Nations China veto record global integration China political reforms China opening up village elections China township democracy China post-Tiananmen China changes one-child policy end China UN Security Council role China international relations China peaceful rise China North Korea diplomacy China regional diplomacy China democratization China domestic openness China foreign policy evolution China veto history China global integration China demographic policy reform China UN participation China East Asia relations China Southeast Asia diplomacy China Central Asia cooperation Tiananmen Square political reforms China Chinese democracy village elections township elections democratization Chinese political system one-child policy family planning policies Chinese openness Chinese foreign policy United Nations Security Council China UN veto China international relations peaceful rise China Six-Party Talks North Korea nuclear East Asia diplomacy Southeast Asia diplomacy Central Asia diplomacy China regionalism Jamie P. Horsley Yun Sun Chinese social change post-Tiananmen era China global integration Chinese governance political modernization China Tiananmen Square legacy Chinese political reforms China village elections democratic experimentation China China domestic openness China international relations China United Nations Security Council China veto history peaceful rise of China China North Korea talks China regional diplomacy China one-child policy end China social policy reforms China global governance China foreign policy evolution China Southeast Asia diplomacy China Central Asia engagement China global image China multilateral diplomacy political change in China since 1989 Tiananmen Square political reforms Chinese democracy village elections township elections one-child policy family planning UN Security Council China international relations Chinese foreign policy peaceful rise six-party talks North Korea negotiations regional diplomacy East Asia Southeast Asia Central Asia Jamie P. Horsley Yun Sun democratization PRC veto power Chinese openness domestic liberalization globalization Chinese governance Communist Party reforms social transformation population policy international community UN abstention Chinese integration reform era China modernization post-Tiananmen reforms Chinese village elections Chinese township elections democratization in China end of one-child policy China UN Security Council China veto record peaceful rise of China China's international diplomacy Six-Party Talks North Korea China regional cooperation China East Asia diplomacy China Southeast Asia policy Central Asia China relations political openness China Chinese domestic openness reform era China Chinese foreign policy transformation permanent member Security Council Chinese multilateralism Tiananmen Square Chinese political reform Chinese domestic openness village democracy township elections one-child policy abolition UN Security Council China international relations Chinese veto usage peaceful rise six-party talks North Korea diplomacy regional diplomacy East Asia Southeast Asia cooperation Central Asia partnerships Jamie P. Horsley Yun Sun democratization in China Chinese foreign policy China global integration democratic experimentation China modernization political reforms economic growth village elections democratic experimentation social policies human rights international diplomacy UN Security Council peaceful rise foreign relations multilateralism regional cooperation East Asia Southeast Asia Central Asia nuclear negotiations North Korea population policy one-child policy Chinese governance global integration international reputation domestic openness China's veto power UN participation"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con03a	"Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey human rights EU accession death penalty abolition Kurdish rights legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press freedom of expression freedom of association European Convention on Human Rights Protocol 6 Protocol 13 judiciary independence police reforms torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statute reform Penal Code amendments administrative procedure reform state security courts minority rights Kurdish language Leyla Zana Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) minority treatment press freedom democratic reforms political liberalization human rights compliance EU influence EU membership human rights improvement transitional justice Turkey human rights Turkish human rights reforms EU accession Turkey death penalty abolition Turkey Kurdish minority rights Turkey Turkish legislative reform European Convention on Human Rights Turkey freedom of expression Turkey press freedom Turkey police reform Turkey judiciary independence Turkey prison reform Turkey Turkish Penal Code amendments anti-terrorism law Turkey state security courts Turkey Kurdish language rights Leyla Zana release Kurdish parliamentarians Turkey Turkey EU influence Turkey human rights compliance Turkey political liberalization EU membership human rights Turkey judicial reform Turkey administrative reform EU positive influence Turkey human rights advocacy EU Turkish constitutional reforms human rights Turkey EU accession Kurdish rights death penalty abolition freedom of expression constitutional reforms legislative reforms freedom of press judicial independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism law reform Penal Code amendment administrative procedure police powers state security courts Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians European Convention on Human Rights Protocol 6 Protocol 13 minority rights political liberalization human rights compliance EU influence membership incentives human rights conventions rule of law democratization civil liberties Turkey human rights improvements Turkey EU accession human rights Turkish constitutional reforms Kurdish minority rights Turkey abolition of death penalty Turkey Turkey European Convention on Human Rights Turkey judicial reforms Turkish prison system reforms Turkey antiterrorism law reforms Turkey freedom of expression reforms Turkey police power reforms Leyla Zana release significance Kurdish parliamentarians Turkey Turkish penal code amendments EU influence on Turkish human rights membership incentives for human rights compliance Turkey press freedom reforms Turkish political liberalization state security courts dissolution Turkey human rights conditionality EU impact of EU accession on Turkish minorities Turkey human rights EU accession legislative reforms constitutional reforms death penalty abolition Kurdish language rights political liberalization freedom of press freedom of association freedom of expression European Convention on Human Rights Protocol 6 Protocol 13 judiciary independence torture prevention prison system reform antiterrorism legislation Penal Code amendments Kurdish minority treatment Kurdish rights Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians Kurdistan Workers' Party state security courts police powers justice administration EU influence human rights compliance international conventions punishment vs. reform EU membership human rights enforcement Turkey human rights record Turkey EU accession Turkey death penalty abolition Kurdish language rights Turkey Turkish legislative reforms Turkey constitutional reforms Turkey freedom of press Turkey freedom of association Turkey freedom of expression European Convention on Human Rights Turkey Protocol 6 Protocol 13 Turkey Turkey judiciary independence police reform Turkey Turkey prison reform Turkey antiterrorism law reforms Turkish Penal Code amendments Turkey Criminal Procedure reforms Turkey state security court dismantling Kurdish rights improvement Turkey Kurdish political prisoners Turkey Leyla Zana release EU influence on Turkey human rights Turkey EU membership impact human rights compliance EU Turkey Turkey human rights death penalty abolition Kurdish language rights EU accession legislative reforms constitutional reforms political liberalization freedom of the press freedom of association freedom of expression European Convention on Human Rights Protocol 6 Protocol 13 judicial independence police torture prison reform antiterrorism law reform Penal Code amendment criminal procedure reform state security courts Kurdish minority rights Kurdish parliamentarians Leyla Zana Kurdistan Workers' Party EU influence EU membership human rights compliance jurisdiction punitive measures human rights conventions Turkey EU relations democratic reform minority rights Turkey human rights Turkish human rights improvement abolition of death penalty Turkey Kurdish language rights Turkey EU Turkey human rights influence Turkey legislative reforms Turkish constitutional changes Turkey freedom of press Turkey freedom of expression European Convention on Human Rights Turkey Protocol 6 Turkey Protocol 13 Turkey Turkish judiciary reforms Turkey police powers Turkey prison system reforms Turkish antiterrorism law reform Kurdish minority rights Turkey Leyla Zana release Turkey state security courts Turkey Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership Turkey human rights Turkey EU compliance human rights conventions Turkey Turkey human rights monitoring Turkish political system liberalization Turkey human rights EU accession Kurdish rights death penalty abolition legislative reforms constitutional reforms European Convention on Human Rights Protocols 6 and 13 freedom of press freedom of expression judicial independence police reform prison reform antiterrorism law reform Penal Code amendments criminal procedure administrative procedure state security courts minority rights Kurdish language rights political liberalization Leyla Zana release EU influence human rights compliance human rights conventions democratization press freedom torture prevention legislative change political reform civil liberties Turkish minority treatment EU membership criteria EU accession Turkey human rights improvements Kurdish minority rights abolition of death penalty freedom of press Turkey European Convention on Human Rights Turkish judicial reforms prison system reform Turkey police power restrictions Turkish Penal Code amendment Kurdish language rights Leyla Zana release human rights compliance EU EU influence on Turkey Turkey legislative reforms Turkey constitutional reforms antiterrorism statute reform state security courts abolition freedom of expression Turkey Turkey-EU relations"
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con02a	Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. needle exchange programs increased drug use condoning drug use facilitation of drug use drug user congregation drug dealer activity harm reduction criticism rational drug user behavior public acceptance of drugs societal normalization of drug use barriers to drug eradication opposition to facility removal public health debate drug policy controversy unintended consequences drug market expansion law enforcement challenges addiction reinforcement perception of safety policy resistance needle exchange programs drug use increase harm reduction criticism drug addiction facilitation drug dealer activity urban drug markets drug normalization public health ethics rational choice drug use social acceptance of drugs drug policy opposition needle exchange controversy community drug impact policy backlash drug eradication challenges law enforcement perspectives substance use risk perception harm minimization debate drug addict congregation societal drug integration needle exchange programs drug use increase drug user congregation harm reduction drug dealer efficiency addiction facilitation public health policy community impact rational drug users risk perception drug market expansion societal acceptance of drugs long-term drug eradication harm minimization critique drug normalization opposition to needle exchange law enforcement challenges drug policy debate public safety concerns unintended consequences needle exchange programs increase drug use negative impacts of needle exchange needle exchange and crime rates needle exchange condoning drug use needle exchange drug dealer activity needle exchange public acceptance of drugs harm reduction criticism needle exchange societal impact arguments against needle exchanges needle exchange long-term drug trends needle exchange normalizing drug use needle exchange enabling addiction needle exchange community effects needle exchange controversy needle exchange opposition arguments needle exchange policy criticism needle exchange and drug market expansion risks of needle exchange programs needle exchange failure to reduce drug use needle exchange facilitating drug networks needle exchange programs drug use incidence harm reduction drug user congregation drug dealer activity public health policy addiction facilitation drug market expansion risk perception rational drug user behavior drug normalization societal acceptance of drugs drug harm minimization public opposition to policy change eradication of drug use state intervention drug facility removal controversy needle exchange drug policy debate Lawrence Aaron needle exchange criticism needle exchange program controversy needle exchange pros and cons impact of needle exchanges on drug use do needle exchanges increase drug use arguments against needle exchange programs needle exchanges and drug dealer activity public perception of needle exchanges harm reduction criticism needle exchanges and addiction societal impact of needle exchange programs needle exchange policy debate needle exchange facilitation of drug use community impact of needle exchanges needle exchange and crime rates needle exchange program opposition needle exchange and public safety harm reduction effectiveness needle exchanges and drug normalization policy implications of needle exchange programs drug decriminalization and needle exchanges needle exchange harm reduction increased drug use condoning drug use drug addict gathering drug dealer efficiency drug market expansion reduced risk perception continued drug use rational actor theory public acceptance of drugs societal normalization of drugs policy opposition drug eradication challenges drug facility removal state response to drug addiction Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit needle exchange criticism negative impact long-term consequences needle exchange controversy needle exchange negative effects harm reduction debate drug use increase needle exchange drug dealer activity social acceptance of drug use needle exchange policy criticism drug market expansion public perception needle exchange risk compensation drug use drug addict congregation needle exchange opposition needle exchange and crime difficulty eradicating drug use state intervention drug policy needle exchange societal impact rational actor drug use needle exchange facility removal anti-harm reduction arguments Lawrence Aaron needle exchange needle exchange programs increased drug use harm reduction criticism drug dealer activity drug user congregation public health policy drug abuse facilitation societal normalization of drugs policy opposition risk perception drug eradication challenges addiction acceptance community impact law enforcement concerns public safety drug policy debate RedOrbit article Lawrence Aaron program effectiveness unintended consequences needle exchange criticism harm reduction debate drug use incidence drug market facilitation public health policy rational actor theory addiction stigma community impact drug decriminalization risk perception policy opposition normalization of drug use drug dealer efficiency long-term drug trends public acceptance of addiction law enforcement challenges needle exchange unintended consequences drug-related social norms
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro03a	This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. smoking ban public smoking restrictions smoking cessation reduced smoking rates health benefits smoke-free policies smoking behavior quitting smoking smoking in public places secondhand smoke tobacco control smoker motivation health outcomes policy effectiveness smoking statistics lung cancer risk public health policy England smoking ban social influence smoker inconvenience weather deterrents comparative studies smoking prevalence legislative impact anti-smoking measures smoking ban effects public smoking restrictions smoking reduction quitting smoking secondhand smoke smoke-free policies health benefits smoking ban behavioral change smoking ban smoking cessation rates impact of smoking bans social influence smoking smoking ban success stories international smoking bans lung cancer risk reduction smoking prevalence statistics smoke-free environments policy impact on smoking public health smoking ban smoking habit change barriers to smoking inconvenience to smokers evidence smoking bans motivation to quit smoking health outcomes smoking ban smoking trends post-ban support for smoking bans smoking ban tobacco control public health smoking cessation reduce smoking rates health benefits lung cancer risk policy impact quit smoking secondhand smoke England smoking ban behavior change public policy smoking addiction smoking in public places legislative measures health statistics smoking rates decline smoking-related diseases enforcement of smoking bans smoking ban effectiveness public smoking restrictions impact smoker behavior change studies smoking cessation statistics after bans social influences on smoking habits health benefits of smoking bans smoking ban case studies England public health policy smoking reduced smoking rates after ban challenges for smokers under public bans long-term effects of smoking prohibition comparative analysis pre and post smoking ban smoking ban influence on lung cancer prognosis negative impacts of smoking bans (counterarguments) international smoking ban outcomes smoking ban smoking cessation public health policy smoking reduction tobacco control secondhand smoke public smoking restrictions quit rates health benefits of quitting smoking statistics England smoking ban behavior change social influence on smoking lung cancer risk smoking in public places public opinion on smoking bans difficulty of smoking access negative reinforcement weather deterrent peer pressure smoking laws smoking habits Daily Mail smoking study BMJ smoking cessation study smoking-related death risk health outcomes after quitting smoking ban effects public smoking restrictions smoking cessation reduced smoking rates health benefits of quitting smoking smoker behavior change social impact of smoking bans international smoking ban studies smoking ban statistics challenges of smoking in public secondhand smoke reduction policy impact on smoking success stories of smoking bans evidence from England smoking ban lung cancer risk reduction public health policy quit smoking encouragement environmental influence on smoking habits smoking bans in pubs non-smoking social environments smoking ban public smoking smoking cessation reduced smoking rates quitting smoking smoking restrictions smoke-free policy health benefits lung cancer risk smoking habits smoking in pubs social pressure weather discomfort England smoking ban tobacco control legislation impact decreased mortality observational studies smoking prevalence quitting incentives secondhand smoke public health policy non-smoking areas smoking statistics tobacco regulation smoking behavior change smoking ban effects public smoking restrictions smoking cessation smoking reduction statistics smokers quitting impact of smoking bans health benefits of quitting smoking smoking ban case studies England smoking ban smoking habit reduction social impact of smoking bans outdoor smoking challenges smoking and lung cancer smoking ban outcomes smoking ban health studies smoking ban success rates passive smoking reduction smoke-free policy benefits smoking ban public health smoking decrease after ban smoking ban public health smoking cessation tobacco control passive smoking secondhand smoke health benefits lung cancer smoking rates behavioral change public policy England smoking ban smoking restrictions quitting smoking impact studies smoke-free legislation health risks policy effectiveness smoker behavior tobacco addiction social influence public places disease prevention government regulation evidence-based policy smoking ban public health smoking cessation policy impact smoker behavior secondhand smoke public places health benefits lung cancer England smoking statistics cessation rates smoking laws smoking reduction social influence enforcement tobacco control outdoor smoking public opinion health risks legislative outcomes weather impact on smoking non-smokers meta-analysis public policy evaluation international comparisons long-term effects government regulation quit rates tobacco legislation smoking relapse
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro01a	Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. equality of opportunity affirmative action educational inequality university admissions socioeconomic status private vs state schools underrepresentation ethnic minorities racial disparities meritocracy access to education Oxbridge admissions higher education social mobility diversity in education college admissions class privilege systemic bias wealth gap graduation rates educational access social justice equal access opportunity gap academic achievement gap representation in elite universities structural inequality educational reform educational attainment barriers to education affirmative action equality of opportunity university admissions educational inequality socioeconomic status private schools state schools Oxbridge ethnic minorities underrepresentation education gap meritocracy social mobility higher education access racial disparities wealth inequality academic achievement disadvantaged groups fair admissions diversity in universities equal access to education social mobility educational inequality socioeconomic status university admissions private schools state schools ethnic diversity minority representation Oxbridge college access meritocracy wealth disparity academic achievement gap affirmative action policies structural disadvantage recruitment bias racial inequality educational attainment high school graduation rates underrepresentation university diversity equal access social justice educational reform opportunity gap income-based disparities admissions criteria diversity initiatives inclusive education higher education policy affirmative action benefits social mobility barriers educational inequality statistics university admissions bias private vs state schools UK ethnic minority underrepresentation universities racial disparities college admissions meritocracy challenges socioeconomic impact on education wealth and access to education higher education access reforms tackling systemic privilege education opportunity gap institutional barriers to equality societal impact of affirmative action Oxbridge admission diversity minority graduation rates USA educational outcomes socioeconomic status fairness in university admissions policy solutions for equal opportunity social mobility educational inequality university admissions private schools state schools ethnic minority representation socioeconomic status meritocracy access to education college admissions disparity racial inequality graduation rates class privilege affirmative action policy higher education access opportunity gap underrepresentation educational attainment institutional bias selection criteria fairness in education wealth disparity systemic inequality university diversity Oxbridge admissions US college demographics affirmative action benefits educational inequality Oxbridge admissions statistics private vs state school university admission ethnic minority underrepresentation universities socioeconomic status education meritocracy in education racial disparities college access UK university admissions data USA minority graduation rates wealth and educational opportunity social mobility university access fairness in college admissions systemic barriers higher education diversity in top universities equality of opportunity affirmative action socioeconomic status private schools state schools university admissions Oxbridge ethnic minorities underrepresentation meritocracy wealth inequality education access racial disparity social mobility educational attainment college graduation rates income gap structural disadvantage systemic bias diversity inclusion educational equity UK universities US education system educational privilege racial inequality higher education barriers social justice academic achievement opportunity gap institutional racism equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions UK education inequality Oxbridge diversity private vs state schools socioeconomic disparity ethnic minority representation racial inequality in education meritocracy access to higher education wealth gap educational attainment social mobility underrepresentation in universities college enrollment statistics graduation rate disparity education and race education reform privilege in education educational justice barriers to academic access education policy educational equity social class and education systemic inequality equality of opportunity affirmative action educational inequality university admissions social mobility private vs state schools UK education system Oxbridge diversity ethnic minority underrepresentation socioeconomic status meritocracy wealth disparity racial disparities college graduation rates minority enrollment educational achievement gap access to higher education social justice education policy institutional bias educational reform diversity in education socioeconomic advantage barriers to education educational attainment fairness in admissions affirmative action equality of opportunity educational inequality socioeconomic status university admissions private schools state schools underrepresentation ethnic minorities meritocracy wealth disparity education access social mobility racial disparities higher education Oxford admissions Cambridge admissions minority enrollment graduation rates USA education system UK education system opportunity gap systemic bias academic institutions educational disadvantage school funding university diversity admissions reform injustice in education talent versus privilege
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro01a	"The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 clear and present danger freedom of speech false speech commercial speech misrepresentation false advertising tobacco advertising regulated speech First Amendment public safety Supreme Court decision Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co. v. Reilly deceptive practices consumer protection legal restrictions public harm fraudulent speech protected speech limits truth in advertising cinema panic free speech exceptions regulatory authority advertising law case law free speech limitations clear and present danger Schenck v. United States shouting fire in theater false speech regulation misrepresentation law commercial speech limits advertising regulation Lorillard Tobacco Co v. Reilly tobacco ad restrictions deceptive advertising consumer protection law U.S. Supreme Court speech cases fraudulent tax advice prohibition First Amendment exceptions public safety speech restrictions legal limits on expression truth in advertising laws freedom of expression boundaries protected vs. unprotected speech free speech First Amendment clear and present danger Schenck v. United States false speech commercial speech misrepresentation truthful advertising consumer protection advertising regulation tobacco advertising Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly public safety fraudulent speech legal restrictions Supreme Court precedent limits of free speech public harm protected speech unprotected speech clear and present danger doctrine freedom of speech limitations Schenck v. United States case shouting fire in a crowded theater false commercial speech regulation Lorillard Tobacco Co v. Reilly advertising Supreme Court free speech precedents truthful advertising requirements deceptive advertising laws regulated commercial speech exceptions to First Amendment tobacco advertising restrictions free speech and public safety misrepresentation in advertising promotion of illegal services legal boundaries of free expression consumer protection and free speech historical free speech court decisions examples of unprotected speech free speech and harm principle clear and present danger free speech limitations false commercial speech misrepresentation deceptive advertising Supreme Court precedent Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v. Reilly tobacco advertising regulation First Amendment exceptions consumer protection advertising truthfulness public safety legal restrictions on speech commercial speech regulation fraudulent tax advice limits of free expression U.S. Supreme Court cases fire in a theater analogy false statements consequences free speech limitations Schenck v. United States clear and present danger shouting fire in a crowded theater regulation of commercial speech false advertising laws Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly Supreme Court free speech cases misrepresentation in advertising tobacco advertising restrictions protection of free speech exceptions consumer protection in advertising truth in advertising laws First Amendment limitations public safety and free speech legal regulation of speech illegal commercial speech fraudulent tax advice regulation free speech First Amendment clear and present danger Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly commercial speech false advertising misrepresentation consumer protection tobacco advertising regulation fraudulent tax advice public safety legal restrictions Supreme Court decisions freedom of expression regulated speech deceptive practices circumstances of speech constitutional limits theater fire example misleading advertisements protected speech government oversight truthful advertising harm prevention lawful speech boundaries U.S. case law advertising regulation public interest speech limitations clear and present danger Schenck v. United States free speech limitations First Amendment exceptions shouting fire in theater false commercial speech advertising regulations Supreme Court speech cases Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly truthful advertising deceptive advertising laws commercial speech doctrine circumstances affecting legality freedom of expression limits unprotected speech examples tobacco advertising regulation consumer protection law judicial precedent free speech misrepresentation in advertising promoting illegal activity public safety vs free speech protected vs unprotected speech free speech and public harm advertising law US commercial speech restriction clear and present danger free speech limitations shouting fire in theatre misrepresentation commercial speech false advertising consumer protection tobacco advertising regulation Supreme Court case law Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v. Reilly First Amendment exceptions public safety deceptive practices legal precedent advertising truthfulness fraudulent tax advice speech regulation US constitutional law free speech limitations clear and present danger commercial speech regulation false advertising misrepresentation law tobacco advertising restrictions Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v. Reilly First Amendment exceptions protected speech boundaries public safety and speech Supreme Court speech cases deceptive commercial practices false commercial speech legal regulation of adverts public interest and speech consumer protection law"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro01a	China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China-EU relations strategic partnership EU-China trade economic cooperation international affairs global economy EU exports EU imports trade in goods trade in services emerging superpower arms embargo trade restrictions market access investment economic wellbeing bilateral relations European Union foreign policy Ma Zhaoxu Chinese diplomacy sanctions trade policy EU citizens economic growth European Commission Xinhua trade negotiations international trade trade ties diplomatic relations global influence China-EU relations strategic partnership trade relations EU exports EU imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower China-Europe cooperation economic wellbeing trade ties European Union China foreign policy EU arms embargo economic partnership bilateral trade Ma Zhaoxu European Commission obstacles to trade international trade policy China's growth foreign ministry international trade economic cooperation superpower dynamics global trade EU-China dialogue strategic relations trade embargo lifting restrictions mutual interest China market EU policy geopolitical partnership China-EU relations EU China strategic partnership China trade relations EU exports to China EU imports from China China global economy international affairs EU economic interests China superpower EU arms embargo Ma Zhaoxu China-EU trade obstacles lifting China arms embargo European Union trade policy China foreign policy EU-China cooperation bilateral trade economic partnership China market access EU trade restrictions China economic growth EU-China diplomatic relations China strategic significance EU foreign policy global trade dynamics China-EU trade relations China as EU trading partner China-EU strategic partnership economic impact China EU EU exports to China EU imports from China lifting EU arms embargo China barriers to China-EU trade China's global economic role deepening China-EU cooperation future of China-EU trade EU trade policy China strengthening China-EU economic ties Ma Zhaoxu China-EU relations impact of embargo on China-EU China EU economic statistics trading partnership benefits China in international economy EU responsibility to citizens arguments for lifting China arms embargo China-EU relations strategic partnership EU-China trade economic cooperation global economy international affairs EU exports EU imports services trade emerging superpower EU interests Ma Zhaoxu EU arms embargo trade barriers China-EU dialogue European Commission foreign policy trade normalization mutual economic benefit global trade dynamics diplomatic relations China-EU relations EU China trade partnership China EU economic cooperation EU China strategic partnership China EU trade statistics EU export to China China import from EU China global economy role China international affairs Europe China superpower partnership Ma Zhaoxu China EU statement EU arms embargo China lift China EU ban Europe economic interests China enhance EU China trade ties Asia Europe trade EU China services trade European Commission China report Xinhua China EU news China EU foreign policy China-EU relations strategic partnership trade relations economic growth international affairs global economy EU exports EU imports trade balance superpower Foreign Ministry statements arms embargo trade bans economic wellbeing market access European Union Chinese growth policy barriers mutual cooperation international trade bilateral ties trade restrictions EU-China trade export growth import dependency policy negotiations trade liberalization embargo lift global trade dynamics cross-border investment foreign policy economic integration trade disputes international partnerships economic diplomacy Ma Zhaoxu China-EU relations EU-China trade strategic partnership China Europe EU exports to China EU imports from China China as global superpower China international affairs EU interests in China China-EU arms embargo Ma Zhaoxu statement economic impact EU China trade restrictions Europe China lifting EU arms ban China European Commission China trade statistics Europe China economic growth benefits of EU China partnership EU foreign policy China China-EU diplomatic relations trade barriers China Europe China influence global economy improving EU China ties China foreign ministry Europe ending arms embargo China China’s role in international trade EU-China relations trade partnership economic cooperation strategic partnership EU exports EU imports global economy international affairs China’s economic growth EU economic interests emerging superpower China-EU arms embargo trade policy market access foreign policy diplomatic relations barriers to trade European Union Ma Zhaoxu policy obstacles economic wellbeing trading relationship export restrictions international trade European Commission Xinhua trade negotiations bilateral relations trade ban export controls global trade economic ties EU-China relations strategic partnership trade relations economic cooperation global economy international affairs EU exports EU imports services trade emerging superpower China-EU trade EU economic interests China-EU arms embargo trade expansion diplomatic relations policy barriers mutual benefits foreign policy bilateral agreements trade liberalization economic growth international trade policy trade negotiations China-EU cooperation market access trade policy reform
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro03a	A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. UN standing army peacekeeping unified command military effectiveness troop training military equipment soldier motivation conscription professional military ethos multinational forces cultural barriers language barriers force integration payment incentives troop quality major powers developing nations peacekeeping missions command and control military professionalism incentivized deployment military preparedness operational efficiency military cooperation foreign legion combat readiness international military collaboration peace operations harmonized training UN standing army peacekeeping effectiveness unified command force readiness troop professionalism multinational military efficiency standardized training equipment quality military motivation voluntary enlistment conscript comparison international intervention cultural cohesion linguistic barriers interoperability French Foreign Legion example Indian army example Roman army example professional military ethos mission success factors security council reforms global military forces peace operations reform troop deployment challenges military integration operational performance military incentives military logistics command structure military coordination global security UN standing army peacekeeping effectiveness peacekeeping operations military professionalism multilateral force centralized command unified military structure troop training military equipment force motivation enlisted soldiers conscription alternatives multinational forces command and control military coordination cultural integration language barriers professional military ethos international military cooperation troop preparedness military performance developed nations contribution developing nations troops foreign legion model historical military success armed forces integration peacekeeping challenges troop selection UN military reform peacekeeping mission staffing UN standing army benefits effectiveness of UN standing army UN peacekeeping reform comparison UN standing army vs current system developing nations in UN missions profit motive in UN troop contributions under-equipped UN peacekeepers poorly trained peacekeepers major powers in UN missions incentives for troop commitments UN standing army training UN standing army equipment volunteer vs conscript soldiers motivation of UN soldiers unified command and control UN interoperability in peacekeeping operations language barriers in multinational forces cultural challenges in peacekeeping success examples multinational armies French Foreign Legion case study Indian army international operations Roman army multicultural cohesion professional military ethos UN standing army peacekeeping effectiveness troop training equipment disparity developing nations peacekeepers major powers contributions command and control multinational force integration professional military ethos soldier motivation military cohesion cultural barriers language barriers success examples French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army international military cooperation peacekeeping reforms professionalization of peacekeepers military preparedness interoperability volunteer soldiers military incentives unity of command multinational military effectiveness UN standing army effectiveness benefits of UN standing army current UN peacekeeping problems under-equipped UN troops poorly trained UN forces developing nations UN peacekeepers major powers UN involvement incentives for UN troop contributions UN army training equipment comparison volunteer vs conscript soldiers command and control UN missions linguistic challenges UN military cultural issues in peacekeeping examples multinational forces French Foreign Legion effectiveness Indian army diversity Roman army integration professional military ethos mutual cause motivation joint peacekeeping training multinational military cooperation UN military reform peacekeeping mission improvement UN standing army peacekeeping effectiveness unified command military training equipment standards troop motivation professional soldiers conscripts vs volunteers multinational force interoperability cultural barriers linguistic barriers coordination military professionalism developing nations military capability major powers incentive deployment French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army esprit de corps mutual cause peace operations operational efficiency military preparedness UN standing army peacekeeping effectiveness multinational military command and control military training force integration cultural cohesion linguistic barriers professional military ethos motivation of soldiers military preparedness major powers participation troop quality equipment standards international military cooperation successful historical armies French Foreign Legion comparison Indian army example Roman army volunteer versus conscripts peace operations staffing military interoperability UN peacekeeping reforms troop recruitment mutual cause military professionalism developing nation troops military incentives force motivation global security peacekeeping challenges UN standing army peacekeeping effectiveness multinational forces military training military equipment troop motivation military professionalism unified command operational readiness cultural barriers linguistic challenges force integration peacekeeping reforms major power participation developing nation troops foreign military legions military cohesion collective security command and control international army military enlistment professional ethos interoperability mutual cause military cooperation UN standing army peacekeeping effectiveness military training equipment standards multinational forces troop motivation command and control cultural integration linguistic barriers professional military ethos troop preparedness developing nation troops payment incentives major power participation volunteer enlistment conscript vs volunteer interoperability historical military examples force cohesion unified military structure
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con02a	Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. social networks internet censorship protest mobilization government repression legitimacy of riots social unrest poverty immigrant integration ruling elites Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests public consciousness media attention online organizing demonstration suppression freedom of expression justified outrage organizing power civil liberties digital activism social media blockade protest violence prevention riot legitimacy civic engagement information control state censorship political dissent online freedom suppression of dissent civil rights social media censorship digital rights freedom of expression protest organization riot legitimacy civil unrest political activism internet repression government censorship information control social movements online mobilization Arab Spring freedom to assemble poverty-driven protests immigrant integration public dissent media attention online activism state surveillance communication blackout digital protest state control of internet mass mobilization repression consequences protest suppression internet shutdowns grassroots activism democratic participation civil liberties social networks censorship protest mobilization riots free expression government regulation civil unrest Arab Spring London riots social justice internet repression media attention organizing power civic engagement political legitimacy demonstration online activism collective action poverty integration immigrant communities public consciousness ruling elites civil liberties justified outrage suppression violence prevention social media blockade cyber regulation online protest social network censorship debate impact of social media bans on protests state legitimacy assessing riots social media and social mobilization government role in protest regulation positive outcomes from riots Arab Spring vs London riots comparison media attention on riots internet repression consequences government suppression of demonstrations expression of outrage on social media protests turning violent solutions organizing power of social platforms blocking networks and civil unrest research on social media and riots internet freedom and civil rights regulating online communication during unrest effectiveness of social media bans government and online free speech network shutdowns and public mobilization social networks censorship internet repression government control protest mobilization legitimate demonstrations riots social issues poverty immigrant integration public consciousness Arab Spring London riots media attention online organizing freedom of expression digital activism state intervention civil unrest freedom of speech online censorship political legitimacy social pressure social movements social media bans communication suppression riot legitimacy government response societal integration protest violence media influence authoritarianism civil liberties human rights social media censorship internet repression government control of protests impact of social networks on activism freedom of expression online role of social media in mobilization legitimacy of riots government response to demonstrations digital rights and civil liberties censorship during civil unrest state surveillance and social media Arab Spring social media social movements and digital tools suppressing online dissent positive outcomes of riots integration of immigrant communities poverty and social unrest media coverage of protests blocking twitter effects cyber regulation riots government and online communication peaceful protest organization effect of blocking social networks political activism online public consciousness and social issues social networks internet censorship freedom of expression protest organization government suppression digital activism social mobilization public demonstrations civil unrest riots causes social pressures poverty immigrant integration ruling elites media attention online organizing collective action public consciousness Arab Spring London riots agenda for change legitimate protest internet repression blocking Twitter cyber regulation protest violence internet freedom political dissent expression of outrage social justice digital communication government accountability suppression of dissent social media censorship internet freedom digital activism protest organization government repression online mobilization civil liberties social justice digital rights public protest freedom of expression social movement media suppression political dissent internet regulation digital communication state censorship freedom of assembly online protests political activism social unrest social networking platforms riot legitimacy government control social integration immigrant communities poverty and protest Arab Spring London riots demonstration rights media influence internet shutdowns public awareness online organizing civil resistance social pressure peaceful protest causes of riots political engagement governmental authority social media censorship digital activism internet freedom protest mobilization civil liberties government control online expression legitimate dissent media repression political participation social justice movements immigrant integration poverty and unrest Arab Spring comparison riot legitimacy public consciousness online organizing social unrest causes communication suppression demonstration rights social media censorship freedom of expression protest mobilization government repression internet regulation digital activism civil unrest riot legitimacy poverty and social unrest integration of immigrants Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests online organizing media attention political engagement expression of outrage democratic participation suppression of dissent state authority online speech rights public awareness social justice movements
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con03a	Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. affirmative action social inequality systemic disadvantage ethnic minorities underrepresentation education reform state-funded schools integration failure educational attainment socioeconomic barriers policy effectiveness underprivileged students school funding parental choice academic performance comparative data social mobility government accountability tokenism educational opportunity minority access intergenerational poverty equity in education diversity policy structural inequality meritocracy Cato Institute policy analysis affirmative action alternatives social inequality educational reform state-funded schooling ethnic minorities poverty and education systemic disadvantage university access school funding education policy integration failures parental choice school accountability examination data transparency merit-based admissions underprivileged students education standards socioeconomic barriers tokenism in policy education equity long-term solutions Cato Institute minority representation educational outcomes policy effectiveness affirmative action social inequality systemic disadvantage ethnic minorities generational poverty state-funded education school funding educational integration university underrepresentation tokenism educational reform parental choice school accountability exam performance data education policy social mobility equal opportunity minority access public education standards disadvantage mitigation policy effectiveness affirmative action policy effectiveness criticisms of affirmative action social problems affecting minorities education reform for disadvantaged groups failures of state-funded schooling integration challenges in education underrepresentation in universities improving state school funding parental choice in education policy accountability in education standards publication of examination data alternatives to affirmative action driving up educational standards educational policy and minority success tokenism in affirmative action long-term solutions for educational inequality generational poverty and educational access comparing affirmative action versus systemic reform societal impact of affirmative action equity in higher education admissions affirmative action social inequality ethnic minorities generational poverty educational disparities state-funded schooling failures integration challenges university underrepresentation policy effectiveness tokenism school funding educational reform parental choice education accountability examination data transparency underprivileged access social mobility education standards minority representation systemic disadvantages affirmative action alternatives educational inequality underprivileged students state school funding ethnic minority underrepresentation social mobility solutions improving public education integration failures parental choice in education education accountability examination data transparency ending tokenistic policies closing achievement gaps long-term social policy reform root causes of educational disparity affirmative action policy effectiveness social inequality systemic disadvantage minority representation underprivileged students university admissions state-funded education school funding educational reform parental choice educational accountability examination data integration failures educational standards ethnic minorities social mobility equity in education education policy policy critique tokenism disadvantaged groups access to higher education Cato Institute educational opportunity generational poverty affirmative action criticism affirmative action effectiveness underlying causes of inequality educational inequality ethnic minorities education state-funded schooling failures integration in education university underrepresentation education policy reform social mobility barriers funding for public schools parental choice in education educational accountability publication of examination data raising education standards underprivileged student support tokenism in policy systemic social problems education equity solutions policy evaluation affirmative action Cato Institute affirmative action education reform for minorities affirmative action alternatives educational inequality social mobility minority underrepresentation state-funded education reform parental choice in schooling school funding equity standardized testing disparities university admissions fairness integration policy failure educational accountability examination performance data poverty and education systemic discrimination educational opportunity gap socioeconomic status and education tokenism in policy Cato Institute affirmative action analysis policy effectiveness evaluation long-term solutions for inequality affirmative action effectiveness systemic inequality root causes of disadvantage state-funded education failures ethnic minority representation poverty and education education policy reform integration challenges university access disparities state accountability educational funding parental choice in schools examination performance data underprivileged student opportunities long-term educational solutions socioeconomic barriers policy alternatives to affirmative action comprehensive education reform social mobility equity in education
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 religious intolerance cultural conflict religious freedom secularism women's rights gender oppression community pressure Islamic dress codes Hijab controversy Burka debate religious identity Western values multiculturalism social integration legal restrictions religious pluralism discrimination internalized oppression feminist perspectives interpretations of Koran moderate Islam radical Islam religious authority diversity in Islam religious conformity assimilation religious legislation headscarf bans Islamophobia religious symbolism religious symbolism social division Western society hijab controversy religious dress codes social conformity religious pressures intra-Muslim divisions religious oppression internalized oppression women's rights interpretations of Islam Koran dress code Islamic schools of thought modest fashion burka debate moderate Islam severe interpretations veil ban secularism multiculturalism integration Muslim women's experiences identity politics cultural assimilation religious freedom societal cohesion public policy secular laws religious accommodation religious symbols social division Western society hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams community conformity internalized oppression women's rights Islamic dress code Koran interpretation Islamic schools modern dress burka religious moderation religious extremism religious oppression religious freedom veil ban secularism assimilation multiculturalism religious identity gender equality head covering religious diversity societal integration legal regulation minority rights religious symbols and social division hijab pressure in Muslim communities internalized religious oppression impact of Hijab in Western society differing Islamic interpretations of dress moderate vs severe Islamic dress codes social effects of religious attire religious attire and women’s rights banning the veil in Western countries societal implications of hijab approval religious freedom and women head coverings and Muslim identity religious oppression and gender secularism and religious symbols Islamic schools of thought on modesty policy debate on religious dress effects of religious symbols on non-Muslims influence of imams on women’s dress controversy over hijab in Europe religious symbols social division Western society hijab controversy Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance internalized oppression religious oppression head covering societal approval Islamic tenets school of Islam Koran interpretation moderate Islam severe Islam burka veil ban women's rights secularism religious freedom assimilation cultural conflict integration gender equality multiculturalism religious tolerance Rumy Hassan religious dress laws religious symbols division hijab social pressure internalized oppression Muslim women religious dress code disagreements Islamic head covering controversy moderate vs severe Islamic interpretations banning the veil debate religious identity in Western society religious freedom vs societal cohesion Muslim women's rights secularism and religious symbols societal impact of religious dress Islam Koran dress interpretation burka versus hijab integration and multiculturalism public policy on religious attire feminist perspectives on hijab assimilation versus religious expression religious symbols social division Western society hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance internalized oppression religious oppression Muslim head coverings Islam essential tenet religious schools Islamic interpretation Koran dress code modest dress Burka veil severe interpretation moderate interpretation banning the veil religious moderation cultural assimilation secularism women's rights religious freedom social conformity social identity interfaith relations multiculturalism religious diversity policy debate religious visibility social cohesion religious symbols controversy hijab debate religious oppression women's rights Islam social pressure hijab Muslim women head covering Islamic dress code Koran dress interpretations moderate vs severe Islam burka ban religious freedom Western society secularism religious symbols internalized oppression Muslim identity politics Islamophobia Western societies multiculturalism and religion gender equality Islam religious division Western countries imams influence dress family religious expectations Western veil debates headscarf laws Europe religious symbols public space religious pluralism state intervention religion freedom of expression religion religious conflict social division Western society religious oppression Hijab controversy internal community pressure women's rights Muslim identity family authority Islamic schools of thought Koran interpretation modesty standards Burka debates secularism religious freedom multiculturalism gender roles religious pluralism Islamic feminism dress code laws social assimilation secular policies religious accommodation public policy veiling bans minority integration religious symbolism social integration cultural identity freedom of expression secularism multiculturalism discrimination women's rights gender oppression Islamic attire hijab controversy cultural assimilation headscarf debates religious freedom minority rights religious pluralism societal cohesion clothing bans interfaith relations religious conservatism radicalism vs moderation Quran interpretation legal restrictions religious practices policy debates Western values social conformity identity politics
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con03a	Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe proletariat bourgeoisie wealth inequality income disparity wealth distribution social stratification economic injustice working class elite class 1% Occupy movement labor movement capitalist system class struggle socialist ideology anti-capitalism economic exploitation collective action social movements European protests neoliberalism resistance political mobilization power imbalance economic crisis austerity financial elites wage gap public awareness social reform class division wealth inequality 1 percent vs 99 percent economic disparity social stratification labor movement working class elite class income gap capitalist society political awareness social awareness socialist theory collective action social justice wealth redistribution European protests social movements unemployment crisis corporate greed financial oligarchy political economy Marxism class struggle Occupy movement economic crisis austerity measures anti-capitalism proletariat social transformation class struggle proletariat bourgeoisie wealth inequality economic disparity working class ruling class labor movement capitalist system social justice redistribution of wealth occupy movement political activism collective action 1 percent 99 percent austerity unemployment neoliberalism social movements economic crisis political consciousness European protests anti-capitalism Marxism class division social change wage gap income inequality economic justice class consciousness and socialism rise of class awareness in Europe impact of income inequality on social movements relationship between rich and poor in modern society socialism as a process not a party effects of rising unemployment on class conflict role of the 1% in shaping public opinion history of socialist thought and class distinction occupy movement and class politics public perception of wealth disparity recent examples of class struggle in Europe media portrayal of socialism and class conflict political response to rising class consciousness growth of anti-elitist sentiment worldwide social impact of executive pay and bonuses evolution of socialist ideology in response to economic crisis solidarity of class consciousness socialism social class wealth inequality European society global inequality unemployment rich-poor gap 1 percent social movements occupy movement socialist theory political awareness economic disparity class struggle media representation worker rights economic justice capitalist critique social transformation income distribution political process mass mobilization economic elites social justice class consciousness socialism class struggle social inequality wealth disparity 1 percent occupy movement political awareness European protests economic injustice uber-rich unemployment workers' rights class distinction economic elite social movement wealth redistribution history of socialism collective action media and politics social justice class exploitation rising inequality grassroots activism political process class consciousness socialism social awareness wealth inequality working class upper class ruling elite class struggle economic disparity unemployment social justice income gap redistribution occupy movement 1 percent 99 percent capitalist society Marxism European protests political economy labor movement social movements collective action bourgeoisie proletariat economic crisis media influence political elites social process class distinction economic exploitation class consciousness socialism class struggle social inequality wealth disparity income inequality European societies 1 percent occupy movement working class unemployment economic injustice anti-capitalism proletariat bourgeoisie political awareness social movements economic elites social justice leftist politics capitalist society class division revolutionary theory socialist theory political awakening global capitalism austerity protests populist movements neoliberalism class identity class consciousness socialism class distinction social inequality wealth disparity income inequality the 1 percent occupy movement economic elites working class proletariat bourgeoisie european societies social justice unemployment living standards capitalist society media representation political classes social movements public awareness class struggle socialist thinkers economic crisis wealth redistribution social unrest collective action labor rights economic democracy political engagement anti-capitalism social transformation class struggle proletariat bourgeoisie wealth inequality income disparity labor movement capitalist system economic justice social movements Occupy Wall Street 1 percent class divide working class elite power wage gap financial crisis austerity measures social stratification collective action political consciousness economic exploitation media representation European protests socialism process redistribution of wealth Marxism economic class political activism
test-international-epglghbni-pro03a	It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, religious freedom minority rights Catholic representation political discrimination Northern Ireland conflict civil rights unionism nationalism sectarianism gerrymandering power-sharing Protestant-Catholic relations social stigma equality reforms Irish unification Republic of Ireland civil service employment discrimination statistics community integration peace process Good Friday Agreement anti-discrimination laws historical grievances ethnic minority protection inclusive governance British-Irish relations religious minority rights united Ireland sectarianism Catholic discrimination political representation Northern Ireland unrest gerrymandering civil service employment stigma against Catholics unionist domination nationalist underrepresentation peace process Irish reunification power-sharing equality legislation Good Friday Agreement minority protection Protestant-Catholic relations social integration Northern Ireland reforms anti-discrimination policy historical injustice British rule in Ireland Irish civil rights movement religious minorities Catholic rights Protestant majority Irish unification Northern Ireland conflict political representation civil service discrimination Unionist rhetoric Catholic stigma Irish nationalism Gerrymandering historical reforms equal treatment sectarianism minority protection power-sharing Republic of Ireland peace process Good Friday Agreement social integration anti-discrimination policies post-conflict societies identity politics religion and politics Northern Ireland Parliament community relations united Ireland religious minority rights Northern Ireland Catholic discrimination history political representation Catholics Northern Ireland Unionist rhetoric impact on minorities civil service Catholic employment statistics Northern Ireland gerrymandering and minority rights Ireland post-reform stigma against Catholics Northern Ireland benefits of Irish unification for minorities ensuring equality for Catholics Ireland comparison Northern Ireland Republic minority rights historical Catholic underrepresentation Northern Ireland Whyte 1983 religious discrimination political integration united Ireland sectarianism and minority protection Ireland solutions for Catholic stigmatization Northern Ireland religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination representation civil service reforms stigma Unionist rhetoric Catholic community political representation Protestant majority Republic of Ireland equal treatment Irish unification sectarianism minority rights historical discrimination Whyte 1983 religious minority rights Ireland united Ireland and Catholic rights Northern Ireland Catholic discrimination representation of Catholics in Northern Ireland Northern Ireland Parliament gerrymandering Catholic civil service employment statistics Unionist control Northern Ireland politics reforms Northern Ireland religious equality Catholic community stigma Northern Ireland political representation Catholics Ireland Protestant majority Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland religious representation solutions Catholic discrimination Ireland societal integration united Ireland Whyte 1983 Northern Ireland statistics religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland conflict Catholic minority Protestant majority civil rights discrimination gerrymandering representation nationalism unionism civil service employment political stigma Irish unity Republic of Ireland power sharing sectarianism social integration minority rights equality historical reforms Whyte 1983 Catholic-Protestant relations Northern Ireland Parliament political inclusion anti-discrimination measures Good Friday Agreement peace process nationalist representation unionist dominance Irish Catholic discrimination religious minorities united Ireland Catholic minority Northern Ireland unrest discrimination gerrymandering political representation civil service statistics Unionist dominance Catholic community stigma reforms Northern Ireland equal treatment Irish unification Protestant majority Republic of Ireland minority rights protection Whyte 1983 Northern Ireland Parliament nationalist representation sectarianism power sharing Good Friday Agreement Ireland reunification debate Protestant-Catholic relations historical discrimination political integration social justice Ireland minority employment statistics Northern Ireland Catholic representation religious minority rights united Ireland Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority discrimination Northern Ireland Parliament gerrymandering political representation civil service employment employment statistics Catholic community stigma Unionist rhetoric equal treatment Irish unification Protestant majority Republic of Ireland political inclusion sectarianism social reforms historical discrimination Northern Ireland politics religious minority rights united Ireland Northern Ireland conflict Catholic discrimination civil service representation gerrymandering Northern Ireland Catholic minority Protestant majority Unionist politics political reform Northern Ireland sectarianism Irish unification Whyte 1983 nationalist representation Catholic stigmatization religious equality Ireland historical discrimination Northern Ireland power-sharing Good Friday Agreement minority protection
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro03a	"Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" judges juries justice judicial expertise legal training evidence evaluation judicial objectivity prejudice suppression prosecutorial strategy wrongful convictions juror inexperience trial fatigue jury bias courtroom procedure legal professionalism defendant rights questionable convictions Joanne Frail Louis Blum Cooper Baldwin and McConville jury trials judge versus jury court decision-making legal standards trial outcomes criminal justice system jury competence judicial impartiality expertise in law juror misconduct citizen jurors judges versus juries judge impartiality jury competence judicial training evaluating evidence legal expertise jury bias wrongful convictions professional decision making trial fairness juror attention span courtroom procedures objective justice legal decision accuracy judicial objectivity prosecutorial strategies court system reform jury system criticism legal outcomes trial by jury reliability bench trials judicial expertise jury competence evidence evaluation legal training judicial impartiality prejudice suppression prosecutorial strategy wrongful convictions jury bias trial length juror disinterest judicial objectivity professional verdict review juror training judge versus jury criminal justice system verdict reliability trial fairness legal accuracy courtroom procedures judges vs juries in justice delivery effectiveness of judges vs juries jury technical training limitations judge ability to suppress prejudice objectivity of judges vs juries prosecutorial strategy evaluation by judges studies on wrongful convictions by juries 1979 jury trial study statistics impact of jury boredom on verdicts competence of jurors vs judges professionalism in justice system trust in judicial expertise effectiveness of ordinary citizens as jurors judicial training and decision-making jury trial disadvantages justice system reforms abolishing jury trials criminal justice jury bias professional vs lay decision-makers in court pros and cons of judges judge competence jury bias evidence evaluation judicial training juror inexperience wrongful convictions trial objectivity professional decision-making prosecutorial strategies jury system flaws justice delivery courtroom expertise jury attention span courtroom procedure judicial impartiality legal decision accuracy trial length impact layperson decision-making legal training benefits justice system reform judge vs jury judicial expertise juror competence evidence evaluation judicial objectivity juror bias professional training in law jury trial effectiveness wrongful convictions by juries judge impartiality juror attention span courtroom expertise jury system flaws expert decision-making in courts trained justice system juror qualifications trial outcome reliability jury selection issues trust in judges study on jury errors judges juries justice legal system evidence evaluation technical training judicial training prejudice suppression objectivity prosecutorial strategy decision making wrongful conviction jury bias professional assessment trial duration juror engagement court procedure expertise judicial experience verdict accuracy criminal trials legal reform jury system judge vs jury legal professionals public opinion juror disinterest courtroom dynamics conviction rates justice delivery fair trial judge vs jury judge effectiveness jury effectiveness judicial training juror bias evidence evaluation judge objectivity jury prejudice wrongful convictions by jury jury trial studies judge versus jury justice disadvantages of jury trials advantages of judge trials legal expertise in trials prosecutorial strategy recognition juror inattentiveness jury trial criticisms judicial decision-making jury decision flaws professional opinions on juries trial outcomes comparison jury versus bench trial criminal justice studies jury system reform judge qualifications jury trial statistics judge expertise jury inexperience judicial objectivity evidence evaluation legal training jury bias wrongful convictions trial duration juror engagement prosecutorial strategy judicial impartiality criminal justice system court procedures courtroom decision-making judicial professionalism jury system criticism legal decision accuracy expert legal assessment defendant rights alternative to jury trials judges vs juries judicial expertise jury competence evidence evaluation legal training judicial impartiality bias suppression prosecutorial strategies jury errors wrongful convictions professional opinion jury trial studies judge objectivity trial length juror engagement courtroom procedures justice system effectiveness juror interest trial process legal decision-making comparative justice analysis"
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro02a	You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies communication monitoring personal data democratic governments civil liberties national security foreign intelligence war on terror data collection citizen rights government transparency arrest without cause mass surveillance government overreach state surveillance privacy rights electronic surveillance data privacy information security lawful arrest government access individual freedoms legal protections surveillance abuse human rights privacy legislation government accountability public safety trust in government surveillance debate government surveillance state monitoring intelligence agencies privacy concerns civil liberties arrest without cause democratic accountability mass data collection war on terror foreign government surveillance national security electronic communications personal data access government overreach civil rights surveillance abuse due process government transparency law enforcement citizen privacy security vs privacy information misuse mass surveillance government surveillance intelligence agencies privacy rights citizen privacy democratic governments civil liberties government monitoring arrests without cause war on terror foreign governments national security surveillance abuse government transparency surveillance justification surveillance policy electronic communications lawful surveillance data privacy government accountability public opinion on surveillance government surveillance debate intelligence agency privacy concerns democratic governments data misuse risk of wrongful arrest surveillance personal data foreign governments surveillance and civil liberties war on terror surveillance impact citizens privacy government access government interest in personal information consequences of mass surveillance cases of government abuse surveillance data national security surveillance risks foreign intelligence agencies personal data democratic oversight intelligence agencies privacy rights surveillance era government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies communication monitoring democratic governments citizen rights data collection national security foreign government surveillance war on terror personal data protection government access to information mass surveillance civil liberties unlawful arrest governmental transparency surveillance justification misuse of surveillance electronic communications Fourth Amendment data privacy laws abuse of power surveillance state surveillance legislation freedom of information Eric Posner New York Times debate government surveillance privacy intelligence agencies citizen data arrest statistics democratic governments misuse of surveillance data privacy concerns government foreign government surveillance risk war on terror surveillance impact Eric Posner surveillance views government access to communications citizen rights digital privacy pressure from intelligence agencies national security threat criteria personal data government use government surveillance privacy intelligence agencies personal data communications monitoring national security civil liberties democratic governments citizen rights arrest without cause data misuse war on terror foreign intelligence legal safeguards mass surveillance government access information security public safety data protection governmental transparency law enforcement New York Times Eric Posner debate on surveillance individual freedoms government surveillance personal privacy intelligence agencies data collection government access to communications democratic governments civil liberties privacy concerns national security war on terror individual rights foreign government surveillance misuse of data citizen monitoring government transparency mass surveillance justification for surveillance ethical surveillance lawful interception electronic privacy public opinion on surveillance legal protections privacy surveillance laws targeted surveillance trust in government privacy vs security intelligence gathering surveillance abuses surveillance accountability international surveillance government surveillance mass data collection privacy rights intelligence agencies democratic governments communications monitoring civil liberties war on terror national security foreign government intervention citizen privacy government access to information surveillance justification personal data government transparency legal protections unlawful arrest misuse of data surveillance controversy Eric Posner New York Times debate government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies national security citizen rights democratic governments war on terror personal data foreign government surveillance wrongful arrest communication monitoring civil liberties data collection surveillance controversy public safety legal protections electronic surveillance mass data retention privacy laws government transparency
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con02a	Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 unenforceable laws smoking bans enforcement tobacco control challenges compliance monitoring law enforcement resources enforcement costs surveillance smoking bans public health policy ineffective smoking bans Africa tobacco regulation ban compliance rates advertising ban violations Ghana tobacco ads police priorities enforcement manpower legislation effectiveness public smoking regulation high-income country enforcement resource allocation urban smoking bans unenforceable legislation smoking ban compliance tobacco regulation enforcement law enforcement resources public health policy smoking laws tobacco advertising ban enforcement challenges legal loopholes resource allocation police priorities public awareness Germany smoking ban New York City smoking ban Ghana tobacco policies illegal tobacco advertising compliance rates policy implementation urban enforcement issues global smoking regulations surveillance costs public attitudes towards bans tobacco control strategies ineffective legislation unenforceable smoking bans smoking regulation enforcement smoking policy compliance tobacco control challenges resource limitations smoking bans police priorities public health smoking bans higher income countries CCTV enforcement smoking advertising ban enforcement tobacco advertising Ghana public health law enforcement African cities smoking bans public compliance smoking bans ban flouting tobacco marketing regulation legal effectiveness smoking bans public perception tobacco bans smoking ban survey Ghana enforcement costs smoking bans international smoking ban comparison unenforceable smoking bans smoking ban enforcement challenges smoking bans higher income countries cost of smoking ban enforcement policing smoking bans CCTV for smoking bans smoking ban resource allocation Berlin smoking ban enforcement New York City smoking ban enforcement African cities smoking bans Ghana smoking advertising ban tobacco advert ban Ghana tobacco ad recall Ghana effectiveness of tobacco advertising bans survey smoking ban effectiveness smoking law enforcement costs public health law enforcement advertising ban compliance tobacco control policy enforcement challenges in smoking ban implementation unenforceable smoking bans tobacco control enforcement smoking regulation challenges enforcement costs public health policy tobacco advertising ban resource allocation police surveillance smoking bans compliance smoking laws urban smoking enforcement African cities smoking regulation Germany smoking ban enforcement New York City smoking laws Ghana tobacco advertising public awareness tobacco laws police priorities tobacco smoking ban effectiveness challenges tobacco law enforcement comparative tobacco control global smoking regulations unenforceable smoking bans effectiveness of smoking bans enforcement challenges high-income countries smoking ban enforcement CCTV and manpower for bans police resource allocation smoking bans Berlin smoking bans New York City smoking bans African cities Ghana tobacco advertising ban flouted advertising bans tobacco ad recall Ghana tobacco control policy effectiveness obstacles to tobacco regulation law enforcement priorities media tobacco advertising Africa public compliance smoking bans international smoking ban comparison policy implementation smoking bans unenforceable smoking bans enforcement challenges high income countries expensive manpower CCTV surveillance police resource allocation crime prioritization Berlin smoking ban New York City smoking ban African cities law enforcement Ghana advertising ban flouting tobacco bans tobacco advertising recall radio tobacco ads television tobacco ads survey results tobacco regulation public health policy law enforcement resources compliance issues regulatory effectiveness urban smoking bans law enforcement priorities tobacco control measures implementation barriers public compliance media advertising bans developing countries enforcement legal enforcement difficulties smoking legislation unenforceable smoking bans smoking ban enforcement challenges smoking ban higher income countries smoking ban manpower costs smoking ban CCTV police resource allocation smoking smoking bans Berlin smoking bans New York City African cities smoking bans Ghana tobacco advertising ban tobacco advertising recall Ghana tobacco advertising survey Ghana enforcement of advertising bans smoking ban policy effectiveness smoking ban compliance Africa barriers to smoking ban enforcement public health policy enforcement global smoking ban examples tobacco control challenges law enforcement priorities smoking smoking ban enforcement tobacco control compliance challenges surveillance costs policing priorities public health policy legal enforcement resource allocation urban smoking bans advertising violations tobacco advertising media monitoring Germany smoking laws New York City regulations African public health Ghana tobacco laws policy implementation barriers law enforcement resources effectiveness of smoking bans public awareness regulatory compliance smoking ban enforcement enforcement challenges compliance rates law enforcement resources public health policy tobacco control regulatory effectiveness advertising bans high-income countries low-income countries surveillance costs policing priorities Ghana tobacco policies media advertising regulatory loopholes Berlin smoking ban New York City smoking ban public awareness illegal advertising enforcement mechanisms
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro01a	"Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. occupied territories Israeli annexation international law belligerent occupation Hague Convention Article 42 International Court of Justice 1967 Six-Day War Israeli Supreme Court rulings Palestinian land rights West Bank Gaza Strip pre-1967 borders United Nations resolutions legal consequences of occupation illegality of territorial acquisition by force Palestinian sovereignty security guarantees land for peace Israeli settlements Arab-Israeli conflict customary international law right of return Geneva Conventions Middle East conflict Egyptian and Jordanian control moral legitimacy war and territorial claims advisory opinion decolonization occupied Palestinian territories international law Israeli annexation Hague Convention ICJ Advisory Opinion 1967 war West Bank Gaza Strip belligerent occupation pre-1967 borders Israeli Supreme Court rulings Palestinian sovereignty Security Council resolutions land for peace legitimacy of occupation Geneva Conventions settlement legality international Court of Justice territorial dispute Israeli military control UN resolutions East Jerusalem occupation legality war and territorial acquisition Palestine land rights might makes right Arab-Israeli conflict occupied territories international law Israeli occupation annexation Hague Convention International Court of Justice 1967 war West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian land belligerent occupation Article 42 Israeli Supreme Court legal status settlements pre-1967 borders security guarantees land dispute sovereignty ""might makes right"" Palestinian self-determination Egypt Jordan returning territory United Nations resolutions advisory opinion legal precedent legitimacy of claims Arab-Israeli conflict peace process Geneva Convention humanitarian law border negotiations occupation law Israel-Palestine conflict international law on occupied territories Israel annexation legality ICJ advisory opinion Israel Hague Convention Article 42 Israeli Supreme Court West Bank ruling belligerent occupation definition 1967 war territorial consequences legitimacy of war-won territory Palestinian rights under international law Green Line borders return to pre-1967 borders Israel security guarantees Middle East conflict Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza history international response Israeli settlements right of self-determination Palestinians might makes right argument Israel moral claims to land in conflict Arab states 1967 war legal consequences of occupation Israel United Nations resolutions on Israel Palestine occupied territories international law Israel annexation Hague IV Convention Article 42 International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion belligerent occupation Judea and Samaria West Bank Gaza Strip 1967 war Six-Day War Israeli Supreme Court Palestinian land pre-1967 borders security guarantees Egyptian control of Gaza Jordanian control of West Bank BBC News Israeli settlements legal consequences United Nations non-Palestinian nations legality of annexation might makes right land ownership return of territories Palestinian self-determination Israel occupied territories Israel annexation legality international law occupied territory Hague Convention Article 42 International Court of Justice opinion Israel Israeli Supreme Court West Bank belligerent occupation Israel 1967 war Israel Jordan pre-1967 borders Israel Israeli settlements legality Palestinian land claims Gaza occupation legality West Bank occupation legality return of occupied territories legal consequences Israel occupation Israel might makes right argument Arab-Israeli war 1967 consequences Palestine self-determination Israeli military occupation legal status United Nations Israel occupation Jordan Egypt Gaza West Bank 1967 international response Israeli settlements legal occupied territories international law Israeli annexation International Court of Justice Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court West Bank Gaza Strip 1967 war Israel-Jordan conflict legal status Palestinian land pre-1967 borders Palestinian sovereignty Security Council resolutions Geneva Conventions Arab-Israeli conflict land acquisition by war Security guarantees Palestinian self-determination legal consequences UN resolutions Israeli settlements moral legitimacy Egypt Jordan return of territory might makes right advisory opinion land for peace Israel occupied territories international law Israel Palestine Hague Convention occupied lands International Court of Justice Israel Israeli Supreme Court West Bank Israeli annexation illegal 1967 Six-Day War occupation Palestine pre-1967 borders belligerent occupation Israel might makes right international law Gaza West Bank sovereignty Egyptian Jordanian control Palestine legal status West Bank UN resolution Israel Palestine land for peace Israel Israeli settlements illegality Palestinian self-determination Israel withdrawal occupied territories Security Council Resolution 242 Israeli occupation legal debate international response Israeli occupation Palestine statehood recognition occupation law precedent armistice occupied territories Israel annexation international law Hague Convention Article 42 International Court of Justice advisory opinion 1967 Six-Day War Israel Jordan conflict belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court rulings Judea and Samaria legal status Israeli settlements West Bank legal status Gaza Strip security guarantees pre-1967 borders Palestinian sovereignty Egypt and Jordan 1967 legality of territorial acquisition ""might makes right"" argument United Nations resolutions legal consequences of occupation Palestinian self-determination international community stance Western powers condemnation legal arguments Israeli claims occupied territories international law Israel annexation Hague Convention Article 42 International Court of Justice opinion belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court rulings West Bank legal status Gaza occupation 1967 Six-Day War pre-1967 borders legal claims to land Palestinian land rights Israeli settlements might makes right argument belligerent acquisition of territory United Nations resolutions Security Council Resolution 242 peace settlement proposals Arab-Israeli conflict land for peace Geneva Conventions legal consequences occupation Palestinian sovereignty Egypt Jordan 1967 British Mandate Palestine legal status borders"
test-international-emephsate-pro02a	Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey EU membership European Union enlargement geographical Europe historical Europe Turkey Europe bridge Istanbul Europe EU accession criteria European values Ottoman Empire Europe Byzantine Empire Europe Westernization Turkey secularism Turkey Swiss civil law Turkey European identity European state system Turkey modernization Turkey west orientation EU eligibility Turkey Asia Europe EU integration European continent boundaries EU candidacy Turkey Turkey European continent Turkey EU membership Turkey geography Europe Turkey Istanbul Europe Turkey Ottoman Empire Europe Turkey Byzantine Empire Europe Turkey European history Turkey Westernization Turkey secularism Turkey Swiss civil law Turkey European identity Turkey vs Russia Europe Turkey EU accession Turkey Europe Asian border Turkey modern state system Turkey Islamic nation western nation European Union values EU candidate countries European integration Europe-Asia crossroads Turkey in European system European Union membership EU enlargement Turkey accession Turkey geography Turkey history Istanbul Europe Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European continent West-orientation secularization Turkey Swiss civil law EU candidate countries Turkey modernization Turkey-Europe relations European state system EU values Turkey integration Westernization Islamic secularism EU-Turkey relations Turkey European Union membership Turkey geographic location Europe Asia Istanbul European city EU accession criteria Turkey Ottoman Empire European history Byzantine Empire European influence Turkey modern secular state Turkey Westernization reforms EU Community of Values enlargement Turkey historical role Europe Ottoman Empire in European state system Turkish law Swiss civil code adoption Turkey identity Western Islamic Turkey EU integration debate Europe Asia continental divide Turkey Turkey eligibility EU membership history Turkey European powers modern Turkey EU aspirations Turkey modernization Western values Turkey and Europe cultural connections Turkey EU membership European identity Europe-Asia divide transcontinental country Istanbul Europe Ottoman Empire Europe Byzantine Empire Europe Westernization Turkey secularization Turkey Swiss civil law Turkey EU enlargement Turkey historical Europe modern European state system Turkey Islam West EU accession criteria European Union borders Turkey eligibility EU Ottoman relations Europe EU core values European continent membership Turkey EU membership Turkey European continent Turkey geographical location Turkey historical ties Europe Turkey Ottoman Empire Europe Istanbul European city EU membership criteria secularization in Turkey Turkey modernization West Turkey Swiss legal system Turkey Western nation Turkey vs Russia Europe European Union enlargement Turkey European identity Turkey cultural integration EU Turkey and Byzantine Empire Turkey modern reforms EU values Turkey integration European state system Turkey Turkey Asia Europe divide Turkey European continent Europe Asia Eurasia Istanbul European Union EU membership geographical location historical ties Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire World War I European powers European state system westernization secularism Swiss civil law modernization westward orientation Islamic state community of values EU accession European identity Turkey-Europe relations EU integration eligibility continental boundaries cross-continental cultural connections EU criteria state modernization European history European geography Turkey European continent Turkey EU membership Turkey geography Europe Asia Istanbul Europe Turkey European history Ottoman Empire Europe Byzantine Empire Europe European Union eligibility EU core values Turkey modern Westernization Turkish secular state Swiss civil law Turkey Turkey Western nation Turkey Islamic nation Ottoman Empire European system Turkey EU relationship Turkey westward orientation Turkey European identity accession requirements EU Turkey sovereignty EU historical membership EU Turkey EU politics cultural integration Turkey Europe modern Turkey EU Turkey EU benefits Turkey EU opposition Turkey EU membership Turkey European continent Turkey geography Europe Turkey historical Europe Istanbul Europe Ottoman Empire Europe Byzantine Empire Europe Turkey westernization Turkey secularism Turkey Swiss law Turkey Islamic nation Turkey western nation European Union enlargement EU accession criteria Ottoman European power Turkish modernization Turkey Asia divide Turkey cultural identity Turkey Europe integration Turkey EU eligibility European Union membership Turkey EU accession Turkey geography Europe Istanbul Europe Turkey history Europe Ottoman Empire Europe Byzantine Empire Europe EU enlargement EU candidate countries Secularism Turkey Westernization Turkey Swiss civil law Turkey Europe-Asia divide Turkish modernization EU values European identity Turkey Western nation EU integration EU-Turkey relations Modern Turkish state
test-international-ghbunhf-con03a	Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. UN agencies United Nations bodies specialized agencies UN programs World Health Organization WHO UNESCO UNICEF ICJ International Court of Justice UNHCR High Commissioner for Refugees humanitarian assistance peacekeeping sustainable development international law child welfare refugee protection global health cultural preservation development programs multilateral diplomacy UN General Assembly international cooperation global governance international organizations United Nations structure UN effectiveness UN achievements United Nations impact UN agencies UN specialized agencies United Nations achievements UN effectiveness United Nations organs international organizations UN humanitarian work UN peacekeeping United Nations impact UN programs World Health Organization UNESCO initiatives UNICEF programs International Court of Justice cases UNHCR operations UN global initiatives UN development activities United Nations reputation UN General Assembly role UN successes multilateral diplomacy United Nations structure international cooperation global governance UN contributions UN agencies specialized agencies international cooperation humanitarian assistance peacekeeping global health human rights UN bodies international development disaster relief peace and security UN missions UN achievements world organizations sustainable development international law global governance multilateralism global partnerships non-governmental organizations UN programs UN initiatives development aid emergency response international justice refugee protection SDGs United Nations impact UN legitimacy global diplomacy United Nations main organs functions of UN specialised agencies effectiveness of WHO role of UNESCO UNICEF global impact International Court of Justice cases UNHCR refugee aid operations UN General Assembly versus specialised agencies examples of UN success stories criticism of UN speed and bureaucracy public perception of the United Nations strengths of international organizations UN humanitarian achievements difference between UN organs and agencies evaluation of UN failures and successes UN peacekeeping missions reform proposals for United Nations contributions of the UN to world health United Nations and international law social development by UNESCO UN organs United Nations agencies UN specialized agencies WHO UNESCO UNICEF ICJ UNHCR UN General Assembly United Nations structure United Nations organization international organizations global governance UN effectiveness United Nations roles international cooperation humanitarian work UN achievements peacekeeping diplomacy international law UN humanitarian agencies global health child welfare refugee protection education international justice multilateralism global institutions UN reform public perception United Nations UN organs functions United Nations agencies roles UN specialized agencies examples impact of UNESCO role of WHO importance of UNICEF ICJ functions UNHCR activities United Nations effectiveness UN global impact UN humanitarian work non-General Assembly UN organs United Nations public perception value of UN agencies international organizations respect UN agencies United Nations bodies global governance humanitarian work peacekeeping development programs UN effectiveness World Health Organization WHO UN Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization UNESCO United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly international law refugee assistance health programs education initiatives child welfare international cooperation global organization United Nations success stories public perception of UN global impact UN reform international aid sustainable development crisis response United Nations functions UN specialized agencies impact of UN organs United Nations achievements role of WHO UNESCO activities UNICEF programs International Court of Justice role UNHCR initiatives effectiveness of United Nations UN General Assembly analysis international organizations comparison UN public perception UN accomplishments United Nations case studies structure of the UN benefits of UN agencies peacekeeping operations humanitarian work by United Nations criticism of United Nations UN governance global health initiatives UN educational programs UNESCO refugee protection UNHCR international justice ICJ assessment of multinational institutions UN agencies UN programs UN specialized agencies United Nations achievements international organizations UN humanitarian work global health WHO UN education UNESCO UN children UNICEF international justice ICJ refugee protection UNHCR UN effectiveness UN structure UN impact UN peacekeeping UN sustainable development UN humanitarian aid UN reforms global governance multilateralism United Nations agencies UN specialized agencies UN programs UN subsidiary organs UN success stories United Nations impact humanitarian work global health initiatives international development peacekeeping operations international law refugee protection disaster relief UNESCO contributions WHO achievements UNICEF programs ICJ cases UNHCR support United Nations effectiveness UN contributions worldwide global governance
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro05a	"A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 arms embargo EU code of conduct military exports regulation non-binding ban arms sales policy export controls arms trade restrictions enforcement mechanisms internal repression prevention external aggression control illegal arms transfer sanctions effectiveness EU-China arms trade export licensing international arms agreements weapon sales oversight EU member state policy human rights considerations responsible arms export arms embargo reform arms embargo EU arms ban China arms embargo code of conduct arms export controls military sales regulations EU-China relations effective arms control arms sales policy EU member states military equipment regulation symbolic embargo external aggression prevention internal repression prevention EU common foreign policy international arms trade legal binding embargo export licensing EU arms export code human rights considerations security policy arms embargo arms exports EU code of conduct military sales regulation arms trade policy export controls non-binding embargo effective sanctions international arms regulation external aggression internal repression enforcement mechanisms military equipment sales EU member states arms sales monitoring legislative framework arms transfer criteria EU-China relations weapons sales global arms market ethical arms trade arms export compliance arms embargo effectiveness EU arms export regulations symbolic nature of arms bans legal binding of EU arms embargo arms sales loopholes military equipment export controls China EU arms trade statistics national implementation of EU embargo comparison EU US arms bans EU code of conduct on arms export enforcement mechanisms for arms export preventing arms misuse criteria for arms export approvals external aggression prevention internal repression prevention strengthening EU arms control impact of non-binding embargoes 1998 EU arms code of conduct alternatives to arms bans effectiveness of export regulations regulatory frameworks for arms sales arms export regulations EU code of conduct China arms embargo military equipment sales arms ban effectiveness symbolic embargo EU member states export controls internal repression external aggression EU-China relations legal binding embargo arms sales monitoring export policy international arms trade military technology transfer enforcement of embargo EU common foreign policy multilateral arms agreements arms sales ethics arms embargo effectiveness EU arms export regulations code of conduct advantages symbolic arms bans EU-China military trade enforcement of arms embargo EU member states compliance military equipment sales regulation preventing arms misuse EU arms export code 1998 legal binding of embargoes regulating arms sales lifting China arms ban debate international arms trade policy preventing external aggression preventing internal repression alternatives to arms bans EU-US arms ban comparison effectiveness of embargo enforcement arms embargo EU arms ban arms export regulation code of conduct military equipment sales export controls export policy legally binding measures weapons sales to China arms trade restrictions external aggression prevention internal repression prevention EU member state implementation effectiveness of embargo 1998 EU Code of Conduct symbolic embargo EU-China relations military technology transfer arms proliferation export licensing criteria enforcement mechanisms arms trade monitoring arms control policy arms export accountability international arms trade regulatory compliance EU arms embargo arms export regulations code of conduct arms sales military equipment export controls symbolic arms bans European military exports arms trade policy China arms trade effectiveness of arms embargo EU member state arms policy export controls military goods enforcement of arms bans arms embargo legal binding preventing military misuse external aggression prevention internal repression arms sales human rights arms export EU-China arms relations arms trade accountability tightening arms export laws arms embargo EU arms ban code of conduct arms exports regulation military sales China arms export policy EU military equipment international arms trade symbolic embargo enforcement mechanisms EU member states export controls external aggression internal repression EU-China relations arms trade laws export compliance military technology transfer EU policy effectiveness arms embargo loopholes EU arms export code restrictive measures global arms sales military export guidelines EU arms embargo China arms sales code of conduct enforcement military export regulations export controls EU common position international arms trade weapons embargo effectiveness arms export accountability dual-use technology arms trade transparency external aggression prevention internal repression safeguards non-binding embargo arms ban limitations EU member state autonomy strategic export controls China-Europe relations arms embargo reform military goods loopholes arms export oversight EU-China security policy"
test-economy-thsptr-pro05a	A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. progressive taxation economic growth tax redistribution income inequality economic welfare disposable income poverty reduction wealth distribution velocity of money work incentives perceptions of fairness tax motivation automatic stabilizers economic downturns unemployment wage cuts tax brackets American economy historical tax rates GDP growth equitable taxation economic development fiscal policy tax burden social equity macroeconomic stability tax fairness economic justice income mobility recession mitigation progressive taxation economic growth income redistribution poverty alleviation disposable income wealth distribution economic welfare automatic stabilizers recession mitigation income inequality tax fairness tax equity worker motivation perceptions of fairness velocity of money economic development tax brackets income mobility macroeconomic stability fiscal policy postwar economic growth United States tax history economic performance tax progressivity marginal tax rates economic stabilization reduction in poverty income tax wealth gap economic justice social welfare equitable taxation progressive taxation economic growth income redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money tax fairness economic welfare income inequality social equity automatic stabilizers recession mitigation tax brackets worker motivation tax progressivity fiscal policy economic development economic stability social mobility American economy historical growth rates income tax public finance economic policy wealth distribution working class welfare market downturns equity perception tax burden macroeconomic effects economic justice progressive taxation economic growth progressive taxation poverty reduction progressive taxation income redistribution progressive taxation disposable income progressive taxation velocity of money progressive taxation worker motivation progressive taxation perceptions of fairness progressive taxation economic welfare progressive taxation automatic stabilizer progressive taxation recession effects progressive taxation unemployment progressive taxation wage cuts progressive taxation historical growth data progressive taxation 1950s economic growth progressive taxation tax brackets progressive taxation wealth inequality progressive taxation economic development progressive taxation equitable tax system progressive taxation macroeconomic stability progressive taxation case studies progressive taxation United States progressive taxation economic performance comparison progressive taxation tax burden on wealthy progressive taxation economic growth tax burden redistribution poverty reduction economic welfare income inequality disposable income velocity of money economic development perceptions of fairness worker incentives automatic stabilizers recession tax brackets wage cuts income loss mitigation historical US economic growth tax regime comparison equity in taxation tax policy social mobility macroeconomic stability wealth redistribution fiscal policy economic justice motivation to work economic downturn income distribution taxation and motivation US tax history progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare income redistribution poverty alleviation velocity of money disposable income tax burden income inequality perceptions of fairness work incentives automatic stabilizers recessions tax brackets unemployment wage cuts American economy tax progressivity historical economic growth postwar economic data tax policy effects economic development social equity tax reform impact on workers tax regime comparison tax systems and growth tax fairness social mobility fiscal policy progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare income redistribution tax burden wealthy poor disposable income velocity of money growth equity perceptions of fairness motivation labor supply automatic stabilizers recessions economic downturns unemployment wage cuts tax brackets income loss American economy historical growth rates tax progressivity 1950s economic growth 1980s economic policy worker welfare economic development income inequality fiscal policy tax policy economic stability social justice macroeconomic effects fiscal stimulus wealth distribution progressive taxation economic growth income redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money wealth inequality social equity economic welfare automatic stabilizers recession mitigation tax brackets income inequality work incentives perceptions of fairness economic development tax progressivity tax policy economic stabilization historical tax rates American economy GDP growth tax burden social mobility macroeconomic policy economic fairness wage distribution economic recession tax reform postwar economic growth progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare income redistribution tax fairness disposable income poverty reduction velocity of money worker motivation income inequality automatic stabilizers tax brackets recession mitigation historical tax rates US economic history tax progressivity employment effects income mobility wealth distribution tax policy economic development social equity fiscal policy macroeconomic stability progressive taxation economic growth wealth redistribution income inequality disposable income velocity of money economic welfare economic development fairness perceptions worker motivation automatic stabilizers recession tax brackets poverty reduction economic stability income mobility macroeconomic policy historical tax rates United States economy 1950s economic growth tax policy impact fiscal policy social justice economic efficiency comparative tax systems unemployment impact economic stimulus
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con03a	Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. broadcasting ethics compulsory license fee public funding TV license viewer exclusion audience offense religious sensitivities media accountability controversial programming blasphemy public broadcaster responsibilities program testing audience monitoring BBC controversies freedom of expression religious offense program funding broadcaster impartiality taxpayer concerns media standards public service broadcasting public broadcasting controversy compulsory television licence broadcaster accountability audience exclusion offensive programming religious sensitivities blasphemy in media funding objection viewer offense audience representation BBC criticism free speech vs offense program testing religious offense in broadcasting media responsibility compulsory funding ethics broadcaster funding controversy Jerry Springer: The Opera controversy licence fee fairness excluded audiences religious values in programming public broadcaster obligations offensive content regulation audience trust media ethics public service broadcasting mandatory licence fee freedom of expression broadcaster impartiality public media accountability religious broadcast complaints public broadcasting licence fee BBC audience exclusion viewer offence religious sensitivity blasphemy programme content compulsory levy Jerry Springer: The Opera broadcaster accountability freedom of expression taxpayer funding religious beliefs audience response controversial programmes public service broadcasting media ethics content regulation viewer representation censorship media responsibility offended viewers mandatory payment television ownership publicly funded broadcasting controversy compulsory TV licence fee fairness broadcaster accountability for offensive content audience exclusion in taxpayer-funded media BBC religious sensitivity obligations offence and religious blasphemy in programming right to opt out of licence fee content regulation for faith-based viewers ethical responsibilities of public broadcasters moral injury from publicly funded shows protections for religious audiences in media broadcasting standards and offence mitigation alternatives to compulsory TV licence compensating offended licence payers diversity and inclusion in publicly funded programming public response to controversial content broadcaster transparency and consumer choice impact of offensive content on funding legitimacy content advisory boards for sensitive topics broadcasting ethics public funding compulsory license fee viewer exclusion religious offence blasphemy programme content regulation audience sensitivity freedom of expression BBC accountability censorship cultural values media responsibility taxpayer rights audience testing controversial programming minority protection public service broadcasting funding fairness religious tolerance program offensiveness consumer rights state-funded media moral standards media inclusivity public broadcasting controversy licence fee debate compulsory TV levy BBC funding criticism offensive programming blasphemy in media religious offence on TV viewer exclusion broadcaster accountability audience rights public service broadcasting ethics Jerry Springer: The Opera controversy taxpayer funded media programme testing and feedback religious sensitivity in broadcasting media responsibility freedom of expression vs offence public broadcaster obligations media and sacred values fairness in funding broadcasters public broadcasting compulsory license fee television ownership viewer exclusion broadcaster accountability offensive programming audience response religious sensitivity blasphemy value conflict BBC program testing viewer offense funding fairness religious beliefs program controversy license payer rights public service broadcasting media ethics funding obligations consumer rights Jerry Springer: The Opera program offense broadcasting regulation moral standards audience trust taxpayer funding content controversy broadcaster responsibility public accountability public broadcasting licence fee controversy BBC funding viewer exclusion religious offence blasphemy broadcasting audience alienation taxpayer-funded media offensive content freedom of expression broadcaster accountability programme testing religious sensitivity Jerry Springer: The Opera public service obligations censorship debate media regulation compulsory levy minority rights ethical broadcasting UK television law media ethics audience segmentation faith and media offended viewers broadcasting standards TV licence fee public broadcasting audience exclusion programme offensiveness compulsory payment blasphemy in media religious offense broadcaster accountability freedom of expression content regulation BBC funding model ethical broadcasting viewer rights programme testing offence standards censorship vs free speech broadcasting policy religious sensitivity state-funded media controversial content media responsibility secularism vs religious values public broadcasting compulsory license fee viewer exclusion offensive content religious beliefs blasphemy audience response program funding broadcaster accountability censorship freedom of expression television regulation BBC controversy Jerry Springer: The Opera viewer rights public service media moral values media ethics funding fairness cultural sensitivity media responsibility broadcast standards
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con01a	Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. educational technology digital learning online collaboration virtual classrooms blended learning flipped classroom student engagement instructional technology e-learning distance education social learning digital pedagogy peer-to-peer learning educational social networks web-based learning collaborative tools learner autonomy mobile learning academic support online discussion forums technology integration multimedia resources YouTube education Facebook groups Twitter discussions remote teaching educational technology online learning digital classrooms blended learning flipped classroom social learning networks collaborative learning e-learning platforms student engagement instructional technology teacher-student communication peer collaboration virtual discussion forums mobile learning youtube education multimedia learning tools educational social networks professional learning communities remote education interactive learning technology integration in schools educational technology digital learning online collaboration virtual classrooms blended learning academic discussion forums student engagement instructional technology e-learning platforms flipped classroom multimedia learning social learning teacher-student communication peer interaction educational apps technology integration student-centered learning collaborative learning youtube education digital pedagogy benefits of social media in education how teachers use social media in classrooms social media platforms for student engagement social media for collaborative learning online discussion groups for homework help impact of Khan Academy on education youtube as an educational tool shy students and participation through social media Facebook educational groups Twitter for classroom discussions challenges of implementing social media in schools funding issues in educational technology teacher digital skills for social media effectiveness of social media as an educational resource extending classroom learning with social media education technology social media in education digital classrooms online discussion forums teacher-student communication blended learning e-learning platforms Khan Academy YouTube education Facebook groups for education Twitter in the classroom shy student participation student engagement remote learning collaborative learning tools educational videos teacher support online digital learning communities educational social networks technology integration in schools educational use of social media benefits of social media in classrooms teachers using social media classroom discussion online student engagement with social media extending learning with social platforms online homework help shy students participation Khan Academy in education use of Facebook in education use of Twitter in the classroom digital tools for teachers social media for extra help interactive learning platforms challenges in adopting social media in schools technology in education barriers to social media use in schools funding for digital education tools teacher training for social media educational technology trends social media educational resources classroom extension online discussion pages student-teacher communication homework help student engagement interactive learning educational technology digital platforms Khan Academy YouTube lectures video-based education shy students participation Facebook Twitter online classroom discussions social learning virtual learning communities digital literacy blended learning technology integration remote learning collaborative learning online education tools e-learning platforms social media in education educational technology classroom extension online discussion forums teacher-student communication student engagement digital learning tools Khan Academy YouTube lectures shy students participation Facebook groups for education Twitter for classroom virtual learning environments educational social networks digital homework help collaborative learning online teacher digital skills funding for educational technology benefits of social media learning challenges of implementing social media in schools educational technology social media platforms online learning blended learning digital classrooms student engagement teacher-student communication virtual discussion boards collaborative learning distance education shy students participation flipped classroom online homework help Facebook for education Twitter for education interactive learning digital literacy teacher professional development digital equity Khan Academy YouTube in education educational resources online communities e-learning tools technology integration in schools classroom extensions social learning personalized learning remote teaching educational innovation educational technology blended learning digital classroom student engagement online discussion social learning teacher-student communication peer collaboration flipped classroom YouTube education Facebook groups Twitter for education e-learning platforms virtual classrooms digital literacy online participation remote learning educational equity technology in education classroom innovation
test-society-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural poverty rural-urban disparities mortality rates child mortality famine disease prevalence AIDS in rural areas developing countries living standards rural development China Hukou system social inequality urban growth food security health outcomes rural deprivation socioeconomic division policy exclusion wealth gap underdevelopment public health sub-Saharan Africa urbanization migration barriers rural poverty rural mortality rural living standards urban-rural disparity developing country rural areas famine in rural regions child mortality rural rural disease prevalence AIDS in rural areas Hukou system China rural development urban growth versus rural stagnation social inequality rural-urban divide rural exclusion policies sub-Saharan Africa food security rural deprivation rural policy migration restrictions social stratification political economy of rural development rural poverty rural mortality rates urban-rural disparities developing countries living standards famine child mortality infectious diseases AIDS prevalence Hukou system China rural policy social inequality urbanization rural deprivation famine Africa food insecurity demographic divide rural health outcomes sub-Saharan Africa poverty rural-urban migration policy exclusion economic inequality social stratification premature death public health disparities developmental gaps rural development income inequality urban growth rural stagnation rural vs urban mortality rates rural poverty developing countries living standards rural areas famine in rural communities child mortality rural developing countries disease burden rural populations AIDS prevalence rural areas China Hukou system impact urban-rural divide China policies affecting rural development socioeconomic inequality rural China urban food security Africa political economy rural areas rural-urban growth disparity social stratification rural vs urban rural exclusion from growth rural deprivation developing nations migration restrictions China rural health disparities urbanization effects rural communities rural poverty rural-urban inequality mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality infectious diseases AIDS prevalence Hukou system internal migration social stratification economic disparity urban growth food security sub-Saharan Africa policy exclusion social cleavage rural health rural deprivation urbanization China's rural development rural-urban migration socioeconomic barriers wealth gap rural policy analysis public health disparities systemic inequality rural stagnation political economy rural standards of living rural poverty rural-urban mortality gap living standards in developing countries rural famine child mortality rural areas diseases in rural populations AIDS rural impact China Hukou system effects urban-rural economic disparity social inequality policies urban food security sub-Saharan Africa rural deprivation premature death rural China rural exclusion urbanization and inequality rural health disparities socio-economic cleavages urban growth vs rural stagnation rural development barriers structural poverty rural areas rural poverty rural mortality rural health disparities developing countries living standards rural famine child mortality rural rural diseases AIDS rural areas China Hukou system rural-urban divide China rural underdevelopment rural-urban inequality social stratification urban growth rural stagnation famine developing world rural deprivation migration restrictions China governmental rural policy rural exclusion rural food insecurity Sub-Saharan Africa rural issues premature mortality rural health inequity rural urban socioeconomic gap rural urban structural policy rural rural demography rural living standards social inequality developing countries rural poverty rural mortality rates urban-rural divide developing countries living standards rural famine child mortality rural areas rural disease epidemics AIDS in rural communities China Hukou system rural-urban migration rural underdevelopment social inequality rural areas urban growth vs rural stagnation political economy of rural deprivation sub-Saharan rural poverty access to healthcare rural rural education disparity food insecurity rural premature death rural China income inequality rural-urban rural policy exclusion systemic poverty barriers to rural development rural demographic challenges rural infrastructure deficit rural deprivation rural mortality urban-rural divide living standards developing countries famine child mortality disease prevalence AIDS China Hukou system rural underdevelopment social inequality urban growth policy exclusion poverty sub-Saharan Africa food security political economy rural healthcare migration restrictions social mobility wealth inequality systemic discrimination rural poverty urbanization effects rural poverty rural-urban divide mortality rates living standards developing countries famine child mortality rural diseases AIDS in rural areas China Hukou system rural development urban growth social inequality food security Sub-Saharan Africa urbanization government policy social stratification rural deprivation migration restrictions rural exclusion healthcare access rural economic disparity rural underdevelopment urban vs. rural rural demographics social policies China rural famine child health rural income inequality"
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro01a	When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. racial profiling airport security terrorism Muslim men ethnic profiling national security counterterrorism targeted searches civil liberties security policy law enforcement public safety discrimination effective screening risk assessment security measures prejudice minority rights anti-terrorism strategies security checks security profiling ethnic profiling religious profiling airport security counterterrorism terrorism prevention racial profiling targeted screening risk assessment security screening passenger profiling civil liberties human rights discrimination surveillance law enforcement reasonable suspicion predictive policing threat assessment profiling efficacy privacy rights security policy anti-terrorism measures public safety group targeting ethical implications bias in security security protocols airport screening demographic targeting security effectiveness profiling airport security security policy terrorism ethnic profiling racial profiling counterterrorism passenger screening risk assessment civil liberties religious profiling targeted searches law enforcement behavior detection discrimination security checks threat assessment intelligence gathering balancing security and rights security measures profiling effectiveness security policies and civil liberties ethnic profiling in airports counter-terrorism strategies balancing security and rights practical security measures airport search protocols impact of profiling on minorities public opinion on profiling alternatives to ethnic profiling terrorism statistics and demographics rights of suspected individuals effectiveness of targeted searches law enforcement decision-making discrimination versus security moral implications of profiling terrorist profiling airport security ethnic profiling religious profiling counterterrorism security policy risk assessment civil liberties targeted screening racial profiling rights vs security law enforcement practical security measures factual-based decision making Muslim communities Western terrorist attacks demographic targeting aviation security surveillance policing strategies airport security profiling ethnic profiling debate effectiveness of profiling airport security measures racial profiling controversies counter-terrorism strategies civil liberties and security religious profiling implications security policy ethics targeted security screening balancing security and rights counter-terrorism and discrimination profiling and human rights risk-based security screening public opinion on profiling security vs. privacy profiling impacts on minorities terrorism airport security ethnic profiling national profiling Muslim men counterterrorism Western targets terrorist attacks police decisions factual information individual rights civil liberties security policy risk assessment group targeting security screening law enforcement preventive measures religious profiling public safety aviation security security checks discrimination security versus liberty targeted searches terrorism profiling airport security ethnic profiling religious profiling security policy counterterrorism measures risk assessment targeted searches civil liberties discrimination security screening racial profiling anti-terrorism strategies profiling effectiveness law enforcement security vs. liberty profiling controversy public safety airport screening policies terrorism prevention terrorist profiling airport security counterterrorism measures ethnic profiling religious profiling civil liberties human rights security policy risk assessment law enforcement discrimination unbiased screening national security racial profiling passenger screening intelligence gathering targeted searches effectiveness of profiling ethical concerns airport checks systemic bias terrorism prevention minority rights public safety stigmatization racial profiling airport security counter-terrorism surveillance civil liberties discrimination ethnicity religious profiling security policy law enforcement targeted screening terrorism prevention human rights fairness risk assessment social impact effectiveness public safety bias privacy minority groups profiling justification security effectiveness stereotypes ethical implications
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro02a	Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, nonviolent intervention de-escalation techniques riot prevention crowd control police restraint public safety proportional response conflict resolution community policing communication shutdown social media monitoring digital containment emergency protocols peaceful dispersal alternative policing force minimization protest management law enforcement ethics civil liberties freedom of speech tactical negotiation mass communication media blackout policy guidelines human rights protection nonviolent riot control de-escalation techniques crowd management police negotiation strategies public order policing conflict resolution peaceful protest management social media and riots communication shutdown effects freedom of speech during unrest preventative policing methods baton alternatives less-lethal crowd control water cannon risks tear gas impacts rubber bullets controversy proportional use of force community policing digital communication monitoring riot prevention policies BART mobile shutdown protest rights freedom of assembly technology in policing mass communication disruption activist tactics law enforcement ethics nonviolent crowd control riot prevention de-escalation techniques police restraint public order maintenance communication blackout social media restrictions protest management peaceful dispersal conflict resolution freedom of speech civil liberties alternative policing methods community engagement technology and policing crowd psychology preventative policing riot communication strategy escalation of force law enforcement tactics digital intervention case studies ethical policing social media coordination crisis negotiation BART case Edinburgh case studies public safety demonstrator rights non violent riot control strategies alternatives to police force in riots prioritize safety during riot control peaceful riot dispersion tactics preventative measures in riot management role of social media in riots shutting down social media during riots police duty public order restoration San Francisco BART protest response mobile phone network shutdown protests effectiveness of communication blackout in riots balancing civil liberties and public order impact of social media on protest organization consequences of restricting freedom of speech during unrest methods to prevent riot escalation law enforcement response to ongoing riots historical examples of protest disruption ethical considerations riot control best practices peaceful protest management social media monitoring during nonviolent riot control riot prevention police tactics crowd management de-escalation techniques restorative policing public order strategies social media and riots communication shutdowns freedom of speech vs public safety protest management policing ethics rubber bullets water cannons tear gas policy community safety digital communication in riots social media restrictions activist coordination police response to riots San Francisco BART protests non violent riot control alternatives to police force peaceful protest management police crowd dispersal tactics riot prevention strategies communication shutdown during riots social media and riots restricting digital communication in protests police duty during riots public order maintenance water cannon use rubber bullets in riots tear gas alternatives freedom of speech vs security case studies of communication shutdowns San Francisco BART protest prevention activist tactics in riots law enforcement approaches public safety in riots preventative policing methods impact of social media on riots nonviolent riot control riot prevention police tactics public order peaceful dispersal crowd management de-escalation methods social media shutdown communication disruption activist coordination protester tactics freedom of speech civil liberties water cannons batons tear gas rubber bullets San Francisco BART mobile network shutdown protest prevention police presence riot escalation social media usage law enforcement response public safety preventative measures digital communication civil unrest ethical policing riot control non-violent intervention peaceful protest management public order maintenance police de-escalation techniques social media shutdown during riots communication blackout digital crowd control preventive policing freedom of speech vs public safety BART mobile phone shutdown riot dispersal strategies use of force in crowd control technology and protest police response to riots riot communication tactics activist digital organization crowd behavior management law enforcement best practices protest suppression ethics civil liberties during unrest nonviolent protest riot control police tactics crowd management public order peaceful dispersal preventative policing use of force escalation protocols social media shutdown communication disruption freedom of speech activist strategies ethical policing technology and policing civil liberties digital rights public safety mobile network blocking emergency response protest containment law enforcement rubber bullets water cannons tear gas riot prevention San Francisco BART case studies policing best practices free speech versus security nonviolent riot control police de-escalation techniques crowd management strategies riot prevention social media shutdowns public order maintenance police use of force communication blackouts ethical policing social media and riots police response to riots protest management freedom of speech digital rights community safety crowd psychology mobile phone network suspension riot law enforcement police methods human rights and policing
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religious attire school dress codes hijab controversy headscarf ban classroom division cultural identity student alienation bullying education policy secularism in schools crucifix debate religious freedom inclusivity safety regulations interfaith conflict public education multiculturalism equality in schools religious accommodation social integration discrimination religious expression Italian crucifix ban classroom safety student rights religious dress codes school dress policies hijab controversies school uniform debates secularism in schools religious expression in education cross jewelry bans faith symbols in classrooms religious freedom vs. school policy headscarf discrimination bullying over religious symbols inclusion and diversity in schools safety concerns with religious attire legal cases on religious symbols in schools Italy crucifix ban religious accommodation in education school policy on visible faith symbols multiculturalism in education student rights and religious expression division caused by religious emblems banning religious symbols in schools religious symbols school uniforms hijab ban crucifix ban school policy secularism multiculturalism religious freedom student division classroom segregation bullying alienation dress code public education headscarf controversy safety concerns physical education religious discrimination social cohesion Italian law Christian symbols minority rights religious expression inclusivity educational environment religious symbols in schools controversy impact of hijab in schools school uniform policies and religion religious symbols and student bullying religious dress code issues in education bans on hijab in classrooms crucifix ban in schools religious clothing safety concerns in PE legal cases on religious symbols in education segregation by religious symbols in schools religious freedom versus school rules student alienation due to religious symbols education policy on religious attire hijab and equality in schools religious symbolism and social division multiculturalism in schools discrimination due to religious dress regulations on crucifix display in classrooms debates on religious identity at school European religious symbols school policy divisiveness social integration hijab controversy headscarves safety student alienation bullying classroom rules religious dress code crucifix ban secularism in education Italy case study public classroom religious freedom multiculturalism school uniform policy religious expression education policy student rights social cohesion discrimination interfaith relations inclusivity religious accommodation religious symbols in schools hijab debate in education crucifix ban in classrooms religious dress code school policies school uniform religious exemptions impact of religious symbols on student integration religious attire and bullying in schools segregation due to religious symbols religious freedom vs school rules Italy crucifix ban case safety concerns religious clothing in education religious symbols classroom controversy division caused by religious symbols in society religious symbols and school discipline discrimination religious garments schools religious symbols school policies classroom division hijab controversy headscarf bans student alienation bullying religious discrimination secularism dress codes Italy crucifix ban religious freedom multiculturalism educational environment student safety PE restrictions religious clothing social integration minority rights school uniform policies religious accommodation public schools secular education religious expression inclusive education faith-based conflict religious symbols in schools school dress codes hijab controversy headscarf ban crucifix ban religious division school uniform policy religious freedom secularism in education multiculturalism in schools student alienation bullying due to religion religious expression classroom inclusivity safety concerns PE headscarf policy public school policy church-state separation equality in education social integration Italian crucifix case religious symbolism discrimination in schools religious attire faith symbols ban religious tolerance school governance religious neutrality student rights minority religions inclusive education policies religious symbols school uniforms hijab controversy headscarves division in schools school policy social integration alienation bullying classroom rules secularism crucifix ban Italian schools religious tolerance freedom of expression cultural diversity safety concerns PE restrictions religious accommodation public education school dress codes minority rights religious identity inclusivity in schools educational policy legal cases Times of Malta social segregation religious discrimination school regulations religious symbolism school dress codes hijab controversy crucifix ban religious diversity secularism in schools student integration anti-bullying policies religious accommodation educational policy religious expression minority rights school safety religious clothing inclusivity cultural identity European Court rulings headscarf debates school uniform policies interfaith relations freedom of religion religious neutrality public education cultural assimilation discrimination in schools
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro03a	Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. skin bleaching postcolonialism colorism cultural hegemony consumer culture global capitalism identity politics body image beauty standards westernization transnational corporations cultural assimilation cultural imperialism global inequalities neocolonial exploitation racial hierarchy psychological effects marketing strategies economic dependency Global South anti-colonial resistance decolonization race relations multinational corporations social justice ethical consumption colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG companies global consumerism western products cultural inferiority dependency postcolonialism cultural assimilation beauty standards colorism Africa Global South Global North multinational corporations consumer dependency decolonization anti-colonial resistance identity politics racial hierarchy cosmetic industry social inequality postcolonial identity colonial mentality economic exploitation whiteness ideology global capitalism cultural hegemony skin whitening colonialism neo-colonialism cultural imperialism capitalism consumerism FMCG companies globalisation African identity western influence inferiority complex postcolonial theory beauty standards dependency Global North cosmetic industry cultural assimilation racial hierarchy transnational corporations resistance movements decolonization anti-colonial activism economic exploitation cultural hegemony identity politics neo-colonialism and skin whitening cultural imperialism in consumer goods capitalism and body image in post-colonial societies western beauty standards africa global FMCG companies skin lightening dependency theory and cosmetic industry post-colonial identity and consumerism resistance to western products africa ethics of skin whitening industry psychological effects of neo-colonial marketing african nations regulate skin lightening products social impact of colonial beauty ideals globalization and cultural inferiority complex anti-colonial activism against multinational corporations consumer manipulation in post-colonial markets decolonizing beauty standards africa global north south power dynamics skin whitening neo-colonialism cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG companies consumerism African identity globalized market western products cultural inferiority dependency postcolonial studies beauty standards decolonization global south racial hierarchy multinational corporations social psychology colonial legacy anti-colonial resistance cosmetic industry Eurocentrism transnational marketing cultural assimilation economic exploitation neo-colonialism and skin whitening capitalism and cultural imperialism global consumerism and identity FMCG impact on postcolonial societies western beauty standards Africa psychological effects of skin whitening decolonizing beauty industries cultural inferiority and marketing anti-colonial consumer activism skin whitening regulation Africa multinational brands postcolonial influence resisting western beauty norms colonial mentality and product consumption cultural dependency globalization postcolonial theory and consumerism colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG globalisation consumerism African identity western dominance inferiority complex multinational corporations postcolonial theory beauty standards cultural dependency Global North South-South relations transnational companies decolonization racialised marketing cosmetic industry identity politics anti-colonial action mental colonization economic exploitation cultural hegemony self-image whiteness colorism Eurocentrism skin whitening colonialism neo-colonialism skin lightening cultural imperialism cosmetics capitalism colorism FMCG colonial products global consumerism Africa western beauty standards dependency on western products skin whitening Global South anti-colonialism activism postcolonial studies skin colorism racism capitalism colonial legacy cosmetics global north exploitation multinational skin lightening decolonizing beauty standards African consumerism mental colonization skin resistance to western brands skin whitening psychological impact colonialism neo-colonialism skin whitening cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG international companies cultural inferiority globalisation consumerism western products dependency postcolonial theory Global North decolonization Africa beauty standards colorism corporate exploitation identity politics resistance strategies economic imperialism postcolonialism cultural hegemony consumerism global capitalism identity politics skin lightening industry beauty standards neo-colonialism decolonization westernization cultural assimilation fast-moving consumer goods multinational corporations African consumer culture dependency theory anti-colonial resistance cosmetic industry ethics social impact of capitalism psychological colonialism racial inferiority complex
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution member states Dutch referendum French referendum UK representatives state-level decisions foreign policy consolidation EU unity treaty negotiation intergovernmentalism supranationalism Lisbon Treaty EU integration policy failure national sovereignty treaty rejection institutional reform EU decision-making EU foreign policy High Representative EU reform treaty EU Constitution member state unity Dutch referendum French referendum national sovereignty intergovernmental decision-making Treaty of Lisbon Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) EU integration supranationalism state-level decisions UK stance EU policy coordination constitutional treaty European integration challenges treaty ratification EU governance foreign policy coherence EU foreign policy High Representative EU reform treaty EU Constitution Treaty of Lisbon Dutch referendum French referendum national sovereignty member state unity foreign policy decision-making intergovernmentalism supranationalism EU integration constitutional treaty UK stance treaty ratification policy coordination state-level decisions European governance treaty negotiations EU foreign policy challenges High Representative EU limitations EU reform treaty analysis EU Constitution rejection implications Dutch French referendum EU UK stance EU foreign policy state sovereignty in EU EU member states unity issues evolution of EU Constitution failure of EU integration EU treaty negotiations analysis EU intergovernmentalism vs supranationalism impact of Lisbon Treaty on EU governance nation-state power in EU decisions future of EU foreign policy coordination High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution member state unity Dutch referendum French referendum treaty rejection foreign policy consolidation UK position EU state-level decisions EU integration intergovernmentalism supranationalism constitutional failure Lisbon Treaty EU governance EU decision-making treaty negotiations national sovereignty political unity policy coordination European Union enlargement EU political structure institutional reform treaty ratification EU leadership European political identity EU foreign policy High Representative effectiveness EU reform treaty criticism EU Constitution failure Dutch referendum EU French referendum EU EU member state unity intergovernmental decision-making EU UK stance on EU foreign policy challenges of EU integration supranational vs. national sovereignty EU foreign policy consolidation EU reasons for EU constitutional rejection limitations of EU treaty reforms state-level decision authority EU obstacles to EU unity diplomacy within the EU Lisbon Treaty analysis EU governance reform national interests in EU policy High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution member state unity Dutch referendum French referendum national sovereignty treaty negotiations governmental consensus supranational authority state-level decision-making UK opposition institutional reform constitutional rejection intergovernmentalism policy integration European integration Lisbon Treaty EU governance external relations political fragmentation treaty ratification collective decision-making European Union enlargement EU High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution EU integration Dutch referendum EU French referendum EU EU member states EU decision making EU treaty negotiations EU sovereignty UK stance on EU EU policy coordination European Union unity foreign policy coordination Lisbon Treaty EU political integration state-level decision-making national sovereignty EU failed EU Constitution EU institutional reforms European governance EU expansion challenges supranational governance intergovernmentalism EU EU foreign policy High Representative role EU reform treaty EU Constitution rejection Dutch referendum French referendum member state unity state-level decisions UK opposition treaty language policy consolidation decision-making intergovernmentalism supranationalism Lisbon Treaty treaty negotiation institutional reform foreign policy coordination EU integration sovereignty national interests political fragmentation High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution member state unity Dutch referendum French referendum treaty ratification state-level decision-making UK position institutional reform foreign policy integration Treaty of Lisbon political integration sovereignty supranationalism intergovernmentalism
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro04a	Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. suicide sanctity of life human dignity inviolability of the body ethics morality abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering bioethics legislation human rights legal protection intrinsic value social norms moral philosophy respect for life criminalization societal values personal autonomy medical ethics sanctity of life human dignity moral philosophy bioethics suicide prevention abortion ethics euthanasia debate cloning ethics genetic engineering ethics bodily autonomy inviolability of the body legislation bioethics human rights social ethics legal regulation intrinsic value of life respect for life right to life religious ethics societal norms ethical dilemmas public policy life preservation medical ethics human body integrity human dignity bodily autonomy bioethics moral philosophy life sanctity legal regulation abortion debate euthanasia laws cloning ethics genetic engineering ethics inviolability right to die suicide prevention human rights sanctity of life legislative ethics social norms medical ethics personal autonomy public policy sanctity of the human body debate ethical implications of suicide comparison with abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering sanctity and inviolability legal context human dignity and social life legislative justifications body autonomy moral philosophy suicide abortion euthanasia intrinsic value human body bioethics and human dignity moral arguments against suicide religious perspective on body sanctity human dignity in legislative frameworks respect for human body in law social consequences suicide abortion philosophical perspectives on inviolability sanctity of life debate public policy on euthanasia and suicide human rights and bodily integrity anti-suicide legal arguments pro-life sanctity of human life bodily autonomy ethics of suicide moral philosophy human dignity right to die abortion ethics euthanasia debate cloning ethics genetic engineering controversy bioethics inviolability of the body legislation on suicide human rights religious perspectives life sanctity arguments dignity in death secular vs religious ethics philosophical debates social implications sanctity of human body suicide ethical debate abortion moral issues euthanasia controversy cloning ethics genetic engineering bioethics human dignity inviolability of the body respect for life legislation on suicide bioethical principles social implications of suicide moral legitimacy of laws intrinsic human value ethical issues in medicine protecting human dignity sanctity and inviolability philosophical aspects of suicide legal perspective on sanctity moral arguments against suicide suicide sanctity of life human body inviolability human dignity abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering bioethics legislation moral philosophy respect for life right to life biomedical ethics intrinsic value social values public policy human rights pro-life ethical debate legislating morality bodily autonomy moral considerations social ethics sanctity of human body suicide ethics abortion morality euthanasia debate cloning ethics genetic engineering controversy human dignity respect for life bioethics legal restrictions suicide sanctity of life inviolability human body human body legislation life ethics dignity and law social justice morality medical ethics end-of-life decisions religious bioethics intrinsic human dignity pro-life arguments anti-suicide laws moral philosophy sanctity argument public policy bioethics bioethics moral philosophy human dignity pro-life sanctity of life ethical dilemmas right to die assisted suicide pro-choice life legislation bodily autonomy euthanasia debate cloning controversy genetic modification religious perspectives legal implications inviolability human rights medical ethics social values sanctity of life human dignity bioethics morality ethics bodily autonomy inviolability legislation right to die moral philosophy social values legal restrictions life preservation human rights medical ethics religious perspectives suicide prevention mental health ethical debates abortion laws euthanasia debate cloning ethics genetic modification societal norms human rights law
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro03a	Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . home plate collision MLB catcher injuries baseball safety sports injury statistics rule change debate injury risk in baseball player safety measures career-ending injuries catcher training collision prevention risk comparison in-game collisions significant injury frequency injury minimization baseball rule changes sports injury prevention on-field collisions injury outcome analysis baseball injuries MLB safety protocols home plate collisions MLB injuries baseball safety catcher injury risk baseball rule changes MLB catcher careers player safety statistics collision injury prevention sports injury comparison baseball defensive training injury incidence rate collision outcomes catcher protection techniques play at the plate risks sports injury myths MLB contact plays baseball occupational hazards injury mitigation batter hit by pitch outfield collision risk inherent sports risk baseball injury epidemiology home plate collision MLB catcher injuries baseball safety rule change arguments sports injury risk collision statistics catcher training injury prevention baseball buster posey incident career-ending injuries sports safety regulations defensive positioning baseball rules debate baseball injury rates umpire safety MLB injury history baseball risk assessment sports incident analysis baseball contact plays player health sports MLB home plate collision injury statistics career-ending injuries in baseball safety measures for MLB catchers risk assessment of baseball collisions history of MLB rule changes due to injuries comparison of injury rates across baseball positions effectiveness of catcher training on injury prevention impacts of home plate collisions on player careers notable MLB injuries from home plate collisions argument against banning home plate collisions MLB injury rates vs other sports analysis of serious injuries in baseball controversy over home plate collision rules player perspective on collision risks MLB catcher career longevity after collisions MLB collisions home plate safety injury statistics catcher injuries baseball rule changes sports injury risk player safety measures historical collision data career-ending injuries MLB injury prevention collision frequency catcher body positioning comparative sports injuries home plate rules player training techniques contact sports risk baseball accidents outfielder collision risks argument against rule change Buster Posey incident MLB injury protocols home plate collisions MLB catcher injuries baseball injury risks sports injury comparisons catcher safety techniques rule change debate career-ending injuries injury prevention in baseball Buster Posey incident contact injuries in sports collision statistics MLB injury minimization strategies baseball safety rules pitcher batter injury risk sports inherent risk baseball collision examples training to avoid injury catcher positioning home plate safety sports rule controversy home plate collisions baseball injuries MLB safety catcher injury risk sports safety injury statistics baseball rule changes career-ending injuries baseball accidents pitcher batter risk outfielder collision catcher training injury prevention professional baseball safety MLB incident history sports risk analysis defensive positioning collision mitigation player protection athletic injuries MLB home plate collisions baseball injury statistics catcher injury risk sports safety comparison rule change debate MLB MLB catcher training Buster Posey collision MLB injury prevention baseball play injury analysis MLB catcher career-ending injuries home plate safety measures MLB rule enforcement history collision risk sports baseball injury types MLB safety protocols MLB collision rule impacts baseball player safety catcher protective equipment contact sports injury rates MLB historical collision data MLB home plate collisions baseball injury statistics catcher safety protocols rule change debate career-ending injuries sports injury comparisons injury risk mitigation collision outcomes data notable collision incidents baseball defensive training sports injury prevalence baseball player safety contact play injuries protective equipment effectiveness injury prevention strategies home plate collisions MLB safety rules baseball injuries catcher injury statistics rule change debates sports injury risk career-ending injuries player safety MLB catchers training techniques injury prevention collision outcomes baseball contact plays Buster Posey incident sports safety protocols risk comparison catcher positioning play at home plate athletic risk assessment collision frequency
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), social contract government intervention collective decision-making public interest autonomy individual freedom rural depopulation urbanization agricultural decline long-term policy community representation state responsibility common good population movement rural sustainability policy impact societal welfare representative democracy balancing interests public policy community welfare social obligations social contract theory government authority collective decision-making public interest representative democracy autonomy trade-off policy-making long-term benefits rural depopulation urbanization community impact state intervention individual vs collective interests social obligations governance public good agricultural decline city infrastructure ethical governance population movement societal contract distributive justice civic responsibility common welfare social contract government authority public interest collective decision-making individual autonomy civic responsibility rural depopulation agriculture decline urban amenities representative democracy state intervention long-term policy individual vs collective good social welfare public policy community sustainability city migration government legitimacy philosophical justification common good social contract theory government decision making collective interest versus individual interest role of government in society rural depopulation policy balancing personal freedom and public good urbanization negative effects long-term policy benefits state intervention in migration protecting agricultural communities public policy and autonomy philosophical basis of governance trade-off between autonomy and order representative democracy and social contract D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher social contract government role in urban-rural balance social responsibility of government policy making for community welfare Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy social contract government intervention for societal benefit social contract government authority public interest collective decision-making community governance autonomy trade-off civic responsibility rural depopulation urbanization consequences agricultural decline amenities loss long-term policy individual vs collective benefit state intervention representative democracy social philosophy contract theory policy ethics governance challenges urban-rural migration social contract theory government decision-making public interest policies collective action problem rural depopulation urbanization effects community representation individual vs collective interests state intervention social contract philosophy autonomy and freedom trade-off agricultural decline urban amenities long-term policy benefits ethical governance community welfare rural-urban migration representative democracy common good government responsibility social contract government authority public interest collective decision-making community governance representative democracy individual autonomy policy-making civic responsibility urbanization rural depopulation agricultural decline city amenities long-term welfare short-term interests state intervention common good societal obligations social philosophy contemporary political theory Fred D'Agostino Gerald Gaus John Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy social contract theory government intervention public interest collective decision-making rural depopulation urbanization civic responsibility autonomy vs authority representative democracy state responsibility policy-making rural-urban migration community welfare long-term societal benefit individual vs collective good public policy ethics social cooperation governance social obligations community sustainability rural development population distribution social justice common good urban planning social contract theory government authority collective decision-making public interest individual autonomy community living civic responsibility rural depopulation urbanization agricultural decline public policy long-term benefits individual vs collective interests state intervention representative democracy philosophical justification social contract philosophers Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy governance ethics societal obligations public goods migration trends distributive justice social contract government intervention collective decision-making public interest autonomy urbanization rural depopulation agricultural policy city amenities individual rights vs collective good long-term policy common good civic responsibility representative democracy state power social philosophy community welfare population movement rural-urban migration ethical governance"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con01a	Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. violent music censorship music bans glorification of violence hip hop culture rock music popular music genres media classification creative industries freedom of expression artistic intention satire context of violence media regulation cultural diversity social commentary music criticism free speech moral panic social acceptability representation in media content restrictions newspaper columnists pop culture race and music middle class perspectives artistic creativity music industry impact film censorship videogame censorship didactic purpose depiction of violence empathy and media public outcry chilling effect media classification boards entertainment ethics violent imagery music censorship music and violence music genre diversity freedom of expression hip hop censorship rock music controversy media classification artistic intention creative industries impact violent content in media censorship in film classification boards pop culture censorship music lyrics interpretation violence in art satire and violence creative freedom social acceptability and music critical analysis of lyrics moral panic cultural criticism content regulation artistic commentary on violence media regulation effect of violent music banning music newspaper columnist influence didactic use of violence entertainment vs. incitement audience interpretation popular music controversies violent imagery music censorship freedom of expression artistic intent music genres popular music hip hop culture rock music creative industries diversity in music media classification content regulation social acceptability satire context in media film violence cultural criticism lyrical analysis public debate moral panic intention in art media comparison creative freedom music and violence media regulation censorship impact racial bias in censorship generational bias artistic commentary chilling effect popular culture violent imagery in music censorship of violent lyrics music and free speech intention behind violent content classification of violent media context in violent art societal response to violent music white middle class critics of music banning versus classifying media violence in hip hop culture rock music and violence diversity in musical genres creative freedom in music media regulation and violent content effect of banning music comparison with violent films pop culture moral panic satire versus offense in art didactic use of violence in media glorification versus criticism of violence chilling effect on creativity contemporary music censorship violence and social commentary in music violent imagery music censorship music genres glorification of violence protest against violent content hip hop criticism rock music controversy racial bias in media middle class values creative freedom diversity in music cultural commentary content classification media regulation criminal intent intent in art film violence video game censorship artistic expression BBC and free speech satire in art Jerry Springer Opera controversy context in media censorship Saving Private Ryan censorship war violence in media didactic violence moral impact of art violent lyrics public pressure on music newspaper columnist influence talk show host criticism chilling effect in art violent imagery in music purpose of violent lyrics music censorship debate banning violent songs impact on creative industries content classification standards popular music controversy social commentary in music hip hop censorship racial and socio-economic perspectives on censorship context of violent content intent behind violent lyrics media comparison violence creative freedom and censorship effect of bans on music diversity violent themes in entertainment media freedom of artistic expression satirical use of violence examining intent in media content cultural impact of music censorship populist pressures on music regulations violent imagery music censorship violence in music glorification of violence popular music genres hip hop controversy rock music protest creative freedom artistic intention cultural diversity lyrical analysis content classification censorship in media freedom of expression social acceptability media regulation moral panic satire in art context in music film violence Saving Private Ryan didactic violence entertainment violence classification boards artistic expression social commentary free speech debate Mark Thompson Jerry Springer The Opera news media influence middle-class criticism white columnists impact on creative industries violence in film violence in video games violent imagery in music music censorship banning violent music popular music genres hip hop violence controversy rock music censorship cultural diversity in music creative freedom intent in artistic expression media content classification freedom of speech in music music and morality effects of violent lyrics satire in music context in music censorship music and social commentary film vs music censorship classification boards newspaper columnists music debate race and music censorship media regulation comparison impact on creative industries intention in violent media Saving Private Ryan violence Jerry Springer the Opera controversy restricting music content mainstream hip hop suppression music and free speech violent imagery music censorship music and violence popular music genres artistic expression creative freedom music classification media regulation free speech context in media satire in art hip hop censorship rock music controversy impact on creative industries intention in art film censorship content restrictions cultural commentary media diversity social acceptability populist pressure newspaper criticism classification boards context analysis depiction of violence listener interpretation creative industries chilling effect freedom of expression musical lyrics analysis violent imagery music censorship artistic intention media classification violent lyrics popular music hip hop rock music music ban freedom of expression social acceptability media regulation cultural diversity creative industries free speech content context satire in media moral panic music and violence music in society criticism of music context in censorship media portrayals of violence classification boards chilling effect popular culture artistic commentary racial bias in censorship newspaper columnists talk show host influence Saving Private Ryan Jerry Springer The Opera violence in film violent content restrictions music creativity commentary on violence
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con03a	Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. social norms censorship art and controversy taboo public opinion gender stereotypes sexuality norms female sexuality art and social change status quo liberal movements artistic freedom Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 1980s liberal movements 1990s liberal movements art censorship effects social liberalism cultural backlash social conservatism propagation of liberal ideas social stigma cultural taboos freedom of expression controversial art social progress role of art in society social taboo censorship public morality artistic freedom societal norms liberal art movements cultural backlash status quo maintenance gender norms sexuality in art art and social change controversy in art art censorship subversive art resistance to liberalism moral panic progressive movements social conservatism expression restriction challenging stereotypes art activism freedom of expression culture wars art and public opinion taboo-breaking art social taboos censorship freedom of expression art and social change public opinion social norms gender stereotypes provocative art cultural backlash status quo preservation controversial art liberal movements artistic resistance social conservatism feminist art art censorship laws sexual norms societal restrictions moral panic mainstream acceptance social disgust and artistic censorship art as agent of social change art and breaking sexual taboos tracey emin and social liberalism sarah lucas challenging gender norms art’s role in liberal movements censorship of controversial art art against status quo 80s and 90s liberal art movements art provoking social discourse female sexuality in contemporary art social liberalism and public opinion impact of social norms on art backlash against progressive art defending art freedom and liberal values social censorship art censorship social liberalism taboo in art status quo preservation gender norms in art female sexuality representation Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 1980s art movements 1990s art movements public opinion and art controversial art art and social change cultural norms art activism freedom of artistic expression art and social taboo challenging stereotypes social disgust and art art and social progress social disgust censorship art and social change taboo in art socially liberal movements art challenging norms gender and sexuality in art Sarah Lucas contributions Tracey Emin art 1980s 1990s liberal art status quo art art as social commentary impact of art on public opinion art controversial topics restriction of artistic expression social taboos suppression art and public morality censorship and progressivism art breaking stereotypes freedom of artistic expression art in cultural liberalization sociopolitical art movements censorship social norms social taboos liberal ideologies artistic expression public opinion art and controversy stereotype breakdown sexuality in art gender norms female empowerment art as activism social acceptance status quo art restriction freedom of expression 1980s art 1990s art Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin changing attitudes cultural backlash moral policing controversial art societal change art and politics taboo subjects cultural liberalization feminist art art and social progress impact of disgust art movements art and gender conservative resistance public morality social liberalism art and social change censorship in art social taboos social disgust public opinion art status quo maintenance art controversy female sexuality representation gender norms in art Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 1980s art movements 1990s art movements stereotype breaking art controversial artists role of art in society liberal art movements art and gender politics art censorship impact challenging social norms freedom of artistic expression art and societal progress art as social commentary art regulation impact of censorship on liberalism social norms art censorship cultural taboos social change liberal movements public opinion controversial art gender norms sexuality in art artistic expression freedom of expression status quo social tolerance protest art art and society taboo-breaking art history feminist art Tracey Emin Sarah Lucas 1980s liberalism 1990s social change stereotype breaking conservative backlash art politics moral panic cultural resistance art as activism art and morality social taboos censorship freedom of expression contemporary art gender norms sexuality in art Tracey Emin Sarah Lucas art and social change liberal movements controversial art public opinion shaping status quo preservation female sexuality art censorship impact artistic resistance art and politics art history moral panic art and liberalism cultural backlash social norms challenge taboo-breaking art 1980s art movements 1990s art movements social conservatism art as activism
test-international-epglghbni-pro02a	The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, partition of Ireland undemocratic partition Northern Ireland self-determination Irish unity Government of Ireland Act 1920 six counties British Parliament Irish referendum Unionist manipulation gerrymandering electoral boundaries Republican vote nationalist majority Irish independence British-Irish relations Ireland twentieth century Irish political history Ferriter Ireland constitutional reform Irish republicans legitimacy partition United Kingdom Ireland anti-partition Irish border Irish civil rights pro-Republic vote partition of Ireland Irish self-determination self-governance Northern Ireland referendum Government of Ireland Act 1920 British Parliament Irish border six counties Irish unity Irish independence Unionist political influence electoral manipulation gerrymandering Protestant majority Catholic minority republicanism Irish republican vote nationalist representation unjust partition undemocratic partition legitimacy of partition home rule Anglo-Irish relations devolution constitutional settlement UK-Ireland relations historical disenfranchisement 1921 Irish Boundary Commission Irish Free State Irish civil rights Irish unification partition of Ireland undemocratic partition Northern Ireland referendum Irish self-determination Government of Ireland Act 1920 separate parliament six counties British Parliament decision Unionist manipulation gerrymandering Northern Ireland Republican majority suppression electoral boundaries Northern Ireland pro-Republic vote Irish unity political legitimacy partition Irish republicanism Home Rule Irish independence British-Irish relations Irish history 20th century Ferriter Ireland Twentieth Century UK-Ireland border partition consequences partition of Ireland democratic legitimacy Government of Ireland Act critique Northern Ireland self-determination British Parliament role in Irish partition Unionist influence on British policy electoral manipulation Northern Ireland gerrymandering in Irish history republican majority prevention Irish republicanism disenfranchisement fairness of 1920 partition history of Irish electoral boundaries legitimacy of Irish partition effects of partition on Northern Ireland politics manipulation of Irish representation undemocratic practices in Irish history partition of Ireland undemocratic partition Northern Ireland self-determination Irish unity referendum British Parliament role Government of Ireland Act 1920 six counties Northern Ireland Parliament Unionist influence gerrymandering electoral boundaries Republican majority pro-Republic vote injustice in partition Irish nationalist perspective Irish republicanism political manipulation Ireland sovereignty Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century historical legitimacy partition consequences UK-Ireland relations Irish partition democratic legitimacy Northern Ireland self-determination Government of Ireland Act 1920 impact British Parliament role in Irish partition unionist influence on British government gerrymandering in Northern Ireland electoral boundaries manipulation Ireland Irish republicanism and partition legitimacy of Irish partition pro-Republican vote suppression Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century historical context Irish partition Irish independence referendums home rule Ireland Ulster Unionism and partition UK and Ireland political history post-partition Irish politics Irish electoral fairness Irish constitutional history Irish border creation partition of Ireland undemocratic self-determination Northern Ireland unity referendum British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 six counties home rule unionism unionists manipulation gerrymandering electoral boundaries republicanism pro-Republic legitimacy Irish history Irish independence political autonomy British government constitutional law Irish nationalism voting rights sovereignty Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century sectarianism democracy minority rights partition consequences partition of Ireland undemocratic partition Government of Ireland Act 1920 Northern Ireland referendum self-determination Ireland Irish unity vote British Parliament Ireland partition controversy unionist influence gerrymandering Northern Ireland electoral boundaries Ireland pro-Republican vote Irish republicanism unionist strategy legitimacy of partition Irish independence constitutional history Ireland history of Northern Ireland Irish political history Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic partition Northern Ireland self-determination Irish unification vote British Parliament and Ireland Government of Ireland Act 1920 six counties of Northern Ireland Unionist influence British political manipulation gerrymandering Northern Ireland Republican vote suppression legitimacy of partition electoral boundaries Northern Ireland pro-Republican majority prevention democracy in Ireland Irish constitutional history United Kingdom and Ireland relations Home Rule Ireland Irish sovereignty partition consequences Ferriter Ireland Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic process Northern Ireland decision Irish self-determination British Parliament involvement Government of Ireland Act 1920 creation of Northern Ireland six counties Unionist influence gerrymandering electoral boundaries manipulation Republican minority pro-Republic vote suppression Irish nationalism legitimacy of partition historical context Irish sovereignty home rule Irish independence political manipulation 20th century Irish history
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con02a	The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. wealth redistribution economic inequality social justice income equality progressive taxation social democracy economic fairness left-wing politics opportunity gap social mobility class disparity austerity financial regulation neoliberalism social welfare public sector technocracy populism European Union banking crisis nationalization of banks political economy labor rights government intervention Blair Clinton capitalism socialist policies economic prosperity social safety net plutocracy democracy deficit public opinion international bankers historical irony nineteenth century Socialism wealth redistribution economic inequality social justice income equality distributive justice progressive taxation egalitarianism social democracy fairness in economics wealth gap poverty reduction redistribution policy left-wing politics social welfare economic fairness banking reform technocracy financial elites political representation populism nationalization capitalism critique neoliberalism Blair-Clinton model opportunity versus equality social mobility class disparity austerity measures economic reform public sector international bankers economic policy wealth redistribution economic inequality social justice fairness equality income distribution progressive taxation neoliberalism Blair Clinton left-wing politics technocracy international bankers financial elites social democracy opportunity choice public discontent government policy poverty nationalisation socialism capitalism European governance economic crisis populism class divide social policy wealth redistribution arguments fairness in income distribution critique of neoliberalism failure of Blair-Clinton economic model resurgence of socialist ideas equality versus opportunity debate technocratic governance in Europe influence of international bankers impact of economic inequality public anger at wealth disparities nationalisation of banks history lessons from nineteenth century socialism capitalist role in banking nationalization contemporary leftist political movements public response to economic crises wealth distribution income inequality economic justice social equality redistribution of wealth Blair and Clinton model opportunity versus fairness technocratic governance unelected officials international bankers influence public anger economic disparity nationalisation of banks socialist aspirations capitalism and socialism left-wing politics neoliberalism austerity measures European politics financial elites historical irony welfare state social mobility economic policy rising populism wealth redistribution economic inequality income equality left-wing politics Blair Clinton model fairness and equality opportunity and choice technocratic governance European politics unelected technocrats bankers vs public interest social justice early socialism nationalisation of banks history of socialism growing inequality public anger democratic accountability capitalism vs socialism financial crisis political shifts left wealth redistribution income inequality economic justice social equality progressive taxation fair distribution poverty reduction social welfare Blair-Clinton model opportunity versus equality left-wing politics social democracy technocratic governance unelected officials banker influence economic crisis international finance public anger social discontent historical irony bank nationalization early socialism capitalist intervention European politics austerity populism economic fairness wealth redistribution economic inequality social justice fair distribution of wealth progressive taxation income disparity economic reform left-wing politics egalitarianism Blair and Clinton economic model trickle-down economics technocratic governance financial elites public dissatisfaction populist movements nationalizing banks socialist policy proposals Europe economic crisis political accountability opportunity vs equality neoliberalism critique anti-austerity banking regulation corporate power economic fairness social equity class divide international bankers influence public sector intervention wealth gap wealth redistribution income inequality social justice economic fairness progressive taxation neoliberalism Blair-Clinton model left-wing politics technocracy financial elites populism nationalization of banks social democracy economic opportunity social mobility European governance banking crisis public discontent economic policymaking austerity measures wealth redistribution income inequality social justice economic fairness progressive taxation left-wing politics neoliberalism critique social democracy economic inequality technocracy European governance political leadership Blair-Clinton model economic opportunity social mobility bank nationalization capitalism vs socialism financial crisis banker influence public resentment inequality awareness wealth gap austerity policies European Union public anger economic models social policy government intervention
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies oppressive regimes civic engagement protest organization political activism online mobilization government accountability public opinion political dissent social movements Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests online petitions Avaaz.org digital activism collective action social media influence freedom of expression political participation grassroots movements online communities citizen empowerment internet protests government resistance information dissemination democratic participation civic engagement social media activism digital protests online mobilization Arab Spring collective action government accountability internet petitions Avaaz.org online campaigns political organization freedom of expression grassroots movements autocracy resistance protest coordination public opinion community building digital democracy social media influence information dissemination advocacy networks political dissent mass communication civic empowerment Facebook democracy social networks political mobilization online activism protest organization digital democracy social media influence civic engagement Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests government dissent online petitions Avaaz.org collective action freedom of expression grassroot movements regime change citizen empowerment political participation liberal democracies oppressive regimes digital communication social media campaigns political change mass mobilization civil society public opinion advocacy platforms Facebook and democracy social networks and political activism social media and autocratic regimes Facebook protest organization online activism in oppressive governments Facebook role in Arab Spring social media civic engagement Facebook petitions and campaigns digital dissent on Facebook Facebook mobilizing protests Facebook in Western democracies Facebook amplifying public opinion online petition platforms Facebook Facebook government accountability social networks political participation Facebook and Avaaz.org campaigns internet empowering democratic processes social media and regime change Facebook grassroot movements social networks organizing civil society impact of Facebook on elections Facebook facilitating collective action social media and public policy influence Facebook safe Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies online protests government oppression Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey protests Wisconsin protests online organization political activism civic engagement social media movements digital activism public opinion online petitions Avaaz.org collective action political participation government accountability freedom of expression protest coordination online communities mass mobilization digital dissent regime change citizen empowerment social movements network effects activism tools online communication political campaigns public discourse crowd dynamics online safe spaces protest strategy global activism Facebook democracy impact social networks democratic process social media protest organization Facebook and autocracies social media political activism Facebook megaphone democracy Facebook Arab Spring online protest organization social media oppressive regimes Facebook government dissent Facebook online petitions social media policy change Facebook mobilizing citizens social media government accountability Facebook democratization effects Facebook and civil society social media activism examples Avaaz Facebook campaigns Facebook grassroots movements Facebook opposition organization social networks freedom of expression Facebook and political participation social media empowering citizens Facebook and collective action Facebook influence on governments Facebook democracy social networks democratic process civic engagement political activism online protests autocracy authoritarianism protest organization internet activism Arab Spring online mobilization Western liberal democracies public opinion political dissent petition campaigns Avaaz.org digital megaphone social movements collective action government accountability online petitions grassroots activism digital organizing information dissemination online advocacy mass communication civic participation digital democracy social media influence public discourse citizen empowerment Facebook and democracy social networks and society social media and protests online political organization democracy in autocracies digital activism Facebook in Arab Spring social media Brazil protests social media Turkey protests Facebook in Western democracies online mobilization online petitions Avaaz.org civic engagement Facebook government opposition social media collective action online internet and democracy online dissent citizens’ activism political change social media social media for political campaigns Facebook as political megaphone digital grassroots movements social media government accountability social media movement organizing political participation online online tools for democracy internet activism Facebook Facebook democracy social networks civic engagement political activism political mobilization online protests Arab Spring government accountability public opinion digital organizing online petitions Avaaz western democracies autocracy political dissent advocacy citizen empowerment collective action social media influence freedom of speech civil society mass communication internet activism protest organization grassroots movements digital democracy authoritarian regimes policy change political participation social change social media digital activism online protest organization democratic participation Facebook influence political mobilization grassroots movements public opinion civic engagement collective action advocacy campaigns online petitions government accountability social movements internet freedom user empowerment civil society information dissemination Arab Spring Brazil protests Turkey activism Wisconsin protests Avaaz.org freedom of expression community organizing social network effects digital democracy online dissent e-democracy networked public sphere democratic empowerment"
test-international-amehbuaisji-con04a	ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. due process US Constitution ICC trials Rome Statute US ratification jury trial absence Sixth Amendment judicial independence judicial neutrality foreign policy interests executive influence political considerations double jeopardy speedy trial rights pre-trial detention witness protection procedures defense rights fair trial standards international criminal law US legal protections constitutional guarantees American citizens rights international court procedures judicial impartiality ICC criticism treaty obligations legal sovereignty extradition fair hearing procedural justice ICC due process US Constitution Rome Statute ratification ICC jury trial absence Sixth Amendment violation ICC judge impartiality judicial independence foreign policy bias executive influence on judiciary double jeopardy protection ICC trial delays right to speedy trial pre-trial detention length witness protection measures defense rights at ICC ICC procedural safeguards American legal standards international court fairness constitutional rights in international law ICC judicial selection ICC trial procedures ICC due process US Constitution Sixth Amendment Rome Statute jury trial judicial independence double jeopardy speedy trial pre-trial detention witness protection procedures American legal rights international criminal law US sovereignty fair trial rights judge neutrality foreign policy influences judicial bias procedural safeguards ICC criticism US ratification concerns international justice defendant rights legal system differences trial fairness ICC legal procedures adversarial system ICC judge selection political interference in trials ICC due process concerns US Constitution Sixth Amendment and ICC Rome Statute US ratification consequences lack of jury trials at ICC ICC judicial independence doubts foreign policy influence on ICC judges ICC double jeopardy protections right to a speedy trial at ICC ICC pre-trial detention issues ICC witness protection measures and defense rights US legal protections vs. ICC procedures American nationals vulnerable at ICC comparison ICC and US criminal trials ICC critics US constitutional rights political influence ICC judicial process ICC due process Rome Statute ratification US Constitution compliance jury trial absence Sixth Amendment violation judicial impartiality ICC foreign judges bias judicial independence comparison double jeopardy ICC pre-trial detention length right to speedy trial ICC witness protection procedures ICC defense rights ICC international criminal court criticism American constitutional rights international law ICC procedural fairness US sovereignty ICC ICC judicial selection political influence ICC judges fair trial guarantees international tribunals ICC due process concerns US Constitution and ICC conflict Rome Statute US ratification risks ICC jury trial absence Sixth Amendment ICC violations ICC judge impartiality ICC judicial independence concerns ICC double jeopardy issues ICC pre-trial detention length ICC speedy trial problems ICC witness protection procedures defense rights at ICC ICC political bias ICC trial fairness ICC impact on American citizens ICC versus US legal standards ICC International Criminal Court due process US Constitution Rome Statute US ratification American rights jury trial Sixth Amendment American legal system judicial independence neutrality foreign policy interests double jeopardy speedy trial pre-trial detention witness protection defence rights procedural fairness international law human rights violations legal safeguards extradition sovereignty fair trial standards judicial bias legal protections comparative law American exceptionalism treaty obligations criminal procedure civil liberties constitutional guarantees judicial process trial by jury international tribunals legal ethics judicial impartiality ICC due process US Constitution conflict ICC Rome Statute US ratification concerns Sixth Amendment ICC trial ICC lack of jury trial majority judge conviction ICC judicial independence ICC political bias ICC judges ICC double jeopardy speedy trial rights ICC pre-trial detention ICC ICC witness protection defense international law US constitutional rights ICC fair trial standards ICC trial procedure criticism American rights ICC prosecution ICC jurisdiction Rome Statute ratification US constitutional rights Sixth Amendment jury trial absence judicial independence political bias judges foreign influence ICC double jeopardy ICC due process concerns pre-trial detention duration speedy trial rights witness protection procedures defense hampering international criminal law US sovereignty fair trial standards adversarial vs inquisitorial systems international justice system flaws human rights violations legal procedural disparities national vs international law American judicial protections ICC criticisms international treaty obligations Rome Statute US Constitution ICC due process Sixth Amendment jury trial rights double jeopardy judicial independence impartiality of ICC judges US ratification objections speedy trial rights pre-trial detention ICC witness protection ICC international criminal court criticism American legal protections fair trial ICC political influence judiciary ICC procedural safeguards international law versus US law constitutional conflicts human rights in ICC ICC legitimacy international tribunal procedures
test-international-ghbunhf-con02a	The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. United Nations international law human rights legal frameworks codification customary international law UN organs genocide Genocide Convention 1948 human rights protection crime prevention international treaties legal standards state behavior global governance legal instruments accountability law enforcement humanitarian law justice universal declaration war crimes security council international cooperation United Nations international law human rights UN history UN human rights initiatives codification of international law customary international law genocide convention 1948 Genocide Convention prevention of genocide punishment of genocide crimes against humanity development of international law UN organs United Nations Charter Universal Declaration of Human Rights international treaties international human rights law humanitarian law legal protection international criminal law global governance post-World War II UN legal framework historical evolution of international law United Nations international law human rights UN Charter codification legal frameworks Geneva Conventions international treaties human rights conventions International Criminal Court war crimes crimes against humanity peacekeeping United Nations Office of Legal Affairs Universal Declaration of Human Rights humanitarian law international justice international tribunals International Court of Justice genocide 1948 Genocide Convention promotion of law rule of law state behavior customary international law UN role in international law evolution of international law post-1945 UN human rights promotion history of UN human rights efforts UN codification of international law UN and the Genocide Convention 1948 UN offices for human rights international law development through the UN United Nations legal frameworks UN efforts against genocide international criminal law and the UN UN Charter and international law United Nations human rights conventions UN enforcement of international law historical milestones in UN human rights actions United Nations international law human rights codification genocide 1948 Convention Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide customary behavior state relations human rights protection legal instruments legal frameworks international treaties UN Charter international justice human rights conventions International Criminal Court Geneva Conventions crimes against humanity war crimes UN role in international law United Nations human rights promotion history of international law evolution of international law UN UN and genocide prevention 1948 Genocide Convention United Nations legal frameworks international human rights history UN codification of international law protection of human rights by UN customary international law founding of the United Nations significance of 1948 Genocide Convention international law enforcement UN United Nations legal milestones United Nations international law human rights UN Charter codification customary law states behavior human rights protection genocide Genocide Convention 1948 legal framework international treaties international norms United Nations Office of Legal Affairs UN Human Rights Council human rights treaties crimes against humanity international justice United States Holocaust Memorial Museum promotion of law protection of rights post-World War II international organizations legal instruments global governance legal standards human rights conventions rule of law United Nations international law human rights codification of international law history of international law UN organs UN agencies human rights promotion customary international law UN conventions Genocide Convention 1948 crime of genocide international treaties legal frameworks UN Charter international humanitarian law development of international law United States Holocaust Memorial Museum prevention of genocide punishment of genocide human rights protection post-World War II international order legal instruments UN international justice evolution of international law Universal Declaration of Human Rights international organizations rule of law global governance United Nations international law human rights UN history UN founding 1945 customary international law legal codification genocide Genocide Convention 1948 UN organs legal instruments human rights protection international treaties United States Holocaust Memorial Museum crimes against humanity legal framework post-World War II International Criminal Court global governance international law human rights United Nations UN Charter peacekeeping humanitarian law war crimes International Criminal Court Geneva Conventions Universal Declaration of Human Rights Security Council international treaties legal framework human rights conventions genocide crimes against humanity international justice rule of law international organizations legal codification
test-politics-oapghwliva-con03a	Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings earmarks congressional relations executive power wasteful spending deficit reduction legislative friction presidential authority budget politics partisan impact veto threats federal appropriations spending cuts legislative-executive conflict government spending fiscal policy congressional hearings Line Item Veto President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget spending cuts earmarks legislative-executive relations budget process wasteful spending deficit reduction executive authority congressional appropriations fiscal policy budgetary friction veto threats Republican earmarks Virginia A. McMurty federal spending budget savings presidential power legislative negotiations budget reform White House-Congress relations Line Item Veto Clinton administration federal budget cuts constitutional amendment wasteful spending deficit reduction presidential authority congressional earmarks budgetary friction legislative-executive relations federal spending veto power Republican earmarks legislative bargaining fiscal policy budget reform appropriations process federal deficits executive-legislative conflict government accountability Line Item Veto Act precedent Clinton administration veto powers constitutional amendment fiscal impact federal budget savings criticism Congressional-White House friction earmark cuts Republican response legislative bargaining veto threats wasteful spending presidential authority deficit reduction executive powers historical analysis Line Item Veto Virginia A. McMurty testimony separation of powers Line Item Veto comparative budget controls veto power abuse risks legislative-executive relations federal spending Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks budget cuts legislative friction federal spending deficit reduction wasteful spending executive authority Republican members congressional appropriations presidential veto precedent legislative-executive relations budgetary process McMurty testimony federal financial management Senate Homeland Security Committee line item veto President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget cuts wasteful spending deficit reduction earmark removal legislative friction veto authority Republican earmarks Congressional relations administrative threats budgetary savings federal spending oversight Line Item Veto Act precedent presidential power fiscal policy government accountability Congressional appropriations Senate hearing Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget spending cuts earmarks legislative friction executive authority wasteful spending deficit reduction Republican members congressional relations presidential powers federal spending legislative-executive conflict veto power budget reconciliation fiscal policy political controversy government savings appropriation process administrative threats legislative bargaining Senate Committee hearing Virginia A. McMurty Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings legislative friction executive power earmark cuts congressional relations wasteful spending deficit reduction federal appropriations veto threats partisan politics budget authority legislative precedent government spending separation of powers budget process reforms White House-Congress conflict federal fiscal policy appropriation process legislative override Virginia A. McMurty Senate Homeland Security Committee federal financial management Line Item Veto Clinton administration constitutional amendment federal budget government spending cuts earmarks legislative-executive friction budget savings Republican members veto threats congressional relations wasteful spending deficit reduction presidential authority budget process reform legislative oversight precedent federal fiscal policy appropriations process government accountability Line Item Veto Clinton administration federal budget cuts earmarks constitutional amendment presidential veto power legislative-executive friction wasteful spending deficit reduction congressional appropriations budgetary reform threatened veto partisan budget cuts federal spending government accountability legislative oversight Virginia A. McMurty Senate hearing budget process Republican earmarks
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro01a	There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? mass surveillance government data collection privacy concerns intelligence agencies personal security physical harm state surveillance data protection democratic governments law enforcement privacy rights civil liberties data misuse state power public safety risk assessment crime prevention authority oversight personal safety state accountability physical safety personal security government surveillance intelligence agencies data privacy state monitoring civil liberties risk assessment individual harm government data collection public safety privacy concerns state information gathering government transparency information misuse non-lethal consequences democratic oversight data protection personal freedom harm prevention privacy surveillance government data collection personal security intelligence agencies democratic oversight physical harm civil liberties mass surveillance data retention information privacy state surveillance personal data national security privacy rights government transparency data protection risk assessment ethical surveillance citizen rights government surveillance physical risks intelligence agencies personal safety government data collection harm democratic government surveillance dangers personal security intelligence agencies physical retaliation government information intelligence services data impact privacy vs physical safety government information collection consequences surveillance state personal risk democratic intelligence agencies behavior FSB physical threat comparison intelligence agency lethal actions government surveillance justification no harm surveillance argument ethical implications government surveillance government surveillance physical risk intelligence agencies privacy concerns government data collection personal safety civil liberties democratic oversight state surveillance harm assessment information security privacy infringement political repression FSB intelligence agency behavior social good surveillance ethics data protection state power national security physical risk of government surveillance intelligence agencies personal safety government data collection safety risk of personal harm from surveillance effects of surveillance on physical safety government information and citizen safety democratic government surveillance risks intelligence agency behavior democracies government data and individual risk myth of intelligence agency violence James Bond intelligence reality does government surveillance cause harm personal security from intelligence services physical consequences of surveillance government information collection impact safety concerns government intelligence risks of being monitored by government government surveillance pros and cons government surveillance physical safety personal security intelligence agencies data collection privacy concerns information risk state monitoring civil liberties democratic oversight public trust national security intrusive government individual rights law enforcement powers intelligence gathering societal impact harm prevention ethical considerations government transparency digital privacy data protection abuse of power FSB state retaliation coercion privacy vs security governmental authority freedom from harm physical threat information misuse physical risk government surveillance personal data security intelligence agencies democratic governments privacy concerns information retention law enforcement data collection civil liberties non-violent monitoring public safety state surveillance Western democracies espionage government transparency mass data storage citizen rights risk assessment privacy vs security benign surveillance harmless data collection government information policy individual freedom state power physical risk government surveillance intelligence agencies personal data privacy concerns government information collection democratic governments physical harm data security government retaliation data privacy national security FSB intelligence services civil liberties government transparency James Bond surveillance ethics personal safety information misuse public trust data protection surveillance justification privacy rights government accountability government surveillance intelligence agencies physical risk privacy concerns personal data democratic oversight information security data collection civil liberties public safety national security state surveillance Russian FSB intelligence operations ethical implications harm reduction individual rights mass surveillance government data use privacy protection
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro02a	Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. self-determination Palestinian statehood two-state solution 1967 borders Israeli occupation Palestinian resistance international law human rights Vienna Declaration UN Charter Palestinian independence Israeli withdrawal occupied territories Middle East peace process Palestinian aspirations peace negotiations Israeli settlements Palestinian majority democratic processes coexistence right to independence World Conference on Human Rights Brazil recognition legitimate aspirations human rights violations political status economic development security Palestinian polls state coexistence international recognition Palestinian statehood two-state solution 1967 borders Israeli occupation self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights violation UN Charter Palestinian aspirations Israeli settlements occupied territories Palestinian resistance diplomatic recognition peace process Palestinian majority referendum land for peace border withdrawal democratic processes legitimate claims economic viability human rights norms international community negotiation frameworks Palestinian nation state coexistence political autonomy sovereignty right to independence Lula da Silva global recognition settlement condemnation historical context polls on Palestine Israeli withdrawal West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Israeli withdrawal 1967 borders Palestinian statehood two-state solution Palestinian resistance Israeli occupation self-determination international law Vienna Declaration UN Charter human rights violation democratic processes independence Palestinians' rights Israeli settlements peace process coexistence territorial dispute sovereignty United Nations peace negotiations occupation of West Bank Gaza Strip pre-1967 lines international recognition Palestinian majority right to statehood self-governance political status legitimacy of aspirations economic viability human rights standards Brazil recognition Middle East conflict Palestinian statehood recognition Israeli withdrawal 1967 borders right to self-determination international law Vienna Declaration self-determination two-state solution negotiation polls Israeli occupation resistance Palestinian majority independent state human rights violation occupation UN Charter self-determination Palestinian aspirations international legitimacy settlements Western condemnation Brazil support Palestinian state coexistence Israel Palestine democratic self-determination Palestine economic viability Palestinian state occupation international legal standards Palestinian independence rights humanitarian law occupied territories international support two-state solution cessation occupation human rights peace process Middle East Israeli occupation Palestinian statehood 1967 borders two-state solution self-determination international law Vienna Declaration UN Charter human rights violation Palestinian resistance Israeli settlements World Conference on Human Rights Palestinian aspirations democratic processes Brazil recognition economic viability polls Palestinian opinion state legitimacy international recognition peace process Israel withdrawal Universal Declaration of Human Rights Palestinian statehood 1967 borders Israeli occupation two-state solution Palestinian self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights right to self-determination UN Charter Israeli settlements peace negotiations Palestinian independence Brazil recognition Palestinian state democratic processes Palestine human rights violation Israel West Bank Gaza Strip peace process Middle East Palestinian resistance border disputes Israel Palestine Palestinian statehood 1967 borders Israeli occupation two-state solution self-determination international law Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter Palestinian resistance independence human rights violation international recognition Israeli settlements peace process Palestinian aspirations occupied territories democratic process coexistence Brazilian President Lula Western powers polls on Palestinian opinion Palestinian majority withdrawal border dispute economic viability Palestinian nation negotiation Middle East conflict Israeli refusal state legitimacy world opinion Israel-Palestine conflict 1967 borders Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation Palestinian resistance two-state solution self-determination international law Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter human rights violation Palestinian independence Israeli settlements Western powers condemnation Brazilian recognition Palestine pre-1967 borders democratic processes Palestinian territories occupation international response world conference human rights peaceful coexistence Israel Palestine economic viability Palestinian state negotiated settlement Middle East Oslo Accords Palestinian public opinion right to self-governance international recognition Palestine Middle East peace process land for peace two-state solution Palestinian statehood 1967 borders Israeli occupation right to self-determination international law human rights violation United Nations Vienna Declaration Palestinian independence Israeli settlements peace process democratic processes negotiated settlement Arab-Israeli conflict recognition of Palestine international recognition self-governance Middle East peace political sovereignty Israeli occupation 1967 borders two-state solution Palestinian statehood self-determination international law Vienna Declaration United Nations human rights violations West Bank Gaza Strip Israeli settlements Brazilian recognition peace process negotiated settlement Palestinian majority democratic rights right to resistance Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter territorial withdrawal political autonomy economic viability peaceful coexistence international recognition Middle East conflict Palestinian independence
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro01a	Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 collective bargaining right to collective bargaining union influence freedom of association political process union privileges labor unions private sector unions public sector unions union disruption economic impact supply chain disruption union power decision making process worker rights labor rights labor strikes union bargaining mechanisms employment law industrial relations union bans government intervention limitation of rights civil liberties economic leverage transport sector strikes political influence of unions group rights removal of inequalities labor market regulation labor unions union privileges collective bargaining limits freedom of association political influence union power private sector unions public sector unions economic disruption supply chain strikes union ban debate decision-making access rights limitation government intervention union legislation workplace rights industrial action labor rights labor relations union influence union neutrality union equality employer-employee relations economic impact of strikes political lobbying by unions legal status of collective bargaining labor relations union influence labor unions right to strike labor rights trade unions economic impact industrial action labor law government regulation union privileges workplace disruption public sector unions private sector unions union power collective action labor negotiations employee representation policy implications employment law workers’ rights labor disputes union ban political influence supply chain disruption restriction of rights freedom of association social harm employment disruption labor market legislative limits union criticism collective agreement bargaining rights union reform industrial relations collective bargaining debate expansions arguments against collective bargaining rights alternatives to union collective bargaining consequences of banning collective bargaining freedom of association vs collective bargaining unions and political influence unions and decision-making process private sector union disruption economic impact of union strikes union privileges vs other groups is collective bargaining a fundamental right when can collective bargaining be restricted government limits on collective bargaining labor rights and legal constraints inequality in union influence justification for banning unions industrial action economic effects freedom of association legal limits unions and democratic process supply chain disruption unions labor laws comparative analysis collective bargaining right to collective bargaining freedom of association union influence unions and politics special privileges unions collective bargaining mechanisms union disruption economic impact of unions private sector unions public sector unions logistics chains supply chain disruption union legislative influence inequality in rights curtailing rights government limits on rights free speech limits labor unions industrial action union power decision-making process unions banning collective bargaining labor law constitutional rights union regulation political leverage unions economic leverage unions collective bargaining legality workers' rights industrial relations labor market regulation union privileges case studies collective bargaining debate collective bargaining rights union influence politics freedom of association vs collective bargaining union privileges inequality banning private unions economic impact of unions union disruption private sector unions and political leverage government limits on rights decision making access unions curtailing union rights unions supply chain disruption public vs private sector unions collective bargaining legal status unions democratic process union bargaining power restricting union activities inequality unions political power freedom of association limitations collective bargaining labor unions union rights freedom of association political influence decision making process special privileges government intervention private sector unions public sector unions economic disruption labor strikes supply chain impact logistics political leverage union power legislative limits inequality right to organize industrial action labor disputes employment law constitutional rights workers' rights government regulation free speech limits societal harm collective action labor relations labor policy employee representation employer negotiations labor market strike bans union pros and cons state authority labor economics labor law reform union influence on politics collective bargaining rights freedom of association unions political influence unions special privileges private sector unions public sector unions banning collective bargaining economic disruption unions unions and supply chains unions leveraging politicians decision making process unions inequality in union rights limitations on rights government curtailing rights unions and logistics impact of union strikes legal status collective bargaining labor law restrictions union power critique freedom of speech limits labor relations policy labor union regulation union influence on economy anti-union arguments labor union privileges union collective action collective bargaining legality collective bargaining labor unions union influence political process labor rights right to strike freedom of association union privileges private sector unions public sector unions economic disruption labor law decision-making access union power labor relations union bans union regulation industrial action supply chain impact workers’ rights labor policy union disadvantage special privileges government regulation curtailment of rights societal harm legislative limits collective action trade unions labor movement democratic process inequality in labor law union monopoly union political leverage labor law labor rights freedom of association union influence union power political process labor unions economic disruption union privileges private sector unions public sector unions right to strike legislation on collective bargaining union bans government regulation worker rights union impact on economy industrial action supply chain disruption labor negotiations union legal status limiting collective bargaining union and democracy collective bargaining regulation societal harm state intervention unionization employment law trade unions labor policy
test-international-emephsate-pro03a	Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, strategic location energy security Turkey EU accession energy transit oil pipelines gas pipelines Caspian energy Middle East influence Nabucco pipeline Russia gas monopoly Eurasian trade routes NATO membership EU energy policy Turkish-European cooperation Bosporus transit energy diversification pipeline geopolitics European energy dependence energy corridor Turkey as energy hub Turkey EU accession European Union enlargement Turkey energy transit energy security Europe Turkey geopolitical importance oil and gas pipelines Turkey Nabucco pipeline Caspian Sea energy routes Russia gas monopoly Turkey-EU cooperation NATO and EU EU energy diversification Turkey as energy corridor Middle East energy routes Central Asia energy politics Turkey-Russia gas relations European energy dependence Turkish-European trade routes strategic geography Turkey EU external energy policy Turkey EU accession energy security strategic geography oil transit gas pipelines Caspian energy Russian gas monopoly European energy policy NATO member Middle East influence Central Asia Nabucco pipeline Bosporus transit EU-Turkey cooperation energy diversification Turkish energy corridors gas supply routes Eurasian energy Turkish-European relations European import routes energy transit point strategic position of Turkey energy security Europe Turkey EU accession benefits Turkey as energy transit hub Turkey gas pipelines Europe Caspian Sea oil transit Turkey Nabucco pipeline strategic importance breaking Russia gas monopoly Europe Turkey Middle East influence Turkey NATO membership impact European energy diversification Turkey-Europe trade routes alternative gas supply Europe Turkey-Russia energy relations Turkey-Central Asia connectivity Turkey EU integration energy Turkey bridge Asia Europe EU external energy policy Turkey Turkey Bosporus oil transit energy cooperation EU Turkey pipeline diversification strategies Turkish energy diplomacy EU energy dependence reduction strategic significance of Turkey Turkey EU accession European energy security Turkey strategic location Middle East influence Central Asia influence NATO membership oil transit routes natural gas pipelines Caspian Sea energy Russo-European energy disputes Nabucco pipeline energy diversification Europe Turkey-Europe trade Bosporus oil transport EU external energy policy Turkey as energy bridge Russian gas monopoly energy cooperation EU-Turkey pipeline geopolitics energy transit corridors European dependency Russia energy geopolitics Turkey EU enlargement benefits energy supply resilience Eurasian trade routes Turkey EU accession energy security Turkey strategic geopolitical location EU energy diversification Turkey Turkey gas transit pipelines Nabucco pipeline Europe Turkey Caspian energy trade EU reliance Turkish energy routes Russia gas monopoly EU Turkey Middle East energy hub Turkey Central Asia energy gateway Turkish role NATO EU interests European energy infrastructure Turkey oil and gas supply Europe Turkey EU Turkey cooperation energy energy policy Turkey EU Turkey as energy corridor Russian gas disputes Europe alternative gas routes Europe energy transit corridors Turkey EU external energy relations Turkey Turkey EU accession strategic location energy security Europe energy dependence Middle East influence Central Asia influence NATO membership Europe-Asia border trade routes oil transit gas transit Caspian Sea Russian energy monopoly Nabucco pipeline European pipelines Russia-Ukraine gas disputes Bosporus oil route EU-Turkey energy cooperation European Union enlargement Turkey as energy corridor natural gas imports alternative energy supply routes Europe diversification transcontinental trade Turkey geopolitics Turkey EU relations Turkey EU accession European Union enlargement energy security Turkey gas pipelines EU energy policy Caspian Sea oil Nabucco pipeline Russia gas monopoly Turkey strategic location Europe Middle East relations Turkey NATO membership EU Turkey trade energy transit routes Central Asia influence Turkish-European cooperation oil and gas supply EU energy diversification gas supply disruptions Russian energy disputes European energy infrastructure Turkey geopolitics Bosporus oil transit Gulf energy corridor EU energy dependence external energy policy Turkey EU accession European energy security strategic geographic location oil and gas transit Caspian Sea Russia energy routes Nabucco pipeline energy cooperation Middle East influence NATO membership European energy diversification Russian gas monopoly energy infrastructure EU-Turkey pipelines Eurasian trade routes Turkey as energy hub EU external energy policy Turkey regional power EU-Turkey relations alternative gas supply energy transit corridor Turkey EU accession European energy security geopolitical significance Middle East influence Caspian oil transit natural gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia energy monopoly EU–Turkey relations strategic geographic location regional power NATO membership energy cooperation gas supply diversification EU external energy policy Eurasian trade routes energy transit corridors Central Asia connectivity Bosporus oil transit gas supply reliability Russian gas disputes energy dependence Turkey as energy bridge pipeline geopolitics
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro01a	Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making speed policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment policies low taxes exchange rate policy import tariffs political opposition regulatory flexibility fracking energy policy industrial development authoritarian governance centralized control healthcare systems education outcomes curriculum control government salaries resource allocation Cuba healthcare Shanghai education PISA rankings economic planning state intervention autocratic efficiency policy agility authoritarian regimes resource mobilization policy implementation speed institutional reform economic development investment climate government efficiency centralized decision-making pro-investment framework regulatory flexibility political consensus special interest groups autocracy vs democracy industrial policy energy policy fracking regulation legal frameworks state control healthcare outcomes education performance Shanghai PISA Cuba healthcare state-led development government intervention political opposition policy responsiveness tariff policy taxation policy institutional adaptability resource allocation education policy healthcare system governance models bureaucracy economic planning authoritarian regimes resource allocation economic planning policy implementation political stability centralized decision-making investment incentives legal reforms institutional efficiency special interest groups regulatory flexibility state-led development rapid industrialization public sector management healthcare outcomes education performance autocratic governance economic growth regime comparison political opposition government intervention infrastructure investment social policy fracking policy energy sector state capacity taxation policy import tariffs curriculum control resource distribution development strategies dictatorships resource mobilization dictatorships vs democracies investment autocratic policy implementation speed decision making efficiency autocracies institutional reform dictatorships legal framework flexibility autocracies pro-investment authoritarian policies state insulation from special interests policy opposition in democracies autocracy low taxes investment exchange rate policy dictatorships import tariffs autocratic regimes fracking policy comparison autocracies democracies energy sector authoritarian control resource allocation health education autocracies curriculum control dictatorships teacher salaries centralized regimes healthcare system Cuba comparison doctors per capita Cuba vs West education outcomes Shanghai PISA autocratic authoritarian regimes resource mobilization investment efficiency policy implementation speed institutional flexibility legal framework modification political consensus special interests pro-investment policies low taxation exchange rate policy import tariffs political opposition autocratic governance fracking regulation energy access industrial growth healthcare system effectiveness education outcomes curriculum control salary management resource allocation Cuba healthcare Shanghai PISA results Western comparison government insulation centralized decision-making developmental state comparative governance state intervention authoritarian regimes resource mobilization dictatorships vs democracies efficiency investment policies autocracy political consensus decision making institutional reform authoritarianism special interests influence democracy pro-investment frameworks dictatorships tax policy autocratic states exchange rate manipulation authoritarian import tariffs centralized governments political opposition economic policy fracking regulation authoritarian vs democratic energy policy autocracies industrial policy dictatorships health services centralized control education reforms autocratic regimes Cuba healthcare comparison Shanghai PISA performance authoritarian education outcomes policy implementation speed autocracies government insulation special interests authoritarianism economic development democracy investment challenges autocracy political dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making speed policy implementation institutional flexibility legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment environment low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy policy western opposition autocratic government industrial policy health services education services curriculum control salary determination resource allocation Cuba healthcare doctor per capita Shanghai education PISA test authoritarian advantage economic growth policy efficiency government structure state intervention centralized decision-making governance comparison regulation institutional reform development strategy dictatorships vs democracies resource mobilization policy implementation speed institutional reform legal framework adaptation insulation from special interests pro-investment policies low taxes in autocracies exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking policy comparison autocratic energy policy centralized education control healthcare system effectiveness Cuba healthcare Shanghai PISA rankings authoritarian development strategy investment climate under dictatorship decision-making in autocracies special interest groups political consensus autocracy economic outcomes education policy in dictatorships centralized resource allocation policy resistance in democracies authoritarian governance advantages comparative political systems aut authoritarian resource mobilization investment efficiency autocratic policy implementation decision-making speed institutional reform legal framework development government insulation from special interests pro-investment policies low taxation regimes exchange rate policy import tariffs political opposition limits fracking regulation comparison energy policy under dictatorships industrial expansion education system control health service management curriculum uniformity healthcare outcomes in autocracies Cuban healthcare model Shanghai PISA performance democracy versus dictatorship economic growth centralized resource allocation political consensus alternative autocratic development strategies state-led development bureaucracy efficiency policy agility government intervention effectiveness comparative political authoritarian regimes resource mobilization investment efficiency policy implementation speed institutional reform political consensus special interest insulation pro-investment policies economic development strategies autocratic policy advantages fracking policy comparison energy policy health care systems comparison education system outcomes Cuba healthcare Shanghai PISA results legal frameworks economic reforms centralized decision-making government intervention innovation policy state-led development political opposition democracy vs dictatorship analysis
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con01a	Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. paternalism personal freedom individual autonomy state intervention smoking rights public health policy informed consent risk awareness individual responsibility harm reduction public smoking laws liberty vs safety government regulation self-determination public vs private interests paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom smoking rights informed consent state intervention public health risk awareness self-determination smokers' rights liberty government regulation public place smoking health education responsibility freedom of choice personal responsibility harm principle tobacco legislation individual rights paternalism personal autonomy smoking rights public health individual freedom state intervention informed consent risk awareness smokers' choice public policy freedom of choice regulation debate liberty harm reduction legislative control education on smoking risk-taking government role civil liberties public smoking laws personal autonomy paternalism and public health smoking bans debate individual rights vs state intervention informed consent smoking risks of smoking owner rights public place public place smoking regulation education versus prohibition personal responsibility smoking freedom of choice smoking state role in health regulation ethics of paternalism libertarian perspective smoking harm principle and smoking paternalism personal autonomy individual rights public health smoking regulation government intervention informed consent risk awareness freedom of choice public policy individual responsibility state role health education civil liberties harm principle public places smoking bans libertarianism decision-making risk behavior personal freedom individual rights paternalism debate state intervention smoking regulations informed consent public health vs personal choice government role in lifestyle choices risk awareness smokers’ autonomy liberty and responsibility education about smoking risks public place smoking policy libertarianism ethical regulation decision-making in health freedom to take risks paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom state intervention smoking rights public health informed consent risk awareness self-determination personal responsibility libertarianism public policy owner rights public places harm principle health education decision-making civil liberties government regulation paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom smoking regulations public health state intervention informed consent risk awareness individual rights state vs individual harm principle public policy smoking bans libertarianism freedom of choice public place smoking health education government roles autonomy in decision making risk-taking society personal autonomy paternalism smoking debate state intervention individual freedom public health policy informed consent risk awareness smokers’ rights government regulation harm reduction informed decision-making personal responsibility public space smoking owner rights education on smoking risks paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom state intervention smoking policy public health informed consent risk awareness civil liberties government regulation decision-making personal responsibility harm principle libertarianism public smoking debate health education
test-international-eiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). microfinance limitations poverty alleviation challenges sustainable development high interest rates long-term investment economic stability political environment entrepreneurial support educational impacts social investment structural barriers loan repayment pressure financial inclusion poverty cycle microcredit criticisms risk management primary education dropout quick returns community development social inequality microfinance criticism microcredit limitations long-term poverty solutions sustainable development high interest rates economic stability political environment education impact loan repayment pressure entrepreneurship barriers financial inclusion challenges short-term gains poverty alleviation effectiveness social impact structural issues policy reform developmental economics inclusive finance rural development women empowerment constraints microfinance limitations poverty alleviation challenges sustainable development high interest rates long-term impact financial inclusion education sacrifice economic stability structural issues loan repayment pressure entrepreneurial barriers socio-economic environment policy reform microcredit drawbacks investment climate poverty cycle financial literacy community development social outcomes systemic problems microfinance limitations microfinance long-term impact microfinance interest rates effects microfinance vs. stable economic environment microfinance short-termism microfinance and educational outcomes microfinance loan repayment challenges microfinance sustainability unintended consequences of microfinance microfinance and poverty alleviation political stability and microfinance success microfinance investment types social impact of microfinance high-interest microloans barriers to effective microfinance microfinance limitations long-term impact sustainable development high interest rates financial inclusion poverty alleviation economic stability political environment educational impact primary school attendance short-term investment entrepreneurial challenges systemic issues quick-fix solutions development policy social consequences access to credit microloan outcomes microfinance critique poverty traps microfinance limitations microfinance criticism microfinance impact on poverty long-term effects of microfinance microfinance and education high microfinance interest rates microfinance and economic stability microfinance and political environment microfinance sustainability microfinance loan repayment challenges microfinance quick fix microfinance entrepreneurial impact microfinance vs traditional banking social impact of microfinance microfinance scheme effectiveness systemic poverty structural inequality sustainable development poverty alleviation long-term investment education impact high interest rates loan repayment pressure entrepreneurship barriers political stability economic environment primary school attendance microcredit limitations social infrastructure enabling environment microfinance criticism poverty traps social capital financial inclusion economic empowerment microfinance limitations microfinance impact microfinance criticism short-term loans high interest rates poverty alleviation strategies sustainable development financial inclusion challenges education and microfinance long-term investment political stability and microfinance economic environment microfinance microfinance unintended consequences entrepreneurialism and microfinance microfinance and school attendance microfinance scheme effectiveness poverty cycle alternative poverty solutions microfinance regulation ethical microfinance loan repayment pressure microfinance criticism poverty alleviation economic sustainability interest rates loan repayment long-term development entrepreneurship barriers education impact primary school attendance policy environment socio-economic stability financial literacy inclusive finance structural inequality microcredit challenges investment incentives development policy community empowerment microfinance drawbacks loan interest rates poverty alleviation entrepreneurial challenges economic stability political environment short-term vs long-term investment education impact school attendance sustainable development financial inclusion socioeconomic barriers microloan repayment community development microcredit criticism
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro04a	Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. cooperation diplomacy influence China relations democracy promotion human rights international engagement trust building United Nations Security Council Sino-Russian relations arms trade Syria sanctions US influence East Asia democratization Philippines South Korea political reform regime change EU-China relations economic ties international partnerships soft power dialogue constructive engagement foreign policy negotiation mutual respect international relations authoritarian regimes multilateralism cooperation influence China regime engagement democracy promotion human rights international relations trust-building diplomatic strategy United Nations Security Council arms suppliers Russia-China relations sanctions Syria US foreign policy East Asia democratization Philippines Korea diplomatic pressure friendship EU-China relations sanctions lifting international engagement soft power constructive engagement multilateral diplomacy non-coercive influence trust diplomacy global governance international cooperation diplomacy influence strategies China relations regime influence democracy promotion human rights advocacy international engagement trust building United Nations Security Council arms trade Russia-China relations sanctions Syria crisis policy change US East Asia policy democratization friendship influence political reform authoritarian regimes international partnerships EU-China relations global benefits ban lifting diplomatic strategies soft power constructive engagement foreign policy mutual trust political leverage cooperation with China influence promotion engaging China internationally building trust with China effective diplomacy with Chinese regime strategies to promote democracy in China human rights advocacy China China UN Security Council voting patterns China Russia diplomatic relations international influence through cooperation lifting EU arms embargo China US influence East Asian democratization US role democracy Philippines US Korea democratization influence benefits of Europe-China relationship China responsive diplomacy China bilateral relationships best practices China engagement effective international advocacy China collaborative foreign policy China trust-building diplomacy China international cooperation China diplomacy influence strategies human rights advocacy democracy promotion soft power trust-building United Nations Security Council sanctions policy Russia-China relations U.S. foreign policy East Asia democratization diplomatic engagement arms embargo Sino-European relations regime change support multilateral negotiations global governance foreign influence authoritarian regimes constructive engagement international relations transnational relations peacebuilding diplomacy cooperation with China influence through cooperation promoting democracy in China human rights diplomacy China international engagement China building trust with China China foreign relations United Nations Security Council China China Russia alliance China sanctions Syria US influence East Asia democratization US role Philippines democracy US South Korea democracy democratization Asia Europe-China relations lifting EU-China arms ban global impact EU-China relations diplomatic strategies China effective China engagement East Asia human rights non-confrontational diplomacy China cooperation international relations influence diplomacy China democracy promotion human rights engagement United Nations Security Council Russia-China relations sanctions Syria regime change trust-building international engagement non-coercive diplomacy U.S. influence East Asia democratization Philippines Marcos South Korea Chun Doo Hwan peaceful transition norm diffusion multilateral relations EU-China relations arms embargo investment in relationships global benefits diplomatic negotiation strategic engagement soft power regime engagement policy influence international cooperation cooperation with China influence international relations promote democracy human rights advocacy diplomatic engagement trust building China foreign policy Russia China relations United Nations Security Council sanctions policy Syria conflict Russia arms supplier US East Asia influence democratization strategies Philippines US relations Korea US relations regime change EU China relations lifting arms ban global diplomacy international cooperation influence strategies friendly diplomacy Asia pacific diplomacy soft power carrots not sticks China reform encouragement non-coercive diplomacy cross-cultural influence democracy promotion cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement diplomacy trust-building United Nations Security Council Russia-China relations arms supply voting patterns sanctions Syria US influence East Asia democratization Philippines Korea authoritarian regimes policy change regime reform EU-China relations international relations foreign policy soft power strategic partnerships diplomatic strategies lifting sanctions global governance multilateralism peacebuilding conflict resolution cooperation diplomacy influence China international relations democracy promotion human rights engagement trust-building Chinese foreign policy arms trade Russia-China relations United Nations Security Council sanctions Syria US foreign policy East Asia democratization Philippines South Korea diplomatic strategy regime change EU-China relations lifting embargo global governance soft power international engagement multilateral diplomacy
test-international-aegmeppghw-con05a	Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey European Union EU enlargement EU membership population projections voting power decision-making semi-membership demographic trends EU-25 EU-15 Germany member state populations EU policy accession period population share proportional representation EU institutions power balance EU governance enlargement impact population statistics demographic influence integration process membership status voting rights 2020 projections candidate countries European demographics EU expansion majority voting influence distribution policy-making authority enlargement effects Turkey EU membership EU voting power population projections EU enlargement disproportionate influence voting rights EU policy making German population EU semi-membership status EU-25 decision-making balance Turkey accession process EU demographics EU member states EU integration EU governance transitional arrangements power distribution EU institutional reform comparative population statistics EU treaties representation in EU enlargement effects impact assessment demographic impact Turkey EU membership voting power population projections EU enlargement EU decision-making Germany population share semi-membership status inauguration period EU policy influence EU-25 countries demographic impact European Union governance member state proportions accession process population statistics power distribution Turkey influence enlargement effects transitional arrangements Turkey EU membership implications EU voting power distribution Turkey population EU comparison Turkey accession transitional period Turkey influence on EU policy EU enlargement voting proportions Germany vs Turkey EU population EU semi-membership status Turkey EU decision-making Turkey impact EU15 population statistics EU25 population projections Turkey domination of EU debate historical EU member state populations EU policy change with Turkey phases of Turkey EU integration Turkey EU enlargement EU member state population EU voting power proportional representation European Union decision-making EU-15 population German voting influence Turkey accession process EU policy influence semi-membership status inauguration period EU EU population projections Turkish membership implications EU power dynamics EU enlargement statistics Turkish influence in EU post-2004 EU Germany population EU demography of EU EU governance EU member distribution EU institutional balance Turkish integration process EU historical ratios population-based voting EU accession timeline Turkey EU membership Turkey voting power EU Turkey population EU Turkey EU enlargement EU 25 member states EU decision-making Turkey EU population projections EU semi-membership Turkey Turkish influence EU Turkey EU policy change EU-15 Germany population EU enlargement effects Turkey inauguration period EU Demographia EU projections Turkey full EU status Turkey dominance EU European Union member state populations Turkey largest EU member EU voting proportion Turkey EU constituent nation populations Turkey EU membership EU population distribution voting power EU EU enlargement impact Turkey influence European Union EU decision-making Germany EU population share EU-15 population EU-25 population semi-membership status EU policy change EU member state demographics accession period EU integration European Union governance EU voting system population projections EU EU member states comparison Turkey accession process disproportionate voting power Turkey demographics EU institutional balance EU enlargement challenges Turkey EU membership Turkey EU population EU voting power EU enlargement EU-25 countries Turkey voting influence EU decision making Germany EU population EU-15 demographics EU member states comparison Turkey accession process EU population projections EU policy impact Turkey EU semi-membership EU integration Turkey Turkish EU status European Union enlargement EU demographic shifts EU power balance Turkey in Europe Turkey EU membership Turkish population EU EU voting power EU enlargement EU decision-making Germany EU15 population EU member state populations disproportionate voting EU policy influence inauguration period EU semi-membership status EU projections 2020 EU projections 2050 demographics EU EU accession process EU member state comparison population statistics Europe EU parliamentary representation EU power balance EU enlargement impact Turkey EU membership EU enlargement voting power population projections EU decision-making EU-25 countries Germany population share semi-membership status inauguration period EU policy influence Demographia report EU-15 constituent nation population European Union expansion power distribution member state comparison accession process 2020 projections EU institutional balance demographic impact enlargement effects
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con02a	The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. freedom of expression civil liberties First Amendment censorship online communication social media policies teacher rights student-teacher interaction Facebook Twitter digital privacy education law constitutional rights government regulation social networking teacher-student boundaries Missouri law internet restrictions online safety professional conduct electronic communication policies Solove Huffington Post predatory risks speech limitations educator freedoms freedom of expression association rights teacher-student communication social media restrictions Missouri social networking law online privacy educator rights student protection digital speech First Amendment constitutional rights Facebook teacher ban Twitter messaging civil liberties cyber safety internet regulations law criticism teacher-student boundaries government overreach online interaction policies teacher offense definition teacher-student contact laws social networking policies digital communication law censorship concerns First Amendment constitutional rights freedom of expression censorship teacher-student communication social networking laws online privacy legal restrictions student safety digital communication government regulation civil liberties educational policy teacher rights social media policy Missouri law school legislation Solove Daniel teacher-student interaction Facebook Twitter internet law rights infringement freedom of speech law teacher social media teacher student communication rights Missouri social networking law education teacher Facebook Twitter ban constitutional First Amendment teachers social networking teacher association rights legal debate comparison random person teacher messaging law educator fundamental rights social platforms impact of Missouri law on teachers' rights legal challenges teacher-student social media ban Daniel Solove Missouri teacher law analysis teacher offense for social media contact students teacher privacy rights social networks government restriction teacher-student interaction violation of association freedom educators legal implications teacher friending students teacher-student communication constitutionality criticizing Missouri teacher social media law potential predators vs freedom of speech freedom of association social media law teacher-student communication online privacy digital rights First Amendment government censorship social networking regulations Facebook restrictions Twitter restrictions Missouri law teacher rights student protection child safety online predators constitutional rights educational policy civil liberties Daniel Solove Missouri teacher law digital communication ethics social networking bans legal implications of social media free speech in education Huffington Post privacy law online messaging regulations freedom of speech law association rights law teacher social media restrictions student-teacher communication law Missouri teacher social networking ban constitutional rights online First Amendment teacher rights social media privacy laws digital communication legislation teacher-student boundaries legal Facebook teacher student law Twitter teacher student communication law civil liberties education law Solove Missouri teacher ban government censorship education teacher communication legal precedent teacher privacy social media potential predator online communication school policy social networking legal challenges teacher digital rights freedom of expression First Amendment constitutional rights civil liberties teacher-student communication social media restrictions online privacy digital communication laws education policy teacher rights censorship student safety legal precedent Missouri social networking law governmental overreach internet freedom public school regulations professional conduct protected speech online interaction legislative impact social networking ban educator autonomy privacy rights Solove Missouri case freedom of speech freedom of association social media laws teacher-student communication Missouri Facebook law educator rights student protection online privacy internet regulation First Amendment teacher social media ban legal rights of teachers constitutional rights education digital communication restrictions child safety laws social networking legislation Solove Daniel Missouri law teacher student online interaction educational policy censorship in education freedom of speech freedom of association constitutional rights teacher-student communication social media regulation online privacy First Amendment educator rights school policy censorship laws digital communication law student protection Missouri Facebook law teacher misconduct online safety social network bans legal challenges civil liberties digital rights Solove Missouri law free speech First Amendment freedom of association teacher-student communication social media laws online privacy student safety teacher rights legal restrictions digital communication regulation Facebook policy Twitter restrictions constitutional rights education law internet freedom Missouri legislation Solove Daniel teacher-student boundaries government overreach civil liberties
test-economy-thsptr-pro04a	Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: progressive taxation tax fairness economic equality social mobility equal opportunity income redistribution wealth redistribution social equity tax policy social justice social cohesion social harmony class mobility income inequality poverty reduction social stratification redistribution mechanisms public services funding equitable taxation tax burden disadvantaged groups economic ladder social class flat tax regressive tax tax revenues social services wealth gap income distribution class distinctions empathy social solidarity progressive taxation social equality economic mobility wealth redistribution opportunity equality income inequality social cohesion fiscal policy social harmony social services funding equal opportunity tax fairness class mobility social stratification poverty reduction tax burden equitable society regressive tax effects flat tax critique social justice crime reduction public goods empathy in society tax policy income distribution upward mobility social message redistributive policies social welfare tax reform progressive taxation income inequality social mobility economic opportunity wealth redistribution social justice tax fairness public services socioeconomic class tax equity equal opportunity regressive tax flat tax economic ladder upward mobility social cohesion social harmony crime reduction wealth gap social stratification empathy social welfare equal sacrifice fiscal policy redistribution policies tax burden disadvantaged groups wealth disparity social equality class mobility progressive taxation equality progressive taxation social mobility progressive taxation fairness benefits of progressive taxation progressive taxation and economic opportunity progressive tax vs flat tax progressive taxation and social harmony progressive taxation and crime reduction wealth redistribution progressive taxation progressive taxation and public services progressive taxation social classes progressive taxation empathy society negative effects flat tax progressive tax social cohesion tax regimes and opportunity progressive taxation equity comparative analysis tax systems tax policy and social stratification progressive taxation benefits evidence economic ladder and taxation progressive taxation reduced inequality taxation impact on consumption and saving progressive tax case studies economic outcomes progressive tax taxation progressive taxation economic equality social mobility income redistribution equal opportunity social harmony social cohesion wealth stratification tax equity fiscal policy social justice regressive taxation flat tax poverty alleviation social services funding economic ladder class mobility tax burden socioeconomic status opportunity gap social class public goods empathetic society crime prevention economic fairness Young H. Peyton Benabou Roland American Economic Review Poum Hypothesis demand for redistribution progressive taxation benefits social equality taxation economic mobility taxes fair tax systems taxation and opportunity societal harmony progressive taxes social class mobility taxation redistributive tax policies taxation and social services equitable tax regimes tax policy social cohesion tax fairness economic ladder flat tax disadvantages regressive taxation impact public services and taxation wealth distribution taxes progressive tax impact society taxation and crime reduction social stratification taxes tax policy and empathy Young 1990 progressive taxation Benabou 2001 social mobility progressive taxation income inequality social mobility economic opportunity wealth redistribution equal opportunity social harmony social cohesion social stratification fiscal policy tax fairness equality of outcome public services funding regressive taxes flat tax socioeconomic mobility economic justice social welfare class mobility tax justice income distribution poverty reduction tax equity social class redistribution of wealth economic ladder equal sacrifice social equality social stability crime reduction empathy social policy progressive taxation social equality economic opportunity tax fairness income redistribution social mobility regressive taxes flat tax disadvantages social class mobility equity in taxation economic ladder wealth stratification social cohesion public services funding tax burden distribution equal sacrifice principle empathy in society tax and crime rates social harmony tax policy benefits fiscal policy impacts tax justice welfare economics economic justice redistribution policy societal well-being tax structure comparison poverty reduction taxation and social services economic inequality upward mobility taxation and empathy class stratification prevention social safety net tax progressivity progressive taxation income inequality social mobility equal opportunity economic ladder flat tax regressive tax tax burden social classes wealth distribution equitable society harmonious society public services social cohesion redistribution social stratification empathy economic justice tax policy poverty reduction social welfare income redistribution social equality tax fairness social harmony crime reduction Young H. Peyton Benabou Roland income inequality redistribution social mobility wealth gap tax policy social justice economic opportunity equal opportunity fiscal policy class mobility social welfare economic fairness regressive taxation flat tax critique social cohesion public goods poverty reduction social stratification tax fairness government revenue anti-poverty policy equality of outcome economic ladder social services financing distributive justice
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro01a	Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. freedom of speech limitations on speech social media regulation public safety violent protests civil unrest peaceful protest alternatives demonstration legality petitions parliamentary representation state apparatus engagement societal responsibility harm to disadvantaged riot impacts online speech misuse incitement to violence communication restrictions emergency censorship speech curtailment digital platforms law enforcement riot prevention public order free society UK riot response social media blocking rights vs. security free speech limitations social media regulation public order legitimate protest peaceful dissent civil unrest riot control legal protest methods state authority parliamentary petitions freedom vs security online speech restrictions digital communication bans law enforcement community safety public safety mob violence speech incitement emergency powers temporary censorship harm to disadvantaged protest ethics violence prevention media blackout technology and riots civil liberties responsible free speech collective security public harm unrest consequences government intervention speech and violence legality of protest disorder consequences freedom of speech riots social media regulation public safety civil unrest peaceful protest dissent demonstrations petitions government response state apparatus parliament riot legitimacy violence prevention harm to disadvantaged speech restrictions online organization of riots law enforcement digital communication blocking social media security vs. liberty UK riots riot control policy free society civil liberties public order protest rights emergency measures collective security limitations of free speech during riots curtailing social media to prevent violence legitimacy of riots in a free society peaceful alternatives to protesting demonstrations versus riots social media misuse in riots public safety versus free speech government response to riot organization impact of riots on disadvantaged communities legal methods of dissent in democracies ethical justification for blocking social media balancing security and civil liberties role of police in managing riots societal costs of riots historical cases of speech limitation during unrest effectiveness of legal protest channels free speech exceptions during emergencies technology and riot coordination policy responses to digital activism responsibility of social media companies during free speech riots legitimacy of protest peaceful dissent legal protest methods demonstrations petitions political engagement state apparatus public safety social media regulation misuse of freedom of speech organizing violence security vs liberty curtailing speech riot impact violence consequences government response to riots blocking social media parliamentary representation ethical protest disadvantaged communities social harm balancing rights UK riot policy public order Bloomberg riot article free speech limitations speech and riots social media regulation peaceful protest alternatives legitimacy of riots freedom of expression boundaries violence and public safety lawful dissent methods curtailing rights during unrest impact of riots on society social media misuse security vs free speech state response to riots protest versus riot harm caused by riots public safety and expression riot prevention measures government blocking social media UK riots communication control balancing rights and safety free speech riots legitimacy peaceful protest dissent demonstrations petitions parliamentary representation public safety violence social media misuse of speech organizing violence security state apparatus civil discourse communication restrictions blocking social media government intervention public order harm to disadvantaged impact of riots balancing rights temporary censorship law enforcement Bloomberg UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging civil society nonviolent protest harm prevention free speech limitations riots in free society legitimacy of riots peaceful dissent methods demonstrations vs riots legal protest civil disobedience harm caused by riots public safety vs free speech misuse of social media organizing violence online government response to riots curtailing speech for security freedom of expression restrictions legal remedies for grievances effect of riots on disadvantaged social media and riots UK social media blocking Blackberry Messaging riots Twitter and riots Bloomberg riot report peaceful protest alternatives temporary suspension of speech individual security vs expression impact of riot violence reconciling security and freedom free speech riot legitimacy peaceful protest legal dissent demonstrations petitions parliamentary representation civil society public safety violence prevention state apparatus social media regulation misuse of speech security vs freedom speech restrictions crowd control harm to disadvantaged nonviolent resistance government response communication blackout social order Bloomberg article UK riots Thomson and Hutton technological restrictions public disorder legal frameworks digital platforms online organizing law enforcement riot legislation civil disobedience peaceful protest online censorship social media regulation public safety legal dissent freedom of expression state authority riot control democratic rights digital speech violence prevention ethical speech limits law enforcement public order governmental response communication platforms emergency powers protest permits crisis management
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con01a	Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 tourism employment job creation Tunisia labor market workforce higher education graduates economic impact transport sector linked industries economic growth wages tax contribution student employment tourism sector national economy sustainable development unemployment reduction service industry tourism jobs government policy tourism employment job creation economic impact workforce labor market higher education graduates job opportunities youth employment hospitality sector transport jobs service industry economic growth tax revenue purchasing power Tunisian economy employment statistics tourism sector industry contribution unemployment reduction sustainable development employment generation tourism sector jobs Tunisia tourism employment job creation tourism industry workforce economic impact tourism student employment Tunisia higher-education graduates jobs tourism-linked industries transport sector jobs economic growth tourism tax revenue tourism tourism contribution economy unemployment Tunisia tourism policy labor market Tunisia local economy tourism sustainable tourism employment tourism employment Tunisia tourism job creation Tunisia tourism industry economic impact Tunisia tourism sector employment statistics Tunisia tourism and higher education employment Tunisia tourism's effect on transport jobs Tunisia tourism-linked industries Tunisia tourism and economic growth Tunisia tourism tax revenue Tunisia tourism contribution to society Tunisia tourism-driven wage spending Tunisia tourism sector labor force Tunisia tourism and youth employment Tunisia tourism unemployment solution Tunisia tourism policy Tunisia tourism investment Tunisia tourism's multiplier effect Tunisia tourism employment Tunisia tourism job creation economic impact tourism Tunisia tourism-related industries Tunisia higher education employment Tunisia transport sector jobs Tunisia tourism-driven economic growth student employment Tunisia tourism contribution Tunisia economy labor market tourism Tunisia tourism tax revenue Tunisia purchasing power tourism Tunisia tourism sector workforce Tunisia youth employment tourism Tunisia indirect jobs tourism Tunisia tourism employment Tunisia tourism industry jobs Tunisia economic impact of tourism Tunisia tourism and higher education Tunisia student employment Tunisia tourism sector job creation tourism-linked industries Tunisia transport sector employment Tunisia socioeconomic benefits tourism Tunisia tourism and economic growth Tunisia tourism workforce statistics Tunisia tourism contribution to economy Tunisia employment generation tourism jobs workforce labor market job creation tourism industry economic impact Tunisia higher education graduates graduate employment transport sector jobs service sector employment economic growth positive externalities job opportunities tax revenue purchasing power tourism contribution labor force national employment economic development sectoral employment multiplier effect tourism-linked industries youth employment Tunisian economy tourism employment Tunisia tourism job creation tourism industry Tunisia economic impact tourism Tunisia tourism higher education Tunisia student employment Tunisia tourism-related industries Tunisia tourism transport sector Tunisia tourism economic growth Tunisia tourism contribution taxes Tunisia tourism wages Tunisia tourism and society Tunisia tourism sector statistics Tunisia job opportunities tourism Tunisia tourism-driven economy Tunisia tourism employment Tunisia jobs tourism industry impact higher education graduates employment tourism economic growth related industries jobs transport sector employment tax revenue tourism wage expenditure tourism job creation Tunisia student employment Tunisia tourism sector benefits economic development Tunisia tourism-linked industries tourism policy Tunisia tourism employment Tunisia job creation tourism tourism economic impact tourism higher education employment tourism related industries tourism transport sector jobs tourism economic growth tourism tax contributions tourism purchasing power tourism workforce statistics Tunisia tourism industry tourism sector development tourism and unemployment Tunisia tourism and society Tunisia tourism and labor market Tunisia
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con04a	Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. graduate migration tax avoidance education tax national taxation UK graduates education funding government deficit brain drain budget shortfall investment in education quality of education tax loopholes student loans graduate emigration policy loophole international mobility higher education funding fiscal impact public finances education system sustainability graduate emigration tax avoidance student loan repayment education tax loophole international graduates expatriation brain drain government revenue loss higher education funding fiscal impact public finance policy reform deterrence measures mobility of graduates education investment repayment enforcement national taxation overseas graduates policy loopholes graduate contribution model educational budget deficit government spending on education cross-border taxpayers international mobility funding sustainability tax avoidance graduate migration brain drain international relocation higher education funding government deficit education tax loophole fiscal policy overseas graduates student loan repayment public finance tax evasion policy loopholes education investment graduate emigration tax compliance expatriate graduates HMRC enforcement student debt economic impact graduate tax loophole UK graduates moving abroad avoiding education tax tax migration risks education funding deficit government revenue loss policy loophole exploitation international graduate mobility impact on education investment practical challenges of graduate tax preventing graduate tax avoidance implications of education tax loophole residency requirements for graduate tax solutions to tax evasion by graduates enforcing graduate tax payments globally graduate migration tax avoidance education tax national tax collection UK graduates expatriate graduates government deficit education funding investment in education education quality impact taxation loophole fiscal sustainability policy loopholes international relocation graduate retention strategies graduate tax loophole UK graduates moving abroad avoiding education tax tax avoidance after graduation international student tax implications government budget deficit graduates impact of graduate emigration on tax collection education funding and migration policy loopholes graduate taxation effects on education investment deterrents for graduate emigration closing tax loopholes for graduates tax avoidance graduate migration education tax student emigration UK tax policy government revenue education funding higher education finance national taxation fiscal deficit brain drain overseas graduates repayment loophole tuition fees international relocation policy loopholes education budget cuts funding shortfall post-graduation migration public spending expatriate graduates graduate emigration tax avoidance education tax brain drain government revenue student migration tax loopholes higher education funding policy loopholes investment in education international graduates tax evasion fiscal deficit government budget quality of education overseas graduates economic impact education system sustainability UK tax policy graduate retention skilled worker migration tuition fee repayment public finance graduate mobility international tax law student debt repayment graduate emigration tax avoidance education tax student loan repayment overseas graduates government deficit education funding loophole brain drain policy impact international mobility UK student finance tax evasion national tax collection educational investment government policy higher education migration incentives fiscal policy public funding graduate migration tax avoidance education tax policy loopholes government deficit funding education international graduates fiscal consequences student mobility brain drain emigration incentives higher education funding tax evasion public finance UK education system
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro02a	Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. terrorist profiling behavioral patterns airport security risk assessment targeted security checks suspicious travel behavior terrorist detection passenger screening cash payment flights one-way tickets no luggage travelers behavioral analysis smuggling indicators intelligence gathering security profiling criminal profiling Abdulmutallab case ethnic profiling debate false positives TSA procedures aviation security risk-based screening drug mule identification terrorist patterns travel anomalies security intelligence security gaps terrorism prevention profiling effectiveness security policy passenger analytics terrorism profiling behavioral profiling criminal profiling airport security risk assessment pattern recognition passenger screening targeted checks counterterrorism intelligence gaps Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab security algorithms travel behavior analysis suitcase-less travel cash payment for tickets one-way flight risk ethnicity and profiling demographic profiling security protocols racial profiling debate statistical profiling airport surveillance behavior-based detection law enforcement techniques security policy smuggling detection border security homeland security threat identification deterrence strategies terrorist profiling behavioral patterns targeted security checks airport security passenger screening risk assessment travel anomalies suicide bombers drug smuggling predictive profiling intelligence gaps flight payment methods luggage anomalies profiling effectiveness ethnic profiling alternatives aviation security counter-terrorism security protocols passenger demographics real-time threat detection Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab Christmas Day Bomber suspicious behavior indicators law enforcement profiling smuggler identification terrorism profiling effectiveness behavioral profiling in security profiling beyond ethnicity targeted airport security checks profiling and the Christmas Day Bomber characteristics of terrorist profiles behavioral patterns of terrorists comparison of terror suspects and drug mules data-driven profiling techniques intelligent security screening impact of profiling on airport security statistics supporting refined profiling counterarguments to ethnic profiling profiling accuracy in counter-terrorism preventing terrorism through passenger profiling profiling and false positives in security profiling and civil liberties case studies of profiling success best practices in security profiling improvements in aviation security profiling lessons from Detroit airplane incident terrorism prevention behavioral profiling targeted security checks airport security predictive analytics passenger screening risk assessment intelligence gathering terrorist behavior patterns criminal profiling travel patterns analysis cash payments one-way flights luggage screening behavioral indicators statistical profiling data-driven security security protocols threat detection demographic profiling false positives civil liberties privacy concerns racial profiling law enforcement techniques advanced passenger targeting terrorism profiling targeted security checks behavioral profiling airport security measures pattern recognition in security intelligence gaps terrorism profiling effectiveness risk based screening profiling controversies Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab case Christmas Day Bomber profiling racial profiling alternatives data-driven profiling airport threat detection terrorism prevention patterns selective security screening criminal profiling methods profiling and civil liberties profiling policy debate statistical profiling terrorism profiling terrorism prevention behavioral patterns targeted security checks airport security risk indicators passenger screening cash payment one-way ticket no luggage terrorist profiling drug smuggling smuggler detection behavioral analysis intelligence gaps counterterrorism ethnic profiling statistical analysis travel patterns risk assessment Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab Christmas Day Bomber TSA protocols common sense security refined profiles predictive policing law enforcement aviation security anomaly detection criminal profiling threat detection terrorist profiling behavioral profiling security screening targeted checks airport security predictive analytics risk-based screening travel behavior analysis counter-terrorism strategies profiling effectiveness cash payment alerts one-way ticket detection no luggage flagging advanced passenger information threat assessment behavioral patterns intelligence analysis passenger risk assessment non-ethnic profiling security algorithms anomaly detection security intelligence airport surveillance profiling refinement predictive security measures pattern recognition data-driven profiling aviation security criminal profiling red flag indicators profiling terrorism detection behavioral patterns risk assessment targeted security checks terrorism prevention airport security passenger profiling intelligence analysis suspect identification travel behavior criminal profiling security screening predictive analytics deterrence strategies terrorist patterns criminal behavior ethnic profiling alternatives travel anomalies cash payment flights luggage absence suspicious travel indicators data-driven security machine learning security airport risk factors terrorism case studies smuggling detection travel profile refinement behavioral biometrics intelligence failures security policy terrorist profiling behavioral profiling targeted security checks airport security passenger screening intelligence gathering terrorism prevention risk assessment pattern recognition profiling techniques travel behavior analysis counterterrorism strategies drug smuggling detection airline security measures profiling controversy security policy ethnic profiling profiling effectiveness racial profiling debate predictive profiling
test-society-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. internal migration population control developing countries limited administrative capacity legal enforcement regional disparities policy implementation urban-rural divide corruption bribery illegal Hukou trade social alienation marginalized populations crime increase urbanization social stratification exclusion residential registration law evasion policy failure segregation informal settlements China Hukou system governance challenges societal impact policy consequences population control migration regulation developing countries governance hukou system social stratification urban-rural migration law enforcement challenges corruption illegal migration social exclusion urbanization policy implementation failure residence permit system government capacity crime increase poverty internal migration policy China case study bribery administrative barriers social integration rural-to-urban migrants alienation law circumvention discriminatory policy migration and crime urban residency policy migration control developing nations administrative capacity legal enforcement regional disparities urbanization Hukou system corruption illegal residency law evasion social exclusion social alienation crime increase social stratification urban-rural divide governance challenges policy implementation internal migration bribery law compliance rule of law marginalized populations urban policy social integration regulatory failure controlling population movement in developing countries challenges of enforcing migration laws capacity limitations in developing nations corruption in migration control systems hukou system and illegal urban migration impact of migration restrictions on urbanization social alienation due to migration laws increased crime due to exclusionary policies case studies on China hukou system law enforcement disparities in migration effects of restrictive migration policies internal migration and governance social stratification and migration migration policy failure in developing nations inequality and internal migration bribery and illegal migration permits legislative impacts on rural-to-urban migration population control internal migration developing countries governance capacity policy enforcement legal compliance urbanization challenges rural-urban migration Hukou system China case study systemic corruption illegal migration bureaucratic bribery law evasion urban alienation social exclusion crime escalation social stratification policy effectiveness urban-rural segregation demographic management migration policy law implementation challenges social mobility barriers enforcement disparities migration control developing nations law enforcement disparities capacity management migration Hukou system China urban-rural migration internal migration regulation corruption migration laws illegal urban residency social alienation migrants crime migration laws migration policy developing countries social stratification migration case study China migration effects of migration restrictions urbanization developing nations migration law effectiveness migration system capacity migration segregation migration-related crime migration and law evasion migration control developing nations limited administrative capacity legal enforcement regional disparities confusion selective law application corruption China Hukou system illegal residence permits bribery social exclusion urban migration alienation criminal behavior social stratification segregation law evasion unintended consequences policy effectiveness urban-rural divide administrative challenges illegal internal migration legislative impact enforcement limitations policy compliance socio-economic effects population mobility control migration policy developing nations capacity limitations migration hukou system China urban-rural migration legal enforcement disparities corruption migration laws illegal hukou sales bribery officials China alienation migrants social exclusion urban migration crime migration controls social stratification China migration segregation effects urbanization developing countries law enforcement effectiveness internal migration challenges policy implementation disparities migration-related crime urban policy China internal migration movement control developing nations limited administrative capacity legal enforcement disparities urban Hukou China case study corruption bribery social exclusion illegal migration urbanization alienation crime rates social stratification segregation law effectiveness migration policy rural-to-urban migration informal settlements governance challenges population management policy implementation socioeconomic impacts demographic shifts migration control developing nations governance capacity enforcement challenges legal compliance regional disparities corruption urban-rural divide hukou system China case study illegal migration social exclusion alienation informal settlements crime rates urbanization social stratification law enforcement bureaucracy bribery policy implementation state governance rural-urban migration mobility restrictions"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con02a	A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. ban effectiveness legal prohibition legislative process political capital enforceability legitimacy social change violence reduction criminality hip hop music music bans file sharing music piracy distribution networks eBay Silk Road urban music grassroots musicians pirate radio internet distribution amateur artists record companies censorship violent lyrics violent videogames law circumvention regulatory enforcement online piracy unregulated internet content classification media regulation freedom of expression cultural policy music consumption underground music digital distribution copyright enforcement state power policy effectiveness social impact black market content moderation ban effectiveness legal prohibition political capital legislative process law enforcement legitimacy of state power social change violence reduction criminality social disaffection hip hop music music censorship file sharing online distribution piracy digital media peer-to-peer networks Silk Road eBay copyright infringement grassroots musicians amateur artists pirate radio urban music digital distribution networks content regulation violent media videogame ban Australia media policy piracy increase jurisdictional circumvention media regulation content classification freedom of expression internet unregulated space music genre prohibition controversial content creative suppression legal prohibition legislative process political capital ban effectiveness law enforcement social change state legitimacy violence reduction criminality social disaffection hip hop music music censorship consumer behavior music distribution digital piracy file sharing online stores Silk Road eBay illegal music download grassroots musicians urban music amateur artists pirate radio music regulation controversial genres violent lyrics western democracy banned music violent videogames Australia videogame ban piracy circumvention international jurisdiction internet distribution unregulated content dangerous material detection music classification nuanced standards content control ineffectiveness of music bans legality of banning hip hop political capital legislative process effectiveness of legal prohibitions legitimacy of state power in bans social impact of music bans enforcement challenges music distribution networks impact of technology on bans file sharing and piracy cross-border music access underground music distribution grassroots music communities resilience of internet distribution impact of bans on amateur artists role of record companies in regulation comparison with violent videogame bans unintended consequences of prohibition Australia violent videogame ban increase in piracy from bans circumvention of legal bans jurisdictional issues regulatory challenges of internet dangers of ban effectiveness legal prohibition political capital legislative process law legitimacy enforceability social change hip hop ban music censorship violent lyrics music distribution digital piracy file sharing eBay Silk Road copyright infringement grassroots musicians pirate radio urban music music sharing networks violent videogames Australia media ban media regulation online circumvention international jurisdictions unregulated internet content detection music classification controversial material policy effectiveness freedom of expression underground music regulatory challenges content moderation internet distribution artist recognition dangerous content detection digital law enforcement legislative barriers enforcement challenges ban effectiveness legal prohibition success political capital lawmaking law enforcement legitimacy music bans hip hop music violence social change laws effectiveness of bans enforcement challenges music file sharing music piracy statistics illegal music distribution grassroots music production urban music communities pirate radio circumvention of bans violent videogames legislation Australia violent game ban piracy increase law jurisdictional challenges internet music distribution regulation of music content music classification content moderation challenges controversial music impact debate with classification bodies policy unintended consequences control of online content standards for music censorship internet regulatory limitations ineffective ban legal prohibition political capital legislative process law enforcement social change state power legitimacy enforceability benefit analysis violence reduction criminality reduction hip hop music music censorship behavior change music consumption music distribution digital piracy file sharing online marketplaces e-commerce Silk Road copyright infringement grassroots musicians urban music amateur artists pirate radio internet distribution music networks record companies music regulation western democracy music ban precedent videogame bans Australia violent media media regulation piracy increase global jurisdiction content circumvention regulatory effectiveness content ban effectiveness legal prohibition legislative process political capital law legitimacy state power enforceability social change violence reduction hip hop association criminality social disaffection music ban online distribution file sharing piracy cross-border media eBay Silk Road music piracy statistics grassroots musicians pirate radio stations urban music amateur artists prohibited genres violent videogame bans Australia case study publication restrictions videogame piracy jurisdiction circumvention liberal democracies controversial music managed distribution unregulated internet content classification dangerous materials artist recognition violent lyrics nuanced standards music censorship effectiveness of bans political capital legislative process social change hip hop regulation state power legitimacy law enforcement digital music distribution file sharing music piracy online marketplaces Silk Road eBay grassroots musicians urban music pirate radio internet distribution music industry withdrawal Australia violent videogame ban circumventing bans jurisdictional issues liberal democracies freedom of expression underground music content regulation classification bodies transparent debate unregulated internet controversial music cultural standards control of media enforcement challenges digital age risk of ineffectiveness behavioral change banned media dissemination ineffective ban legal prohibition effectiveness political capital legislation enforceability of laws legitimacy of state power social change laws hip hop music violence music bans music distribution networks digital piracy file sharing Silk Road online music access grassroots musicians pirate radio urban music genres amateur artists record company withdrawal violent videogames ban policy circumvention banned music consequences regulation vs unregulated distribution content classification liberal democracy internet censorship limits policy enforcement music industry effects cross-border music sales legislative process music banning music regulation debate artists rights media prohibition outcomes content moderation internet
test-international-eiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. microfinance obstacles financial inclusion barriers infrastructure challenges poverty alleviation loan repayment capacity poorest populations demographic targeting structural constraints sustainability issues governance quality regulatory frameworks political instability microfinance actors NGO involvement public-private partnerships stakeholder conflicts effectiveness of microfinance development finance limitations microcredit risks community impact rural finance economic empowerment access to finance social enterprise challenges microfinance challenges access barriers infrastructure limitations poverty constraints loan repayment difficulties microfinance sustainability structural impediments governance issues regulatory frameworks political instability stakeholder involvement NGO participation community engagement government role private sector involvement multi-actor partnerships objectives divergence motivation conflicts service delivery microfinance effectiveness financial inclusion obstacles rural microfinance vulnerable populations anti-poverty measures distributional challenges microfinance challenges financial inclusion barriers infrastructure limitations poverty alleviation loan repayment difficulty poorest communities microfinance sustainability governance issues regulatory frameworks political instability structural barriers NGO involvement private sector in microfinance state participation multi-actor partnerships coordination challenges motivation conflict microfinance effectiveness impact assessment underserved populations microfinance barriers microfinance limitations microfinance infrastructure challenges microfinance poorest populations microfinance repayment difficulties microfinance sustainability issues structural constraints microfinance microfinance governance problems regulatory challenges microfinance political instability microfinance microfinance partnership challenges multi-actor microfinance NGOs and microfinance private sector microfinance community involvement microfinance microfinance effectiveness microfinance objective conflicts microfinance poorest access why microfinance fails microfinance solutions microfinance real-world obstacles microfinance limitations financial inclusion barriers infrastructure challenges extreme poverty loan repayment capacity targeting the poorest beneficiary identification socio-economic factors structural constraints sustainability of microfinance regulatory frameworks governance issues political instability actor involvement NGO roles state participation private sector in microfinance partnership challenges conflicting objectives program effectiveness development finance obstacles microfinance limitations barriers to microfinance microfinance and poverty infrastructure challenges microfinance microfinance reach poorest problems with microfinance sustainability microfinance regulatory issues political instability microfinance bad governance microfinance microfinance structural constraints effectiveness of microfinance microfinance partnerships NGO involvement microfinance private sector microfinance community microfinance state role microfinance objectives microfinance actors microfinance repayment issues identifying the poorest microfinance long term challenges microfinance challenges infrastructure barriers poverty loan repayment financial exclusion rural access poorest populations structural constraints regulatory frameworks governance political instability sustainability long-term impact NGOs community participation state involvement private sector partnership tensions development effectiveness financial inclusion microcredit limitations economic development social impact microloan default regulatory oversight institutional barriers multidisciplinary collaboration microfinance sustainability poverty alleviation microfinance barriers microfinance limitations microfinance challenges rural microfinance access infrastructure barriers microfinance poorest populations microfinance microfinance sustainability microfinance structural constraints bad governance microfinance microfinance regulation political instability microfinance microfinance repayment issues microfinance target groups microfinance effectiveness microfinance partnerships NGOs and microfinance private sector microfinance state involvement microfinance community microfinance multi-actor microfinance microfinance motivations microfinance objectives microfinance implementation challenges regulating microfinance institutions microfinance in unstable regions poverty and microfinance microfinance loan repayment micro microfinance obstacles infrastructure challenges poverty alleviation loan repayment issues financial inclusion poorest populations geographic barriers development economics structural barriers governance issues microfinance regulation political instability sustainability of microfinance stakeholder involvement NGO partnerships public-private collaboration actor motivations impact assessment community development socioeconomic constraints microfinance effectiveness microfinance limitations infrastructure challenges financial inclusion poverty alleviation microfinance sustainability loan repayment issues extreme poverty demographic targeting program reach structural barriers governance issues regulatory frameworks political instability stakeholder involvement NGOs in microfinance community participation private sector roles public-private partnerships effectiveness of microfinance impact assessment actor motivations development finance financial accessibility rural development microfinance regulation
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro03a	Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, suicide prevention suicide legislation societal norms behavioral deterrence social sanctions mental health emotional distress financial stress intimate partner problems job-related stress suicide rates public health policy suicide attempts legislative impact social messaging crisis intervention suicide deterrents suicide risk factors law and morality suicide statistics CDC suicide data individual decision-making rationality and suicide suicide and illness suicide causes suicide policy normative standards community intervention suicide prevention suicide legislation societal norms suicide mental health policy suicide deterrence law and suicide effects of suicide prohibition suicide risk factors suicide statistics suicide causation public health and suicide suicide and social standards crisis intervention suicide and legislation impact suicide attempt outcomes suicide and stigma suicide and social sanctions suicide and societal response suicide and law enforcement suicide moral implications suicide deterrent effects suicide legislation suicide prevention societal norms suicide deterrence mental health stigma suicide laws social influence suicide suicide acceptability legal sanctions suicide suicide risk factors emotional stress suicide financial stress suicide partner problems suicide suicide statistics suicide and law suicide policy legislative impact suicide moral norms suicide behavioral norms suicide decision-making societal standards suicide deterrents criminalization of suicide suicide attempts suicide intervention mental illness suicide public health suicide suicide epidemiology suicide legislation impact suicide and society prohibiting suicide social norms legislation against suicide societal impact suicide prevention laws suicide deterrence effects societal standards on suicide legal sanctions for suicide suicide and individual behavior influence of law on suicidal behavior suicide as unacceptable behavior messaging success rates post-suicide attempt short-term crisis suicide risk factors influencing suicide rates intimate partner problems and suicide financial hardship and suicide workplace issues and suicide risk population-level suicide prevention CDC suicide statistics legislative deterrence effectiveness social message against self-harm law as moral standard suicide legislation public health impact suicide prohibition legal deterrence societal norms suicide legislation suicide prevention social sanctions suicide rates suicide triggers suicide and law suicide statistics mental health emotional distress financial stress suicide risk factors legislative impact on suicide social influence on behavior crisis intervention public health policy suicide attempts suicide recidivism CDC suicide data prohibiting suicide societal norms suicide legislation deterrence impact of suicide laws social messages suicide suicide prevention legal measures influence of laws on suicide societal standards and suicide deterrent effect of suicide prohibition law as social tool suicide effect of criminalizing suicide moral messaging suicide legislation suicide and legal sanctions societal roles in suicide prevention psychological impact suicide laws statistics on suicide causes CDC suicide data intimate partner problems suicide financial problems suicide motivation emotional distress and suicide effectiveness of suicide deterrents suicide prohibition legal deterrence social norms behavioral regulation suicide prevention mental health legislation societal standards influence of law suicidal behavior rational decision-making emotional distress short-term crises financial stress intimate partner conflict job problems suicide statistics law as social tool suicide deterrent effect legislative measures suicide attempts public health policy CDC suicide data societal sanction crime and punishment prevention strategies social influence on behavior psychosocial factors suicide prohibition societal norms suicide legislation suicide prevention legal deterrent suicide suicide criminalization debate mental health legislation suicide social standards impact of laws on suicide deterrent effect suicide laws suicide prevention strategies suicide rates legislation intimate partner suicide statistics financial stress suicide emotional distress suicide CDC suicide data pros and cons suicide prohibition moral arguments suicide laws suicide stigma public health suicide laws societal impact of suicide legislation suicide prevention social norms legal prohibition mental health suicide legislation societal standards suicide deterrence behavioral influence emotional crisis short-term stress financial problems relationship issues public health policy suicide statistics law and morality suicide risk factors social sanctions suicide intervention psychological support legislative measures suicide attempt outcomes crisis management public messaging social influence ethical debate suicide regulation suicide legislation suicide prohibition social norms behavioral standards deterrence legal sanctions suicide prevention societal influence mental health law emotional crisis financial stress intimate partner problems public policy suicide statistics individual action limits suicide deterrent law and morality suicide risk factors CDC suicide data suicide intervention legislative tools psychological impact of prohibition suicide outcomes
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con02a	Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. artistic freedom creative expression censorship democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of ideas intellectual freedom self-expression artistic rights free exchange of ideas cultural innovation challenging norms open discourse public debate societal progress limitations on speech freedom of thought diversity of perspectives thought reform tradition vs progress artists' rights censorship artistic expression free speech democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of perspectives challenging tradition social progress limitations on speech free expression controversial art creative freedom democratic values open debate public discourse reforming beliefs suppressing ideas freedom of the press intellectual liberty cultural criticism societal change unrestricted speech expression in art rights of creators anti-censorship transformative ideas free expression artistic freedom censorship creative autonomy democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of ideas intellectual diversity challenging norms tradition vs progress freedom of the press civil liberties open discourse thought reform viewpoint diversity cultural critique public debate suppression of speech social progress self-expression freedom of speech and art artists' right to express importance of free speech in democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of ideas in society censorship and creativity free speech versus harmful traditions artistic freedom and societal progress risks of limiting free speech impact of censorship on innovation open exchange of ideas freedom of expression in democracy challenging traditional beliefs through art benefits of debate and discussion free speech in modern society protecting artistic expression consequences of restricting speech arts and pluralism diversity of ideas in arts artists challenging social norms freedom of expression artistic freedom censorship democracy civil liberties pluralism marketplace of ideas creative autonomy free speech in art artistic censorship progressive society tradition vs innovation social progress belief formation intellectual freedom limits of free speech public discourse challenging norms cultural critique open society freedom of artistic expression censorship and art importance of free speech in democracy marketplace of ideas free speech and progress limits of free speech free speech and cultural development artists' rights plurality of ideas in society challenging tradition through art consequences of limiting speech expression of controversial ideas benefits of diverse opinions role of art in social change First Amendment artistic expression censorship creative freedom democracy open discourse plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas self-expression belief formation intellectual diversity challenging tradition social progress harmful practices civil liberties rights of artists limits on speech cultural advancement public debate freedom of expression free speech freedom of expression artists rights artistic freedom censorship democracy marketplace of ideas creative expression plurality of ideas social progress controversial art limits of free speech cultural criticism expression in art speech restrictions civil liberties public discourse art and society self-expression societal norms challenging tradition harmful practices modern democracy belief formation cultural stagnation free expression censorship artistic freedom democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of perspectives creative autonomy civil liberties self-expression public discourse challenging norms intellectual freedom societal progress traditional values critical thinking open debate tolerance diverse viewpoints ideological diversity liberal democracy censorship artistic expression democracy marketplace of ideas plurality tolerance creative freedom self-expression public discourse societal progress traditional values challenging norms limits on speech harmful practices intellectual freedom
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 women's rights gender equality religious symbols oppression Islamic dress code hijab burqa niqab compulsory veiling women's liberation gender discrimination secularism feminism democracy women's freedom cultural relativism women's autonomy Islamic feminism religious dress bans Belgium veil ban France veil ban state secularism women's empowerment gender roles women's dress codes Muslim women Western societies legal restrictions human rights secular vs religious values multiculturalism patriarchal norms state intervention gender equality women's rights religious dress codes veiling laws hijab controversy niqab ban burqa restriction Islamic symbols secularism feminism patriarchy gender discrimination cultural assimilation women's liberation freedom of expression compulsory veiling modesty laws religious freedom Western societies identity politics state secularism multiculturalism secular feminism Belgium veil ban France burqa law women's autonomy clothing regulations religious oppression Islam and gender cultural conflict gender discrimination religious dress codes women's rights Islamic veiling hijab ban burqa ban niqab feminist perspectives cultural identity secularism gender equality veiling laws Islamic feminism freedom of expression women's liberation religious freedom patriarchy cultural oppression Western societies legal restrictions dress code policies secular state women's autonomy Muslim women symbolic oppression headscarf debates European legislation equality movements intersectionality minority rights oppression of women religious symbols and gender equality Muslim Hijab controversy compulsory Hijab in Saudi Arabia mandatory Hijab in Afghanistan Hijab in democratic societies full veil ban Belgium France veil ban 2010 Muslim dress code gender disparity liberal society and gender discrimination religious clothing laws Europe women's rights and religious symbols Western response to Hijab discrimination in religion Muslim women's clothing ban secularism and religious expression European laws on religious dress feminism and religious oppression state intervention in religious attire gender inequality in Islam religious symbols gender oppression women's rights hijab controversy compulsory veiling Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western democracies democracy and equality Muslim veil ban Belgium veil ban France 2010 veil law Muslim dress code gender inequality discrimination against women liberal societies freedom of expression secularism Islamic dress female empowerment religious freedom cultural assimilation state intervention feminist perspectives public policy human rights women's liberation multiculturalism legal restrictions social integration clothing regulations religious symbols and women's rights hijab oppression debate gender equality and religion compulsory hijab laws Muslim dress code controversy full veil bans Europe Western perspectives on hijab hijab and democracy female oppression in Islam Belgium face veil ban France burqa ban women's rights in Saudi Arabia women's rights in Afghanistan liberal society discrimination gender discrimination religion dress code gender inequality Islam and women's freedom secularism and hijab religious dress ban Europe women's liberation and hijab women's oppression gender inequality religious symbols Muslim hijab Islamic veil compulsory dress codes Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western societies democracy women's rights Belgium veil ban France veil ban discrimination liberal societies women's dress rules men's dress rules gender discrimination feminist critique secularism cultural integration religious freedom public policy women's liberation Islamic dress Europe veil bans equality divide human rights public space secular values women's rights gender oppression religious symbols and gender hijab controversy compulsory hijab women's dress codes gender equality Islamic dress bans Belgium veil ban France burqa ban women's discrimination Islamic feminism secularism and dress codes women's liberation gender-based laws Western attitudes to hijab women's autonomy cultural relativism gender women's movements legal restrictions hijab hijab in democracy clothing and oppression Islamic law and gender gender inequality in religion women's rights in Europe anti-discrimination laws religious dress debate religious symbols women's rights gender inequality women's oppression Muslim Hijab compulsory veiling Saudi Arabia Afghanistan France veil ban Belgium veil ban Western countries democracy and equality hijab controversy dress codes gender discrimination liberal societies women in Islam women's empowerment religious freedom secularism cultural identity social integration feminist perspectives clothing bans multiculturalism Islamophobia women's liberation patriarchy law and religion women's autonomy women's rights gender discrimination religious dress codes hijab debate Muslim women's oppression gender equality compulsory veiling clothing bans Europe secularism women's liberation cultural assimilation Islam and feminism headscarf bans women's autonomy religious freedom multiculturalism gender justice Sharia law legal restrictions on hijab women's empowerment patriarchal traditions Western feminism freedom of expression women's agency secular vs religious values
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro02a	Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . baseball collisions home plate collisions baseball tradition physical play hardball catcher injury baserunner collision play at the plate offensive defense dynamics baseball injuries baseball safety contact sports baseball rules baseball culture athletic injury plate blocking player safety baseball history baseball collisions home plate collisions catcher injuries baseball tradition play at the plate baseball safety baserunner-catcher collision physicality in baseball baseball rules baseball hard-nosed play blocking the plate baseball contact plays Buster Posey injury fan expectations baseball player safety MLB MLB collision rules defense vs offense baseball protecting home plate baseball injuries historical perspective baseball collisions home plate collisions baseball tradition catcher injuries baserunner collisions physical play baseball safety hard-nosed play offense defense dynamics play at the plate rule changes baseball injuries sports safety contact sports baseball culture MLB regulations player expectations protective gear game intensity baseball history sportsmanship fan perspectives collision rules player perspectives sports debate injury prevention baseball collisions history home plate collision tradition impact of collisions in baseball safety and injuries at home plate catcher and baserunner dynamics physicality in baseball arguments for collisions in baseball famous home plate collisions MLB collision rules player perspectives on collisions manager opinions about collisions baseball tradition and toughness changes to collision rules collision controversy baseball hard-nosed plays in baseball risk and reward at home plate Buster Posey injury collisions baseball culture home plate defense versus offense baseball iconic plays at the plate baseball collisions home plate collisions baseball tradition catcher injuries play at the plate baseball safety hard-nosed play offensive vs defensive dynamics baseball physicality Buster Posey injury baseball rules home plate blocking Red Sox catcher baseball culture baseball history sports injury MLB collisions player safety regulations tradition vs safety baseball controversies baseball collisions home plate collisions baseball tradition catcher safety baseball injuries play at the plate hardball nickname physical play in baseball offense vs defense baseball catcher baserunner dynamic baseball contact plays sports safety debate MLB collisions rule changes baseball Buster Posey injury Jason Varitek quotes Terry Francona quotes Brad Ausmus collision baseball history Associated Press baseball NESN baseball analysis home plate collision baseball tradition catcher safety baserunner defensive play offensive play hardball physical play blocking the plate play at the plate baseball injuries baseball rules major league baseball sports culture game intensity player expectations fan reactions baseball history baseball contact plays baseball debates injury prevention baseball safety sportsmanship Jason Varitek Terry Francona Brad Ausmus Buster Posey Associated Press NESN ESPN baseball controversies baseball collisions home plate collisions baseball injuries catcher safety baserunner plays hardball tradition physicality in baseball baseball rules home plate blocking sports traditions offensive defense dynamics MLB collision rules baseball contact plays baseball safety debate catcher equipment player safety play at the plate baseball accidents sports physical contact baseball traditions famous collisions baseball controversy injury prevention baseball baseball toughness Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek Terry Francona Brad Ausmus Buster Posey injury baseball collisions home plate collisions catcher injuries tradition of baseball physical play hardball player safety baseball rules offensive strategy defensive strategy baserunner collisions MLB controversies player protection impact plays play at the plate baseball culture rule changes Buster Posey injury sports tradition historical perspective fan expectations sports injuries baseball debates physicality in sports collision avoidance MLB history baseball ethics baseball toughness catcher equipment game dynamics home plate collisions baseball tradition catcher injuries player safety rule changes MLB regulations hard-nosed play physicality in baseball offense vs defense baserunning plays at the plate risk of injury baseball culture protecting home plate sportsmanship historical perspective baseball debates fan expectations sports injuries impact on game integrity
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. urban migration migration restrictions urban economy urban social impact city population control rural-urban migration urban infrastructure strain public services urban urban poverty urban humanitarian crisis urban unemployment urban crime urban economic development city resource allocation city living standards urban planning migration policy urbanization problems sustainable urban growth city labor markets urban-rural disparities city public health inclusive urban development social exclusion cities urban tax base urban migration control economic impact of migration social effects of migration urban infrastructure strain city resource allocation humanitarian crisis urban areas migration and public goods urban unemployment migration crime and migration cities migration limits urban growth urban poverty migration sustainable urban development migration migration policy city benefits rural to urban migration problems integration of migrants cities urban planning migration migration and business environment urban exclusion migration public services overload migration progressive urbanization restrictions urban migration migration policy urbanization city population control economic impact migration social impact migration urban poverty municipal resources public services rural-urban migration humanitarian crisis cities urban exclusion crime rates migration city economic development infrastructure strain sustainable urban growth urban planning migration migration regulation internal migration controls urban employment slum development city resource allocation urban social integration migration-induced poverty city business environment urban migration restrictions economic impact social benefits of limiting rural-to-urban migration overstretched urban infrastructure effects humanitarian crises due to urban overpopulation public services strain from rapid migration crime increases from urban unemployment sustainable urban development through controlled migration migration control and city economic growth urban poverty and resource allocation business climate and urban migration policy progressive urban development via migration limits effects of migration limits on city resources urban exclusion and social stability fresh water and sanitation access in crowded cities migration-related urban malnutrition urbanization migration control economic impact social impact city infrastructure urban poverty public resources humanitarian crises business environment unemployment crime rates slum development sustainable cities urban planning rural-urban migration tax base public health sanitation access resource allocation population density urban exclusion urban development internal migration informal settlements municipal finance city attractiveness employment opportunities basic services progressive development sub-Saharan Africa food security urban policy urban migration restrictions economic benefits of migration control social impact of city migration limits city infrastructure strain migration humanitarian crisis urban overcrowding public goods urban migration crime rates overpopulation city employment migration sustainable urban development migration policy cities urban poverty migration basic services urban migrants rural to urban migration effects urban food security integration of migrants urban areas population control economic impact migration and urban economy urban resource allocation migration Maxwell urban food security study Elsevier World Development migration urban migration migration restrictions economic impact social impact urbanization challenges public goods infrastructure strain city resources humanitarian crisis urban poverty urban employment crime rates urban development rural-to-urban migration city population control tax base urban planning resource allocation business environment progressive urban growth urban exclusion urban food security public health sanitation access urban migration restrictions economic benefits of migration limits social impacts city migration urban infrastructure strain overpopulation in cities city public services burden urban humanitarian crises migration crime rates migration and urban unemployment urban poverty mitigation sustainable city development migration policy city growth migration impact on public goods urban poor access to amenities migration and business attractiveness rural-urban migration effects city tax base migration urban malnutrition urban water sanitation scarcity workforce productivity migration urban exclusion and crime migration limits social integration city resource allocation migration urban migration migration restrictions economic impact social impact city infrastructure resource allocation humanitarian crisis public services urban poverty crime rates labor market urbanization effects sustainable development city planning rural-to-urban migration public health urban unemployment social exclusion municipal budgets policymaking population density urban crowding city sustainability urban economy migration policies urban migration migration policy urbanization city population control economic impact social impact urban poverty public services humanitarian crisis urban infrastructure rural-urban migration labor market urban unemployment crime rates urban planning resource allocation migration regulation urban development slum formation municipal governance fiscal strain social exclusion economic sustainability migration limits
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con01a	Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. historical evolution socialism 21st century contemporary socialism labor movement trade unions political activism anti-capitalism globalization internationalism European socialism political history worker rights labor militancy social movements left-wing politics economic justice social change industrialization post-industrial society social democracy grassroots activism political strategies global capitalism leftist politics historical evolution socialism transformation 21st-century socialism modern socialist movements anti-capitalist goals globalization and socialism internationalism in socialism trade unions decline European socialism changes labor movements contemporary left politics global capitalism challenges international solidarity socialist activism militant left new socialist strategies post-industrial socialism political history anti-capitalism resurgence labor organization shifts democratic socialism labor movement global capitalism internationalism anti-capitalism left-wing politics social justice economic inequality trade unions neoliberalism 21st century socialism progressive movements political activism globalization social movements collective bargaining workers' rights political history European socialism union militancy political transformation industrial decline grassroots organizing new left social change evolution of socialism 21st century socialism changing face of socialism modern socialist movements globalisation and socialism anti-capitalist goals internationalism in socialism new socialist strategies decline of trade unions socialism and labour movements revival of socialist internationalism socialism and global capitalism historical changes in socialism leftist movements today future of socialism social movements and anti-capitalism socialism and political activism transformation of socialist tactics contemporary socialist challenges post-industrial socialism historical socialism evolution of socialism 21st century socialism modern socialism strategies anti-capitalism labour movements contemporary left global capitalism internationalism trade unions political activism social movements Europe socialist history socialism and globalization left-wing militancy socialist goals socialist adaptation labour rights neoliberalism capitalist critique political history working class movements historical evolution of socialism socialism in the 21st century modern socialist strategies decline of traditional socialism activism changes in trade union influence anti-capitalist movement goals globalization and socialism internationalism in socialism socialist response to globalization contemporary leftist movements socialism and labor movements history of European socialism transformation of socialist tactics new approaches to socialism post-industrial socialism modern left-wing activism historical evolution socialism 21st century adaptation activism political history trade unions European socialism labour movement anti-capitalism globalisation internationalism left-wing politics industrial change workers' rights neoliberalism political activism labour militancy capitalist critique social movements historical socialism modern socialism 21st century socialism socialism adaptation political activism anti-capitalist movement globalisation and socialism European socialism decline of trade unions labour movement socialist internationalism history of socialism socialist political strategies left-wing politics anti-globalisation socialist resurgence political movements capitalism critique new socialist goals socialism and globalisation contemporary socialism socialist reforms radical left social movements socialist activism anti-capitalism 21st century historical evolution socialism 21st century anti-capitalist movements globalization internationalism labor unions European socialism political activism economic justice left-wing politics global capitalism political history social movements industrial decline labor militancy contemporary socialism transnational solidarity workers’ rights economic reform progressive politics 21st century socialism socialism evolution anti-capitalist movement globalization and socialism internationalism European socialism trades unions transformation modern socialist movements labor history leftist goals social activism political history capitalism challenges labor militancy global capitalism socialist strategies international solidarity trade union relevance
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro02a	They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, colourism skin lightening racial discrimination whitening creams beauty standards racial overtones skin color hierarchy inferiority complex structural racism socioeconomic inequality light skin privilege state intervention anti-discrimination social capital racial identity Brazil race relations US African Americans Latino skin tone banning fairness creams harmful beauty ideals colourism skin lightening whitening creams racism racial overtones inferiority complex structural inequality discrimination skin tone bias melanin beauty standards social capital skin color hierarchy educational disparity income inequality state intervention public health policy race and ethnicity socio-economic background pigmentocracy cosmetic regulations social stigma anti-racism policies beauty industry ethics intersectionality representation cultural identity marginalized communities color-based discrimination colourism skin lightening whitening creams racial discrimination beauty standards inferiority complex structural racism socioeconomic inequality skin tone bias colorism in media racialized beauty ideals social capital light skin privilege pigmentocracy anti-blackness identity politics state intervention cosmetic regulation racial overtones internalized racism oppression beauty industry marketing ethics social justice public health stigma representation cultural norms intersectionality marginalization colourism in society impact of whitening creams racial overtones in advertising white beauty standards psychological effects of colourism social hierarchy and skin tone economic effects of skin color colourism in the US education and skin tone income disparity and skin color colourism among African Americans colourism among Latinos race and socioeconomic status in Brazil whitening creams and racism structural discrimination government role in combating colourism banning skin-lightening products public policy and skin tone discrimination harmful beauty standards internalized inferiority complex combating skin color prejudice colourism skin lightening whitening creams racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural racism social capital African Americans Latinos Brazil skin color hierarchy socio-economic status racial discrimination ancestry state intervention product regulation beauty standards harmful effects banning skin products light skin privilege pigmentocracy Hunter Margaret L. Telles Edward Western Hemisphere race and identity prejudice internalized racism color hierarchy education disparity income inequality colourism in society whitening creams and racism skin whitening and discrimination effects of skin lightening products social impact of colourism structural differences and skin tone skin tone and socioeconomic status skin colour perception in Brazil racial overtones in advertising inferiority complex and skin colour state intervention in colourism banning whitening creams racial hierarchy and beauty standards economic disparities and skin colour Margaret L. Hunter light skin social capital Edward Telles skin colour Brazil racialized beauty ideals colourism and mental health anti-colourism policies combating colour-based discrimination colourism racial overtones white ideal skin whitening inferiority complex structural racism social stratification skin color discrimination African Americans Latino colorism education inequality income disparity Brazil colorism race and socioeconomic status whitening creams racism government policy discrimination reduction racial identity state intervention harmful beauty standards skin tone bias Margaret L. Hunter Edward Telles colourism racial overtones skin whitening whitening creams inferiority complex structural discrimination social capital skin color hierarchy light skin privilege state intervention racial inequality socioeconomic status education disparity income disparity African Americans Latinos Brazil race and color state regulation product bans colorism in media harmful beauty standards skin bleaching racism in advertising beauty ideals state responsibility discriminatory practices pigmentocracy intersectionality postcolonial identity anti-colorism policies colourism skin whitening creams racial overtones white beauty standards inferiority complex structural racism discrimination US African Americans Latino colorism Brazil race relations socioeconomic status state intervention skin lightening ban harmful beauty ideals social capital skin tone inequality cultural perceptions of race skin color stratification internalized racism anti-racism policy cosmetic regulation public health gender and colorism Margaret L. Hunter Edward Telles colourism skin lightening racial overtones whitening creams beauty standards structural inequality internalized racism inferiority complex social stratification state intervention cosmetic regulation discrimination reduction racial hierarchy skin color bias identity politics social policy public health education disparities income inequality socio-economic background racial capitalism post-colonialism anti-discrimination laws beauty industry ethics media representation color-based prejudice
test-international-epglghbni-pro01a	Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Northern Ireland independence British decolonization colonial legacy Irish sovereignty self-determination partition of Ireland British Empire dissolution moral obligation national identity postcolonial justice historical land rights British colonialism reunification of Ireland secession movements anti-imperialism land ownership rights territorial sovereignty end of British rule right to self-governance Irish unification Northern Ireland independence Irish reunification British colonialism decolonization self-determination moral obligation territorial sovereignty historical injustice imperial legacy Irish nationalism United Kingdom British Empire dissolution partition of Ireland right to self-governance end of colonial rule postcolonial studies national identity land rights reparative justice British-Irish relations secession Northern Ireland independence decolonization British imperialism self-determination colonial legacy Irish sovereignty post-colonialism historical justice territorial rights political autonomy British Empire dissolution national identity land rights Irish reunification UK-Ireland relations ethical governance anti-colonialism United Kingdom history justice for colonies Britain moral responsibility Northern Ireland arguments for Northern Ireland secession end of British colonialism ethical justification for Irish self-determination historical context of British rule in Ireland restitution for colonial injustices in Ireland transferring sovereignty of Northern Ireland British decolonization case studies comparison of Hong Kong and Northern Ireland land rights and colonialism Ireland moral arguments for Irish reunification Britain relinquishing Northern Ireland legacy of British Empire in Northern Ireland post-colonial justice in Ireland international law and self-determination Northern Ireland Northern Ireland conflict Irish reunification British colonial history self-determination decolonization national sovereignty post-colonialism Good Friday Agreement Irish land ownership historical injustice colonial legacy British Empire decline moral obligations UK United Kingdom-Ireland relations partition of Ireland identity politics Ireland human rights Northern Ireland international law secession peace process Ireland British imperialism Northern Ireland independence Irish reunification British colonialism self-determination decolonization Irish history land ownership rights post-colonial justice British Empire legacy partition of Ireland Good Friday Agreement national sovereignty ethical secession historical land rights colonial oppression United Kingdom and Ireland relations Hong Kong decolonization comparison moral obligations of former empires indigenous land rights anti-colonial movements Britain moral obligation secession Northern Ireland colonialism decolonization Irish independence British Empire historic injustice land rights self-determination English invasion native sovereignty forced annexation national identity territorial dispute Hong Kong handover postcolonialism anti-colonial Irish land ownership British government policy Northern Irish autonomy historical context sovereignty transfer political ethics colonial legacy justice international law reconciliation British-Irish relations Northern Ireland independence Irish reunification British colonialism decolonization Britain UK Northern Ireland policy self-determination Ireland historical injustice Ireland ethics British rule partition of Ireland sovereignty Northern Ireland legacy British Empire colonial history UK political autonomy Ireland Irish nationalist movement Good Friday Agreement UK Ireland relations post-colonial studies land rights Ireland restitution colonial lands British imperialism Ireland Northern Ireland independence British colonialism decolonization Irish land rights Irish republicanism self-determination post-colonial theory Irish history partition of Ireland British Empire legacy moral obligation Britain secession movements Good Friday Agreement national sovereignty territorial integrity imperialism historical injustice sovereignty disputes Anglo-Irish relations united Ireland Northern Ireland conflict Irish nationalism British governance Ireland constitutional reform UK ethical foreign policy Northern Ireland independence British colonialism decolonization Irish sovereignty self-determination British Empire post-colonialism historical justice land rights Irish nationalism United Kingdom partition of Ireland Good Friday Agreement national identity British-Irish relations colonial legacy Hong Kong handover political autonomy secession movements moral obligation
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con02a	"Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. skills-based hiring gender neutrality economic impact meritocracy workplace diversity business efficiency employee training employment quotas workforce quality board representation public sector hiring private sector recruitment educational attainment structural inefficiencies economic growth EU employment policies Norway board quotas firm valuation gender-based hiring management experience labor market efficiency performance-based recruitment human capital organizational value inclusive hiring talent acquisition diversity policies empirical evidence policy impact company performance skills-based hiring gender-neutral employment merit-based recruitment workplace diversity economic growth talent acquisition employee training workforce efficiency board quotas gender quotas private sector hiring public sector hiring employment policy organizational performance meritocracy Norway board quotas empirical evidence structural inefficiencies educational attainment firm valuation hiring practices management experience labor market efficiency diversity policy impact EU gender employment value creation corporate governance board diversity gender representation economic impact of quotas skills-based hiring meritocracy gender equality economic growth workforce diversity talent acquisition employee training organizational performance hiring practices board diversity gender quotas labor market efficiency business productivity human capital non-discriminatory hiring Norway board quotas EU gender education gap empirical evidence firm valuation management experience structural inefficiency skills-based hiring gender-neutral employment economic impact of meritocracy business advancement through skill diversity versus competency training for economic growth EU gender employment statistics labor market efficiency structural inefficiency and gender quotas Norway board quota impact director selection and firm value experience versus gender quotas corporate governance gender quotas empirical data on gender quotas private versus public sector hiring policies merit-based employment policy impact of gender quotas on business performance upper management gender representation economic consequences of gender-based quotas workforce diversity and value creation quota effects on board experience skills-based hiring gender-neutral recruitment public institutions private sector economic growth business efficiency meritocracy workforce diversity employee training job qualifications Norway board quotas structural inefficiency EU labor market education disparities director selection firm valuation board diversity upper management experience quota policies corporate governance empirical evidence economic impact value creation talent management legal compliance human capital gender quotas employment policy inclusive hiring best candidate labor productivity mandated diversity skills-based hiring gender-neutral recruitment economic impact of skills hiring benefits of merit-based employment skills versus gender in employment diversity versus competence in hiring business efficiency and hiring practices public and private sector hiring policies impact of gender quotas on business EU employment gender ratios Norway gender quota empirical data board composition and company value structural inefficiencies from quotas value creation through skilled workforce training versus gender in workplace upper management experience gender gap economic growth through optimal hiring challenges of female board quotas corporate governance and gender effects of hiring quotas on business performance skills-based hiring gender equality meritocracy economic impact workforce diversity talent acquisition job qualifications employee training human capital organizational performance private sector public sector efficient hiring labor market efficiency gender quotas board representation Norway board quotas firm valuation structural inefficiency EU workforce female education rates management experience employment policy affirmative action corporate governance talent management inclusion equal opportunity empirical evidence hiring criteria workplace productivity company growth skills-based hiring gender-neutral recruitment economic impact workforce diversity meritocracy gender quotas board diversity private sector employment public sector employment labor market efficiency organizational value creation EU labor market education gender gap structural inefficiencies Norway board quotas firm valuation corporate governance hiring practices management experience talent acquisition business performance workforce training diversity policies employment legislation economic growth evidence-based hiring human capital development inclusive recruitment quota impact analysis female representation gender balance employment equity skills assessment board composition labor policies organizational effectiveness skills-based hiring gender-neutral recruitment economic growth workforce diversity equal opportunity employment meritocracy employee training organizational efficiency talent optimization human capital firm performance corporate governance board diversity labor market dynamics EU labor policies Norway gender quotas management experience structural inefficiency board composition empirical evidence business value creation hiring criteria educational attainment public sector employment private sector hiring labor policy outcomes gender representation talent matching employment law workforce productivity economic impact of quotas skills-based hiring gender quotas workplace diversity economic impact public institutions private institutions meritocracy workforce efficiency gender equality training and development business performance board diversity labor market hiring practices EU employment female representation management experience corporate governance structural inefficiencies Norway board quotas firm valuation empirical studies talent acquisition best candidate selection workforce composition affirmative action organizational value creation"
test-international-ghbunhf-con01a	The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. United Nations UN peacekeeping conflict resolution international security war prevention peace negotiations military intervention humanitarian missions international disputes ceasefire agreements diplomatic efforts collective security peacebuilding security council peace enforcement regional stability UN mandates post-conflict reconstruction peace operations international cooperation Blue Helmets human rights protection peace support crisis management global governance multilateral action United Nations peacekeeping conflict prevention negotiation international disputes military intervention collective security peace enforcement UN Security Council humanitarian intervention ceasefire monitoring peace operations armed conflict resolution preventive diplomacy peacemaking peacebuilding peace support missions international law global governance multilateralism protection of civilians post-conflict reconstruction disarmament demilitarization Kuwait liberation Korean War UN Charter Blue Helmets mediation troop deployment UN peacekeeping conflict resolution international security peace negotiations military intervention dispute mediation peace enforcement collective security humanitarian intervention UN missions ceasefire monitoring conflict prevention United Nations Security Council peace operations post-conflict reconstruction international law armed conflict diplomatic efforts crisis management global governance UN peacekeeping missions United Nations conflict resolution history of UN military interventions impact of UN peacekeepers success stories of UN peacekeeping UN in Cyprus peace process United Nations involvement in Korea Kuwait liberation UN action effectiveness of UN peacekeeping criticism of UN military interventions humanitarian work by UN peacekeepers mandates of UN peacekeeping forces role of Security Council in UN peacekeeping notable UN peacekeeping operations peacekeeping statistics by United Nations challenges faced by UN peacekeepers evolution of peacekeeping strategies international law and UN interventions UN peacekeepers in Africa future of United Nations peacekeeping UN peacekeeping conflict resolution international diplomacy collective security Security Council military intervention mediation ceasefire agreements peace enforcement humanitarian intervention preventive diplomacy UN missions post-conflict reconstruction international law peace negotiations dispute settlement UN peacekeepers global governance international cooperation peace operations protection of civilians humanitarian aid blue helmets Chapter VII interventions peacebuilding UN peacekeeping effectiveness United Nations conflict resolution historical UN military interventions UN negotiation successes UN Security Council authorization peacekeeping missions Cyprus Korea UN prevention of international wars case studies Kuwait South Korea impact of UN peacekeepers evaluation of UN peacekeeping services limitations of United Nations in war prevention United Nations military force examples success stories UN interventions peacekeeping mission outcomes United Nations diplomatic efforts United Nations peacekeeping conflict prevention war mediation international disputes negotiation military intervention Kuwait South Korea peacekeepers global security ceasefire humanitarian missions peace enforcement UN Security Council international law unprovoked aggression diplomatic solutions global stability troop deployment conflict resolution Cyprus international cooperation military alliances collective security peace operations UN peacekeeping UN conflict resolution United Nations military intervention UN diplomatic efforts international dispute resolution prevention of wars successful UN missions Kuwait UN liberation South Korea UN intervention peacekeeping operations United Nations Security Council peace enforcement global security UN humanitarian intervention UN peacekeeper roles history of UN peacekeeping effectiveness of the UN limitations of United Nations UN-authorized military force peacekeeping in Cyprus peacekeeping in Korea international peace and security United Nations case studies UN intervention outcomes UN global impact United Nations peacekeeping international disputes conflict resolution military intervention war prevention UN Security Council authorized force Kuwait invasion Korean War peacekeepers international law ceasefire diplomatic negotiations humanitarian missions global security UN missions conflict mediation collective security post-conflict reconstruction UN peacekeeping conflict resolution international disputes military intervention Kuwait liberation Korean War peacekeeping operations negotiation international security United Nations Security Council peacekeeping missions global peace unprovoked attacks humanitarian intervention sovereign defense Cyprus peacekeepers collective security UN military force war prevention peace enforcement
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con02a	It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, Common Agricultural Policy CAP subsidies rural development farmer incentives agricultural income support rural employment rural depopulation farm business startup agricultural subsidies protecting rural livelihoods sustaining rural communities traditional farming rural-urban migration European rural population rural culture preservation EU agriculture support farm profitability young farmers generational renewal rural economic sustainability village life agrarian communities agricultural modernization income disparity European cultural diversity direct payments food security rural heritage EU rural policy Common Agricultural Policy rural development EU farming subsidies agricultural incentives preserving rural population farm income support combating urbanisation traditional farming culture European rural diversity rural sustainability young farmers economic viability of farming agricultural entrepreneurship village depopulation small-scale farmers farmland preservation CAP direct payments rural business grants European rural livelihoods agricultural modernization rural development CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU farming agricultural subsidies direct payments rural incentive farming viability rural depopulation rural livelihoods agricultural support traditional culture preservation European rural communities farm income agricultural business startup urbanisation effects rural migration rural employment farm profitability rural sustainability agricultural policy rural cultural diversity Common Agricultural Policy benefits rural areas incentives for EU farmers subsidies for rural communities preserving European rural culture direct payments for new farmers combating rural depopulation EU farmer income support Europe slowing urbanisation Europe supporting traditional farming lifestyles economic viability of rural farming EU effects of CAP on rural preservation rural business startup support agricultural subsidies EU retaining youth in rural areas Europe bridging rural-urban income gap sustaining European village life traditional agriculture and CAP rural diversity protection CAP challenges in EU rural farming EU CAP effectiveness Common Agricultural Policy CAP benefits rural communities protection EU rural migration farming incentives Europe farm subsidies direct payments farmers farmer income comparison rural depopulation Europe traditional culture preservation European cultural diversity agricultural entrepreneurship starting costs agriculture European urbanisation rural livelihood EU EU farm statistics farming as viable career rural workforce retention agricultural policy impact rural economic support agricultural subsidies effectiveness rural community protection EU rural depopulation farming as viable career EU CAP benefits rural areas Common Agricultural Policy incentives EU farmer income support direct payments to farmers farm business startup subsidies urbanisation in Europe preserving traditional rural culture rural economic development EU sustaining European agriculture EU farming population decline promoting rural livelihoods agricultural policy impact on communities rural diversity European culture Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) rural community protection agricultural subsidies farmer income rural depopulation EU agriculture direct payments rural livelihoods supporting farmers urbanization slowdown preserving traditional culture farm viability agricultural incentives European cultural diversity farming as viable occupation rural business startup rural development agricultural policy benefits supporting rural areas European Union farming farming workforce agricultural economics village sustainability farm subsidies rural migration EU rural support profit margins farming CAP effectiveness rural development CAP subsidies EU farming incentives rural community retention agricultural income support urbanization prevention traditional culture preservation European cultural diversity farmer livelihood EU rural-urban migration EU young farmers support farm business startup EU sustainable agriculture policies European farm decline agricultural subsidy impact rural employment EU community-based farming farm profitability challenges EU rural policy benefits demographic trends agriculture rural development EU agriculture farmer incentives CAP subsidies farm income support rural depopulation urbanization slowing traditional culture preservation agricultural policy rural livelihoods farm profitability European cultural diversity rural entrepreneurship agriculture sustainability Common Agricultural Policy benefits CAP Common Agricultural Policy rural retention agricultural subsidies farmer income rural development EU rural policy rural depopulation farm incentives traditional culture European diversity farm viability agricultural business support urbanisation rural livelihoods direct payments rural economy European agriculture young farmers farm sustainability
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con04a	Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, pack labeling tobacco taxation enforceable regulations health warnings branding restrictions plain packaging tobacco control policies legislative enforcement effective alternatives tobacco industry lawsuits American-style litigation government regulation Nigeria tobacco lawsuit public health policy packaging requirements tobacco manufacturer accountability legal interventions tobacco harm reduction anti-tobacco measures consumer protection pack labelling tobacco taxation tobacco control enforceable solutions health warnings plain packaging branding restrictions government lawsuits tobacco manufacturers anti-smoking policies Nigeria tobacco lawsuit public health policy American tobacco litigation tobacco regulation cigarette packaging legal enforcement tobacco advertising bans smoking prevention effective alternatives regulatory measures tobacco control cigarette packaging health warnings brand-free packs plain packaging tax policy tobacco taxation enforceability legal action public health policy regulatory measures smoking reduction legislative alternatives government lawsuits Nigeria tobacco anti-smoking strategies enforcement challenges packaging regulation litigation tobacco industry regulation pack labelling effectiveness tobacco taxation benefits enforceability of tobacco control measures health warning labels on tobacco products brand-free tobacco packaging plain packaging tobacco tobacco advertising restrictions American tobacco lawsuits government lawsuits against tobacco companies alternatives to tobacco taxation tobacco control in Nigeria impact of larger health warnings enforceability comparison pack labelling vs taxation tobacco industry regulation strategies legal actions against tobacco manufacturers tobacco control cigarette packaging health warnings plain packaging pack labelling tobacco taxation enforceability policy alternatives tobacco regulation branding restrictions legal actions government lawsuits tobacco industry litigation public health policy Nigeria tobacco lawsuit enforcement challenges American-style lawsuits tobacco advertising bans regulatory compliance harm reduction packaging regulations pack labelling vs taxation tobacco control enforcement enforceable tobacco solutions effective tobacco regulations health warning requirements tobacco branding restrictions plain packaging tobacco government lawsuits tobacco companies American-style litigation tobacco Nigeria tobacco lawsuit tobacco policy effectiveness tobacco industry regulation tobacco harm reduction alternatives tobacco law enforcement public health tobacco interventions pack labelling tobacco taxation enforceability health warnings branding requirements brand-free packs plain packaging tobacco regulation legal enforcement public health policy tobacco control American-style lawsuits government litigation tobacco manufacturers Nigeria tobacco companies smoking deterrence cigarette packaging regulatory alternatives law enforcement product labelling public health law warning labels anti-tobacco measures health policy pack labelling tobacco taxation enforceable solutions health warnings branding requirements plain packaging tobacco control government lawsuits tobacco manufacturers public health policy Nigeria tobacco lawsuit tobacco regulation smoking deterrents American-style lawsuits tobacco industry litigation cigarette packaging graphic health warnings tobacco branding restrictions legal actions against tobacco smoking prevention strategies pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings tobacco regulation branding requirements plain packaging government lawsuits tobacco manufacturers American-style lawsuits Nigeria tobacco lawsuit tobacco control policies cigarette packaging legal enforcement public health smoking prevention policy alternatives anti-smoking measures tobacco industry regulation pack labelling taxation tobacco control enforceability health warnings branding requirements brand-free packs government lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria tobacco lawsuit tobacco regulation public health policy American-style lawsuits enforcement strategies tobacco industry accountability
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro07a	Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. agnosticism deism divine hiddenness practical atheism existentialism secularism religious indifference Pascal’s wager meaning of life fideism theism nontheism secular humanism apatheism religious epistemology proofs of God anti-theism irreligion God’s relevance faith and reason metaphysical debate philosophical skepticism religious ambiguity agnosticism theological noncognitivism apatheism existential meaning divine hiddenness religious indifference practical atheism secularism Pascal’s wager fideism deism theodicy faith relevance philosophy of religion secular ethics metaphysical naturalism epistemology of religion God’s silence inefficacy of belief moral implications of atheism agnosticism deism divine hiddenness practical atheism existentialism irrelevance of God religious indifference faith vs reason non-theism Pascal's wager pragmatic atheism secularism metaphysical debates evidence for God impact on ethics spiritual skepticism philosophical theology religious epistemology fideism God’s silence divine absence existential meaning skepticism value of belief argument from silence agnosticism versus atheism practical implications of God's existence philosophical irrelevance of God theological debates futility atheism as default position impact of theism on daily life God’s hiddenness argument existential consequences of God's existence lived experience with or without God religious argument exhaustion secular ethics versus religious morality effect of belief in God on society God’s presence and human perception utility of religious belief pointlessness of theological debate life without divine intervention meaning of atheism historical debates on God's existence practical atheism theism versus nontheism consequences pragmatic atheism philosophical atheism practical implications of God's existence Divine hiddenness apatheism religious epistemology evidentialism existential neutrality secularism human perception of divinity theological debate belief-irrelevance futile theological argument god and morality impact of theism on society atheism vs agnosticism faith vs reason metaphysical indifference religious utility divine intervention epistemic justification empirical theology agnosticism practical atheism theological noncognitivism religious epistemology existential relevance of God arguments against theism meaning of God's existence impact of belief in God philosophy of religion divine hiddenness irrelevance of God debate secularism fideism Pascal’s wager criticism God and human experience pragmatic atheism value of religious debate skeptical theism evidentialism metaphysical naturalism agnosticism apatheism theological noncognitivism existentialism deism divine hiddenness secularism irrelevance of God faith vs reason religious epistemology metaphysical indifference practical atheism Pascal’s wager fideism atheism vs theism philosophical skepticism God’s hiddenness relevance of belief lived experience spiritual indifference meaningfulness of theology impact of belief nonbelief argument from silence secular ethics existential purpose religious debate impact of divine existence meaning of life religious pluralism irrelevance of god's existence practical atheism theological noncognitivism divine hiddenness existential atheism apatheism arguments against theism god's indifference faith vs practicality secular humanism indifferent deity god and moral value religion and daily life atheism and meaning god debate futility academic theism debate god's relevance agnosticism empiricism and god nonbelief justification pragmatic atheism absence of divine intervention impact of belief philosophy of religion theism versus atheism consequences belief utility god and ethics secular morality lived agnosticism deism existentialism theism secularism divine hiddenness religious indifference pragmatic atheism meaning of life belief versus disbelief fideism divine intervention faith and reason apatheism theological noncognitivism metaphysics of God religious epistemology Pascal’s Wager cosmic indifference human perception of divinity value of belief practical consequences philosophy of religion rationality of faith religious skepticism God’s hiddenness existential nihilism agnosticism deism divine hiddenness practical atheism existentialism noncognitivism Pascal's wager religious epistemology secularism apatheism fideism metaphysical naturalism humanism philosophical skepticism religious indifference meaning of life absence of evidence God’s silence theological noncognitivism pragmatic atheism
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ Western academic tradition university history free speech intellectual freedom Renaissance education Reformation universities Enlightenment academia democratization of education university sector expansion ideas exchange society standardization academic orthodoxy critical pedagogy Marxist scholars alternative perspectives graduate quality academic excellence academic migration USSR academics intellectual dissent critical scrutiny Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich academic integrity degree value academic inquiry higher education scholarly freedom academic traditions academic qualification intellectual honesty education democratization East European scholars academic history university standards academic innovation knowledge exchange western academic tradition history of universities free speech in academia intellectual freedom renaissance universities enlightenment education reformation and higher learning university sector expansion academic democratization academic orthodoxy critical pedagogy marxist education theory free exchange of ideas academic dissent intellectual scrutiny academic publishing freedom academic migration academic excellence university reputation qualification value academic inquiry higher education standardization academic freedom history academic diversity university intellectual climate academic environment academic tradition of dissent Western academic tradition university history free speech intellectual freedom Renaissance Reformation Enlightenment democratization of education university sector expansion critical pedagogy Marxist scholarship academic dissent intellectual scrutiny academic orthodoxy academic freedom scholarly migration academic qualifications university reputation Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich degree value intellectual inquiry academic publishing graduate excellence higher education history academic exchange knowledge societies scientific revolution cultural transformation professional migration USA Soviet academic emigration university autonomy education and society history of western universities origins of academic freedom universities as beacons of free speech impact of renaissance on universities reformation and higher education enlightenment and academic inquiry democratisation of university education critical pedagogy in higher education Marxist perspectives on universities academic orthodoxy vs dissent university sector expansion free exchange of ideas in academia intellectual tradition of dissent universities and scientific progress effects of academic migration to USA role of intellectual freedom in university prestige institutional integrity of academic degrees impact of academic freedom on graduate quality linkage between academic mobility and academic freedom examples of academic tradition (Yale Oxford western academic tradition university history free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratization of higher education expansion of universities free exchange of ideas academic freedom standardization in society Marxist scholarship critical pedagogy alternative perspectives academic orthodoxy graduate quality academic migration academic excellence freedom of publication intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny academic integrity university prestige degree value freedom of inquiry intellectual honesty historical context European universities American universities academic discourse Russian academics in America academic emigration scholarly environment Western academic tradition university free speech history university intellectual freedom Renaissance higher education Reformation university development Enlightenment academic institutions democratisation of higher education university sector expansion critical pedagogy in universities Marxist scholars and higher education academic orthodoxy challenge free exchange of ideas in academia universities as beacons of free speech intellectual dissent in education academic inquiry freedom university qualification value intellectual tradition of dissent impact of academic immigration prestige of academic institutions academic freedom and graduate quality history of Western universities Western academic tradition university growth free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment university sector expansion democratisation free exchange of ideas academic freedom societal standardisation artistic change cultural change scientific progress Marxist scholars critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy university diversity best graduates academic excellence freedom to publish immigrant academics USSR to USA intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich academic qualification value academic inquiry intellectual honesty academic credentials idea exchange academic environment freedom of expression institutional reputation international academics university reputation academic Western academic tradition university history free speech universities renaissance universities reformation education enlightenment academic tradition democratization of higher education university sector expansion intellectual freedom free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist education theory academic orthodoxy normalization of dissent best academic institutions academic immigration USA Soviet scholars in America tradition of dissent intellectual scrutiny Yale academic standards Oxford degree standards Harvard academic freedom ETH Zurich reputation qualification devaluation academic inquiry freedom university degree integrity free academic publishing academic expression rights intellectual honesty in education Russian academics in USA East European scholars America academic freedom university history western tradition free speech intellectual dissent critical pedagogy renaissance education reformation universities enlightenment scholarship higher education democratization academic orthodoxy academic migration USSR intellectuals American universities global academic exchange qualification value academic inquiry university autonomy scholarly culture dissent tradition intellectual honesty Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich academic freedom intellectual dissent free speech university history western academic tradition renaissance education reformation universities enlightenment scholarship democratization of education university sector growth critical pedagogy Marxist scholars non-orthodox perspectives free exchange of ideas academic orthodoxy academic migration USSR academics academic integrity degree value scholarly expression intellectual scrutiny best academics academic publishing academic qualifications higher education cultural change scientific advancement academic inquiry university standards intellectual honesty academic environment academic tradition preservation
test-international-eiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. microfinance crisis debt traps predatory lending subprime loans financial inclusion poverty alleviation credit bubbles over-indebtedness loan default informal lending interest rate caps credit regulation microcredit stress borrower suicide repayment pressure financial regulation India credit risk lending ethics microfinance reform consumer protection financial exploitation rural lending sustainable microfinance loan recovery practices credit access financial literacy responsible lending poverty cycles microfinance crisis microcredit repayment stress subprime lending financial inclusion risk over-indebtedness credit regulation predatory lending financial sector regulation borrower protection debt trap loan default microfinance regulation South Asia microfinance socioeconomic impact microloan suicide India rural indebtedness microfinance ethics economic vulnerability loan sharking financial stress poverty and credit interest rate caps microfinance policy reforms credit access consequences microfinance institutions borrower rights repayment pressure financial exploitation regulatory frameworks credit distribution controls microcredit financial inclusion predatory lending interest rates loan default over-indebtedness repayment pressure borrower stress microloan regulation credit risk poverty traps social impact ethical lending rural finance credit bureaus informal lending client protection financial literacy Grameen model self-help groups microfinance regulation credit accessibility financial health loan recovery practices financial distress economic vulnerability India microfinance crisis microfinance suicide debt burden sustainable microfinance microfinance debt traps negative effects of microfinance microcredit and poverty subprime lending in microfinance microfinance and socioeconomic crises microfinance regulation necessity impact of microfinance on mental health microfinance-induced suicides India credit overextension in poor communities free market ideology in microfinance challenges of microfinance repayment microfinance ethical concerns borrower vulnerability in microfinance predatory practices microfinance microfinance and financial instability consequences of unregulated microfinance microfinance industry critique microfinance and social consequences risk of microcredit default solutions for responsible microfinance microfinance crisis subprime lending credit overextension microcredit stress debt spiral predatory lending financial inclusion risks microfinance regulation repayment pressures microfinance and suicide loan default threats microfinance ethics financial exploitation poverty trap interest rate caps borrower protection microfinance adverse effects microfinance and mortality over-indebtedness responsible lending credit accessibility socioeconomic impact rural lending India microfinance regulation India microfinance borrower vulnerability microfinance debt crisis microfinance negative impacts debt cycles in microfinance microfinance subprime lending microfinance and free market microfinance regulation microfinance-induced suicides India microfinance repayment stress microfinance default consequences microfinance poverty trap microcredit over-indebtedness microfinance ethical concerns microfinance crisis solutions microfinance borrower protection microfinance regulatory frameworks debt cycles microfinance risks microcredit crisis predatory lending subprime microfinance financial inclusion over-indebtedness poverty traps repayment stress microfinance regulation loan default coercive collection free market drawbacks India microfinance suicides borrower vulnerability financial regulation credit access micronance mortality microloan consequences default threats credit market instability borrower protection responsible lending poverty finance microfinance sustainability microfinance crisis microfinance regulation debt cycles over-indebtedness credit access poverty microcredit stress microfinance suicides India subprime micro-lending free market microfinance loan default threats microfinance repayment pressure microfinance mortality rates predatory lending microfinance impact India financial inclusion risks microfinance negative effects microfinance industry problems microfinance bubble poverty and microloans borrower vulnerability ethical microfinance microfinance policy India rural debt traps social consequences microfinance microfinance reforms credit risk microfinance microfinance crisis debt traps subprime lending microcredit stress financial inclusion repayment pressures over-indebtedness poverty cycles financial regulation credit risk informal lending borrower exploitation loan sharking financial literacy economic vulnerability rural finance predatory lending interest rates credit access poverty alleviation social impact regulation in microfinance financial instability suicide and microfinance India microfinance crisis ethical lending borrower protection human cost of debt institutional accountability loan default consequences microfinance regulation predatory lending financial stress rural indebtedness subprime microcredit borrower vulnerability repayment crisis financial inclusion microloan default economic impacts poverty trap interest rates coercive collection credit access mental health regulatory oversight microfinance in India lender accountability informal lending social consequences consumer protection loan sharking economic exploitation microcredit ethics poverty alleviation suicide risk debt spiral market-driven microfinance
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 deep geological repository nuclear waste disposal nuclear waste management radioactive waste storage nuclear facility maintenance long-term nuclear waste nuclear waste costs nuclear repository safety Yucca Mountain repository nuclear waste investment structural monitoring repository leak detection nuclear waste containment nuclear safety concerns repository construction challenges international nuclear storage nuclear waste site selection public opposition nuclear storage small country nuclear storage nuclear repository engineering spent nuclear fuel geological barrier nuclear risk management nuclear facility monitoring high-level nuclear waste deep geological repositories nuclear waste management radioactive waste disposal nuclear storage costs nuclear repository construction underground nuclear storage challenges long-term nuclear waste storage structural integrity monitoring nuclear facility maintenance nuclear waste leakage prevention Yucca Mountain project nuclear safety concerns public opposition nuclear storage nuclear storage for small countries expensive nuclear waste sites nuclear storage investment nuclear waste site failures nuclear waste containment systems cost of nuclear repositories radioactive waste facility economics deep geological repository nuclear waste disposal high-level radioactive waste nuclear storage costs repository construction challenges underground waste management geological disposal facilities long-term nuclear waste management nuclear waste site maintenance Yucca Mountain project nuclear safety concerns radioactive waste containment repository failsafe systems nuclear facility monitoring storage infrastructure investment nuclear waste policy repository public opposition small country nuclear storage radioactive leak prevention nuclear waste repository economics underground nuclear storage cost deep geological repositories expenses nuclear waste storage challenges nuclear repository construction difficulty failsafe systems nuclear storage 300m underground storage requirements small countries nuclear waste management nuclear facility long-term maintenance nuclear storage structural integrity nuclear leak monitoring systems Yucca Mountain cost analysis public fears nuclear safety alternatives to underground nuclear storage international nuclear waste storage problems Europe nuclear waste repository issues cost comparison nuclear waste solutions nuclear storage investment requirements nuclear waste repository site failures nuclear safety concerns nuclear storage feasibility small nations deep geological repository nuclear waste management high-level radioactive waste nuclear waste disposal costs underground storage facility design nuclear waste site maintenance storage facility monitoring nuclear waste leak prevention nuclear waste failsafe systems Yucca Mountain project nuclear safety concerns public opposition nuclear storage nuclear waste storage alternatives international nuclear waste solutions nuclear waste facility funding small country nuclear waste challenges long-term radioactive waste storage nuclear waste structural integrity repository sealing systems nuclear waste regulation deep geological repositories cost nuclear waste disposal expenses underground nuclear facility maintenance structural integrity monitoring nuclear storage nuclear waste repository challenges Yucca Mountain project costs nuclear safety public concerns small countries nuclear waste solutions nuclear storage failsafe systems long-term investment nuclear storage alternative nuclear waste disposal methods nuclear waste storage feasibility high cost of nuclear waste management nuclear waste leak prevention international nuclear waste storage comparisons nuclear waste management deep geological repository radioactive waste disposal nuclear storage cost nuclear facility maintenance leak prevention systems nuclear safety Yucca Mountain repository structural integrity monitoring long-term investment public opposition nuclear radioactive contamination nuclear waste policy repository construction challenges international nuclear storage radioactive waste facilities nuclear waste transportation environmental risks spent nuclear fuel permanent waste storage nuclear regulatory standards underground nuclear storage cost deep geological repository expenses nuclear waste storage challenges nuclear waste repository construction 300m underground nuclear storage nuclear storage failsafe systems nuclear leak prevention small country nuclear storage nuclear repository maintenance costs nuclear facility long-term investment nuclear waste structural integrity nuclear facility leak response Yucca Mountain nuclear repository nuclear repository project cancellation public perception nuclear safety Europe nuclear waste storage nuclear waste management costs nuclear waste disposal alternatives nuclear storage economic impact nuclear waste site monitoring deep geological repository nuclear waste management long-term storage costs repository safety systems nuclear facility maintenance structural integrity monitoring international nuclear waste strategies Yucca Mountain project public opposition nuclear nuclear safety concerns underground storage technology failsafe containment systems economic feasibility nuclear storage nuclear waste policy radioactive waste disposal national waste repositories nuclear infrastructure investment cross-border nuclear waste solutions nuclear waste management deep geological repositories nuclear waste disposal costs repository construction challenges nuclear safety concerns small countries nuclear waste long-term maintenance nuclear facilities structural integrity monitoring nuclear waste leakage Yucca Mountain repository public opposition nuclear storage nuclear waste policy nuclear waste site investment radioactive waste containment international nuclear waste solutions
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, accountability transparency government secrecy leader health disclosure public trust political leadership health transparency electorate political ethics misinformation administrative honesty presidential health electoral integrity public disclosure leadership integrity Ghana politics John Atta Mills political communication state accountability executive transparency executive accountability political transparency leader health disclosure secrecy in government public trust leadership electoral trust political legitimacy governance ethics government secrecy presidential health issues misinformation in politics leader health transparency democratic accountability public right to know political candor government honesty John Atta Mills health Nii Lantey Vanderpuye statement misleading political communication consequences of secrecy leadership responsibility electorate trust presidential succession trust in administration public perception of leaders political cover-up misinformation consequences executive accountability political transparency leader health disclosure public trust government secrecy electoral trust misinformation political ethics presidential health democratic governance leadership transparency administrative honesty public accountability voter rights official communication political leadership health of leaders civic responsibility leader health transparency accountability of head of state political secrecy consequences leader health disclosure importance electorate trust in leadership transparency and democracy public right to know leader health political lies and public trust case studies leader health secrecy John Atta Mills health controversy government openness about health ethical issues in disclosing leader health impact of secrecy on democracy political leaders and health transparency historical examples leader health secrecy media reporting on leader health leader illness and public confidence precedent of hiding leader health issues trust erosion in political leadership leader health misinformation effects government transparency leader health disclosure accountability in leadership political secrecy public trust executive transparency presidential health reports electorate rights misinformation in government political ethics democratic accountability leadership honesty public health disclosures distrust in government political integrity leader health transparency political accountability secrecy in government public trust in leadership presidential health disclosure electorate distrust government transparency health status of head of state lying to voters open communication in politics political ethics John Atta Mills health consequences of secrecy Nii Lantey Vanderpuye statement truthfulness in government leader health disclosure policies accountability transparency political leadership government secrecy leader health disclosure public trust electorate rights political ethics misinformation administration honesty health transparency democratic principles Ghana politics John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye presidential health leadership responsibility public confidence political integrity voter trust government communication political deception democratic accountability political trustworthiness leader health cover-up head of state accountability government transparency leader health disclosure political secrecy public trust in leadership leader health misinformation administration honesty electorate trust political health issues John Atta Mills health Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political communication ethics leadership responsibility executive health transparency democratic accountability Ghana politics transparency leader illness secrecy public officials health disclosure impact of leader health on governance political trust deficit accountability transparency political leadership government secrecy leader's health disclosure public trust political ethics electorate rights misinformation political communication John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political integrity Ghana politics administration honesty health issues public perception political responsibility democratic values leader health scandals accountability transparency government secrecy political leadership public trust health disclosure political ethics electoral integrity misinformation government communication executive health democratic norms political responsibility leader health scandals public perception political lying case studies John Atta Mills Ghana politics Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political consequences electorate rights
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con01a	If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. BBC double standards religious offence Christianity discrimination BBC Charter Article 4 religious broadcasting policy Christian bias minority faiths UK religious representation media bias religion religious protest religious sensitivity Sikh protests Birmingham Bezthi play controversy media portrayal Christianity freedom of expression religion religious broadcast regulation established church UK religious imagery media Christian community BBC religious tolerance UK public broadcaster responsibility faith-based censorship religious equality media religious diversity representation BBC double standards religious offense bias against Christianity media treatment of religions BBC Charter Article Four Christian imagery in media religious broadcasting policy minority faiths UK Bezhti Sikh protests religious equality Christian community UK established church UK religious representation media freedom of expression religion religious sensitivity BBC secularism UK media broadcaster religious accountability Birmingham Rep protest faith-based broadcasting standards religious discrimination UK media representation Christianity BBC double standards religious offence Christian symbols religious broadcasting minority faiths freedom of expression religious tolerance media bias Article Four BBC Charter Bezhti protest broadcasting policy religious representation censorship religious sensitivity UK religions media ethics established church religious discrimination BBC religious double standards media portrayal of Christianity religious offense in media BBC response to religious protests equal treatment of religions by broadcasters Bezhthi play controversy Birmingham Sikh protests Christian imagery in UK media minority faiths media treatment Article Four BBC Charter religion UK established church media coverage BBC Charter community representation religious censorship in broadcasting Christian persecution in British media BBC handling of religious sensitivity religious bias in UK media public broadcaster religious obligations religious equality broadcasting UK monarchy established church rights religious tolerance in UK media BBC double standards religious offence media bias UK Christian discrimination BBC Charter Article Four religious representation minority faiths UK freedom of expression religious sensitivity media Christian imagery profanation Bezhti Sikh protest Birmingham Rep controversy established church UK religious broadcasting fairness monarch head of church reflection of UK communities religious tolerance broadcasting major broadcasters religion policies diversity in media religious offence response BBC BBC religious bias double standards in religion BBC Christianity criticism religious offence UK Christian representation BBC minority faiths media treatment BBC Charter Article Four Bezthi Sikh protest religious satire TV religious offence broadcasting media treatment of Christianity UK religious tolerance major broadcasters religion religious imagery controversy established church UK religious censorship BBC BBC double standards religious offense Mohammed Christianity Sikh protests play Bezthi Birmingham Rep Christian symbols religious imagery media bias minority faiths UK religion Article Four BBC charter UK communities established church broadcaster accountability freedom of speech religious sensitivity religious equality media criticism cultural representation mainstream faiths religious tolerance public broadcasting ethics secularism censorship Christian discrimination faith representation religious diversity UK media charter requirements BBC double standards religious sensitivity UK freedom of expression religion BBC Christianity criticism minority faith protection UK Bezhti Sikh protest religious offence UK media Christian imagery in media Article Four BBC Charter religious representation broadcasting BBC religious bias media treatment minority religions broadcasting offensive content religion established church UK media religion and monarchy Britain UK religious community rights protest against religious portrayal UK media religious controversy censorship religious criticism Europe religious double standards BBC bias religious double standards Christianity criticism media representation religious offence minority religions UK BBC charter Article 4 Christian symbols profaned freedom of expression religion Sikh protest Bezhti religious controversy UK secularism broadcasting BBC religious impartiality religious discrimination media established church UK faith representation media religious tolerance UK public broadcasting standards religious sensitivity media blasphemy broadcasting BBC double standards religious sensitivity media bias Christian discrimination minority faiths UK religious offense freedom of expression religious equality censorship Protestantism secularism broadcasting policy BBC Charter Article Four religious representation Birmingham Sikh protests Bezthi controversy religious tolerance UK faith in media blasphemy BBC established church UK monarchy religion religious imagery in media Christianity media portrayal religious diversity UK church-state relations
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro04a	No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, NSA surveillance privacy concerns mass data collection intelligence monitoring data security surveillance programs personal privacy information safety digital surveillance government tracking privacy vs security data patterns communication monitoring intelligence agencies metadata analysis national security electronic surveillance public privacy surveillance effectiveness Foreign Policy article NSA surveillance privacy concerns mass surveillance intelligence agencies data monitoring safety in numbers individual privacy data collection government surveillance pattern recognition targeted investigation behavioral analysis information security public perception communication monitoring surveillance programs privacy vs security bulk data collection intelligence monitoring surveillance threats personal data electronic surveillance national security public safety Foreign Policy articles privacy mass surveillance NSA intelligence agencies data collection personal information safety in numbers privacy concerns surveillance programs pattern recognition alarm bells targeted investigation government monitoring data privacy digital privacy metadata analysis national security electronic surveillance information security Stephen M. Walt threat assessment Foreign Policy NSA surveillance privacy concerns mass surveillance safety in numbers intelligence agencies data analysis individual privacy risk surveillance pattern detection who is monitored by NSA triggers for investigation NSA likelihood of personal data review privacy vs surveillance debate targeted investigation by intelligence agencies bulk data monitoring NSA resources limitations false sense of privacy safety Stephen Walt NSA critique Foreign Policy NSA article government surveillance practices personal data protection intelligence agency monitoring capacity triggers for NSA deeper scrutiny privacy NSA surveillance intelligence agencies mass surveillance safety in numbers data monitoring pattern recognition privacy concerns government monitoring communications surveillance security vs privacy digital privacy information tracking surveillance efficiency threat detection Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy investigative triggers public perception surveillance limitations NSA surveillance privacy concerns mass data collection intelligence agencies safety in numbers government monitoring surveillance patterns targeted investigation privacy vs security Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy NSA article impact of surveillance on individuals NSA communication tracking data privacy intelligence service resources triggers for investigation public perception of surveillance privacy surveillance NSA intelligence agencies bulk data collection safety in numbers mass surveillance data privacy government monitoring pattern recognition signal detection targeted investigation personal information privacy concerns data security civil liberties electronic surveillance metadata analysis communications monitoring public perception surveillance programs national security individual privacy privacy rights Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy NSA surveillance privacy concerns mass data collection safety in numbers intelligence agencies data monitoring privacy versus surveillance intelligence services motivation signals intelligence surveillance patterns surveillance alarm triggers Foreign Policy NSA article Stephen M. Walt NSA mass surveillance efficacy surveillance personnel limitations privacy debate digital privacy government surveillance programs communications monitoring surveillance red flags privacy paradox targeted investigations bulk data analysis intelligence gathering individual privacy protection NSA surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies mass data collection safety in numbers public surveillance digital privacy government monitoring big data analysis targeted investigation privacy vs security communication monitoring metadata signal detection alarm patterns surveillance programs civil liberties personal data privacy policy national security NSA surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies mass data collection surveillance patterns data analysis government monitoring privacy reassurance signal detection communication monitoring security in numbers targeted investigation big data analysis metadata surveillance Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy 2013 civil liberties data privacy intelligence monitoring automated surveillance privacy vs security
test-economy-thsptr-pro03a	The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. income redistribution progressive taxation diminishing marginal utility social welfare maximization economic equality wealth distribution utilitarianism aggregate utility public goods collective ownership state intervention tax policy economic justice fairness efficiency in resource allocation social utility equitable wealth allocation marginal utility of money redistribution of wealth government role in economy income redistribution progressive taxation diminishing marginal utility utility maximization wealth inequality economic efficiency social welfare collective goods public goods state intervention income equality moral justification of taxation property rights aggregate utility economic justice wealth reallocation societal happiness distributive justice social benefits of taxation equity in taxation income distribution efficient allocation utility maximization diminishing marginal utility progressive taxation wealth inequality economic resources aggregate utility redistribution social welfare collective goods property rights state intervention economic justice equity taxation policy wealth reallocation market failure public goods moral ownership tax efficiency income inequality resource allocation economic efficiency welfare economics efficient income distribution by the state diminishing marginal utility of wealth progressive taxation effects aggregate societal utility wealth redistribution benefits income as a collective good moral justification for state taxation economic efficiency and fairness utility-maximizing tax policies impact of income inequality on utility role of government in economic resource allocation diminishing returns to additional income social welfare maximization policy tools for equitable wealth distribution justification for progressive tax systems state intervention in income allocation relationship between property rights and taxation collective benefits of public services market vs state income allocation ethical foundations of redistribution income distribution economic efficiency marginal utility wealth inequality progressive taxation utility maximization collective goods wealth redistribution social welfare diminishing returns state intervention property rights public goods aggregate utility taxation policy equity vs efficiency public interest wealth reallocation moral justification economic justice progressive taxation income redistribution diminishing marginal utility economic efficiency wealth inequality aggregate utility societal welfare collective goods public interest moral ownership property rights utility maximization government intervention tax justice social equity wealth concentration taxation policy fair distribution economic resources social welfare optimization state role in economy income distribution efficient allocation utility maximization diminishing marginal utility progressive taxation wealth redistribution social welfare economic equality income inequality marginal utility of money public goods collective goods property rights state intervention equitable taxation economic justice social utility wealth concentration redistribution policies government role economics fairness in taxation aggregate utility market efficiency taxation ethics economic resources welfare economics law and economics social contract state legitimacy utility theory income redistribution progressive taxation diminishing marginal utility utility maximization economic justice wealth inequality social welfare public policy market efficiency wealth distribution marginal utility of money collective goods state intervention moral justification of taxation public finance social utility tax policy equity in economics income inequality solutions government role in economy income redistribution progressive taxation diminishing marginal utility economic efficiency social welfare maximization wealth inequality utility theory collective goods property rights state intervention public goods moral justification of taxation aggregate utility resource allocation marginal utility of money social justice economic redistribution tax policy welfare economics equity versus efficiency government role in economy distributive justice income inequality social utility maximization economic policy income redistribution progressive taxation diminishing marginal utility wealth inequality utility maximization social welfare economic efficiency income distribution collective goods property rights public goods wealth reallocation state intervention welfare economics equity vs efficiency marginal utility of money distributive justice taxation policy social utility economic justice
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con03a	Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. teacher supervision cyberspace monitoring social media safety adolescent online behavior digital identity formation cyberbullying prevention social networking sites online peer interactions digital citizenship online reputation internet safety education online risk management child online protection social media guidance adult supervision online digital footprint student internet use school cyber safety policies youth online safety social media literacy online behavior consequences teacher supervision adolescent social media online child safety social networking monitoring digital citizenship cyberbullying prevention identity development peer interactions internet oversight student online behavior digital footprint responsible social media use online reputation management parental involvement internet safety education youth social networking online risk mitigation educator intervention safeguarding children online classroom digital policy teacher supervision cyberspace monitoring child online safety social media oversight adolescent social networking peer interaction cyberbullying prevention digital identity formation online behavior monitoring internet safety education adult supervision student protection online social media risks online reputation management digital footprint youth online interactions responsible internet use educational intervention harmful online content safe social networking teacher supervision in cyberspace adult monitoring of social media adolescent identity formation and social media impact of social networking on youth development cyberbullying prevention by teachers role of teachers in online safety teacher involvement in student social media use protecting children from online risks supervising student interactions on social networks social media literacy in schools teacher-led digital citizenship programs online behavior monitoring in educational settings reducing cyberbullying through adult supervision safeguarding personal reputation online college admissions and online presence employment risks due to social media peer opinion influence on adolescents school policy on social media supervision teachers as mentors for digital behavior legal cyberspace supervision social media monitoring adolescent online behavior digital citizenship teacher role online cyberbullying prevention student safety internet identity development social media child online protection peer interaction digital educational technology social networking risks online reputation management digital footprint internet safety education teacher supervision in cyberspace social media supervision in schools adolescent social networking risks cyberbullying prevention in education identity formation and social media teacher monitoring online interactions safeguarding children on social media digital citizenship in schools online safety for students adult supervision of online interactions impact of social media on youth development managing student behavior online school policies on social media use effects of social networking on adolescents preventing online harassment in schools teachers cyberspace supervision online monitoring social media child interaction adolescent development peer influence identity formation cyberbullying inappropriate online behavior digital safety student well-being online reputation digital footprint teacher involvement student supervision social networking Facebook educator responsibility youth online safety protecting children online digital citizenship online risks student privacy internet safety education school policy online harm prevention cyberbullying online safety digital citizenship teacher monitoring student supervision social media influence adolescent development identity formation internet safety education digital mentoring online behavior peer interactions classroom technology policy school internet guidelines student privacy cyber ethics digital footprint online reputation management social networking risks teacher role in cyberspace adolescent mental health cyber safety curriculum social media policies for schools parental involvement online peer pressure teacher supervision online safety cyberspace monitoring adolescent social media child development cyberbullying prevention digital identity social networking risks student online behavior adult oversight internet educational technology digital citizenship peer interactions Facebook youth online reputation management school policy social media cyber ethics online peer influence internet safety education teacher role digital age cyberbullying online supervision digital citizenship adolescent social media use teacher monitoring internet safety identity formation social network impact child online safety peer interactions educational technology student online behavior digital literacy safeguarding children online social media risks digital footprint privacy concerns youth internet habits teacher intervention cyber ethics
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro03a	People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. political disengagement voter information manifesto coverage media bias celebrity influence electoral impact policy analysis democratic process informed voting political debate media distraction youth disengagement policy visibility celebrity endorsement effects party tactics depoliticisation political awareness voter education informed electorate media prioritization celebrity endorsements voter information political manifestos media coverage policy debate celebrity influence political disengagement democratic process informed voting depoliticisation youth political engagement online media superficial coverage policy articulation party tactics political communication public opinion electoral impact journalism voter education media bias political campaigns information overload celebrity culture political awareness celebrity endorsement political information voter education media coverage manifesto awareness policy debate political disengagement informed voting depoliticisation electoral process political campaign celebrity influence youth political participation media bias political awareness political communication political platform democratic process information overload electoral manipulation voter distraction political apathy online media news framing political development party tactics political issues voter behavior public opinion political communication ethics celebrity endorsement effects on voter information impact of celebrity endorsements on political awareness media coverage displacement by celebrity politics influence of celebrity culture on democratic engagement effect of media space on political debate depoliticisation caused by celebrity involvement celebrity distraction from manifesto analysis reduction in policy-focused election coverage celebrity endorsements and youth political disengagement media prioritization of celebrity over policy informed voting and celebrity interference prohibition of celebrity involvement in politics media coverage bias toward celebrity supporters celebrity endorsement leading to superficial political coverage political discourse overshadowed by celebrities effect of celebrity on voter decision quality celebrity impact on political education celebrity celebrity endorsements voter information political manifestos media coverage policy debate news space allocation online media political disengagement political awareness youth political participation depoliticisation voter decision-making celebrity influence political analysis democracy informed voting electoral processes media bias distraction public discourse policy articulation political debate political platforms celebrity endorsement politics impact of celebrity endorsements on elections media coverage of political policies voter information celebrity influence depoliticisation effects democratic process and celebrity influence youth disengagement politics media space allocation politicians policy debate overshadowed celebrities celebrity endorsements voter decision-making prohibition celebrity involvement politics political discourse celebrities informed voting and celebrity influence political knowledge voter information political manifestos policy debate celebrity endorsement media coverage informed electorate political disengagement depoliticisation voter distraction candidate visibility democratic process youth engagement media bias public discourse policy analysis electoral behavior celebrity influence political awareness information scarcity celebrity endorsement politics media coverage politicians information voters political manifestos impact celebrity in elections depoliticisation of politics voter disengagement youth media bias political debate politics policy coverage political communication problems electoral process celebrity influence political awareness media restricted debate politics celebrity distraction elections informed voting choices political education younger generations celebrity impact on democracy superficial election coverage candidate policy exposure celebrity interference politics celebrity endorsement political awareness voter information manifestos policy analysis media coverage political debate public discourse electoral engagement youth political participation depoliticisation democratic process informed voting media bias political apathy political literacy campaign influence political distraction party tactics candidate visibility electoral process voter education political disengagement celebrity impact policy communication celebrity endorsement political manifestos voter information media coverage policy debate informed voting democratic process depoliticisation political disengagement youth political awareness political communication media influence online media political analysis celebrity influence electoral processes political platforms political literacy voter education celebrity distraction public opinion political campaigns candidate visibility popular culture political participation political development
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con02a	Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 tourism investment economic growth foreign direct investment currency income European tourists disposable income Tunisia service sector agriculture sector tourism receipts tourism demand international visitors economic impact European market FDI tourism industry foreign currency external visitors economic benefits sector comparison tourism statistics overnight stays tourism modeling service industry agriculture comparison foreign revenue investment strategies economic policy tourism development foreign direct investment tourism receipts Tunisia tourism economic growth foreign currency earnings European tourists disposable income overnight stays service sector agriculture sector international visitors tourism industry external investment tourism demand economic impact inbound tourism tourism statistics tourism revenue comparative economic sectors tourism strategies foreign direct investment tourism receipts currency income external visitors disposable income European tourists overnight stays Tunisia service sector agriculture sector economic development economic dependency tourism industry foreign exchange income generation investment strategy foreign capital tourism demand economic impact FDI regional tourism economic diversification international tourism revenue growth market attractiveness tourism statistics investment tourism economic growth tourism foreign investment Tunisia tourism foreign currency income European tourists Tunisia economic impact Tunisia tourism industry strategy foreign direct investment Tunisia tourism tourism vs agriculture services Tunisia overnight stays European tourists Tunisia tourism receipts Tunisia attracting European investment Tunisia maximizing foreign currency earnings tourism tourism economic benefits Tunisia policy strategies tourism growth Tunisia disposable incomes European tourists Tunisia international tourism Tunisia sector comparison foreign investment Tunisia investment tourism economic growth foreign direct investment foreign currency income tourism receipts European tourists disposable income Tunisia tourism overnight stays tourism industry strategy services sector agriculture sector foreign investment comparison tourism demand cointegration models error correction models tourism statistics Tunisia external visitors income tourism as economic driver global travel trends international tourism markets investment tourism benefits tourism foreign investment tourism economic impact Tunisia tourism foreign currency earnings European tourists Tunisia Tunisia tourism revenue tourism vs agriculture Tunisia service sector foreign investment Tunisia investment tourism strategies tourism industry growth Tunisia attracting European tourists tourism sector FDI Tunisia Tunisia overnight stays statistics tourism demand modeling Tunisia economic growth drivers Tunisia investment tourism economic growth foreign investment foreign currency income external visitors tourism receipts European tourists disposable income service sector agriculture sector Tunisia overnight stays foreign direct investment tourism demand international visitors tourism industry economic development income generation external investment European market tourism impact regional tourism economic stimulus visitor spending investment tourism economic growth foreign investment foreign currency income external visitors European tourists disposable income tourism industry overnight stays Tunisia tourism tourism sector foreign direct investment tourism receipts services sector agriculture sector tourism demand cointegration models error correction models European market Tunisia economy tourism revenue foreign direct investment tourism receipts economic development Tunisia tourism foreign currency income European tourists disposable income major service sectors agricultural investment overnight stays statistics international tourism inbound investment economic impact tourism sector growth comparison FDI in Tunisia tourism demand modeling foreign exchange earnings tourism industry strategies external visitor income tourism-led growth foreign direct investment tourism industry economic growth foreign currency income external visitors European tourists disposable income Tunisia tourism overnight stays service sector agriculture sector tourism demand modelling tourism cointegration error correction models tourism receipts global Arab network tourism statistics international investment tourism strategies sector comparison foreign exchange earnings
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro03a	There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. journalism journalist ethics media ethics newspaper reporting investigative journalism Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill Millie Dowler phone hacking scandal Julian Assange press freedom professional standards anonymous sources whistleblowing Watergate media credibility news dissemination mainstream media opinion blogs new media digital journalism information disclosure media organisations ethical journalism public interest journalism news ethics journalistic integrity editorial standards traditional media modern journalism news sources journalist definition journalistic ethics professional journalism media ethics press standards investigative journalism Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill Julian Assange anonymous sources news reporting watchdog journalism press freedom editorial integrity whistleblowing Watergate mainstream media opinion blogs public interest journalism news ethics media credibility information dissemination Fourth Estate 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dissemination power transparency watchdog journalism newspaper credibility media organizations ethical journalism newsroom news reporting entertainment media advertising media listings magazines shopping channels news blogs traditional media nontraditional media public interest journalistic integrity journalism ethics professional journalism Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill phone hacking scandal Millie Dowler anonymous sources Watergate scandal Julian Assange media accountability public interest journalism newspaper credibility press freedom role of journalists investigative reporting New York Times The Guardian Le Monde opinion blogs media bias news dissemination differences in journalism media ethics whistleblowing journalistic standards traditional media vs new media ethical journalism journalist definition WikiLeaks reporter integrity journalism definition of journalist professional ethics Leveson Inquiry Julian Assange anonymous sources media ethics investigative reporting press freedom Nick Davies Amelia Hill phone hacking scandal Watergate media organizations The Guardian New York Times Le Monde newspaper industry broadcast journalism blog journalism opinion journalism media standards news reporting press accountability media credibility whistleblowers information disclosure public interest journalism media roles newsroom practices media responsibility advertising vs journalism entertainment media Millie Dowler case journalist definition media ethics investigative journalism Leveson Inquiry Julian Assange anonymous sources news organizations press freedom professional standards journalistic integrity Nick Davies Amelia Hill phone hacking scandal Millie Dowler opinion blogs mainstream media role of journalists information dissemination power and accountability Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde advertising vs journalism news reporting anonymous whistleblowers ethical journalism media credibility watchdog journalism difference between reporters and journalists
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro01a	Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . baseball collisions home plate plays bang-bang plays exciting baseball moments dramatic plays entertaining plays sports entertainment catcher runner collision plate blocking close calls sports violence sports physicality American football hits ice hockey hits rugby tackles baseball rules pace of baseball slow baseball criticism baseball excitement spectator appeal contact sports baseball action baseball drama thrilling plays catcher safety rule changes in baseball baseball collisions plate blocking bang-bang plays runner slides catcher holds ball dangerous plays exciting moments sports entertainment dramatic plays violent hits comparison to football comparison to hockey comparison to rugby slow pace criticism rule changes entertainment value close plays at plate physical plays baseball catcher-runner collision sports drama play intensity baseball excitement memorable plays baseball action contact sports comparison baseball collisions plate blocking close plays bang-bang play catcher-runnner collision baseball entertainment dramatic baseball moments exciting baseball plays baseball physicality home plate collision runner slides contact sports violent hits sports entertainment rule changes baseball baseball safety play at the plate MLB collisions sports drama dangerous plays baseball plate collisions excitement of baseball collisions entertainment value of bang-bang plays comparison baseball and football collisions should baseball ban plate collisions dangers of baseball collisions dramatic baseball plays why baseball is exciting intensity of home plate plays appeal of rare collisions in baseball impact of collisions on baseball viewership plate blocking techniques safety vs entertainment in baseball cultural significance of baseball collisions public opinion on baseball collisions baseball rule changes impact comparison with violence in other sports thrill of close plays in baseball defending collisions in baseball fan reactions to plate collisions baseball home plate collisions bang-bang plays sports entertainment athlete safety play excitement catcher blocking runner sliding sports violence baseball rules slow pace criticism dramatic moments fan engagement comparison with football comparison with hockey comparison with rugby rule changes injury risk sports culture contact sports thrilling plays game intensity memorable baseball moments controversial plays spectator appeal tradition in baseball baseball collisions bang-bang plays plate blocking exciting baseball moments entertaining baseball plays baseball rule changes violent hits in sports comparison with football collisions comparison with hockey hits comparison with rugby tackles catcher blocking techniques close calls in baseball sports entertainment value dramatic baseball plays safety in baseball collision regulations catcher-runner collisions sports violence maintaining excitement in baseball baseball pace criticisms baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays close plays home plate runner catcher blocking the plate dramatic moments exciting plays baseball pace sports comparison American football ice hockey rugby violent hits physicality rule changes danger in sports sporting excitement play at the plate audience appeal baseball criticism no clock in baseball sports violence thrill in sports crowd reaction play intensity dramatic sports moments baseball collisions entertainment value in baseball bang-bang plays home plate collisions dramatic plays in baseball catcher runner interaction exciting moments in baseball baseball pace of play comparison violent hits sports baseball rule changes spectator excitement baseball risk vs entertainment sports American football collisions ice hockey hits rugby tackles sports violence audience appeal memorable plays baseball catcher blocking plate sports without time clock baseball danger excitement sports entertainment psychology physicality in sports fan perspectives exciting plays sports collisions cultural impact watching baseball for excitement baseball collisions home plate collisions sports entertainment bang-bang plays exciting baseball moments dangerous plays in baseball catcher runner collision dramatic plays comparison with football comparison with hockey violent hits in sports baseball safety rules banning collisions debate baseball pace memorable baseball plays fan perspective MLB rule changes physicality in sports contact sports safety vs entertainment catcher blocking plate runner sliding home umpire close calls baseball traditions spectator appeal baseball collisions plate blocking bang-bang plays close calls catcher safety entertainment value violent plays sports comparisons American football hits ice hockey collisions rugby tackles pace of play rule changes play excitement baseball drama spectator experience contact sports player injuries risk vs entertainment thrilling baseball moments
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro01a	The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 referendum public opinion democracy democratic legitimacy Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing treaty ratification national parliaments France Netherlands popular vote citizen participation treaty rejection 2004 Treaty political legitimacy constitutional similarity EU integration public consent political accountability electoral mandate direct democracy representative democracy constitutional process decision-making transparency referendum Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution democratic legitimacy public vote popular sovereignty ratification process parliamentary approval treaty rejection citizen participation direct democracy Valéry Giscard d’Estaing 2004 Treaty treaty text similarity undemocratic decisions constitutional reform European integration national referendums political legitimacy France Netherlands referendum Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution democratic legitimacy popular vote citizen participation parliamentary ratification Valéry Giscard d’Estaing France Netherlands 2007 democratic deficit political accountability treaty ratification public opinion European Union direct democracy voter rejection constitutional reform political legitimacy representative democracy Lisbon Treaty referendum arguments Lisbon Treaty democratic legitimacy EU Constitution vs Lisbon Treaty referendums and public opinion EU parliamentary ratification Lisbon Treaty public rejection of EU treaties former President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing Lisbon Treaty comments democratic deficit European Union countries bypassing referendums EU legitimacy of EU treaty ratification France Netherlands Lisbon Treaty referendums consequences of not holding EU referendums public vs parliamentary treaty approval EU political accountability Lisbon Treaty democratic participation European treaties Lisbon Treaty European Constitution referendums democracy democratic legitimacy parliamentary ratification public opinion citizen participation Valéry Giscard d'Estaing treaty ratification France 2004 referendum Netherlands 2004 referendum EU integration constitutional comparison undemocratic process popular vote national sovereignty political accountability public consent political legitimacy Lisbon Treaty referendum EU Constitution vs Lisbon Treaty democratic legitimacy EU public opinion EU treaties referendum bypass EU popular vote vs parliamentary ratification Valéry Giscard d’Estaing Lisbon Treaty undemocratic decision referendums EU public consultation European Union France Netherlands Lisbon Treaty vote treaty ratification legitimacy constitution ratification Europe EU treaty referendum rejection democratic deficit European Union citizens’ voice EU treaties referendum direct democracy public will democratic legitimacy Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution treaty ratification popular vote parliamentary ratification legitimacy EU integration constitutional reform Valéry Giscard d’Estaing France Netherlands citizen participation undemocratic process EU member states treaty rejection national sovereignty electoral consent treaty text similarity public opinion political accountability 2004 Treaty 2007 referendums Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution referendum democracy democratic legitimacy popular vote parliamentary ratification Valéry Giscard d’Estaing constitutional similarity EU integration public opinion treaty ratification member states 2004 Treaty rejection democratic deficit citizen participation sovereignty constitutional reform European Union treaty comparison undemocratic decision conferral of powers legitimacy crisis French referendum Dutch referendum political accountability democratic process governance public consultation electoral mandate Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution referendum democratic legitimacy popular vote parliamentary ratification public opinion treaty rejection voter exclusion democracy legitimacy crisis citizen participation Valéry Giscard d’Estaing constitutional comparison political accountability democratic process representative democracy treaty ratification France Netherlands 2004 Treaty 2007 referendums European Union integration public consultation treaty text similarity Lisbon Treaty EU Constitution referendum democratic legitimacy popular vote parliamentary ratification public opinion treaty ratification Valéry Giscard d’Estaing European Union constitutional reform citizen participation political legitimacy EU integration treaty comparison public consultation representative democracy national sovereignty French referendum Dutch referendum
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro02a	"Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. suicide selfishness mental health depression suicide prevention trauma grief bereavement survivor guilt responsibility family impact stigma punishment criminalization morality ethics resilience coping strategies support systems social consequences empathy compassion mental illness emotional pain help-seeking suicide ideation societal attitudes psychological distress life challenges suicide survivors mental healthcare suicide stigma suicide moral judgement blaming suicide victims responsibility to family suicide suicide and cowardice suicide consequences for loved ones punishment for suicide attempts preventing suicide through responsibility ethical debates on suicide societal attitudes toward suicide mental health stigma suicide prevention support for suicidal individuals compassionate approaches to suicide alternatives to punitive suicide responses suicide mental health depression suicide prevention stigma self-harm support networks survivor guilt empathy compassion mental illness responsibility punishment societal attitudes family impact grief bereavement suicide survivors counseling therapy intervention coping mechanisms suicide myths moral judgment ethical considerations public health suicide awareness help-seeking behavior suicide laws suicide policy arguments against ""suicide is selfish"" is suicide really selfish impact of suicide on loved ones psychological reasons behind suicide mental illness and suicide empathy for suicide victims social stigma around suicide suicide prevention strategies ethical debates on suicide support for families of suicide victims mental health resources punishment for attempted suicide debate cultural attitudes towards suicide historical perspectives on suicide morality of suicide responsibility to family in mental health alternatives to punitive approaches compassionate interventions for suicide prevention societal responsibility in suicide rates risk factors for suicide suicide stigma suicide moral judgment suicide selfishness suicide responsibility suicide impact on family suicide punishment suicide cultural attitudes suicide social perceptions suicide cowards mental health stigma suicide and ethics suicide prevention compassion in suicide support for suicidal individuals suicide myths punitive approaches to suicide suicide survivors’ suffering ethical debates on suicide blame in suicide suicide and societal norms responsibility to family in suicide controversial views on suicide philosophy of suicide mental illness and suicide suicide prevention mental health support empathy towards suicide reasons behind suicide mental illness stigma suicide and family impact supporting suicidal individuals responsibility and mental health understanding suicidal thoughts mental health resources compassionate intervention punishment for suicide attempts debate ethics of punishing suicide attempts strength and vulnerability in mental health suicide and societal attitudes suicide selfishness mental health depression stigma family impact survivors of suicide societal attitudes personal responsibility punishment suicide prevention empathy cowardice moral judgment support systems mental illness emotional pain grief bereavement social consequences intervention resilience compassion therapy coping mechanisms suicide attempt guilt blame mental health awareness public perception psychological distress suicide stigma suicide and morality ethical perspectives on suicide suicide and family impact consequences of suicide attempts punishing suicide attempts responsibility to family suicide suicide prevention attitudes mental health stigma emotional effects of suicide societal views on suicide suicide and cowardice selfishness and suicide cultural beliefs about suicide punitive measures for suicide suicide survivor suffering criticism of suicide responsibility for loved ones suicide discourse harmful views on suicide suicide stigma mental health awareness suicide prevention empathy in suicide psychological pain family impact of suicide suicide myths compassion in mental health responsibility and suicide punishment and suicide attempts ethical issues suicide suicide survivor experience suicide support mental illness stigma societal attitudes suicide suicide causes suicide and morality suicide intervention mental health resources support for loved ones suicide prevention mental health support suicide stigma psychological impact of suicide empathy and suicide survivor guilt coping with loss suicide bereavement responsible reporting on suicide mental health education depression and suicide suicide intervention compassion for suicidal individuals suicide risk factors family support in mental health punitive approaches to suicide moral judgments on suicide social attitudes toward suicide suicide and responsibility effects of stigma on help-seeking"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con03a	A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. hip hop rap music musical diversity marginalised communities impoverished youth free speech cultural expression music censorship stereotypes black communities social exclusion stereotypes in music discrimination creative expression rap lyrics societal impact appraisal respect recognition respect music and identity youth culture music and poverty artistic freedom music criticism violence in hip hop hip hop ban music and social issues mainstream acceptance racial stereotypes music accessibility cultural stigma music and self-expression representation music and social commentary hip hop culture music debate music interpretation freedom of expression hip hop culture rap music marginalised youth free speech artistic expression music censorship social prejudice stereotypes black communities creative outlet music genre diversity socioeconomic factors youth empowerment musical minimalism rap lyrics societal discrimination music and identity religious expression cultural values respect for beliefs negative stereotyping violence in music misogyny in hip hop social exclusion debate on art critical engagement John McWhorter interpretation of lyrics cultural stigma autonomy in art youth creativity music accessibility language of expression mainstream acceptance prejudices against hip hop protectionism in music hip hop music ban marginalised youth impoverished communities creative expression free speech cultural diversity rap lyrics stereotypes racial discrimination media representation youth empowerment music censorship social exclusion freedom of expression recognition respect appraisal respect artistic freedom mainstream culture subcultures black adolescence violence in music misogyny in hip hop community representation social commentary musical principles accessibility cultural appreciation prejudice public perception youth identity minority voices poverty music as protest stigmatization social justice musical innovation music criticism controversial genres urban culture artistic critique hip hop marginalisation ban on hip hop effects hip hop and free speech music as expressive outlet hip hop youth empowerment cultural expression impoverished communities musical accessibility low-income youth diversity in hip hop genre stereotypes and hip hop criticism of hip hop culture hip hop and social exclusion freedom of expression marginalized groups impact of music censorship respect for differing musical values hip hop and critical thinking hip hop and violence debate media portrayal of rap societal response hip hop lyrics hip hop as protest music policy effects on artistic freedom hip hop marginalised communities music censorship youth empowerment free speech creative expression rap culture musical diversity social exclusion stereotype reinforcement black representation misogyny in music access to art economic inequality recognition respect appraisal respect lyrical meaning John McWhorter violence in rap societal impact mainstream acceptance prejudice cultural interpretation musical accessibility self-expression lyrical analysis controversial genres freedom of expression marginalized youth societal critique hip hop stereotypes hip hop marginalisation free speech and music hip hop stereotypes social impact of rap cultural expression impoverished communities banning hip hop debate hip hop and free speech creative expression in hip hop hip hop reinforcing stereotypes music and youth culture rap lyrics interpretation discrimination hip hop musical diversity social origins hip hop accessibility societal response to hip hop rap music positive case appraisal of hip hop content protecting young listeners music hip hop and prejudice minority voices music music as social commentary stigmatization through music black men hip hop representation public perception of rap hip hop authentic voices music hip hop rap marginalized communities free speech diversity musical genre poverty creative expression social exclusion stereotypes black youth cultural stigma music censorship lyrical analysis discrimination community empowerment socio-economic status youth culture self-expression mainstream acceptance artistic freedom religious belief respect public debate misogyny violence in lyrics social commentary John McWhorter prejudice cultural identity music controversy recognition respect appraisal respect social norms language rights music accessibility musical minimalism drum breaks stigma majority-minority relations youth marginalization inner city rap culture hip hop rap marginalised communities youth impoverished communities music genre cultural diversity creative expression free speech freedom of expression stereotypes discrimination black men social exclusion social commentary lyrical analysis violence in lyrics artistic freedom censorship music ban cultural stigma mainstream society respect for beliefs recognition respect appraisal respect social justice accessible art forms music and identity representation in music rap culture poverty and music minority voices social mobility youth empowerment hip hop criticism public perception music and prejudice music education artistic agency critical engagement rap influence hip hop marginalized communities free speech cultural expression stereotypes social exclusion youth empowerment music censorship rap lyrics creative expression appraisal respect recognition respect societal discrimination black men music genre diversity poverty societal norms music accessibility artistic freedom religious tolerance public debate misunderstood subcultures identity prejudice mainstream acceptance music and violence critical engagement music as protest linguistic diversity John McWhorter social commentary hip hop marginalised communities impoverished youth freedom of expression music censorship cultural diversity rap lyrics creative expression social exclusion negative stereotypes societal impact black communities free speech appraisal respect recognition respect musical genre mainstream society violence in music critical engagement stigmatization youth culture music and identity alternative narratives John McWhorter social critique advocacy of violence lyrical interpretation socio-economic factors music accessibility musical minimalism empowering art controversial music community representation music and stereotypes social commentary cultural criticism discrimination rap culture youth empowerment
test-international-amehbuaisji-con02a	Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. lawfare Israel international law legal warfare political abuse legal process ICC Article 8(2)(b)(viii) Geneva Convention settlements West Bank international courts UN Human Rights Council UN resolutions selective prosecution biased enforcement peace process negotiation state actors legal tools politicization international justice human rights international relations settlement policy legal attacks legal conflict abuse of law legal implications Israel settlements disputed territories legal mechanisms international pressure selective criticism lawfare against Israel international law political use of law Israel settlements Article 8(2)(b)(viii) West Bank legal disputes peace process Israel Palestine international courts Israel UN bias against Israel Human Rights Council resolutions Israel legal weaponization ICC and Israel Israeli sovereignty legal attacks on settlements international legal challenges Israel politicization of international law United Nations Israel criticism abuse of legal process anti-Israel resolutions legal risks of Israeli policy lawfare Israel legal process political abuse Article 8(2)(b)(viii) ICC international law settlements West Bank peace process international courts United Nations UN Human Rights Council UN resolutions political weaponization legal warfare international criminal law Middle East conflict state accountability human rights legal challenges negotiations political bias selective enforcement international relations lawfare examples Israel lawfare definition international law Article 8(2)(b)(viii) ICC Israeli settlements legal implications West Bank legal disputes peace process Israel Palestine UN Human Rights Council resolutions Israel international courts political abuse Israel UN criticism lawfare political motives legal challenges to Israeli settlements misuse of international law Israel lawfare diplomatic impact lawfare UN resolutions Article 8(2)(b)(viii) war crimes Israel legal process abuse international relations Israeli settlement policy legal risks international lawfare against states politicization of international courts Israel comparison UN criticism Israel Libya lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank legal process political ends United Nations UN Human Rights Council international courts peace process negotiation legal abuse international law ICC Geneva Conventions state actors politicization selective enforcement UN resolutions human rights Gadaffi biased scrutiny Middle East conflict Israeli-Palestinian relations international relations legal warfare state responsibility legal tools conflict resolution lawfare definition international law Israel legal warfare misuse of legal system Article 8(2)(b)(viii) Rome Statute ICC settlements Israel legal challenges Israeli settlements West Bank negotiations peace process Israel Palestine UN Human Rights Council Israel political use of international law legal attacks on Israel UN bias against Israel international courts Israel legal accountability in armed conflict settlement policy legal implications international response Israeli settlements lawfare political tool Israel legal defense criticism of Israel United Nations lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) international law settlements West Bank negotiations peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council UN resolutions Israel criticism state abuse international relations legal warfare settlement policy UN bias Middle East conflict legal attacks political strategy international justice human rights Muammar Gaddafi diplomacy lawfare Israel international law Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) ICC Israel settlements legal West Bank legal disputes UN Human Rights Council Israel Israel international courts political lawfare legal process abuse Israel peace process settlements Israel international resolutions Israel UN criticism Israel legal warfare Israel West Bank negotiations Israel ICC prosecution international justice Israel lawfare Middle East UN bias Israel Israel legal challenges Israel legal defense strategies lawfare Israel international law legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) ICC settlements policy West Bank Israeli settlements negotiation peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council UN resolutions bias against Israel international relations legal abuse state actors political litigation international humanitarian law war crimes Geneva Conventions Palestinian territories legal warfare diplomatic conflict UN singling out Israel Gadaffi human rights international legal pressure biased resolutions Israeli-Palestinian conflict lawfare Israel legal process political abuse Article 8(2)(b)(viii) ICC international law West Bank settlements policy UN Human Rights Council international courts peace negotiations Middle East conflict UN resolutions selective enforcement Israeli-Palestinian conflict human rights international relations legal warfare state actors geopolitical strategy
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con01a	Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. shock art taboo art artistic provocation emotional response viewer engagement contemporary art conceptual art art censorship controversial art Sarah Lucas death in art religion in art sexuality in art gender in art art and disgust art and taboos emotional impact art criticism stereotype in art critical engagement art contemplation provocative artwork art and emotion art and society artistic expression transgressive art challenging art public reaction avant-garde art banned art thought-provoking art social disgust art provocation taboo art strong emotional response art censorship conceptual art shock art transgressive art Sarah Lucas sexuality in art gender in art taboo subjects art and disgust critical engagement emotional response art controversial art aesthetics of disgust challenging norms art as social critique contemporary art psychological response art art reception viewer reaction provoking thought art and morality art and taboo thought-provoking art provocative art emotional response taboo shock value conceptual art censorship strong reactions societal norms boundaries in art Sarah Lucas sexuality in art gender in art art and disgust art and emotion stereotype critical engagement art criticism art controversy controversial art art and society art interpretation modern art contemporary art public reaction art and taboo art as commentary challenging art emotional provocation interpretation of disgust forbidden subjects social disgust in art provocative art forms emotional response in conceptual art taboo subjects in artwork art and strong emotions art and taboo exploration shock value in contemporary art Sarah Lucas and taboo disgust as artistic tool critical engagement with offensive art art censorship and taboo challenging social norms through art art provoking discomfort art and public reaction conceptual art and ideas art exploring religion and sexuality emotional impact of art boundaries in modern art art and societal boundaries art pushing limits controversial artwork discussion interpreting disgust in art art provoking critical thought impact of shock in art artistic freedom and taboo art social disgust art provocation taboo in art emotional response conceptual art shock art controversial art Sarah Lucas gender stereotypes sexuality in art censorship in art emotional engagement art and society transgressive art challenging norms viewer reaction exploring taboo art criticism disgust aesthetics art theory freedom of expression art and morality contemporary art provocative artwork art controversy art interpretation social disgust in art art and provocation conceptual art and taboo art exploring taboo subjects shock value in contemporary art Sarah Lucas artwork art and strong emotional reactions disgust as artistic tool art challenging social norms taboo and creativity in art critical engagement with disgust emotional responses to art art censorship and limits art as social commentary role of shock in modern art sexuality and gender in art emotional impact of conceptual art art provoking thought and emotion art and societal boundaries social disgust provoking emotions contemporary art provocative art taboo in art censorship in art controversial artwork artistic shock viewer reaction Sarah Lucas sexuality in art gender in art conceptual art emotional response art interpretation challenging taboos stereotype in art artistic expression art and society social commentary critical engagement death in art religion in art disgust aesthetic art criticism art theory emotional provocation shock value artistic boundaries art and morality psychological response art discourse visual provocation art and culture social disgust in art provocative art shock art taboo subjects in art conceptual art emotional responses in art art censorship Sarah Lucas art and sexuality art and gender stereotypes art and religion controversial art viewer engagement art art that challenges norms art and strong emotions contemporary art provocation critical engagement with art meaning in art art as social critique responses to art taboos art and societal boundaries art interpretation disgust as artistic tool boundary-pushing art psychological effects of art debated art forms social disgust conceptual art provocative art emotional response taboo subjects death in art religion in art sexuality in art artistic censorship shock value art and emotions Sarah Lucas gender in art stereotypes in art critical engagement contemporary art art and society artistic expression controversial art audience reaction thought-provoking art insight through art boundary-pushing art social disgust art and disgust taboo in art conceptual art provocation in art emotional response art shock art controversial art Sarah Lucas sexuality in art gender in art art censorship strong emotions in art critical engagement art art and taboo stereotypes in art art interpretation artistic provocation emotional reactions art art and forbidden topics art and society meaning in conceptual art art critique reactionary art art and morality psychological response art
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction social networks online friendships self-esteem self-confidence global connectivity maintaining relationships expanding social circles online communication chat conversations photo sharing status updates shared interests hobbies adolescent socialization youth well-being friendship maintenance digital socialization psychological impact self-views teenagers online communities emotional support globalized world interpersonal trust network effects social network effects online identity digital communication Facebook social networks socialization child development peer interaction online friendships self-esteem self-confidence trust social support globalization long-distance communication maintaining friendships expanding social circles shared interests online communities teenagers youth social behavior identity development mental health self-image happiness positive self-views psychological well-being chat conversations sharing photos status updates social media use adolescent psychology social connectedness digital communication friendship maintenance peer support virtual relationships sociability emotional support online interaction social capital research children online Facebook social networking child development peer interaction friendship trust self-esteem self-confidence support networks problem-solving communication globalization maintaining friendships long-distance relationships online communities shared interests online hobbies digital interaction chat photo sharing status updates adolescent wellbeing psychological benefits social connectedness youth happiness mental health online self-concept social media effects positive self-views research on social networks benefits of Facebook socialisation Facebook and child development Facebook social skills enhancement Facebook maintaining long-distance friendships Facebook globalized connections Facebook and peer support Facebook social networks and self-esteem Facebook virtual community building Facebook impact on self-confidence Facebook and adolescent social circles Facebook keeping in touch with friends Facebook sharing interests and hobbies Facebook and teenage psychological well-being Facebook and self-control Facebook and positive self-views Facebook social engagement effects Facebook and expanding friend networks Facebook chat and relationship maintenance Facebook and emotional support Facebook and friendship longevity social networks and happiness Facebook social networks socialisation child development peer interaction self-esteem self-confidence friendship online communication globalisation maintaining relationships long-distance friendships shared interests online communities chat conversations photo sharing status updates adolescent well-being psychological benefits happiness user engagement social support self-views positive effects youth mental health online peer support social relationship maintenance adolescence peer support online self-presentation digital socialization Facebook socialisation benefits social networks child development online peer interaction maintaining friendships Facebook expanding social circle online Facebook self-esteem impact virtual support networks online communication teenagers globalized world friendships shared interests social media teen self-confidence social networks psychological effects social networking Facebook positive self-views digital social skills adolescent peer support Facebook friendship maintenance internet youth socialization chat conversations self-esteem social network happiness social media trust building Facebook global connectivity online friendships psychological benefits social networks and youth confidence teenage socialisation online Facebook emotional support social networks self-confidence adolescent friendships Facebook Facebook socialisation socialization child development peer interaction self-esteem self-confidence friendship social networks online communication global connectivity maintaining friendships expanding social circle shared interests online communities teen development chat photo sharing status updates self-appreciation happiness psychological effects adolescent social behavior remote friendship online support mental health digital interaction positive self-views youth social skills social networking benefits adolescent confidence friendship maintenance trust building emotional support Wilcox and Stephen Gentilea and Twenge social media virtual communities global friendships Facebook socialisation benefits social development in children peer interaction child self-esteem child self-confidence overcoming problems peer support social networks and friendship maintaining friendships online globalized world social connections long-distance friendship maintenance expanding friend circle online shared interests on Facebook social networks shared hobbies teenagers online communication Facebook chat conversations sharing photos and status updates online self-esteem boost confidence through social media happiness and social network online friend networks Facebook positive effects youth online socialisation Facebook self-esteem study social networking self-confidence academic research social networks Facebook friendships psychology mental health social media adolescent Facebook socialization child development peer interaction friendship networks online communication social networks adolescent self-esteem self-confidence psychological wellbeing maintaining friendships global connectivity virtual socialization overcoming loneliness shared interests online communities digital communication social support mental health online relationships teenage social life positive social effects trust building emotional support youth happiness internet friendships social media adolescent development peer interaction online communication self-esteem self-confidence friendship maintenance global connections digital friendships social support social network benefits psychological well-being youth socialization internet relationships emotional support Facebook impact virtual communities social skills identity development mental health online peer support cyberspace friendships social capital network size well-being teenage friendships digital socialization
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural development urbanization migration control urban-rural divide economic zones infrastructure investment rural workforce city resources urban privilege policy intervention balanced development regional disparities rural investment urban migration restrictions rural modernization socioeconomic inequality rural depopulation sustainable development resource allocation urban growth limits rural development urban-rural migration migration restrictions urbanization impact rural investment urban privilege economic zones rural communities workforce retention rural modernization rural-urban divide rural resource allocation rural infrastructure city economic growth urban bias rural population retention regional inequality social divisions rural policy China urbanization sub-Saharan Africa food security rural development migration restrictions urbanization urban privilege special economic zones urban-rural divide rural investment workforce retention economic growth infrastructure development resource allocation social inequality rural modernization balanced workforce policy interventions regional disparities demographic shifts rural poverty urban migration policy rural revitalization economic disparities rural-urban integration city planning government investment rural sustainability rural development incentives balanced rural-urban workforce effects of rural-urban migration on city resources urban investment bias rural area underinvestment policies to retain rural workforce consequences of urban economic prioritization preventing rural brain drain special economic zones impact on rural regions urban-rural social divisions infrastructure disparities between urban and rural investment in rural communities urban privilege in development improving rural standard of living policy measures to support rural populations economic consequences of rural depopulation rural resource preservation benefits encouraging rural entrepreneurship attracting investors to rural areas long-term impacts of rural restrictions rural-urban migration migration restrictions urbanization economic growth rural development urban privilege special economic zones China urbanization infrastructure investment rural workforce retention rural-urban divide social divisions urban-rural disparity rural investment balanced workforce policy prioritization rural modernization sub-Saharan Africa decision-making food security urban resource allocation urban-rural migration restrictions rural area investment urban privilege China economic growth rural areas special economic zones rural rural workforce retention urban-rural divide rural modernization city resource allocation rural urban disparity national development policy rural urbanization impact China rural community development combating urban bias migration policy effects social divisions rural urban infrastructure investment rural economic policy China rural brain drain investing in countryside benefits rural development rural investment rural workforce retention rural-urban migration urbanization urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure disparity economic growth resource allocation urban-rural divide rural modernization rural depopulation rural economy urban policy social inequality migration policy China urbanization urban bias rural marginalization regional development internal migration controls economic decentralization city-centric planning countryside neglect balanced development investor attraction rural areas sub-Saharan Africa urbanization urban food security social divisions modernization disparity rural development rural-urban migration migration restrictions urbanization urban privilege economic disparity special economic zones rural investment workforce retention rural-urban divide China urbanization infrastructure development urban resource allocation sub-Saharan Africa urbanization rural modernization rural depopulation sustainable rural communities urban bias economic growth social inequality policy intervention balanced workforce rural infrastructure urban-rural relations rural revitalization migration policy China rural stagnation decision making rural areas rural poverty urban-centric policies regional inequality rural development rural investment urban-rural migration urbanization economic disparity social inequality urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure allocation resource distribution workforce retention rural modernization urban bias rural workforce rural-urban divide policy intervention regional planning China case study Sub-Saharan Africa rural revitalization rural exodus balanced development investment incentives migration policy rural resource preservation urban-centric policies decision making rural areas urban modernization internal migration equitable development rural development urban-rural migration migration restrictions urbanization rural investment economic growth resource allocation China urbanization special economic zones rural workforce urban privilege urban-rural divide rural modernization infrastructure investment rural depopulation balanced workforce regional inequality social divisions policy impact urban planning rural revitalization
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro01a	These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, skin lightening bleaching creams toxic ingredients mercury poisoning harmful cosmetics health risks kidney damage renal toxicity dermatological side effects mental health effects banned substances cosmetic regulations consumer safety hazardous chemicals toxic beauty products World Health Organization skin whitening dangers public health regulatory actions mercury exposure skin bleaching toxic ingredients health risks mercury poisoning kidney damage dermatological effects psychological effects product regulation cosmetic safety banned substances regulatory policies public health hazardous cosmetics chemical exposure global bans World Health Organization illegal skin lightening toxic cosmetics adverse effects consumer protection toxic ingredients hazardous cosmetics skin bleaching risks mercury poisoning harmful skin products renal toxicity kidney damage skin disorders mental health effects cosmetic safety regulations banned substances World Health Organization mercury contamination public health consumer protection cosmetic ingredient bans health risks cosmetics skin lightening dangers unregulated skin creams dermatological side effects skin whitening cream health risks dangers of mercury in cosmetics harmful ingredients in skin lightening products health effects of skin whitening creams why mercury is banned in cosmetics skin whitening product regulations toxic effects of skin lightening creams global bans on harmful cosmetics kidney damage from mercury exposure mental health issues from cosmetic products countries banning skin lightening creams mercury poisoning from beauty products WHO recommendations on cosmetics safety safe alternatives to skin whitening creams cosmetic ingredients safety regulations skin whitening harmful ingredients mercury health risks toxic cosmetics skin lightening renal damage kidney damage mental health effects cosmetic safety regulatory bans WHO report mercury poisoning consumer protection dangerous cosmetics adverse effects skin disorders toxic chemicals cosmetic regulations hazardous products beauty products public health international bans mercury exposure health hazards skin whitening cream dangers mercury in cosmetics harmful ingredients in skin creams health risks skin lightening banned cosmetic products kidney damage mercury mental health skin products WHO mercury warning dangerous beauty products unsafe skin whitening toxic cosmetics skin cream side effects consumer product bans mercury poisoning cosmetics skin bleaching risks regulatory actions cosmetics public health skin products harmful chemicals in cosmetics cosmetic product safety skin lightening regulation skin bleaching cosmetic safety mercury poisoning toxic cosmetics kidney damage mental health effects hazardous ingredients health risks product bans consumer protection skin disorders cosmetic regulations WHO guidelines chemical toxicity endocrine disruptors unsafe skin products public health concerns mercury exposure dermal absorption illegal cosmetics skin lightening risks heavy metals in cosmetics international bans counterfeit products regulatory compliance environmental health personal care product safety skin whitening cream dangers harmful ingredients in skin creams mercury in cosmetics mercury poisoning symptoms health risks of skin lightening banned cosmetics worldwide skin cream side effects renal damage from cosmetics skin disorders mercury cosmetic product regulations WHO mercury skin products toxic chemicals in beauty products cosmetic ingredient safety illegal skin whitening products cosmetic health hazards mercury-induced mental health issues consumer product bans cosmetic safety policies public health and skin creams international cosmetic regulations skin whitening harmful ingredients mercury health risks side effects renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health product bans cosmetics safety consumer protection toxic cosmetics mercury poisoning public health regulatory action WHO report chemical exposure illegal cosmetics beauty products ingredient safety cosmetic regulations global bans toxic skin creams mercury contamination health hazards mercury poisoning skin whitening risks toxic ingredients health effects banned cosmetics consumer product safety harmful chemicals kidney damage mental health effects WHO guidelines mercury regulations cosmetic product bans dermatological toxicity skin lightening dangers regulatory actions mercury exposure cosmetic ingredient safety international cosmetic regulations public health mercury contamination
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con03a	Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, economic impact smoking ban bar closures nightlife industry hospitality sector employment loss business revenue pubs club attendance restaurant sales UK smoking ban US smoking ban local economy job loss public health policy leisure industry social venues unemployment business downturn sectoral analysis smoking ban economic impact bar and club closures hospitality industry losses employment decline bars UK smoking ban effects US smoking ban employment business revenue smoking ban negative economic consequences smoking restrictions local economy smoking ban nightlife industry smoking ban public health policy economics job losses hospitality sector economic studies smoking bans consumer behavior smoking bans bar patronage smoking policy smoking ban economic impact hospitality industry bar closures nightclub attendance employment decline UK case study US research public health policy revenue loss business closures employment rates nightlife economy smoking regulations legislative effects economic impact of smoking bans bar closures due to smoking ban hospitality industry smoking ban effects employment decline smoking ban smoking ban effect on nightlife smoking ban and business revenue smoking bans and local economies case studies smoking ban impacts UK bar closures smoking ban US employment bar smoking ban unintended consequences smoking ban public health vs economy smoking ban smoking ban business loss statistics smoking ban hospitality sector economic arguments against smoking bans smoking ban economic impact bar closures nightclub revenue hospitality industry employment effects UK smoking ban US employment statistics business closures public health policy nightlife economy consumer behavior restaurant sales entertainment venues tourism impact law enforcement costs local economies tax revenue small business impact job losses economic impact of smoking ban smoking ban effects on hospitality industry bar and club closures due to smoking ban employment decline in bars smoking ban hospitality sector ban consequences smoking regulations economy economic drawbacks of smoking restrictions smoking ban business effects bar revenue smoking regulations employment impact smoking laws smoking ban nightlife industry UK bar closures smoking ban US employment bars smoking ban public health laws economic effects smoking ban economic impact bar closures nightclub industry hospitality sector employment decline UK example US research public health policy consumer behavior smoking regulations nightlife economy business revenue tourism effects leisure industry job loss regulatory effects social venues public smoking laws economic downturn smoking ban economic impact bar closures UK smoking ban smoking ban employment effects smoking ban nightlife economy smoking ban effects pubs club attendance smoking ban hospitality industry smoking ban bar revenue smoking laws unemployment smoking ban economic consequences smoking regulations public health legislation economy nightlife business smoking ban bar industry downturn smoking ban smoking restrictions economic studies smoking ban critics arguments economic impact smoking ban hospitality industry bar closures employment rates club attendance public health policy business revenue United Kingdom United States smoking legislation industry trends employment statistics consumer behavior nightlife economy policy criticism market analysis regulatory impact economic impact smoking ban bar closures employment effects nightlife economy hospitality industry public policy business revenue club attendance consumer behavior UK case study US research smoking restrictions economic downturn local businesses legislative effects workforce reduction leisure industry government regulation public health policies
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro03a	There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, safeguards oversight abuse prevention democratic accountability authorisation intelligence agencies legal compliance independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner UK government government transparency accountability measures civil servant advice Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal framework surveillance oversight democratic institutions UK surveillance laws checks and balances government regulation civil liberties protection parliamentary oversight intelligence operations Prism statement safeguards misuse prevention democratic oversight UK accountability intelligence agency regulation legal compliance independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner government authorization Secretary of State approval democratic checks and balances surveillance oversight parliamentary scrutiny legal framework intelligence operations civil servant advice Foreign Secretary Home Secretary judicial review compliance mechanisms Prism statement William Hague democratic oversight safeguards accountability intelligence agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance UK law democratic framework abuse prevention government oversight transparency checks and balances surveillance regulation government accountability security services oversight legal safeguards parliamentary oversight democratic safeguards oversight mechanisms abuse prevention UK intelligence oversight democratic accountability independent review legal compliance Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner government authorisation process Secretary of State approval civil service legal advice democratic frameworks for surveillance accountability in intelligence operations UK oversight example intelligence agency checks and balances authorization procedures law compliance assurance ministerial oversight in UK mechanisms to prevent abuse legislative oversight post-authorization review surveillance oversight bodies intelligence services legal framework democratic accountability government oversight intelligence agencies authorization process Secretary of State approval legal compliance independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner UK legal framework safeguards against misuse democratic safeguards civil servant advice transparency checks and balances governmental supervision surveillance regulation legal authorization intelligence operations oversight public accountability parliamentary scrutiny safeguards in democracies abuse of power prevention oversight mechanisms democratic accountability UK intelligence oversight authorisation process Secretary of State approval independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner legal compliance democratic checks and balances government surveillance safeguards parliamentary oversight civil servant legal advice UK transparency in intelligence regulation of surveillance activities safeguards oversight democratic accountability abuse prevention UK framework authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law intelligence agencies government oversight checks and balances legal frameworks transparency government accountability democratic institutions surveillance oversight democratic safeguards UK government oversight intelligence agency accountability legal authorisation process Foreign Secretary oversight Home Secretary authorisation independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance with law abuse prevention mechanisms democratic accountability framework civil servant legal advice government transparency checks and balances surveillance oversight government authorisation procedures privacy protection state security operations legal compliance monitoring safeguards oversight abuse prevention democratic accountability UK intelligence framework operational authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil service review independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner legal compliance government transparency checks and balances intelligence oversight democratic institutions privacy protections legislative framework democratic safeguards oversight mechanisms abuse prevention UK accountability democratic accountability intelligence agency oversight Secretary of State authorisation legal review civil servant advice Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner UK surveillance law independent review compliance monitoring Prism UK government transparency parliamentary oversight legal compliance intelligence operations checks and balances privacy protection
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con03a	There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 policy options economic advantages quotas discrimination constitutionality France policy instruments implementation ease access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship economic growth female to male start-up ratios United States Canada access to credit red tape women-owned businesses business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings voluntary quotas flexible quotas business competitiveness national economies EU economic distortions constitutional issues sustainable development management boards gender quotas policy alternatives economic impact anti-discrimination constitutional issues France policy instruments ease of implementation access to capital regulatory barriers women entrepreneurship OECD gender gap entrepreneurship rates Ireland Iceland Sweden female entrepreneurs productivity business growth United States Canada credit access red tape women-owned businesses business competitiveness non-legislative measures gender equality corporate social responsibility gender labels awards charters rankings voluntary quotas flexible quotas mandatory quotas EU policy economic distortion national economies constitutional barriers sustainable development gender parity management boards structural change gender equality entrepreneurship policy alternatives economic growth regulatory reform access to capital business competitiveness non-legislative measures voluntary quotas women entrepreneurs female business ownership anti-discrimination legal frameworks OECD countries job creation red tape reduction business incentives charter signing rankings labels diversity awards flexible policies constitutional issues sustainable development support for start-ups women in business economic productivity policy alternatives to quotas non-distortive gender equality policies economic advantages of alternative policy instruments access to capital for women entrepreneurs reducing regulatory barriers for women-owned businesses gender gaps in entrepreneurship OECD countries women entrepreneurship in Ireland Iceland Sweden female to male start-up ratios OECD impact of entrepreneurship on productivity and economic growth access to credit for women-owned ventures reducing red tape for business creation non-legislative gender equality tools (labels awards charters rankings) stimulating voluntary company commitment to gender equality flexible voluntary gender quotas economic impact of binding quota schemes EU gender equality policy options promoting gender equality without quotas national policy alternatives economic impact quotas anti-constitutional France policy instruments implementation ease access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps entrepreneurship productivity female to male start-up ratios United States Canada access to credit red tape reduction women-owned businesses business competitiveness non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings voluntary quotas economic distortions constitutional issues national economies gender parity enterprise policy flexible quotas inclusive business policies job creation sustainable development management boards European Parliament OECD reports policy alternatives to quotas non-distortive economic policies gender equality instruments entrepreneurial gender gaps women entrepreneurship OECD access to capital for women regulatory barriers for women entrepreneurs self-employment gender statistics quotas constitutionality France voluntary vs mandatory quotas gender equality policy France Ireland Iceland Sweden impact of quotas on competitiveness credit access for female entrepreneurs non-legislative gender equality measures labels and awards for gender equality charter signing gender equality business creation women female to male start-up ratios flexible quota schemes economic distortions quota policies policy instruments women entrepreneurship OECD female entrepreneurship trends policy alternatives economic impact nondistortive measures discriminatory quotas constitutional issues France policy instruments ease of implementation access to capital regulatory barriers women entrepreneurs OECD gender gap entrepreneurship Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity start-up rates United States Canada access to credit women-owned businesses business creation job creation competitiveness non-legislative measures gender equality company awards diversity labels charter signing rankings voluntary quotas flexible quotas one-size-fits-all national economies national efforts EU policy economic distortions constitutional complications gender and sustainable policy alternatives economic advantages non-distortive policies anti-quota arguments constitutional issues France quotas gender equality regulatory barriers women entrepreneurship OECD gender gap female entrepreneurs entrepreneurship productivity startup growth United States women entrepreneurs Canada women entrepreneurs access to capital business creation credit access red tape reduction non-legislative instruments gender labels gender awards corporate charters company rankings voluntary quotas quota flexibility economic impact of quotas constitutional challenges national approaches EU gender policies women-owned businesses business competitiveness gender mainstreaming sustainable development social impact business incentives gender equality women entrepreneurship policy alternatives economic competitiveness access to capital regulatory barriers non-legislative instruments voluntary quotas female business ownership business creation gender gaps OECD countries constitutional issues business productivity startup growth red tape reduction enterprise support corporate diversity inclusive policy entrepreneurship promotion flexible quotas non-discriminatory measures labor market diversity institutional awards women in business cross-country comparison social impact economic impact alternative policies regulatory reform market-driven solutions policy alternatives economic impact quotas gender equality entrepreneurship women-owned businesses regulatory barriers access to capital business creation non-legislative instruments voluntary measures anti-constitutional concerns OECD countries business competitiveness flexible quotas gender gap business incentives start-up support self-employed women female entrepreneurs credit access company rankings charter signing business awards business labels enterprise policy regulatory reform top-down approach economic productivity EU gender policy sustainable development constitutional issues comparative policy analysis women in business statistics
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro06a	entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: naturalism evolutionary psychology cognitive science of religion adaptive behavior agency detection theory of mind causal reasoning survival mechanisms by-products hyperactive agency detection device human cognition social cohesion group selection psychological adaptation memetics cultural evolution religion as spandrel atheism non-theistic explanations brain architecture evolutionary origins of religion psychological origins of belief natural explanations of religion secularism skepticism science of belief emergence of religion rational explanations psychological biases god hypothesis superfluous god childhood of humanity debunking theism evolutionary by-products soci evolutionary psychology cognitive science of religion naturalism by-product hypothesis agency detection theory of mind adaptive value evolutionary origins of religion supernatural beliefs causal reasoning social cohesion meme theory cultural evolution brain architecture survival mechanisms pattern recognition hyperactive agency detection device (HADD) religious heuristics secular humanism atheism religion as spandrel explanatory power of naturalism psychological mechanisms evolutionary anthropology cognitive biases reductionism in religion brain evolution origins of belief evolutionary advantage Pinker Henig naturalistic explanations cognitive science of religion evolutionary psychology origins of religious belief by-products of cognition agency detection causal reasoning theory of mind adaptive functions superstition natural selection god hypothesis religion as social glue memetics secular humanism atheism skepticism emergence of religion ritual behavior group cohesion explanatory models anthropomorphism teleological thinking neural substrates of belief Dawkins Dennett Pinker religious evolution supernatural agent detection belief formation religion and survival science versus religion brain architecture cultural evolution indoctrination developmental psychology religion naturalistic explanations for religious belief cognitive science of religion evolutionary psychology and religion origins of belief in God psychological basis for religious thought adaptive value of religion religious belief as evolutionary byproduct natural processes and emergence of religion causality and supernatural attribution agent detection and supernatural belief social cohesion and religion evolutionary roots of supernatural thinking cognitive mechanisms and religious development scientific explanations for faith religion as a social adaptation belief in God without supernatural causation anthropology of religion neurological basis for religious experience development of gods in human thought secular interpretations of religious phenomena naturalistic explanations evolutionary psychology cognitive science of religion by-product hypothesis brain architecture agency detection causal reasoning evolutionary adaptation survival mechanisms supernatural beliefs religious evolution god hypothesis memetics psychological origins of religion anthropomorphism theory of mind hyperactive agency detection cultural evolution religion as spandrel atheism secular humanism religion and society adaptationist theories illusion of purpose naturalism social cohesion ritual behavior origins of belief Pinker Henig evolutionary anthropology cognitive biases emergence of religion evolutionary psychology of religion naturalistic explanations for belief in God cognitive science of religion origins of religious belief adaptive value of religion by-product theory of religion agent detection in evolution causal reasoning and religion theory of mind and supernatural belief survival mechanisms and religion psychological basis of god belief religion as evolutionary by-product secular interpretations of religion natural processes in religious development belief in God without supernatural causes cognitive mechanisms for religious thought evolution and spirituality atheism and natural explanations reasons for religious belief in human evolution religious belief and brain architecture natural explanations cognitive science of religion evolutionary psychology belief formation origins of religion secular theories agency detection hyperactive agency detection device pattern recognition causal reasoning mind theory by-product hypothesis adaptive functions of religion psychological mechanisms survival instincts cultural evolution memetics social cohesion group selection anthropomorphism explanatory gaps scientific naturalism atheism non-theistic explanations neurology of belief mental modularity supernatural beliefs religion as adaptation god hypothesis religious cognition naturalistic explanations of religion evolutionary psychology of religion cognitive science of religion origins of religious belief atheism arguments psychological basis of god belief by-product theory of religion agency detection causal reasoning in religion hyperactive agency detection device (HADD) theory of mind and religion evolution of religious cognition secularization natural theology critique myth formation survival value of religion neurobiology of belief cultural evolution of religion natural vs supernatural explanations religion as social glue adaptive functions of religion memetics and religion scientific study of religion religion without gods human brain architecture and religion naturalist worldview evolutionary psychology cognitive science of religion origins of religious belief naturalistic explanations of religion God hypothesis evolutionary basis of religion Darwinian theories of religion psychology of belief agent detection causal reasoning theory of mind religion as evolutionary by-product adaptive functions of belief survival mechanisms anthropomorphism supernatural attributions neuroscientific studies of religion memetics cultural evolution sociology of religion developmental psychology of faith religious cognition atheism agnosticism secular humanism origins of supernatural beliefs social cohesion and religion ritual and symbolic behavior cognitive by-products naturalistic evolutionary psychology cognitive science of religion naturalistic explanations origin of religious belief adaptive value of religion by-product theory of religion agency detection causal reasoning theory of mind atheism secular humanism psychology of belief evolutionary origins of religion adaptive cognitive processes religious naturalism superfluity of god hypothesis cognitive evolution meme theory religion as social adaptation cultural evolution belief formation supernatural attribution anthropomorphism brain architecture and religion survival strategies skepticism natural causes of religious behavior developmental psychology of religion religious skepticism god hypothesis critiques science and religion
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro04a	Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. strong leadership in Russia Russian centralisation historical Russian rulers Peter the Great reforms Alexander II emancipation Lenin leadership Stalin era governance in Russia Russian political tradition centralized authority Russian nationalism Russian imperial history Russian democracy challenges regional fragmentation Russia Russian political culture Russian unity Russian authoritarianism Russian governance models diversity in Russia Russian population distribution Russia and western democracy Russian regionalism religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia influence Russia Russian economic stagnation Russian social cohesion strong leadership in Russia centralization in Russian history Russian political culture Russian governance Tsarist Russia Peter the Great reforms Alexander II emancipation Soviet leadership Lenin leadership Stalin leadership Russian authoritarianism Russian democracy challenges Russian regionalism fragmentation in Russia Russian nationalism Russian state-building Russian unity Russian diversity Russian population distribution Russian modernization Russian autocracy Russian political stability Russian historical rulers Caucasus religious fundamentalism Central Asia influence Russian economy stagnation local strongmen Russia Russian political tradition Russian historical progress Western democracy in Russia Russian cultural attitudes Russian strong leadership in Russia Russian centralized power Russian history leadership Peter the Great reforms Alexander II emancipation Russian autocracy Lenin leadership Stalin leadership Russian political culture Russian authoritarianism Russian democracy suitability Russian imperial governance Russian diversity governance Russian regionalism Russian fragmentation Russian unity strong rulers Russia Russian state formation Russian national identity Russian governance challenges Russian economic stagnation history Russian religious fundamentalism Caucasus political instability Central Asia Russian influence Russian serfdom Western democracy Russia Russian leadership tradition Russian rulers authority strong leadership in Russian history Russia centralised leadership necessity Russian political culture strong rulers tsars vs western democracy Russian unity under strong leaders impact of centralised rule in Russia Peter the Great leadership style Alexander II reforms leadership Soviet rule centralisation challenges of Russian federalism Russian regionalism risks Russia and representative democracy cultural attitudes to authority in Russia fragmentation of Russia without strong leadership religious fundamentalism in post-Soviet Russia local power struggles Russian regions economic effects of leadership structures in Russia authoritarianism vs democracy in Russia legacy of Lenin and Stalin leadership Russian governance challenges historical comparisons authoritarianism Russian political culture centralized power strongman leadership Russian history Peter the Great reforms Alexander II emancipation Lenin leadership Stalin policies Russian nationalism governance models Russian statehood post-Soviet Russia federalism in Russia Russian regionalism Russian identity democracy in Russia autocracy tsarist rule Russian modernization Russian unity cultural determinism comparative politics state fragmentation regional power struggles religious extremism Russia economic development Russia Russian political history centralized leadership in Russia tsars strong leadership Peter the Great reforms Alexander II serf emancipation Lenin and Stalin leadership Russian governance tradition representative democracy challenges Russia Russian cultural temperament authority fragmentation risks Russia regionalism Russia Russian national unity religious fundamentalism Caucasus power dynamics in Russia economic stagnation Russia Russia strong ruler necessity historical governance Russia Russia centralization versus democracy Russian authoritarianism debate Russia and Western political systems nation-building Russia authoritarianism centralized power Russian governance Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin Russian history Russian political culture strongman leadership Russian democracy national unity Russian diversity state stability regional fragmentation Russian rulers Russian imperial history political centralization western democracy in Russia Russian temperament religious fundamentalism Russia Caucasus politics Central Asia Russian economic stagnation Moscow rule Russian leadership models traditional Russian authority soviet governance serf emancipation strong leadership in Russian history centralization in Russia Russian political culture Peter the Great reforms Alexander II reforms effect of Lenin's leadership Stalin's impact on Russia Russian governance evolution Russia and representative democracy challenges of governing Russia diversity in Russian population Russian temperament and authority localism in Russia regionalism in Russia religious fundamentalism in Russian regions power struggles in Russian regions economic stagnation in Russia Russia state fragmentation Russia's imperial legacy Russia's modern political structure comparison Russia vs Western democracy autocracy in Russia centralized vs decentralized governance Russia Russian nation-building Russian rulers historical strong leadership Russian governance political centralization Russian history tsars Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin Russian progress Russian democracy political culture Russian identity autocracy representative democracy Russia regionalism Russian unity political fragmentation Russian temperament power centralization Russian rulers state stability economic development Russia Russian federalism historical governance Russia nation-building Russian political system autocracy authoritarianism political culture Russian nationalism centralization strong leadership tsarist legacy Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin political fragmentation federalism Russian democracy Russian history regionalism oligarchy Russian identity state-building governance Eurasianism Russian exceptionalism nation-building
test-law-phwmfri-con01a	A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. flat rate fines proportional fines justice system fairness equality before the law income-based fines severity of offense equal punishment deterrence criminal justice wealth disparity penalty proportionality social equity fine structure legal equality sentencing consistency fairness perception socioeconomic status disproportional penalties comparative harm crime severity punishment justification rich vs poor offenders criminal law reform judicial trust public confidence flat rate fines proportional fines fixed penalties equality before the law justice system fairness income-based penalties crime severity proportionality of punishment equal treatment wealth inequality sentencing disparities socioeconomic status legal equity criminal justice reform perception of fairness penalty anomalies deterrent effect punishment consistency judicial impartiality public trust in justice proportional fines flat-rate fines income-based fines justice system fairness equality before the law sentencing disparities penal system social equity punishment proportionality deterrence effectiveness economic inequality crime severity wealth gap judicial anomalies sentencing guidelines legal justice offender equality fines structure criminal justice policy socio-economic factors flat rate fine equality proportional fine fairness justice system consistency equal punishment criteria income-independent penalties harm-based fine calculation impact on public trust disproportionate fines by wealth equal treatment under law socioeconomic disparity in fines fairness of flat fines criminal justice perception problems with income-based fines wealth and crime severity uniform penalty principles flat rate fines proportional punishment income-based fines equality before law justice system fairness crime severity punishment equity fine calculation methods comparative justice legal egalitarianism deterrence wealth disparity in justice sentencing consistency socio-economic status in law public perception of fairness legal anomalies graduated penalties retributive justice proportionality principle judicial integrity flat rate fines fairness proportional fines justice economic disparity legal penalties income-based fines criticism equal punishment principle crime severity vs offender income uniform fine amounts debate justice system equality fine proportionality arguments impact of wealth on fines equality before the law offenders fixed fines vs income-based fines wealth and justice system fairness of monetary penalties perception of fine fairness socioeconomic status in sentencing deterrence and fine effectiveness fines and social trust punitive justice and income anomalies in fines fairness flat rate fines proportional fines equality before law income-based fines justice system fairness proportionality principle fine calculation socioeconomic status deterrence effect harm caused penalty consistency sentencing guidelines wealth disparity economic inequality offense severity equal punishment fairness in justice legal philosophy retributive justice criminal penalties public perception of justice legal anomalies discrimination in fines judicial equity moral justification for fines uniform penalties crime and punishment restorative justice fine enforcement judicial discretion rule of law flat rate fines proportional fines income-based fines equality before the law justice system fairness criminal penalties wealth and punishment penalty consistency fine calculation social equity in justice economic disparity in sentencing progressive fines fairness in law enforcement offender income crime severity deterrence effectiveness social perception of fines legal justice principles punishment proportionality socioeconomic status and justice flat rate fines proportional justice income-based fines equality before law punishments and income crime severity fairness in fines justice system trust wealth and punishment social equity in fines judicial fairness uniform penalties economic disparity justice perception of justice legal proportionality flat rate fines proportionality of punishment equality before the law income-based fines justice system fairness harm principle sentencing consistency wealth disparity deterrence effectiveness penalty disparities equal treatment offenders crime severity socio-economic fairness judicial impartiality public perception of justice retributive justice fine calculation methods criminal responsibility legal equity fairness anomalies socio-legal consequences
test-economy-thsptr-pro02a	Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: progressive taxation wealth inequality state benefits social contract rule of law property rights redistribution public goods market formation rich pay more taxes taxation fairness economic justice public services wealthy obligations state funding institutional preservation business benefits corporate taxation income disparity governmental role tax policy social responsibility economic systems societal stability income tax infrastructure use Warren Buffett Lakoff public utilities tax equity civic duty tax justice progressive taxation redistribution of wealth state benefits public goods rule of law property rights social contract taxation justice wealthy obligations corporate taxation state-funded infrastructure market formation government services Warren Buffett taxes economic inequality social responsibility tax fairness tax policy utilitarianism state of nature legal protections public utilities government funding social cohesion progressive taxation wealth inequality social contract rule of law property rights state benefits taxation fairness redistributive justice market formation public goods state institutions wealthy obligations corporate taxation utilitarianism social stability economic justice tax policy wealthy contribution Warren Buffett taxes tax justice public services tax equity moral obligation state functions common good progressive taxation benefits wealthy obligations to state just rule of law and wealth taxation and social contract property rights protection state state funding by wealthy state utilities and corporations Warren Buffett taxation views wealth accumulation rule of law market formation state support wealthy public goods usage taxation and market infrastructure moral justification progressive tax state role in wealth creation economic inequality and taxation fairness in tax contributions social responsibility rich redistribution state wealth corporations benefiting from state government services and business public infrastructure business usage state-provided protection wealthy progressive taxation wealth inequality state benefits rule of law property rights state of nature taxation justification social contract public goods economic justice redistribution Warren Buffett taxation corporate responsibility market formation government services state institutions public infrastructure tax fairness wealthy obligation socioeconomic disparity legal protections civic duty state funding institutional stability business benefits state tax policy redistribution rationale public utilities privilege and obligation economic stability taxation philosophy progressive taxation tax fairness benefits of the state wealth and taxation social contract property rights rule of law state services taxation justification contribution to state Warren Buffett tax views public goods state institutions redistribution of wealth economic inequality corporate use of public resources taxation and justice rich benefiting from the state taxation policy debate obligations of the wealthy funding public institutions progressive taxation wealth inequality state benefits rule of law property rights taxation justice social contract public goods redistribution market formation state protection civic duty legal institutions wealthy individuals corporate responsibility state services tax obligations societal stability economic justice social equity tax fairness Warren Buffett public infrastructure business benefit justification for progressive taxes George Lakoff Bruce Budner economic systems state of nature social order taxation policy progressive taxation wealth inequality taxation justification rule of law property rights state benefits social contract public goods economic justice wealthy contribution state funding utilitarian taxation social responsibility corporate taxation redistribution of wealth tax fairness moral obligation taxation market formation legal infrastructure state services fiscal policy economic stability public infrastructure taxation philosophy social welfare progressive taxation wealth inequality rule of law property rights state institutions social contract public goods taxation fairness economic justice redistribution rich vs poor government benefits market formation state security legal protection state responsibilities social obligation wealthy interests state funding public infrastructure state services corporate taxation tax policy moral obligation fiscal responsibility Warren Buffett state of nature economic stability social cohesion wealth protection public expenditure market regulation progressive taxation tax justice wealth inequality rule of law property rights social contract state benefits public goods redistribution obligations of the wealthy taxation philosophy market formation government services economic justice fairness in taxation tax policy state institutions state funding social responsibility benefits of government justification for progressive tax Warren Buffett taxes corporations and state rich contribution to state state of nature public roads usage business and government just rule of law state protection of wealth Lakoff progressive taxes Warren Buffett tax opinion
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con02a	Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. BBC accountability public broadcasting licence fee objections licence fee protest BBC governance stakeholder influence public funding media charter obligations UK broadcasting policy media brand vs public service BBC user feedback public institution responsibility national broadcaster criticism compulsory licence fee BBC trust audience representation corporate responsiveness media ethics editorial decisions institutional transparency managerial accountability public sector vs private sector user protests public opinion impact broadcasting standards cultural responsibility BBC criticism licence fee opposition public broadcaster accountability stakeholder engagement viewer protest BBC BBC funding controversy BBC management response BBC charter obligations British public opinion BBC BBC resignations BBC sacking demands BBC transparency BBC trust issues UK national broadcaster debate BBC duty of care public service broadcasting BBC brand perception compulsory licence fee debate BBC audience representation BBC governance BBC protest impact BBC strategy criticism BBC arrogance allegations BBC editorial accountability media institution obligations BBC public opinion response BBC licence fee public service broadcasting British public stakeholder protest audience engagement public accountability national broadcaster media governance charter obligations public funding institutional responsibility user objections brand reputation organisational transparency audience representation public trust stakeholder influence corporate arrogance resignations public duty accountability crisis media ethics compulsory funding public institution audience feedback BBC licence fee objections public broadcaster duty of care BBC accountability to stakeholders licence payer protest impact BBC response to criticism BBC charter responsibilities public funding and BBC governance BBC audience influence stakeholder influence on BBC comparing BBC to private brands BBC management response to protests duty of public institutions BBC national broadcaster role licence fee controversy audience-driven strategy change BBC handling of mass objections resignations and accountability at BBC BBC arrogance criticism compulsory licence fee debates BBC public service mandate BBC licence fee public broadcaster stakeholder objections British population global media brand user protest audience engagement accountability funding model public institution duty of care charter obligations corporate governance editorial responsibility organisational transparency compulsory fee public trust brand reputation policy criticism media ethics resignations management response national broadcaster public opinion institutional arrogance customer dissatisfaction strategy rethink media accountability BBC licence fee objections BBC accountability public broadcaster responsibility BBC funding controversy British public stakeholder interests BBC audience protest licence fee payer influence BBC governance BBC strategy criticism national broadcaster duty BBC public trust public-funded media debate compulsory licence fee debate BBC decision-making stakeholder respect BBC resignations BBC institutional arrogance British taxpayer media rights chartered media obligations BBC management response public institution transparency UK media ethics BBC licence fee public institution British population key stakeholders user objections protest accountability public funding charter obligations resignations management response corporate responsibility public service broadcasting audience engagement public trust institutional duty media brand compulsory licence fee stakeholder respect organisational transparency operational sensitivity national broadcaster public feedback user protests institutional arrogance audience representation public accountability BBC licence fee objections BBC stakeholder influence BBC funding controversy public service broadcasting accountability BBC charter obligations UK public broadcaster criticism BBC user protests licence fee payer rights BBC management response BBC editorial decisions public institution accountability national broadcaster controversies BBC audience engagement UK media regulation compulsory licence fee debate BBC transparency BBC governance issues licence fee protest impact BBC resignations controversy public funding responsibility BBC accountability licence fee objection public broadcasting responsibility stakeholder engagement British media funding public institution transparency protest impact brand strategy public service broadcasting user feedback response editorial resignation duty of care compulsory licence fee national broadcaster obligations audience trust chartered service service to British population management response media governance public outrage corporate sensitivity public protest consequences institutional arrogance policy rethink BBC audience relationship BBC accountability licence fee protest stakeholder influence public broadcaster criticism BBC funding model duty of care institutional responsibility public opinion impact licence payer rights organizational transparency BBC governance media regulation UK public service broadcasting charter obligations audience engagement operational oversight managerial accountability protest response resignation cases British media policy
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro04a	Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob recruitment acceptable behaviour social contagion riot escalation looting online coordination behavioural boundaries violence propagation digital communication social unrest riot management government intervention misinformation flashpoints digital catalysts collective behaviour violence amplification social influence online mobilisation crowd psychology digital rioting public order unrest containment social media digital communication signalling theory collective behaviour online mobilisation riot coordination violence amplification contagion effect behavioural norms mob psychology diffusion of responsibility protest organisation social contagion online platforms crisis communication network effects information cascade escalation of violence law enforcement public order management misinformation disinformation crisis response technology and violence digital activism flash mob social unrest riot prevention government intervention information blackout communication blackout online radicalisation social media signaling theory collective behavior mob psychology violence diffusion riot escalation Twitter digital communication crowd dynamics social contagion behavioral norms online mobilization peer influence unrest management information spread looting vandalism escalation mechanisms flashpoints government intervention social unrest public order digital activism censorship rumor propagation virtual networks social media riot escalation Twitter as catalyst for mob violence signalling behaviour in riots social networks and violent contagion online coordination of riots digital amplification of looting diffusion of violent behaviours through social platforms government social media blocking during unrest managing riot flashpoints with Twitter bans peer influence during riots online social proof and escalation of violence on Twitter digital communication in mass unrest impact of real-time updates on riot spread network effects on riot behaviour social media induced mob mentality public disorder facilitated by Twitter curbing violent escalation with social media restrictions online propagation of rioting tactics information spread and violence contagion social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob mentality group dynamics social contagion behavioural norms escalation looting social unrest digital mobilisation collective behaviour mimicry echo chambers online coordination riot escalation social influence information spread riot control flashpoints government intervention social media censorship crisis communication digital propaganda unrest management network amplification viral behaviour online radicalisation digital echoing suppression strategies social media signalling Twitter riots coordination mob behaviour amplification digital riot escalation online incitement violence real-time protest communication social contagion riots behavioural thresholds social networks Twitter as catalyst riots crowd psychology social media information diffusion violent events government social media restrictions blocking Twitter riot control disinformation riot escalation viral collective violence flash mob organization social networks technology-facilitated unrest network effects violent behaviour social proof rioting escalation dynamics Twitter social networks signalling signalling device violent behaviour violence escalation Twitter riots mob behavior collective behavior social contagion peer influence group dynamics social unrest riot escalation online communication information diffusion digital communication protest organization digital signaling mob mentality crime propagation looting vandalism riot control social influence behavioral norms diffusion of responsibility flashpoints government action media censorship blocking social media repression technology and violence social amplification behavioral cues escalation of violence digital catalysts unrest management mass communication viral behavior civil disorder protest coordination echo social media and riots Twitter and violence escalation signaling in social networks online mobilization of mobs digital riot coordination social contagion violent behavior Twitter mob dynamics information diffusion riots social media flashpoints behavior contagion protests social networks and collective behavior online echo chambers violence riot escalation social media Twitter blocking government response suppressing online unrest real-time riot reporting social influence riots digital platforms and violence social network analysis protests government strategies social media unrest social media influence riot organization online signalling digital mobilization mob mentality behaviour contagion Twitter riots escalation dynamics collective behaviour echo chambers violence propagation social unrest information cascades behavioural norms group polarization crowd psychology digital communication riot prevention government intervention information control social networks signalling theory Twitter online mobilization collective behaviour riot dynamics mob psychology diffusion of violence escalation social contagion digital communication social media regulation government intervention crowd behaviour information spreading protest coordination violent unrest flash mobs digital catalysts behavioural norms network effects imitation psychosocial influences disorder propagation crisis management communication blackout unrest containment
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con04a	The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. enforcement challenges digital communication monitoring teacher-student online interaction privacy concerns social media investigations internet surveillance evidence collection legal privacy rights electronic records access confidentiality issues law enforcement authority social networking sites surveillance policy civil liberties digital privacy laws state intervention technology and law investigative methods constitutional rights due process law enforcement internet monitoring teacher-student communication online privacy surveillance private accounts Facebook digital evidence privacy violation state access computer records ISP records concealed relationships legal enforcement challenges digital privacy rights online relationship detection privacy concerns social media surveillance evidence collection lawful access due process cyber law law enforcement teacher-student relationship internet monitoring digital evidence privacy rights surveillance social media regulation facebook access electronic communication consent private accounts data privacy computer search ISP records legal intrusion confidentiality investigation methods cybercrime detection privacy violation constitutional rights probable cause warrant requirement legal challenges civil liberties school policy online interaction internet laws education regulations evidence gathering digital privacy law enforcement challenges detecting online student-teacher relationships internet privacy concerns state surveillance of private communications monitoring social media interactions legality of accessing personal accounts digital evidence in teacher-student cases privacy rights versus child protection teacher misconduct detection Facebook privacy and law enforcement computer search warrants for educators school internet monitoring policies internet service provider record access student-teacher digital boundaries impact of privacy laws on investigations law enforcement student-teacher communication online relationship detection privacy concerns surveillance social media monitoring Facebook privacy personal computer access internet service provider records privacy violation digital evidence state surveillance educational policy internet monitoring concealed relationships legal compliance teacher misconduct student protection government intervention privacy rights enforcing internet communication laws teacher student online relationships detecting concealed online interactions privacy concerns law enforcement accessing private social media legal issues monitoring internet usage legality teacher student privacy rights digital evidence in student teacher cases Facebook account privacy law ISP records and law enforcement state surveillance education sector constitutional rights online communication privacy violation education law online relationship detection enforcement Fourth Amendment digital privacy enforcement challenges law enforcement teacher-student relationships internet contact online communication evidence detection privacy concerns social media monitoring facebook surveillance digital privacy personal data access ISP records legal investigation government intrusion confidentiality privacy laws concealed relationships electronic surveillance cyber monitoring privacy violations teacher misconduct student protection digital evidence surveillance authority law enforcement challenges student-teacher relationship detection online communication monitoring privacy concerns digital surveillance social media privacy Facebook account access internet privacy laws personal computer monitoring ISP data records legal investigation limits educational institution boundaries privacy rights in education teacher misconduct investigation constitutional privacy protections electronic evidence gathering covert online relationships state intrusion risks privacy violation consequences education law enforcement law enforcement online surveillance monitoring internet communication student-teacher relationships privacy concerns privacy rights Facebook monitoring ISP records access personal computer searches digital evidence privacy violation government intrusion legal enforcement challenges social media regulation cyber investigations digital privacy laws state surveillance teacher misconduct student safety electronic communications tracking law enforcement teacher-student relationships online communication privacy rights digital evidence surveillance Facebook monitoring internet privacy ISP records educational misconduct concealment state intervention privacy violation legal intrusion internet security student protection electronic communication laws computer forensics personal data access educational policy
test-society-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, migration rural-urban migration labor mobility occupational choice human capital workforce allocation talent utilization urbanization economic opportunity professional development skill mismatch policy impact labor surplus rural depopulation city workforce migration models talent drain job market occupational freedom economic growth migration restrictions brain drain urbanization labor mobility free movement professional choice rural to urban migration human capital loss talent allocation economic migration occupational mobility city workforce skilled migration migration policy rural depopulation urban labor shortage economic development labor market migration models skilled professionals rural exodus migration rural labor surplus urban workforce talent mobility professional choice occupational restriction human capital rural-to-urban migration labor allocation efficiency skilled migration migration policy economic development workforce redistribution education and migration professional suitability urbanization benefits internal migration migration impact talent utilization agricultural economics urban migration benefits labor mobility and economic growth professional choice in developed nations rural-to-urban migration effects skilled labor in cities migration and human capital economic loss from migration restrictions occupational mismatch talent allocation and productivity migration policy and economic potential impact of migration restrictions on cities rural surplus labor urban labor demand migration and social mobility migration models economics migration and workforce allocation migration barriers and national development skilled migration urbanization city workforce diversification migration policy implications labor mobility migration barriers human capital allocation urbanization impact rural-to-urban migration occupational choice workforce distribution talent flow economic opportunity migration policy effects skills mismatch migration and development brain drain urban job market regional development migration economics labor surplus city labor demand rural labor surplus demographic shift migration incentives professional mobility workforce potential internal migration migration restrictions migration benefits migration policy urban migration rural-to-urban migration talent mobility profession choice freedom economic impact of migration skilled labor migration migration restrictions workforce allocation human capital migration population movement effects migration and economic development migration models surplus labor migration urban workforce needs brain drain occupational mobility city talent acquisition migration and job market migration rural-urban migration human capital labor mobility occupational choice talent loss workforce allocation professional migration restricted movement urbanization skills mismatch brain drain surplus labor employment opportunities rural exodus urban professions economic development labor supply migration policy population movement talent redistribution migration models rural depopulation occupational freedom workforce diversity migration economics migration barriers talent allocation labor mobility rural-urban migration economic potential loss human capital flow urban workforce restrictive migration policies occupational choice skills mismatching city talent drain youth professional freedom migration economics rural surplus labor urban labor demand workforce diversification population movement profession selection migration policy impact skilled worker migration labor market inefficiency developed country migration restricted movement consequences socioeconomic mobility occupational misallocation mobility restrictions migration policy urbanization rural-urban migration labor market professional choice talent allocation skills mismatch economic impact opportunity cost human capital workforce distribution education mobility occupational freedom urban employment rural depopulation city talent drain economic development restrictive policies migration models brain drain career opportunities skilled migration youth employment migration policy urbanization rural-urban migration brain drain labor mobility human capital workforce distribution professional choice talent allocation economic impact demographic shifts migration models occupational mismatch rural depopulation city labor demand skilled migration internal migration employment opportunities agricultural economics youth employment migration restrictions economic development
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro03a	"Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. riot containment riot prevention social media blackout media influence information control copycat riots public order crowd control localised disorder policing strategies media exposure information suppression violence deterrence riot spread urban unrest law enforcement response protest management rumor prevention communication shutdown unrest mitigation riot containment preventing riot spread stop copycat riots riot control strategies media influence on riots social media and riots police response to riots limiting riot knowledge riot localization riot dispersal public order enforcement crisis communication media blackout information control riot prevention urban unrest management crowd control 2011 UK riots Greater Manchester Police Peter Fahy riot escalation factors riot prevention riot containment public order crowd control police intervention civil unrest media influence social media shutdown information control communication blockade copycat behavior rapid response emergency measures crisis management law enforcement localized unrest violence deterrence rumor suppression disturbance control urban disorder riot spread community safety public safety media blackout social networks information blackout stop riots from spreading expansion prevent riot contagion control riot escalation limit copycat riots reduce media influence on riots impact of social media on riots police strategies for riot containment localizing riot incidents minimizing riot spread cutting off communication during riots effects of media coverage on riots preventing copycat violence controlling riot-related information flow public order and media exposure police interventions in riot prevention riot containment riot prevention copycat riots social media blackout media influence riots information control police strategy riots riot localization media exposure violence Manchester 2011 riots London riots 2011 Greater Manchester Police riot control tactics communication shutdown riots public disorder management riot escalation media restriction digital communication riots social contagion riots crowd control riot containment strategies prevent riot escalation copycat riots prevention impact of media on riots social media and riots riot control methods stopping riot spread reducing riot exposure police tactics riots information blackout riots localized riot response media influence on civil unrest 2011 UK riots analysis Manchester riot prevention Peter Fahy riots statement controlling protest expansion digital media and unrest riot communication control riots riot control police intervention prevent spreading copycat riots social media restriction media exposure public disorder Manchester riots London riots 2011 riots Greater Manchester Police crowd control riot prevention localized unrest information flow communication blackout law enforcement response media influence violence containment prevent riots stop riot spreading copycat riots media influence riots social media riots riot control riot prevention London riots 2011 Manchester riots 2011 police riot response reduce riot exposure managing civil unrest communication blackout riots social media shutdown riots reduce rioting riot containment strategies crowd control riots public order policing riot escalation media blackout riots riot prevention media exposure social media control copycat behavior police intervention crowd control information blackout communication shutdown riot containment law enforcement strategies public disorder civil unrest riot escalation Manchester riots London riots media influence riot suppression localised response incident containment police tactics rumor control riot prevention copycat riots social media control media influence riot containment police strategies riot communication information dissemination public order crowd control urban unrest riot suppression law enforcement tactics rumor control crisis management community safety mass communication media blackout riot escalation Nottingham riots"
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro01a	Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. internet regulation government surveillance online tracking citizen privacy data mining Facebook monitoring Twitter surveillance deep packet inspection email interception electronic communication monitoring privacy violation warrantless investigation false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence surveillance transparency intelligence agency accountability democratic oversight surveillance policies digital rights freedom of expression governmental control internet censorship mass surveillance NSA spying privacy laws whistleblower protections internet freedom electronic frontier civil liberties Internet regulation government surveillance online privacy digital rights mass surveillance automated data mining deep packet inspection electronic messaging interception social media monitoring warrantless investigation false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence privacy rights intelligence agencies democratic oversight transparency internet censorship cyber monitoring civil liberties constitutional rights electronic frontier privacy violations human rights state surveillance internet regulation government surveillance online privacy data mining deep packet inspection mass surveillance electronic monitoring digital privacy rights warrantless investigation false positives intelligence agencies transparency democratic accountability secrecy vs transparency privacy violations internet censorship state monitoring whistleblower reports surveillance technology human rights online communications interception cyber surveillance privacy laws citizens' rights civil liberties government control internet freedom internet regulation government surveillance online privacy violations automated data mining criticism deep packet inspection privacy warrantless government investigation false positives surveillance secrecy of correspondence rights privacy rights violations intelligence agencies accountability democratic control government surveillance transparency vs secrecy government internet censorship government control human rights online privacy regulatory frameworks internet monitoring global government internet tracking protecting citizen data privacy legal challenges surveillance laws mass surveillance ethical implications technology and state surveillance social media data collection government internet freedom and regulation digital rights advocacy civil liberties and online surveillance oversight of intelligence agencies internet spying legal principles Internet regulation government surveillance online privacy data mining deep packet inspection intelligence agencies warrantless investigation false positives privacy rights secrecy of correspondence democratic oversight surveillance transparency mass surveillance digital rights cyber monitoring encryption government accountability internet censorship civil liberties human rights surveillance technology NSA spying electronic surveillance lawful interception privacy laws internet freedom internet regulation government surveillance online privacy data mining deep packet inspection citizen tracking digital rights government spying intelligence agencies democratic control privacy violations warrantless surveillance secrecy of correspondence false positives online snooping mass surveillance electronic surveillance internet freedom rights to privacy government transparency internet regulation government surveillance online privacy deep packet inspection automated data-mining electronic communications monitoring citizen tracking Facebook monitoring Twitter monitoring email interception secrecy of correspondence privacy violations intelligence agencies transparency democratic oversight warrantless investigation false positives probable cause online snooping digital rights freedom of expression censorship mass surveillance national security civil liberties data protection whistleblowers encryption global internet policy human rights Reporters Without Borders Electronic Frontier Foundation NSA spying internet regulation government surveillance online privacy data mining deep packet inspection citizen monitoring digital rights privacy violations intelligence agencies democratic oversight warrantless investigation probable cause secrecy of correspondence mass surveillance electronic communications monitoring internet censorship civil liberties online tracking government transparency surveillance policies NSA spying state surveillance human rights online social media surveillance Facebook monitoring Twitter tracking privacy protection encryption surveillance technology automated surveillance internet regulation government surveillance online privacy citizen monitoring data mining deep packet inspection digital rights civil liberties government spying surveillance technology warrantless investigation false positives privacy violation intelligence agencies democratic accountability transparency secrecy laws online censorship internet freedom mass surveillance electronic communication interception metadata analysis national security surveillance laws human rights cyber monitoring internet surveillance government monitoring online privacy data-mining deep packet inspection digital rights state surveillance democratic oversight intelligence agencies privacy violations civil liberties mass surveillance warrantless monitoring cybersecurity electronic communications secrecy of correspondence transparency human rights surveillance laws citizen tracking online freedom encryption whistleblowing privacy advocacy technology regulation
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con03a	Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 agriculture industrial sector Tunisia employment investment economic performance recession food imports low returns sector vulnerability economic alternatives tourism alternatives sector viability industrial goods value sector profitability Tunisian economy sector flaws sector innovation agricultural productivity sector comparison economic diversification sector challenges sector reliability economic downturn sectoral investment sectoral employment Tunisia agricultural sector performance industrial sector reliability economic diversification employment in Tunisia food imports agricultural investment industrial sector recession low value-added goods sectoral vulnerabilities alternatives to tourism Tunisian economy challenges sectoral profitability economic sustainability Tunisia structural weaknesses sector performance Tunisia agriculture employment industrial innovation Tunisia agricultural performance industrial vulnerability economic recession Tunisia agricultural investment Tunisia food imports Tunisia low value-added goods sectoral employment Tunisia alternative industries agriculture challenges Tunisia industrial sector Tunisia economic diversification sectoral dependency import reliance Tunisia profitability industrial sector agricultural returns Tunisia tourism alternatives Tunisia economic instability sector unreliability Tunisia investment outcomes Tunisia manufacturing Tunisia reliability of Tunisian agriculture performance of Tunisia industrial sector challenges in Tunisian economic diversification agriculture sector investment impacts Tunisia job creation in Tunisian agriculture import dependency Tunisia agriculture low returns agriculture Tunisia Tunisian economy sector comparison vulnerability industrial sector Tunisia effect of 2008 recession on Tunisian industry value-added production Tunisia profitability in Tunisian industry alternatives to tourism in Tunisia structural problems Tunisian agriculture economic viability non-tourism sectors Tunisia agriculture sector employment Tunisia industrial sector innovation Tunisia food import Tunisia diversification challenges Tunisia economy inefficiencies in Tunisian agriculture Tunisia agriculture sector industrial sector vulnerability economic recession impact Tunisia agriculture sector employment Tunisia agricultural investment Tunisia agricultural performance Tunisia 1985-2000 industrial sector Tunisia low value-added goods Tunisia importation of food Tunisia agriculture returns Tunisia industrial sector unviability tourism alternatives Tunisia economic diversification Tunisia agriculture sector productivity industrial innovation Tunisia sector reliability Tunisia agriculture sector challenges industrial sector challenges Tunisia economic sectors Tunisia non-tourism sectors Tunisia unreliable economic sectors Tunisia agriculture sector challenges Tunisia industrial sector vulnerability Tunisia economic contribution agriculture Tunisia industrial sector recession Tunisia agriculture low returns Tunisia importation food Tunisia investment agriculture Tunisia 2008 economic crisis Tunisia industrial goods low value Tunisia alternatives to tourism Tunisia flaws agriculture industrial Tunisia employment agriculture Tunisia economic diversification Tunisia agriculture performance Tunisia industrial sector performance Tunisia agriculture reliability industrial sector reliability Tunisia economic performance employment in agriculture Tunisia agriculture investment Tunisia agriculture sector challenges agricultural returns Tunisia food import Tunisia industrial sector recession Tunisia 2008 economic crisis Tunisia value-added goods Tunisia vulnerability of industry Tunisia tourism alternatives Tunisia sectoral analysis Tunisia manufacturing sector Tunisia agriculture economic appraisal Tunisia innovation Tunisia industrial sector profitability sector investment Tunisia unviable economic sectors Tunisia comparative industry reliability Tunisia agriculture challenges Tunisia industrial sector reliability agriculture sector employment Tunisia investment in Tunisian agriculture agriculture sector performance Tunisia economic impact Tunisian agriculture food import Tunisia low returns agriculture Tunisia industrial sector vulnerability Tunisia 2008 recession Tunisia industry low value manufactured goods Tunisia profitability industrial sector Tunisia alternatives to tourism Tunisia sector comparison Tunisia economy structural issues Tunisia industries agricultural policy Tunisia industrial innovation Tunisia economic diversification Tunisia non-tourism sectors Tunisia agricultural reforms Tunisia industrial development Tunisia employment sectors Tunisia economic sustainability Tunisia food security Tunisia Tunisian economic history Tunisia agriculture challenges industrial sector economic vulnerability sector performance employment investment impact food imports recession effects low-value goods profitability sector comparison alternatives to tourism economic development agricultural policy industrial innovation market dynamics employment sectors economic sustainability investment trends sector reliability Tunisia agriculture sector industrial sector economic performance vulnerability 2008 recession employment investment food imports sectoral comparison sector reliability tourism alternatives economic diversification agricultural returns industrial output profit margins sectoral flaws Tunisia economy agricultural productivity industrial challenges economic development
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro02a	"This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, unelected power celebrity political influence democratic legitimacy celebrity endorsements voter manipulation political accountability celebrity intervention electoral integrity democratic principles political inequality informed voting media responsibility endorsement impact celebrity authority public opinion shaping political communication political persuasion accountability mechanisms democratic fairness influence without expertise political responsibility celebrity involvement electoral fairness endorsement effect democratic integrity unelected power celebrity political influence celebrity endorsements democratic legitimacy political accountability media influence information integrity voter manipulation democratic system fairness political communication one person one vote voter education unregulated political actors celebrity advocacy undue influence celebrity political responsibility influence disparity electoral fairness opinion leaders public opinion manipulation political endorsement impact democracy and media political participation political qualifications public trust ethical influence in politics celebrity endorsements political influence unelected power democratic legitimacy voting behavior media influence qualified advocacy democratic fairness celebrity political impact misinformation accountability political persuasion public opinion election outcomes political equality ""one person one vote"" voter manipulation political celebrities democratic integrity unfair advantage influence without accountability pressure groups electoral manipulation opinion leaders media power political endorsements unelected power in politics celebrity political endorsements celebrity influence democracy impact of Oprah endorsement Obama unfair advantage celebrities politics celebrities vs politicians public trust celebrity accountability political influence dangers celebrity involvement democracy one person one vote principle influence of fame on voting behavior democratic system celebrity pressure media responsibility vs celebrity power preventing celebrity misinformation celebrity political endorsements legitimacy regulating celebrity political influence case study Oprah Obama endorsement celebrity power vs journalistic oversight celebrity pressure undermining democracy effects of celebrity endorsements on election outcomes unaccountable political influencers informed voting and celebrity effect celebrity political influence unelected power democratic legitimacy celebrity endorsements political accountability voting manipulation informed electorate media influence democracy fairness electoral integrity unequal representation political persuasion celebrity politics public opinion celebrity activism political communication mass media democratic norms endorsements impact one person one vote political ethics celebrity power popular influence opinion leaders partisan endorsements celebrity political endorsements impact of celebrity endorsements unelected political influence celebrity influence on voting democratic fairness one person one vote celebrity accountability celebrity power in politics media versus celebrity influence informed voting celebrity endorsements democracy political influence of fame unjust use of power 2008 Obama Oprah endorsement political endorsements and democracy political pressure groups ethics of celebrity influence democratic representation unaccountable political actors celebrity versus journalist influence celebrity influence political endorsement undue influence democratic integrity celebrity political power unelected authority public opinion manipulation media accountability vote sway political campaigning Oprah Obama endorsement political celebrity impact democratic fairness one person one vote informed electorate celebrity endorsement effects unaccountable power pressure on democracy celebrity voting influence electoral fairness democratic legitimacy voter manipulation public trust in politics celebrity political endorsement unelected influence democracy celebrities in politics democratic accountability celebrity power endorsement impact elections democratic fairness political influence celebrities celebrity endorsement effects informed voting democracy celebrity privilege politics political manipulation voting behavior celebrity media influence politics political persuasion celebrities ethical issues political endorsements celebrity accountability democracy celebrity influence one person one vote public opinion manipulation political fairness celebrity advocacy political endorsements justice media ethics politics celebrity misinformation democratic principles political communication election influence celebrities democratic representation unaccountable influence politics unjust power unelected influence celebrity endorsements political influence democracy one person one vote democratic principles political accountability celebrity political impact voter manipulation informed electorate media accountability political legitimacy electoral fairness political qualifications public opinion undue influence voting behavior democratic integrity Oprah endorsement 2008 Democratic Primary celebrity politics electoral outcomes political persuasion celebrity responsibility journalistic standards celebrity endorsements political influence democracy democratic integrity unequal influence voting power misinformation accountability media bias election manipulation public opinion civic responsibility political ethics one person one vote celebrity power democratic fairness electoral integrity political endorsements informed electorate celebrity activism political discourse influence of fame unaccountable influence democratic legitimacy"
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro01a	Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, suicide sanctity of life human rights moral obligations immorality of suicide religious views on suicide ethics of suicide criminalization of suicide preservation of life human dignity value of life religious ethics human responsibilities euthanasia Buddhism and suicide medical ethics moral philosophy right to life societal values life preservation morality and suicide universal values criminal law and suicide suicide ethics sanctity of life moral philosophy religious views on suicide suicide criminalization human rights human obligations value of life immorality of suicide societal condemnation religion and morality ethical debates Buddhism and suicide euthanasia ethics moral worth of human life preservation of life suicide prevention philosophical perspectives on suicide suicide prevention sanctity of life morality religious ethics human rights human obligations value of life criminalization of suicide euthanasia Buddhism and suicide medical ethics immorality preservation of life self-harm ethics societal attitudes toward suicide religious perspectives human worth moral philosophy life preservation right to life sanctity of life and suicide religious perspectives on suicide moral arguments against suicide suicide and human rights suicide as violation of human obligations ethical considerations of suicide suicide and societal morality criminalization of suicide religious teachings on sanctity of life immorality of suicide Buddhism and suicide euthanasia and suicide comparison suicide in legal context prevention of suicide philosophical arguments on suicide value of human life and suicide cultural attitudes toward suicide suicide and societal values suicide sanctity of life immorality human rights religious perspectives criminalization moral obligation Buddhism euthanasia human obligations value of life ethical arguments religious teachings preserving life philosophical perspectives social implications illegality mental health ethics Roy W. Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics sanctity of life suicide morality ethical arguments against suicide religious views on suicide suicide and human rights suicide and human obligations criminalization of suicide suicide as immoral act value of human life preservation of life Buddhism and suicide euthanasia and sanctity of life philosophical arguments against suicide suicide and society suicide and irreligion moral arguments suicide protection of life societal responsibility suicide suicide prevention ethics suicide laws and religion suicide prevention sanctity of life morality ethics religious views on suicide human rights moral obligations value of human life criminalization of suicide Buddhism and suicide euthanasia ethical theories societal views on suicide immorality religious teachings human dignity preservation of life self-harm mental health human obligations philosophical arguments Roy Wo Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics suicide ethics sanctity of life suicide morality religious perspectives on suicide suicide and human rights suicide laws suicide criminalization human obligations moral worth of life preservation of life Buddhism and suicide euthanasia ethics religious condemnation of suicide journal of medical ethics Roy Wo Perrett irreligious societies and suicide immorality of suicide philosophical arguments against suicide suicide cultural views suicide psychological impacts society and suicide prevention human rights debates moral philosophy suicide suicide ethics sanctity of life morality of suicide religious perspectives on suicide human rights and suicide suicide criminalization human obligations suicide and immorality philosophical views on suicide Buddhist view on suicide euthanasia and life sanctity societal attitudes toward suicide life preservation ethics medical ethics suicide religious doctrines suicide suicide human rights debate suicide ethics sanctity of life religious perspectives on suicide morality and suicide human rights human obligations suicide legality suicide and religion suicide and human rights suicide moral arguments euthanasia comparison Roy Wo Perrett Buddhism and suicide suicide criminalization value of human life philosophy of suicide suicide and society suicide prevention ethics moral worth of life suicide and law
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 social media online communication event promotion job opportunities networking community engagement information sharing news updates digital marketing event discovery user interaction viral campaigns campaign awareness social events online platforms free advertising audience reach company promotion social connectivity global reach information hub online community digital outreach real-time updates targeted advertising interactive platform multimedia content online presence digital networking influence of social networks social media Facebook information sharing online community job opportunities event promotion networking community engagement digital platform event discovery user connectivity viral campaigns Kony 2012 social networking digital marketing communication channels free advertising social awareness public information digital outreach online campaigns event notifications Facebook events social interactions online advertising local events connectivity awareness raising interactive platforms online engagement Facebook information dissemination social media event promotion job opportunities community connection networking online platform news updates local events event planning social campaigns awareness campaigns digital marketing advertising cost-effective promotion social networking communication tool viral content Kony 2012 social awareness digital community user engagement real-time information public outreach free publicity mass communication online advertising network effect campaign reach global audience. Facebook information utility Facebook as information hub social media event discovery Facebook job opportunities Facebook community updates social media for personal growth leveraging Facebook connections Facebook versus traditional media social networks for event promotion Facebook for company outreach social media campaign effectiveness Kony 2012 Facebook impact Facebook compared to TV advertising social platforms versus billboards free event promotion on Facebook Facebook for job alerts Facebook news dissemination connecting communities online Facebook for local events Facebook as digital info point social networks for real-time information Facebook influence on opportunities Facebook for sports event updates Facebook for music festival announcements social Facebook information hub social media communication online event promotion job opportunities Facebook social networking benefits community engagement information dissemination Kony 2012 case study digital marketing advantages free online advertising event planning Facebook user connectivity social events awareness sports event promotion viral campaigns Facebook Facebook platform utility global information sharing Facebook news updates brand promotion Facebook social media reach statistics YouTube viral videos Facebook versus traditional advertising online versus offline marketing Facebook job alerts social campaign social media digital versus traditional info point Facebook event promotion social media information hub community connection platforms job opportunities Facebook social event announcements Facebook efficient event marketing Facebook for businesses social networks vs traditional media free event publicity Kony 2012 social media impact Facebook reach statistics Facebook as info point cost-effective advertising Facebook user engagement viral information campaigns Facebook for local events Facebook versus TV advertising social media campaign examples Facebook platform benefits Facebook for companies Facebook news dissemination online community engagement information point social networks Facebook information hub social media job opportunities sporting competitions social events online platform community connection event promotion companies event planners customers global reach hiring policies discount announcements music festivals football tournaments community engagement efficient communication TV commercials advertising alternatives free promotion Kony 2012 viral campaigns Uganda awareness YouTube social media campaigns information sharing population outreach low-cost advertisement online info point digital marketing real-time updates user engagement Facebook information hub Facebook event promotion Facebook job opportunities Facebook community engagement social media as info point Facebook vs traditional media Facebook for businesses Facebook for event planners social network connectivity Facebook social events Facebook user engagement Facebook campaign examples Kony 2012 Facebook social media awareness campaigns Facebook free advertising Facebook network reach social media community building Facebook real-time updates Facebook for local events advantages of Facebook over TV advertising Facebook information sharing social media connectivity online communities event promotion networking opportunities digital marketing user engagement viral campaigns job search online event organization social event notifications business promotion personal development Kony 2012 case study social network efficiency media outreach community awareness free advertising online platform comparison information dissemination social impact campaign reach audience engagement online alerts information hub cost-effective promotion social media information sharing community engagement online platforms digital communication event promotion job opportunities networking user connectivity advertising cost-effective marketing viral campaigns Kony 2012 news dissemination Facebook groups online communities targeted outreach event planning digital word-of-mouth real-time updates online influence brand awareness public awareness campaigns crowd mobilization social activism media comparison online advertising virtual networking digital events online recruitment
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con03a	CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, Common Agricultural Policy CAP EU agriculture food quality food safety European food standards agricultural subsidies food affordability food diversity quality control food hygiene food additives imported food developing countries European Union food regulation agricultural policy healthy food EU regulations food production European Commission sustainable agriculture farmer support food monitoring EU food laws Common Agricultural Policy food quality standards EU food safety agricultural subsidies affordable food EU European food diversity food production control EU hygiene standards food additives regulations food imports developing countries food production scrutiny high quality food EU food policy Europe CAP subsidies European food regulation EU agricultural support food safety measures CAP benefits EU food control European food affordability Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU food standards food safety agricultural subsidies food affordability food diversity food production EU hygiene standards food additives regulation European food policy food control quality assurance food imports developing countries food scrutiny food regulations sustainable agriculture farmer support European Commission CAP benefits food regulation enforcement CAP food safety measures EU food quality standards benefits of CAP for consumers CAP subsidies and food affordability EU agricultural policies and food diversity comparison of EU and non-EU food standards impact of CAP on food security hygiene regulations under CAP CAP and reduction of food additives European food control systems CAP and sustainable agriculture CAP enforcement mechanisms imported food quality vs EU food quality support for EU farmers under CAP CAP and consumer protection role of European Commission in CAP history of CAP food policies future of CAP in EU CAP impact on rural economies CAP environmental standards Common Agricultural Policy CAP food quality EU agricultural subsidies food safety standards EU food regulation affordable food Europe European food diversity food production control EU vs developing countries food standards food additives regulation food hygiene EU European Commission food policy agricultural policy impact food affordability Europe CAP subsidies food import regulation EU farm policy food safety Europe high quality food production Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU CAP subsidies EU food standards affordable food Europe agricultural policies Europe EU food safety quality control EU agriculture CAP and food security EU food additives regulations food hygiene EU diversity of EU food imported food standards vs EU European food production CAP role in food affordability EU agricultural subsidies European Commission food policy CAP and healthy food food standards comparison EU developing countries EU food policy benefits Common Agricultural Policy CAP food quality European Union EU agriculture food standards food safety product quality agricultural subsidies food affordability food diversity quality control hygiene standards additive regulation European food import standards food production food policy EU food regulation agricultural policy healthy food food subsidies European Commission food inspection food security sustainable agriculture Common Agricultural Policy CAP benefits EU food quality EU food safety European food standards EU agricultural subsidies CAP food diversity EU hygiene standards EU food additives regulation EU imported food standards developing countries food quality CAP affordability high-quality EU food EU food control policies European Commission agriculture EU farming support CAP food production EU food policy European food certification CAP and food safety Common Agricultural Policy EU food quality standards food safety agricultural subsidies European food diversity food labeling hygiene regulations additive restrictions food import standards sustainable agriculture affordable food pricing food inspection quality control healthy eating European Commission food policy production standards consumer protection traceability farm to fork organic certification rural development environmental impact EU farming practices food transparency Common Agricultural Policy food quality standards EU food regulation food safety agricultural subsidies food diversity food affordability food production Europe food hygiene standards food additives regulation food import standards developing countries food quality CAP subsidies EU agriculture policies European food control healthy food Europe food safety inspection European Commission agriculture EU vs non-EU food standards food traceability
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, rural-urban migration push factors pull factors urbanization developing countries misinformation lack of education migration myths social networks remittances exploitation human trafficking forced labor urban poverty informal settlements slums economic disparity labor market social exclusion city opportunities rural deprivation information asymmetry migration decision-making urban employment migration challenges media access migrant vulnerability poverty traps migration policies unscrupulous recruiters urban integration migration consequences rural exodus social mobility city life realities rural-urban migration internal migration developing countries migration drivers migration myths urban opportunities lack of education misinformation media influence social exclusion economic migration forced labour human trafficking exploitation migrant smuggling rural poverty urban poverty migration challenges city life reality migration decision-making urbanisation rural exodus informal sector slum settlements push-pull factors migration consequences poverty trap social mobility urban exploitation migration policies rural-urban migration developing countries urbanization push-pull factors migration myths social exclusion lack of education misinformation employment opportunities economic migration trafficking exploitation forced labor city slums poverty desperation migration intermediaries migrant networks return migration human trafficking labor markets urban poverty migration decision-making rural poverty rural development urban unemployment social mobility migration risks migration costs remittances urban integration informal sector urban exploitation migration challenges migration traps rural-urban migration causes informed decision making migration misconceptions urban opportunities rural migrants city misconceptions migration myths developing countries impact of inefficient media migration lack of education migration decisions role of returning migrants rural migration exploitation of migrants urban areas unscrupulous organizations migrant exploitation human trafficking rural migrants forced labor rural-urban migration myths about city life developing nations urban migration problems developing countries migration decision mechanisms rural misinformation migration challenges faced by urban migrants socioeconomic impacts rural-urban migration migration push and pull factors developing countries solutions to problematic urban migration rural-urban migration push-pull factors misinformation urban myths rural poverty lack of education migration decision-making media access educational inequality social networks return migration human trafficking exploitation forced labor urban poverty organized crime social exclusion vulnerable populations economic migrants development policy city slums remittances rural development rural-urban disparities urban unemployment informal sector migration misconceptions rural-urban migration causes developing countries migration myths about city opportunities lack of education rural migrants media and migration misconceptions migrant exploitation in cities human trafficking urban migration forced labor migration poverty-driven migration migration decision-making consequences of urban migration misinformation about city life migration and social exclusion migrant workers city challenges migration and economic disparity rural poor migration issues urban migration problems migration push and pull factors migration and trafficking organizations migrant labor exploitation migration myths developing nations impact of returning migrants city migration failed expectations rural education and migration city migration false promises rural-urban migration developing countries urbanization migration causes misinformation rural communities lack of education media access city opportunities economic migration migrant decision-making myths about cities successful migrants social networks human trafficking exploitation forced labor urban poverty informal labor market social exclusion migrant vulnerability city slums migration consequences migration traps urban challenges migration policy migration deterrents social mobility barriers job opportunities education gaps rural myths information dissemination unscrupulous organizations organized migration migration risks return migration remittances family reunification urban planning rural-urban migration developing countries migration causes poverty-driven migration urban myths migration misconceptions lack of education limited rural opportunities migration decision-making urban exploitation human trafficking forced labour rural poverty urban unemployment city slums social exclusion migrant workers migration push factors migration pull factors remittances migration networks internal migration labor migration policy solutions urbanisation challenges migrant vulnerability rural development migration media influence fake promises migration urban migration traps informal labor markets migration risks migrants exploitation return migration social mobility education and migration migration narratives rural-urban migration push-pull factors urbanization developing nations poverty lack of education misinformation media access social mobility economic opportunity migration myths social networks remittances rural poverty human trafficking exploitation forced labor child labor prostitution migration policy city slums informal economy migrant vulnerability urban poverty labor market social exclusion migration decision-making rural development rural education migration patterns urban challenges migration consequences migration risks migration networks gateway cities urban exploitation internal migration rural livelihoods migration incentives information dissemination community influence rural-urban migration migration causes developing nations urbanization informed decision-making migration myths media access educational access social mobility migration misconceptions internal migration trafficking forced labor urban poverty city opportunities economic migration rural poverty exploitation migrant challenges human trafficking social exclusion hukou system migration networks urban traps migration consequences migration policy urban-rural relations economic disparity migration motivations rural development migration outcomes
test-international-amehbuaisji-con03a	The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. US ICC jurisdiction international security US military intervention ICC prosecution constraints crime of aggression US interests US overseas missions responsibility to protect US global leadership US foreign policy humanitarian intervention ICC ratification consequences US legal accountability international law war crimes prosecution US sovereignty global stability United Nations multilateralism exceptionalism peacekeeping operations International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction US military intervention crime of aggression international security US foreign policy US sovereignty humanitarian intervention responsibility to protect global governance constraints on US actions US national interests international law war crimes US ratification of ICC unintended consequences US leadership global stability multilateral interventions US presidents ICC limitations on US power ICC prosecution US and international security benefits of US exclusion ICC international accountability exceptions to ICC coverage impact on global security ICC International Criminal Court US foreign policy US military intervention crime of aggression international security US sovereignty humanitarian intervention responsibility to protect global governance US-ICC relations war crimes US presidents military constraints international law ICC prosecution US national interest overseas missions post-Cold War interventions jurisdictional immunity American exceptionalism global stability military accountability human rights enforcement legal restrictions multilateral intervention US out of ICC pros US and international security ICC constraints on US intervention crime of aggression ICC definition US military intervention necessity US role in global security unintended consequences ICC ratification responsibility to protect US ICC US foreign policy ICC jurisdiction US presidents crime of aggression harm to US interests ICC ICC impact on US overseas missions intervention without ICC prosecution US global leadership US military freedom of action international response US non-intervention ICC and humanitarian intervention advantages of US not joining ICC global stability US military ICC's effect on US global actions US-ICC relations international security military intervention crime of aggression ICC jurisdiction US foreign policy humanitarian intervention global governance war crimes accountability American exceptionalism responsibility to protect constraints on US actions international law ICC ratification US presidential actions overseas missions unintended consequences global stability intervention ethics sovereignty vs accountability US and ICC jurisdiction international security US role US military intervention ICC crime of aggression US presidents ICC impact on US foreign policy US constrained by ICC prosecution American ratification ICC consequences US overseas missions aggression responsibility to protect US intervention ICC effect on global security US international law compliance definition of crime of aggression alternatives to ICC for US ICC jurisdiction impact on military action ICC prosecution deterrence US actions US international security ICC jurisdiction US military intervention international criminal court crime of aggression US foreign policy global security responsibility to protect humanitarian intervention constraints on US actions US ratification ICC international law US overseas missions US interests US presidents aggression global leadership multilateral interventions US sovereignty war crimes legitimacy of intervention international accountability immunity from prosecution peacekeeping operations US global role deterrence legal prosecution risks collective security US ICC jurisdiction international security US military intervention US crime of aggression definition ICC prosecution US military US overseas missions legality US presidents crime of aggression responsibility to protect doctrine ICC ratification consequences global security US involvement US global leadership constraints ICC impact on military action humanitarian intervention US international law US military ICC and US foreign policy unintended ICC consequences US role in international conflicts US constrained by ICC ICC effect on US interventions ICC and global peacekeeping US international security ICC jurisdiction US military intervention crime of aggression US overseas missions international law constraints American foreign policy US ratification ICC responsibility to protect global security impact US global leadership ICC prosecution risks humanitarian intervention presidential war powers US interests international law effectiveness international institutions global peacekeeping US unilateral action ICC definition aggression international accountability international security US military intervention ICC jurisdiction crime of aggression US foreign policy US global role military constraints humanitarian intervention responsibility to protect US and ICC international law sovereignty global stability US presidential actions unintended consequences US ratification ICC legal accountability peacekeeping multilateral action diplomatic immunity war crimes
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro03a	"Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. intelligent design irreducible complexity Michael Behe bacterial flagellum design argument critique of evolution teleology complexity in biology designer selective pressure creation science natural theology purposeful creation evolutionary criticism natural world complexity creative agency interdependent species evidence for creationism biological design anti-Darwinism intelligent design irreducible complexity Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box bacterial flagellum creationist biology complexity in biology critique of evolution argument from design creative agency design inference interdependent species designer hypothesis evolutionary criticism gradualism refuted teleology in nature purposeful design mechanism of creation anti-Darwinism complexity theory supernatural design origins debate alternative to natural selection purposeful creation functional complexity design vs. chance intelligent design irreducible complexity Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box bacterial flagellum creative agency design argument critique of evolution biological complexity creator interdependent species teleology argument from design anti-Darwinism fine-tuning creation science purposeful design complexity in biology natural theology designer hypothesis intelligent design arguments irreducible complexity examples criticisms of evolution theory creationism vs evolution bacterial flagellum evidence Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box design in nature human body complexity origin of ecosystems interdependent species and design critique of gradualism biological mysteries unexplained by evolution selective pressure and function arguments against blind chance creative agency in biology nature of biological complexity complexity and designer hypothesis specific examples of design in biology refuting evolutionary explanations flagellum as evidence for creationism natural world complexity arguments irreducible complexity intelligent design creationism Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box bacterial flagellum complexity of life design in nature interdependent species criticism of evolution designer hypothesis creative agency gradualism refutation argument from design origins of life selective pressure functional complexity biology mysteries critique of evolutionary theory creationist perspective natural world complexity irreducible complexity intelligent design Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box arguments against evolution bacterial flagellum creationism vs evolution design in nature evidence for Creationism critique of natural selection design inference complexity in biology interdependent species creative agency in biology selective pressure limitations designer hypothesis human body complexity ecosystem complexity flagellum as evidence limitations of gradualism biology mysteries origin of life complexity creationism theory problems with evolutionary theory intelligent design Creationism irreducible complexity argument from design teleology complexity of life designer human body complexity ecosystem interdependence bacterial flagellum Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box critique of evolution anti-Darwinism design inference natural theology creative agency biological complexity specified complexity natural design origin of life anti-gradualism selective pressure interdependent species blind chance evolutionary biology gaps in evolution natural mysteries biomolecular machines purposeful design functional systems intelligent design irreducible complexity creation science creationist arguments evidence against evolution designer theory Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box bacterial flagellum complexity in biology critique of evolution interdependent species design in nature origins debate creationism vs evolution purposeful creation divine design limitations of natural selection critique of gradualism argument from design teleological argument purposeful agency complexity in ecosystems biochemistry and design theology and biology critiques of Darwinism intelligent design irreducible complexity Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box argument from design teleology bacterial flagellum creation science complex systems interdependent species fine-tuning anti-evolution natural theology William Paley criticisms of evolution blind watchmaker probability of life designer hypothesis gaps in evolutionary theory purpose in nature irreducible complexity intelligent design Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box bacterial flagellum argument from design creation science creationist arguments teleology designer hypothesis evolution critique complexity in nature biological design interdependent species anti-evolution arguments selective pressure blind chance natural theology complexity in biology function loss ecosystem design human body complexity unanswered evolutionary questions biology mysteries scientific creationism molecular machines specified complexity"
test-international-epglghbni-con03a	Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Irish unification civil unrest violent factionalism Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland economic resentment Republican parties Unionist marginalization Belfast violence Protestant communities youth unemployment Catholic majority sectarian conflict political power sharing community tensions political integration societal divisions violence resurgence reunification opposition socio-economic impact paramilitary activity peace process demographic shift identity conflict intercommunity distrust Irish unification civil disorder violent factionalism Northern Ireland opinion Republic of Ireland resentment economic impact Republican parties power-sharing Unionist marginalization Belfast violence Protestant community breakdown Protestant youth unemployment majority Catholic Ireland unrest united Ireland sectarian conflict political instability peace process Loyalist concerns Nationalist perspectives socioeconomic challenges paramilitary activity Good Friday Agreement identity politics cross-border relations Northern Ireland conflict Irish unification sectarian violence political instability unionists republicans economic impact social unrest Belfast riots Protestant communities Catholic majority power sharing marginalized groups civil disorder factional tensions youth unemployment cross-border relations peace process identity politics Loyalist paramilitaries Irish nationalism British-Irish relations border communities Good Friday Agreement Irish reunification civil unrest effects of Irish unification on violence Northern Irish attitudes unification economic impact of Irish reunification unionist concerns United Ireland republican parties power sharing protestant community decline Belfast job prospects Northern Ireland youth sectarian violence United Ireland majority Catholic Ireland unionist fears civil disorder Irish unification resentment Republic of Ireland reunification recent Belfast violence causes political consequences Irish unity marginalization unionists United Ireland historical unrest Irish reunification barriers to peaceful Irish unification social impacts unification Ireland religion-based factionalism Ireland security challenges united Ireland Irish unification civil unrest violent factionalism Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland economic impact Republican parties Unionist communities political power-sharing Belfast violence Protestant community breakdown youth unemployment sectarian tensions majority Catholic Ireland societal unrest Ireland reunification challenges cross-community relations peace process paramilitary activity economic burden political integration identity conflict historical grievances Good Friday Agreement border issues United Ireland unrest Northern Ireland civil disorder Irish reunification conflict impact on Irish communities Republic of Ireland economic burden political power struggle Ireland Unionist resentment Republican party concerns Ireland Belfast violence causes Protestant community breakdown Protestant youth unemployment Ireland majority Catholic Ireland issues resurgence of violence Ireland sectarian tensions United Ireland Irish reunification challenges Northern Irish opposition to unity social impact Irish unification political instability Ireland economic concerns Irish unity historical violence Ireland Irish unification civil unrest sectarian violence Northern Ireland Republican parties Unionist communities economic impact political power-sharing community tensions Belfast violence Protestant unemployment marginalized Unionists Catholic majority cross-border relations peace process Good Friday Agreement historical conflict identity politics socioeconomic divisions security concerns national identity Irish unification conflict civil disorder Ireland violent factionalism Northern Ireland Northern Irish opposition unity Republic of Ireland economic impact Republican parties concessions Unionist marginalization fears Belfast violence causes protestant community breakdown youth unemployment Protestants sectarian tension Ireland majority Catholic Ireland unrest Irish political power sharing united Ireland risks resurgence of troubles cross-border tensions social instability Ireland economic strain unification political resentment Ireland sectarian violence Ireland Irish unification civil disorder violent factionalism Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland unionists republicans economic impact political power sharing marginalized communities Protestant communities Catholic majority Belfast violence youth unemployment sectarian tensions peace process legacy of the Troubles community integration social resentment political stability cross-border relations Good Friday Agreement identity conflict paramilitary resurgence post-Brexit tensions Northern Ireland conflict Irish reunification sectarian violence Protestant-Catholic relations political instability Ireland Belfast unrest economic impact of unification unionist concerns republican parties Ireland religious tensions Ireland youth unemployment Northern Ireland paramilitary groups peace process Ireland Good Friday Agreement social integration Ireland demographic change Ireland cross-border relations public opinion Irish unity Loyalist communities nationalist movements Ireland
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. leader health disclosure political transparency candidate fitness electorate right to know leader accountability medical records release public officials health informed voting democracy and transparency leadership capability election integrity health status public voter decision-making political responsibility candidate evaluation health transparency government trust fitness for office honest leadership public interest in health leader health disclosure political transparency candidate medical records health information in elections public right to know leader's health fitness for office leader medical transparency electoral accountability candidate health transparency voter informed choice head of state health democratic leadership health health status public disclosure leader physical fitness political candidate health screening election integrity medical fitness of leaders public trust in leadership transparency and democratic process leadership succession planning government transparency political accountability leader health disclosure candidate fitness election integrity voter information public trust health transparency leader medical records civic responsibility informed voting democratic process leadership eligibility candidate scrutiny transparency standards public health disclosure fit to govern political transparency leader suitability election transparency leader health transparency benefits of leader health disclosure electorate right to know leader health impact of leader health on governance leader fitness and public trust transparency in political elections accountability and leader health voters informed decision leadership health democratic process and leader fitness health disclosure in election campaigns leadership suitability health criteria effects of hidden health conditions leaders transparency for proper government functioning voter access to leader health information public interest leader health records electing a healthy leader importance maintaining trust with health transparency democratic accountability and leader fitness ensuring leader serves full term health informed voting leader health government transparency leader health disclosure candidate fitness electoral accountability public health information democracy transparency in elections voter information political transparency leader health records public trust candidate qualifications political accountability election criteria fitness for office open government informed electorate leader eligibility transparency standards leadership suitability leader health transparency leader fitness disclosure electoral accountability public health records leaders fitness for office requirements transparency in elections political candidate health democratic accountability electorate right to know leader medical history disclosure healthy leader importance informed voting health leader longevity information leader term completion health leadership eligibility health public trust leader health leadership medical transparency electoral decision health leader accountability transparency fitness to govern transparency leader health fitness disclosure election accountability voter information public health records political transparency candidate eligibility medical history democratic process leadership fitness informed electorate governance candidate health term of office leadership capability public trust voter rights political responsibility government transparency leader health transparency election candidate fitness political accountability public disclosure leader health voter rights health information elected official medical transparency leader suitability democracy transparency government transparency health and leadership ethical leadership selection voter informed choice leader medical record disclosure political leader fitness leader health accountability electorate right to know candidate health evaluation leadership integrity transparent election process public trust in leaders transparency in leadership leader health disclosure voter decision-making election integrity leadership accountability democratic process candidate medical fitness public right to know informed electorate leader term completion health transparency in politics government transparency political candidate vetting leadership suitability voter information rights election transparency fit to serve criteria leader capacity public trust in leaders leadership eligibility political transparency leader health disclosure public accountability electoral decision-making fitness for office medical records candidate evaluation democratic process informed voting leadership eligibility voter rights leader accountability physical fitness election integrity public trust government transparency candidate health policies leadership capacity health screening public interest
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con02a	"Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification jury nullification jury accountability public oversight unjust laws disproportionate punishment non-violent drug crime civic participation legislative change community input democratic process public check government acquittal activism discrimination policy capital punishment reform Supreme Court rulings mandatory sentencing legal reform popular sovereignty trial by jury criminal justice reform jury discretion jury nullification jury discretion jury independence unjust laws legal accountability public oversight disproportionate punishment nonviolent drug offenses civil disobedience democratic legitimacy citizen participation government checks judicial review legislative reform mandatory sentencing capital punishment community values acquittal defendant rights legal activism constitutional law Supreme Court decisions segregation discrimination legal reform Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification legal accountability public oversight unjust laws disproportionate punishment non-violent drug offenses government check democratic process legislative reform civil rights segregation discrimination Supreme Court decisions capital punishment community input mandatory sentencing acquittal trends judicial discretion criminal justice reform jury nullification benefits jury nullification examples jury nullification legislative change jury nullification unjust laws jury nullification civil rights jury nullification historical cases jury nullification death penalty jury nullification public accountability jury nullification and democracy jury nullification legal consequences jury nullification drug crimes jury nullification US Supreme Court jury nullification community input jury nullification limitations jury nullification discrimination laws jury nullification mandatory sentencing jury nullification activist arguments jury nullification constitutional impact jury nullification and equality jury nullification critiques jury nullification jury power jury discretion justice system law accountability public oversight government check unjust laws proportional punishment nonviolent drug offenses legislative change democratic critique civil rights segregation policies discriminatory laws criminal justice reform community standards death penalty capital punishment Supreme Court decisions nullification history community input jury independence acquittal rates legal philosophy Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification pros jury accountability public check on law democratic oversight unjust laws law reform through juries legislative change jury acquittal non-violent drug crime nullification disproportionate punishment community input legal system limitations of elections Supreme Court jury influence mandatory capital punishment jury activism law and public opinion criminal justice reform racial discrimination law history of jury nullification activist jury strategies jury nullification jury discretion legal accountability public oversight unjust laws disproportionate punishment legislative change community input death penalty capital punishment nonviolent drug offenses democratic process civil rights segregation discrimination jury acquittal criminal justice reform legal system criticism Doug Linder Andrew Leipold acquittal activism judicial review law reform trial by jury checks and balances citizen participation jury nullification law accountability jury independence unjust laws disproportionate punishment non-violent drug crimes public oversight democratic process limitations legislative change acquittal activism capital punishment reform mandatory sentencing community input in justice empowered juries segregation policies civil rights defendant rights criminal justice reform legal system criticism jury discretion constitutional law historical jury nullification jury power social justice movements legal ethics court reform public check on government jury nullification legal accountability public oversight unjust laws jury discretion jury acquittal sentencing disparities disproportionate punishment non-violent drug offenses community input checks and balances criminal justice reform legislative change mandatory sentencing capital punishment US Supreme Court constitutional law civil rights segregation discrimination grassroots democracy legal activism Doug Linder Andrew Leipold criminal trial citizen participation judicial independence trial by jury historical examples government accountability jury nullification jury discretion legal accountability unjust laws public oversight legal reform citizen participation criminal justice acquittal mandatory sentencing capital punishment legislative change community involvement democratic process legal history social justice defendant rights legal philosophy drug law reform jury activism judicial review segregation discrimination punishment proportionality Supreme Court decisions activism jury power legal ethics jury independence"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions laws of war child soldiers cultural relativism international law Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts civilian protection war crimes contextual defenses military organization community vulnerability legal norms duress sentencing mitigation developing nations power vacuum local law-making peacekeeping United Nations rules of engagement neo-colonialism international standards humanitarian law war-time conduct expertise legal investigation military participation survival strategy policy-making combatant distinction cultural relativism armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural construction of war child soldiers legal norms developing nations conflict international criminal law humanitarian intervention civilian protection neo-colonialism vulnerable communities sentencing mitigation peacekeeping effectiveness war crimes local law-making military command structures civilian evacuation Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts policy-driven child soldier use survival strategy duress defense international community standards United Nations troops transitional justice custom vs. legality postcolonial perspectives cultural assumptions prosecutorial discretion legal accountability context-sensitive adjudication armed group dynamics cultural relativism armed conflict International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction war assumptions conflict norms child soldiers African conflicts Central Asian conflicts legal norms humanitarian law war crimes civilian protection chain of command aggressor-defender division cultural assumptions international law sentencing mitigation vulnerable communities necessity defense duress local law-making peacekeeping effectiveness United Nations rules of engagement neo-colonialism humanitarian intervention prosecutorial discretion systemic violence mitigation factors survival strategies policy-driven recruitment civilian targeting developing nations conflict zones international oversight justice mechanisms legal cultural construction of armed conflict ICC jurisdiction and cultural assumptions war structure cultural biases child soldiers ICC prosecution cultural relativism in international law flawed assumptions in African conflicts chain of command in war civilian targeting in conflicts mitigation of sentences in ICC duress and necessity as legal defences enforcement limits in developing nations local law-making in conflict zones challenges for United Nations peacekeepers neo-colonialism and international law humanitarian standards enforcement expertise of ICC in child soldier cases motivations for child soldier recruitment survival strategies in armed conflict ICC sentencing leniency international community double standards vulnerability of conflict cultural relativism ICC jurisdiction armed conflict child soldiers international criminal law legal norms war assumptions civilian protection neo-colonialism Africa conflicts Central Asia conflicts mitigating circumstances defense strategies vulnerable communities geographic influence state vs non-state actors United Nations peacekeeping rules of engagement local law-making bodies international community leniency in sentencing cultural construction of war survival strategies systematic use of child soldiers legal accountability western intervention humanitarian law enforcement challenges law enforcement disparities military organization chain of command population terrorization conflict zones duress defense international criminal court ICC jurisdiction cultural relativism armed conflict laws of war child soldiers humanitarian law cultural assumptions African conflicts Asian conflicts prosecutorial discretion legal norms complete defences sentence mitigation vulnerable communities duress in conflict developing nations local law-making bodies peacekeeping limitations United Nations western peacekeepers neo-colonialism enforcement challenges military participation survival strategy humanitarian intervention accountability in war legal standards cultural context in prosecution war crimes child protection in conflict cultural relativism international criminal court ICC jurisdiction armed conflict child soldiers legal norms cultural assumptions humanitarian law war crimes Africa Central Asia civilian protection chain of command aggressor-defender distinction mitigation of sentences vulnerable communities necessity defense local law-making bodies peacekeeping United Nations recognized governments neo-colonialism international law wartime conduct legal defense systematic use policy-driven conflict survival strategy underfunded peacekeepers geographic influence prosecutorial standards cultural defense combat oversight humanitarian intervention sentencing leniency military organization civilian cultural relativism armed conflict ICC jurisdiction child soldiers humanitarian law international law cultural assumptions African conflicts Central Asian conflicts war crimes legal norms systematic use of child soldiers defense strategies ICC mitigating sentences vulnerable communities duress of circumstances state policy on child soldiers developing nations conflicts local law-making bodies United Nations peacekeepers western intervention neo-colonialism standards of war conduct international community legal expertise ICC survival strategies civilian protection rules of engagement accountability ICC military organization cultural context cultural relativism armed conflict International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction child soldiers African conflicts Central Asian conflicts combat norms chains of command civilian protection war assumptions humanitarian intervention cultural assumptions legal norms sentencing mitigation duress in conflict policy-driven recruitment vulnerable communities local law-making international oversight United Nations peacekeeping neo-colonialism conduct standards legal expertise child military participation survival strategy systematic abuse prosecution standards conflict zone dynamics civilian evacuation organized armies policy enforcement lenient sentencing combatant categorization moral responsibility state versus non-state child soldiers cultural relativism international criminal court ICC jurisdiction armed conflict Africa conflicts central Asia conflicts war assumptions civilians in conflict chains of command mitigation of sentences incomplete defenses enforcement of international law vulnerable communities duress sentencing in war crimes developing nations non-state actors local law-making United Nations peacekeepers rules of engagement neo-colonialism wartime conduct standards legal norms in conflict survival strategy deliberate recruitment systematic use international humanitarian law policy-driven recruitment leniency in sentencing
test-environment-assgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. animal testing animal experimentation animal welfare ethical research laboratory animals animal suffering animal rights vivisection biomedical research animal cruelty animal protection animal mortality alternatives to animal testing humane research animal euthanasia animal liberation scientific research ethics animal law non-animal methods animal advocacy animal rescue animal rehabilitation animal release medical research ethics animal use statistics research ban animal protection legislation animal experimentation ethical concerns animal welfare laboratory animals animal suffering animal rights alternatives to animal testing biomedical research animal euthanasia animal liberation reduce animal testing animal protection 3Rs principle cruelty-free research banning animal testing non-animal research methods animal experimentation controversy animal-based research animal experimentation ethics protect laboratory animals animal experimentation animal welfare animal rights laboratory animals vivisection ethical treatment of animals animal testing alternatives biomedical research ethics animal suffering animal euthanasia humane research methods animal liberation animal use statistics animal protection laws research animal deaths animal ethics animal advocacy animal rescue ethical science laboratory animal policy animal research ban animal rights activism animal suffering prevention animal welfare legislation humane endpoints animal testing ethics animal research controversy animal rights arguments impact of animal testing alternatives to animal testing banning animal research animal welfare concerns animal suffering in labs animal research statistics post-experiment animal fate humane treatment of lab animals animal experimentation debate consequences of animal release ethical implications of animal use reduction of animal testing replacement of animal models scientific necessity of animal research regulatory policies on animal testing animal protection legislation public opinion on animal research animal welfare ethical animal research animal rights laboratory animal mortality post-experiment animal fate animal suffering biomedical research ethics animal testing alternatives animal research statistics release of laboratory animals medical research animals banning animal research humane endpoints animal rehoming animal use reduction 3Rs principle animal liberation animal welfare legislation research animal deaths impact of animal experiments animal research controversy animal experimentation debate animal ethics animal harm prevention animal euthanasia scientific research ethics animal testing ethics alternatives to animal testing animal rights impact of animal research banning animal experimentation animal welfare humane research methods reduction of animal use in research non-animal testing methods laws against animal testing animal suffering in laboratories ethical treatment of lab animals replacement of animal models animal experimentation statistics consequences of animal release animal protection policies scientific research without animals moral arguments against animal research ending animal cruelty in science vegan perspectives on animal testing animal testing animal experimentation ethical concerns animal welfare animal rights laboratory animals vivisection scientific research harm to animals animal suffering animal euthanasia post-experiment culling animal use statistics animal liberation release of lab animals dangers of rewilding pets unsuitability humane alternatives animal protection research ban animal advocacy non-animal research methods animal ethics biomedical research alternatives welfare regulations animal housing conditions animal cruelty laboratory animal deaths animal research ethics animal experimentation harm animal rights alternatives to animal testing banning animal testing animal welfare laboratory animal suffering euthanasia of research animals animal testing statistics medical research on animals animal liberation humane research methods impact of animal research animal testing regulations animal cruelty in laboratories replacement of animal research animal research policy ethical treatment of animals non-animal research methods animal testing controversy animal testing ethics animal welfare animal experimentation ban alternatives to animal research animal suffering laboratory animal rights replacement of animal models animal testing statistics humane research methods animal liberation biomedical research ethics animal rights activism animal experimentation regulations non-animal testing methods animal euthanasia in research animal protection laws 3Rs principle (replacement reduction refinement) animal cruelty prevention post-experimental animal care animal research oversight animal welfare animal testing ethics alternatives to animal testing animal rights biomedical research animal suffering laboratory animal treatment ethical research practices animal experimentation animal liberation non-animal research methods research animal rehabilitation animal rights legislation cruelty-free research harm-benefit analysis animal euthanasia animal use statistics prohibition of animal research animal sanctuaries speciesism
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro02a	Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 internet censorship freedom of speech online information access digital rights freedom of expression content filtering speech suppression government surveillance online privacy web regulation government control information freedom Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Great Firewall of China Google search restrictions online dissent cyber censorship digital authoritarianism information suppression online content moderation state-sponsored censorship internet freedom digital liberties global internet governance internet censorship online freedom digital rights government control information access freedom of expression speech suppression content filtering Great Firewall Google search restrictions Nazism suppression human rights online Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society France internet laws Germany internet laws web monitoring online surveillance state censorship freedom of information online content regulation internet censorship online freedom digital rights freedom of expression government surveillance information access content filtering freedom of information civil liberties Great Firewall authoritarian control search result suppression global internet policy Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Article 19 state censorship online speech regulation content moderation media control information suppression online privacy net neutrality human rights free speech internet censorship disadvantages government online control free speech online internet freedom suppression human rights and internet online information access restrictions Universal Declaration of Human Rights internet world summit information society internet rights France Germany Google censorship Great Firewall China effects digital freedom France Germany China search result censorship global internet regulation comparison consequences of internet regulation online speech suppression government information control internet internet regulation vs free speech international internet censorship cases suppression of online Nazism censorship and human rights violations internet regulation censorship government control online freedom freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Nazism suppression Google search results Great Firewall of China Chinese internet censorship France internet laws Germany internet laws digital rights online censorship internet freedom civil liberties international law human rights online state surveillance content filtering information suppression free expression article 19 Declaration of Principles internet censorship government control freedom of speech online information access Google search suppression Nazism censorship Great Firewall of China online content regulation digital rights free expression online Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Article 19 internet freedom online surveillance censorship laws information suppression global internet policy online civil liberties internet governance internet regulation internet censorship government control online freedom freedom of speech digital rights information access online expression Google search suppression France Germany Nazism suppression Great Firewall of China Chinese internet censorship digital surveillance information suppression Universal Declaration of Human Rights free speech online World Summit on the Information Society Declaration of Principles civil liberties online digital privacy online transparency global internet policies localized censorship content filtering governmental monitoring article 19 online information rights human rights internet state censorship internet censorship government regulation freedom of speech online expression information access digital rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Great Firewall of China Google search suppression Nazism censorship World Summit on the Information Society information control online suppression web censorship digital authoritarianism freedom of information content filtering online surveillance state censorship global internet policy internet freedom localized censorship free speech rights internet governance online civil liberties internet censorship government control online freedom digital rights free speech information access content filtering Great Firewall state surveillance Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society article 19 Google search suppression freedom of expression online regulation information suppression civil liberties human rights online online repression state censorship international standards media control internet censorship online freedom digital rights freedom of expression surveillance government regulation content filtering online privacy human rights information access Great Firewall free speech information control media suppression self-censorship international law digital authoritarianism cyber law data regulation platform moderation online activism net neutrality state censorship disinformation global internet policies
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro03a	Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty direct democracy referenda treaty ratification constitutional issues Lisbon Treaty citizen participation elected politicians democratic legitimacy political decision-making public vote Blair Labour Government constitutional referendum devolution UK constitutional changes EU treaties direct voting member state relations elected mayors reform treaties constitutional issues national sovereignty Lisbon Treaty EU treaties direct democracy public referendum treaty ratification citizen participation elected officials Blair Labour Government constitutional referenda devolution UK constitutional changes citizen voting rights parliamentary approval treaty legitimacy member state relations democratic accountability European Union reform political decision-making referendum direct democracy citizen vote national sovereignty constitutional issues treaty ratification Lisbon Treaty EU treaties political accountability public participation government reform devolution elected politicians democratic process Blair government constitutional referendum public decision political legitimacy member states Brussels relations referendum on reform treaties constitutional referendums public vote on Lisbon Treaty direct democracy in EU decisions citizen ratification of EU treaties national sovereignty and referenda public approval of constitutional changes referenda vs parliamentary ratification examples of UK constitutional referenda democratic legitimacy of EU treaties Labour government and referendums Blair government referenda history direct vote on constitutional issues public involvement in EU treaty ratification implications of Lisbon Treaty for sovereignty reform treaties national sovereignty direct democracy citizen referendum constitutional issues Lisbon Treaty EU treaties Brussels relations member states treaty ratification Blair Labour Government constitutional referenda devolution Scotland referendum Wales referendum Northern Ireland referendum directly elected mayors UK constitutional change public vote political legitimacy democratic accountability treaty approval process Lisbon Treaty referendum constitutional ratification national sovereignty referendum direct democracy EU treaty ratification by citizens public vote on treaties EU member state sovereignty Blair government referenda constitutional change voting democratic legitimacy treaties devolution referenda UK citizen participation EU treaties elected politicians treaty decisions direct vote on constitutional issues public approval Lisbon Treaty reform treaties national sovereignty direct democracy referenda Lisbon Treaty constitutional issues ratification citizen participation Blair Labour Government devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected politicians directly elected mayors treaty ratification EU integration political legitimacy democratic accountability public referendum constitutional change reform treaties constitutional referenda national sovereignty Lisbon Treaty EU treaties direct democracy citizen ratification referendum process Blair Labour Government constitutional changes UK devolution referenda elected mayors referenda treaty ratification democratic legitimacy constitutional issues EU UK constitutional reform public participation treaties member states Brussels relations treaty decision making role of politicians treaties reform treaties national sovereignty direct democracy referenda constitutional change Lisbon Treaty citizen participation treaty ratification political accountability EU integration member states Blair Labour Government devolution electing mayors public consultation democracy in Europe constitutional issues power of politicians citizen rights government transparency reform treaties Lisbon Treaty national sovereignty constitutional issues citizen referenda direct democracy treaty ratification political accountability government transparency Blair Labour Government devolution UK constitutional changes referendums elected politicians public participation EU member states Brussels relationship democratic legitimacy treaty approval process United Kingdom politics public decision-making
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro03a	Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Grand Inga Dam hydropower Democratic Republic of Congo electricity generation infrastructure development economic growth energy export renewable energy post-conflict reconstruction regional stability investment opportunities M23 rebel group electrification energy trade African power grid sustainable development poverty alleviation cross-border electricity Ethiopian energy exports South Africa electricity prices $9 billion annual revenue rural electrification national unity development aid power transmission international financing infrastructure projects. Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power DRC energy infrastructure Congo electricity generation post-conflict reconstruction economic development energy exports sub-Saharan Africa power trade infrastructure investment electrification national stability renewable energy projects African energy markets sustainable development Congolese economy Inga hydropower potential regional cooperation international energy trade rural electrification power transmission networks capacity building African economic growth large-scale infrastructure peacebuilding post-war recovery Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power energy infrastructure electricity export Democratic Republic of Congo economic development post-conflict reconstruction M23 rebellion regional integration electricity pricing power generation renewable energy East Africa power grid electricity access investment in DRC South African electricity market Ethiopia hydro export large-scale energy projects stability in DRC foreign direct investment economic stability infrastructure funding electric power trade natural resources DRC sustainable development employment generation Sub-Saharan Africa energy poverty alleviation electricity grid expansion national unity peacebuilding Grand Inga Dam economic impact Grand Inga electricity export potential DRC post-war reconstruction projects hydropower benefits in Congo Grand Inga regional energy trade electricity prices Grand Inga export comparison Grand Inga project social stability Grand Inga vs Ethiopian electricity exports foreign investment in DRC energy sector electricity infrastructure development DRC post-M23 peacebuilding initiatives economic multiplier effect of Grand Inga Dam Grand Inga project export revenue estimates effect on rural electrification DRC African hydroelectric mega-projects continental energy grid integration Africa lessons from Ethiopia hydro exports Grand Inga job creation DRC Democratic Republic of Congo Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power electricity export energy infrastructure economic development post-conflict reconstruction electricity pricing international electricity trade M23 rebel group regional stability Ethiopia Djibouti power export Eskom South Africa renewable energy large-scale infrastructure investment in Africa war recovery projects sustainable development Sub-Saharan Africa power grid African energy integration export earnings Africa electricity generation capacity nation building projects economic resilience energy security Grand Inga Dam benefits DRC post-war reconstruction Congo electricity export potential economic impact of Grand Inga regional energy integration Africa Inga hydropower project stabilizing DRC economy DRC renewable energy electricity exports Africa infrastructure investment Congo lessons from Ethiopia electricity export South Africa energy prices comparison post-conflict nation building DRC M23 surrender aftermath DRC international trade electricity African energy megaprojects Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo post-war reconstruction hydropower electricity generation economic development electricity exports regional stability M23 rebel group infrastructure projects renewable energy investment export earnings energy trade Sub-Saharan Africa Ethiopia-Djibouti electricity export South Africa energy prices national unity poverty alleviation energy sector sustainable development megaprojects international cooperation energy access African development World Bank electricity grid expansion hydroelectric power Congo River regional integration energy policy Grand Inga Dam DRC infrastructure cheap electricity Africa hydropower development Congo economic boost electricity export Africa Ethiopia Djibouti electricity energy exports Congo South Africa electricity prices energy sector investment DRC post-war reconstruction DRC M23 surrender aftermath national stability Congo African hydropower projects continent energy integration renewable energy Africa sustainable development DRC international energy trade electricity grid interconnection Africa East Africa power market Inga dam export earnings poverty reduction Congo economic resilience DRC large-scale energy projects African energy policy rural electrification Congo Grand Inga Dam hydropower DRC infrastructure electricity export economic development post-conflict reconstruction energy poverty Congo stability renewable energy mega-projects Africa regional power trade M23 rebels investment opportunities African power grid sustainable development poverty alleviation employment generation climate change mitigation Inga project benefits sub-Saharan Africa energy hydroelectric potential cross-border electricity Grand Inga impact World Bank DRC international funding Ethiopia electricity export Djibouti power supply Eskom South Africa energy pricing Africa electricity revenue DRC energy sector Africa Grand Inga Dam DRC economic development hydroelectric power Africa Congo electricity export DRC post-conflict reconstruction African energy trade M23 rebel group surrender regional stability Congo Ethiopian hydro exports transnational energy projects Africa infrastructure investment DRC poverty alleviation Congo Eskom electricity pricing energy sector growth Africa cheap electricity Africa renewable energy projects DRC DRC GDP impact power generation sub-Saharan Africa foreign investment Congo sustainable development DRC electricity access Congo regional cooperation Africa electricity revenues Congo social benefits Grand Inga
test-religion-yercfrggms-con02a	"The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. intelligent design fine-tuning argument from design teleological argument creative intelligence irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum specified complexity naturalism limitations chance vs. design evolutionary critique selective pressure interdependent species cosmic order higher power atheism critique purposeful existence biological complexity creationism complexity theory purposeful universe divine agency philosophy of science origin of life complexity in nature design inference intelligent design teleological argument fine-tuning irreducible complexity argument from design creationism anti-atheism universe origin cosmological argument specified complexity bacterial flagellum critique of evolution creative agency higher power interdependent species atheism and complexity design in nature natural theology biological origins anti-chance argument probability and life origin of life debate ID proponents philosophical theology complexity in biology intelligent design fine-tuning teleology irreducible complexity creationism purpose in nature cosmological argument watchmaker analogy specified complexity anthropic principle natural theology design inference molecular machines origin of life probability and universe argument from design Paley's argument divine agency contingency cosmological constants blind watchmaker chance vs necessity complex systems functional integration cross-species interdependence bacterial flagellum information theory evolution criticism purpose-driven universe philosophical naturalism Dawkins critique natural law higher power creative intelligence miraculous complexity intelligent design evidence arguments against atheism complexity of the universe and design irreducible complexity examples teleological argument expansion refuting atheism with scientific complexity creationism versus evolution bacterial flagellum design critique of naturalism interdependent species explanation higher power and universe origin limitations of atheism creative agency in life evidence for creator in biology chance versus design in cosmology atheist explanations for complexity arguments for God's existence critique of gradual evolution philosophical arguments against atheism support for teleological argument irreducible complexity intelligent design teleological argument fine-tuning creationism argument from design bacterial flagellum complexity of life naturalism probability and chance empirical evidence creative agency interdependent species anti-evolution purposiveness in nature philosophy of religion natural theology origins of life critique of atheism guided evolution anthropic principle Dawkins Richard Behe Michael Paley's watchmaker cosmological argument information theory and biology intelligent design teleological argument irreducible complexity fine-tuning argument cosmological argument critique of atheism creationism bacterial flagellum origins of life design in nature natural theology randomness vs design argument from complexity critique of evolution chance vs purpose higher power evidence biological complexity interdependent species agency in the universe argument from improbability intelligent design teleological argument complexity universe life atheism critique naturalism chance randomness creative agency designer human body planets stars galaxies interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity evolution gradualism selective pressure bacterial flagellum function design argument blind chance purposeful creation god's existence philosophical theology creationism origin of life biological origins scientific explanation Del Ratzsch Of Pandas and People Percival Davis Dean Kenyon purposeful design empirical evidence scientific critique Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy intelligent design teleological argument irreducible complexity fine-tuning argument creationism argument from design cosmological argument complexity of life human body complexity bacterial flagellum purpose in nature atheism refutation evolution debate abiogenesis universe origin higher power evidence natural theology scientific skepticism theology and science existence of God complexity in biology interdependent species philosophy of religion arguments against atheism critique of atheism probability and chance creative agency functional complexity gradualism criticism functionless organs purposive order biological origins design inference intelligent design fine-tuning argument teleology cosmological argument irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum watchmaker analogy origin of life probability theory abiogenesis naturalism creative agency higher power interdependent species biological complexity evolution critique creationism divine intervention functional complexity philosophy of religion atheism rebuttal scientific evidence theology purposeful universe complexity theory intelligent design fine-tuning argument teleological argument irreducible complexity creationism natural theology cosmic order anthropic principle bacterial flagellum probability and chance in cosmology critique of atheism philosophical naturalism scientific materialism biological complexity argument from design origins of life higher power evolution debate criticisms of Darwinism specified complexity creative agency designer hypothesis"
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro01a	Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. circumcision child genital mutilation bodily autonomy informed consent medical ethics non-therapeutic surgery pediatric rights unnecessary medical procedures bodily integrity cultural circumcision parental decision-making child abuse foreskin removal medical necessity World Health Organization HIV prevention adult circumcision rates health benefits vs. risks ethical considerations male genital cutting surgical consent public health policy religious circumcision practices psychological impact human rights forced medical procedures circumcision infant circumcision child circumcision non-consensual medical procedures body autonomy medical ethics genital mutilation consent in medical procedures foreskin removal parental decision-making health benefits circumcision risks of circumcision child rights WHO circumcision report HIV prevention circumcision cultural practices circumcision psychological impact circumcision legal status circumcision circumcision controversy male genital mutilation bioethics bodily integrity irreversible medical procedures children child welfare religious circumcision practices circumcision child consent medical ethics bodily autonomy child rights non-therapeutic procedures medical necessity parental decision-making genital mutilation informed consent pediatric surgery religious circumcision cultural practices human rights WHO circumcision HIV prevention adult consent psychological impact legal implications child protection male circumcision ethics child body autonomy non-consensual medical procedures circumcision vs. consent arguments against circumcision foreskin removal controversy medical justification for circumcision circumcision societal norms comparison to other body modifications cultural practices and children's rights psychological effects of circumcision bodily integrity of minors legal considerations circumcision health benefits circumcision debate parental decision circumcision routine infant circumcision criticism alternatives to circumcision World Health Organization circumcision report circumcision HIV prevention prevalence of circumcision by country circumcision and child abuse circumcision informed consent religious vs. medical circum circumcision child consent bodily autonomy medical ethics non-therapeutic procedures parental authority child rights genital mutilation cultural practices medical necessity ethical debate informed consent pediatric surgery World Health Organization HIV prevention adult circumcision psychological impact human rights social norms tradition vs. ethics child protection law and medicine comparative analysis health policy parental decision-making minors' rights circumcision ethics non-consensual medical procedures child bodily autonomy medical consent children circumcision controversy legal perspectives circumcision foreskin removal debate parental rights circumcision child abuse medical ethics religious circumcision practices medical necessity circumcision anti-circumcision arguments circumcision human rights societal attitudes circumcision WHO circumcision research HIV circumcision studies harm of non-therapeutic circumcision bioethics circumcision circumcision legal status circumcision alternatives circumcision infant circumcision bodily autonomy consent child rights medical ethics foreskin removal non-consensual surgery religious rituals cultural practices World Health Organization HIV prevention adult consent parental decision-making body modification child abuse medical necessity health benefits risk reduction male genital mutilation ethical controversy procedure justification human rights genital autonomy surgical ethics pediatric surgery public health risk-benefit analysis societal norms legal implications parental rights international guidelines UN AIDS sexual health education comparative practices non-therapeutic procedures irreversible surgery parental child circumcision ethics non-consensual medical procedures bodily autonomy children medical ethics children non-therapeutic surgery debate consent in pediatric surgery child bodily integrity foreskin removal controversy circumcision without medical necessity comparison to body part removal child rights medical decisions circumcision child abuse WHO circumcision report adult circumcision rates male circumcision debate cultural circumcision practices religious circumcision ethics alternatives to child circumcision HIV prevention circumcision parental rights medical decisions pediatric consent laws circumcision psychological effects genital mutilation children anti-circumcision arguments medical justification circumcision child consent bodily autonomy medical ethics non-therapeutic procedures foreskin removal religious circumcision cultural practices parental authority child rights genital mutilation WHO circumcision report HIV prevention adult circumcision rates consent in medical procedures child abuse definitions medical necessity ethical debate cultural norms pediatric surgery body modification parental decisions informed consent male circumcision statistics psychological impact human rights sexual health education societal norms health policy circumcision child consent medical ethics bodily autonomy child rights non-therapeutic procedures cultural practices parental authority foreskin removal WHO circumcision report HIV prevention male circumcision trends medical justification child protection body modification informed consent religious circumcision health risks child welfare bodily integrity
test-international-bldimehbn-con03a	Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, media ethics marginalized communities social justice journalism investigative reporting public interest journalism power dynamics representation in media news coverage diversity equitable storytelling journalism awards underreported stories press responsibility vulnerable populations inclusivity in news oppressed groups journalistic integrity Pulitzer Prize examples human interest stories exposing injustice reporting bias media ethics journalistic responsibility marginalized communities vulnerable populations power dynamics social justice journalism investigative reporting human interest stories representation in media underrepresented voices news coverage diversity journalistic awards Pulitzer Prize reporting on inequality impact journalism ethical journalism elite perspectives public interest journalism narrative journalism storytelling in media advocacy journalism community reporting media bias accountability journalism disenfranchised groups investigative journalism social issues reporting media inclusivity press freedom newsroom diversity responsible reporting media ethics marginalized voices journalistic responsibility inclusive reporting social justice journalism underserved communities journalism awards investigative reporting power dynamics representation in media storytelling elite vs. oppressed newsworthiness criteria Pulitzer Prize press freedom impact journalism human interest stories vulnerable populations journalism and morality civic journalism journalism and marginalized communities reporting on vulnerable populations journalism and social justice impact of journalism on the oppressed awards for investigative journalism journalism and the elite public interest reporting representation of minorities in media recognition for reporting on social issues moral obligations of journalists ethical journalism practices journalism awards and vulnerable groups Pulitzer winners for marginalized stories mainstream media and social issues reporting on the powerful vs the vulnerable public interest in others’ experiences people sell papers journalism impactful storytelling in journalism media coverage of disadvantaged groups local reporting and ethical responsibility journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful marginalized moral obligation news impact media ethics representation social justice narrative framing audience interest human interest stories Pulitzer Prize media recognition investigative reporting storytelling power dynamics reporting awards Penn State scandal trauma journalism social responsibility feature writing disadvantaged communities journalism awards press freedom accountability recognition in journalism storytelling ethics impactful reporting journalism ethics marginalized voices in media representation of vulnerable groups media coverage of disadvantaged power dynamics in news reporting social justice journalism impact of journalism on society moral responsibility of journalists Pulitzer Prize reporting investigative journalism coverage of oppressed communities diversity in news coverage accountability in media human interest stories in journalism reporting on social inequality elite versus marginalized media focus journalism awards and recognition ethical journalism practices underrepresented groups in news role of journalists in social change journalism reporting vulnerable oppressed elite powerful marginalized social justice media ethics news impact human interest storytelling public interest recognition journalism awards Pulitzers investigative journalism disadvantaged communities power dynamics journalist responsibility equality representation underserved populations narrative journalism award-winning stories media bias press freedom social issues professional prestige journalistic integrity Penn State scandal feature writing trauma reporting media influence critical reporting readership interests societal impact ethical journalism journalism ethics marginalized voices vulnerable populations media representation investigative reporting power dynamics social justice journalism diversity in news reporting on inequality storytelling in journalism covering disadvantaged groups media accountability Pulitzer Prize examples media impact on society importance of local journalism representation of the oppressed elite vs marginalized coverage moral obligation in journalism award-winning journalism news reporting standards societal impact of media experiences of the oppressed press responsibility news audience interests journalism and social change journalism media ethics vulnerable groups marginalized communities investigative reporting social justice power dynamics storytelling representation news impact mainstream media press responsibility Pulitzer Prize journalistic recognition elite vs. oppressed disadvantaged populations public interest human rights media bias inclusivity reporting standards accountability social change underreported stories ethical journalism award-winning journalism journalism ethics vulnerable populations marginalized communities media representation investigative reporting news bias elite vs. oppressed journalistic responsibility impact journalism reporting awards Pulitzer Prize social justice journalism disadvantaged groups power dynamics media coverage disparity public interest news storytelling narrative journalism watchdog journalism media influence
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro02a	Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. scientific paradigm theory change scientific consensus scientific skepticism scientific revolution paradigm shift provisional knowledge scientific debate changing theories falsifiability scientific progress resistance to change scientific bias alternative theories scientific method evidence-based science creationism versus evolution scientific dogma historical misconceptions scientific authority critical thinking open-mindedness peer review scholarly opinion scientific controversy curriculum debate scientific establishment science education competing explanations theory acceptance new evidence historical shifts scientific careers establishment resistance scientific consensus paradigm shift theory acceptance scientific revolutions dissent in science science vs creationism scientific dogmatism history of scientific ideas evolution controversy scientific infallibility competing scientific theories science education debates scientific community bias evidentiary standards in science resistance to new theories examples of changing scientific views creation science philosophy of science Kuhn paradigm scientific progress science and religion teaching evolution alternative scientific theories scientific establishment conservatism openness in science scientific consensus paradigm shift theory change scientific progress scientific method evolution controversy creationism debate scientific dogma historical scientific beliefs science education scientific establishment alternative theories evidence-based science scientific skepticism scientific infallibility scientific revolutions Kuhn paradigm scientific careers academic bias theory acceptance prevailing theories scientific dissent scientific conservatism science curriculum evolution vs creationism science philosophy scientific objectivity historical misconceptions scientific authority teaching controversies scientific paradigm shifts scientific theory change examples evolution scientific consensus science fallibility changing scientific facts scientific community opinion history flat earth scientific belief two kinds of human blood Creationism vs evolution scientific resistance to new theories science and dogma paradigm shift consequences teaching multiple scientific theories controversy scientific education science progress obstacles conservative impulses in science sociology of scientific knowledge career dependence on scientific theories establishment opposition to alternative theories historical changes in accepted science scientific consensus paradigm shift evolution vs creationism scientific theory change scientific dogmatism epistemology of science historical scientific errors scientific infallibility resistance to new theories scientific career bias scientific establishment theory acceptance competing scientific theories teaching scientific controversies philosophy of science science education debate alternative scientific explanations evolution critique scientific progress conservatism in science scientific paradigm shift history of scientific theories evolution vs creationism scientific consensus change scientific dogmatism scientific community bias paradigm shift examples science infallibility evolution criticism creationist arguments scientific theory acceptance teaching creationism alternative scientific theories scientific controversy scientific establishment resistance examples of changing scientific opinions science and religion debate scientific community career incentives scientific theory justification influence of evidence in science scientific consensus paradigm shift scientific theory falsifiability scientific method peer review theory evolution scientific evidence empirical data dogmatism creationism scientific debate historical scientific errors science education competing theories scientific progress resistance to change alternative explanations scientific establishment acceptance of theories paradigm defense scientific revolution scientific infallibility science vs. religion scientific objectivity change in scientific opinion scientific careers scientific bias teaching evolution teaching creationism scientific paradigm shifts changing scientific consensus history of scientific theories infallibility of science scientific dogmatism evolution vs creationism scientific community bias paradigm shift resistance science education debate alternative scientific theories scientific establishment career incentives in science confirmation bias in science competing theories in science teaching creationism teaching evolution scientific methodology progress in science theory acceptance in science impact of new evidence evolution theory criticism science and belief systems historical scientific errors sociology of science scientific controversy scientific paradigm shift evolution controversy theory change scientific community consensus scientific dogma creationism vs evolution scientific progress historical scientific errors scientific infallibility scientific resistance to change alternative scientific theories scientific evidence science education paradigm shift careers entrenched scientific establishment competing scientific theories science controversy teaching creationism scientific theory acceptance science and new evidence scientific consensus scientific paradigm shifts scientific revolutions history of science theory change evolutionary theory creationism debate scientific method falsifiability scientific skepticism scientific dogma peer review evidence-based science paradigm shift resistance flat earth history blood circulation theories conservative science teaching science controversies scientific community bias philosophy of science scientific progress science education competing theories science and religion confirmation bias scientific career incentives
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con01a	There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 gender quota economic growth gender equality female leadership affirmative action policy effectiveness supply-side barriers labor market spillover effects economic performance competitiveness domestic policies sovereign debt crisis Western advanced economies International Labour Organisation glass ceiling high-income countries policy mix gender parity women's representation gender diversity workplace equality economic impact institutional factors social attitudes quota policy outcomes gender quota policy economic growth gender equality female leadership economic performance supply-side barriers affirmative action quota effectiveness women in leadership EU economy sovereign debt crisis labour market participation international labour organisation policy impact competitiveness glass ceiling macroeconomic factors policy spillover Western advanced economies structural factors economic policy public attitudes social attitudes institutional barriers quota outcomes economic advantages equality measures high-income countries labour force economic efficiency gender equality gender quotas economic growth female leadership supply-side barriers policy effectiveness advanced economies Western countries labour market affirmative action International Labour Organisation glass ceiling policy mix policy spillover sovereign debt crisis economic performance institutional factors women's representation macroeconomic impact competitiveness social attitudes structural barriers high-income countries economic policy women's empowerment quota effectiveness gender quotas and economic growth gender quotas impact on GDP effectiveness of gender quotas gender quotas and women's leadership gender quotas and economic competitiveness gender quotas Western economies gender quotas efficiency gender quotas spillover effects gender quotas European Union gender quotas and supply-side barriers gender quotas and policy outcomes Pande and Ford gender quotas findings ILO views on gender quotas International Labour Organisation gender quotas glass ceiling affirmative action correlation between quotas and economy gender equality and economic performance gender quotas and labour market female leadership and economic growth domestic policies and economic performance gender equality measures effectiveness gender quotas economic growth gender equality female leadership Pande Ford policy response Western economies efficiency European Union competitiveness domestic policies sovereign debt crisis economic performance spillover effects International Labour Organisation supply-side barriers affirmative action glass ceiling gender mainstreaming labour market institutional factors high-income countries policy effectiveness quota skepticism labour participation social attitudes women empowerment policy mix economic advantages female representation gender quotas economic impact gender quota effectiveness gender quota economic growth correlation gender equality policies economic performance Pande Ford gender quota study EU competitiveness gender quota gender quotas Western economies affirmative action economic outcomes glass ceiling impact quotas International Labour Organisation gender quota policy mix gender equality economic effects supply-side barriers gender equality gender quotas sovereign debt crisis domestic policies economic performance gender quotas spillover effects gender quotas economy gender quota economic growth gender equality affirmative action female leadership policy effectiveness Western advanced economies European competitiveness domestic policies sovereign debt crisis spillover effects International Labour Organisation glass ceiling supply-side barriers gender policy outcomes women's representation quota scepticism women's economic empowerment World Development Report institutional barriers diversity and performance policy evaluation EU economies economic performance labour market participation inclusive growth workforce diversity gender quotas economic growth gender equality female leadership affirmative action efficiency Western economies EU competitiveness sovereign debt crisis supply-side barriers spillover effects International Labour Organisation policy mix economic performance glass ceiling gender policies quota skepticism women's representation labour market macroeconomic factors policy effectiveness World Development Report gender quotas economic growth efficiency Western economies policy adoption gender equality supply-side barriers sovereign debt crisis EU competitiveness female leadership affirmative action International Labour Organisation policy effectiveness economic performance domestic policies glass ceiling international institutions economic advantages changing attitudes to women spillover effects policy mix high-income countries gender quotas economic growth female leadership gender equality policy impact Pande and Ford Western economies efficiency competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis spillover effects International Labour Organisation glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers economic performance policy effectiveness high-income countries employment labor market diversity corporate governance women's representation
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, leader health presidential health political transparency media scrutiny public interest government secrecy health rumors political leaders' illness administration cover-up state leader health political communication information disclosure John Atta Mills political rumors presidential illness media and government relations Kissinger deception Nixon China visit Ghanaian politics presidential staff communication health misinformation public trust media manipulation state secrecy leadership transparency presidential health cover-up leader health transparency leader illness rumors leader health secrecy media interest leader health presidential health disclosure political leader medical condition public interest leader health health crisis political leaders government handling leader health leader health misinformation presidential health rumors John Atta Mills health state leader medical privacy leader health cover-up Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon China visit secrecy leader health communication press coverage leader health leader health scandal administration manipulation leader illness leader health political transparency presidential health public interest media coverage government secrecy rumor management health disclosure executive health John Atta Mills political communication crisis management state leader illness press freedom administration deception historical examples Kissinger Beijing Nixon visit public trust media manipulation leader illness rumors leader health transparency presidential health disclosure media coverage leader illness state leader health rumors John Atta Mills health secrecy government management leader health political implications of leader illness public interest leader health administrative strategies leader illness Kissinger Nixon Beijing health excuse effects of hiding leader health leader health misinformation crisis communication government leader death rumors historical cases leader health secrecy leader health presidential health transparency media scrutiny political rumors state leader illness health disclosure Kissinger Beijing trip Nixon visit secrecy John Atta Mills health political communication media manipulation public interest government secrecy presidential illness cover-up public trust health misinformation Ghana presidency health administration deception press relations leader hospitalization state secrets historical examples leader death rumors political strategy communication ethics leader health transparency political leader illness rumors media interest leader health presidential health disclosure John Atta Mills health controversy government secrecy leader health Kissinger illness Beijing visit presidential staff misinformation press coverage leader health public trust leader health leader health rumors impact state leader health media political leader health scandals leader health public perception administration hiding leader health media manipulation leader health leader health and governance Ghana president health history Atta Mills death rumors leader health and democracy leader health public interest presidential health head of state wellness media coverage political transparency health rumors administration secrecy Kissinger deceptive tactics Nixon China visit John Atta Mills illness presidential staff communication misinformation press reporting health cover-up political rumors leader medical treatment US hospital public perception government trust Ghana politics presidential death reports crisis communication media relations public accountability leader health transparency political leader illness media and leader health presidential health secrecy health rumors politicians John Atta Mills health controversies administration manipulation news Kissinger illness Beijing visit Nixon China visit secrecy presidential health disclosure government communication strategies public interest leader health health misinformation government Ghana presidential health Modern Ghana Atta Mills Committee for Social Advocacy report state leader health rumors press freedom political health hiding leader illness consequences political crisis health rumors leader health political transparency media coverage state secrecy presidential illness public interest rumor control government communication John Atta Mills political rumors state leader health disclosure presidential health cover-up media manipulation political leadership health misinformation presidential staff Ghana politics historical cases Nixon Kissinger Beijing press freedom public trust government leader health political transparency media coverage public interest administration secrecy political rumors presidential health health misinformation John Atta Mills Kissinger Beijing visit health disclosure government communication state leader health press relations health cover-up presidential illness public trust political scandals media manipulation political image management Ghana politics
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con03a	"Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” trial by jury fundamental right jury trial criminal justice government oppression judicial abuse judicial corruption checks and balances judicial impartiality community input defendant's rights legal safeguards fairness in court jury system citizen participation judge bias prosecutor misconduct judicial independence legal accountability peer trial unanimous verdict criminal law legal justice Corrupt judges legal fairness impartial judiciary criminal procedure right to jury non-jury trials justice system reform jury trial fundamental right justice system governmental oppression non-state actors judicial abuse judicial corruption corrupt judges prosecutorial misconduct fair trial defendant rights legal safeguards community participation civic duty trial by peers unanimous verdicts legal impartiality checks and balances civil liberties constitutional rights criminal justice fairness in courts civic input judge bias public confidence in justice legal system accountability rights of the accused legal precedent democratic process Clive Coleman Paul Mendelle QC Robert P. Connolly “Petty Offence Exception” non-jury trial jury selection jury trial fundamental right justice system governmental oppression judicial corruption prosecutor misconduct community participation fair trial defendant rights unanimous verdict jury impartiality legal safeguards peer judgment legal checks judiciary accountability civil liberties due process criminal justice judicial fairness public oversight trial by jury importance fundamental right to jury trial prevention of government oppression jury as safeguard against abuse check on judicial corruption community participation in justice non-state actors in guilt determination dangers of judge-only trials role of juries in fair trials unanimous jury verdicts protection against government overreach criminal justice system fairness representative jury composition critique of non-jury trials Paul Mendelle QC quote trial Robert P. Connolly petty offence exception Clive Coleman non-jury criminal trial jury vs judge in criminal cases historical context of jury trials jury trial and due process abolishing jury trials trial by jury fundamental right jury trial government oppression judicial oversight court system legal safeguards abuse prevention non-state actors judicial accountability check on power judicial corruption judicial bias prosecutorial misconduct community participation community input citizen jurors unanimous verdict justice system fair trial innocent protection criminal justice criminal trial legal rights defendant protections Paul Mendelle QC Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman non-jury trial debate criminal bar association jurisprudence legal philosophy judicial independence impartiality in law democratic justice right to trial by jury importance of jury trials reasons for jury trials preventing government oppression jury jury as check on abuse of power jury trials and judicial corruption community input in justice system jury trials vs. judge-only trials jury trial and fairness fundamental legal rights jury trial jury selection and impartiality unanimous jury decision historical significance jury trial criminal justice system checks and balances non-state actor in legal decisions Paul Mendelle QC on jury trials Robert P. Connolly jury trial exception Clive Coleman jury trial debate reasons for not abridging jury trials abuse prevention in court system trial by jury fundamental right criminal justice judicial system governmental oppression checks and balances non-state actors guilt determination government power law enforcement judicial impartiality corrupt judges corrupt prosecutors judicial corruption prejudice judge bias defendant protection representative jurors unanimous verdict jury bias jury corruption community input public participation justice system fair trial presumption of innocence Paul Mendelle Criminal Bar Association Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman non-jury trial jury selection civic rights due process legal system justice principles civic duty peer judgment trial by jury fundamental right jury system judicial abuse prevention government oppression non-state actors judicial impartiality corrupt judges prosecutorial misconduct defendant rights jury unanimity community participation justice system oversight legal fairness criminal justice reform jury peer review right to fair trial criminal bar association Paul Mendelle QC Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman petty offence jury trial non-jury trial debate judicial system checks justice principles legal protections criminal defendant rights jury selection process jury independence legal safeguards trial by jury fundamental right constitutional protections judicial abuse governmental oppression criminal justice system jury selection non-state actors unbiased verdicts corrupt judges prosecutorial misconduct defendant rights community involvement legal safeguards checks and balances unanimous verdict legal system fairness jury nullification civic participation judicial accountability Paul Mendelle QC Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman criminal trials non-jury trials justice principles defendant protection abuse of power court system integrity legal ethics civil liberties trial by jury fundamental right court system governmental oppression judicial checks corruption prosecutors judges community input justice system impartial jury unanimous decision fair trial criminal justice jury selection defendant rights legal safeguards peer judgement non-jury trial due process legal precedent common law legal reform criminal procedure Clive Coleman Paul Mendelle QC Robert P. Connolly petty offence exception right to jury trial judicial independence civic duty legal protection legal fairness jury nullification legal principles"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers stigma war crimes ICC International Criminal Court psychological care medical care transitional justice post-war trauma social reintegration former combatants youth rehabilitation community acceptance institutional care family-based care restorative justice conflict recovery humanitarian law war trauma societal exclusion transitional care offense mitigation criminal justice reform ex-combatant integration protection of children in conflict civilian-military relations legal barriers policy reform victim reintegration mental health services child rights conflict DDR post-conflict reintegration child soldier rehabilitation demobilisation obstacles disarmament challenges post-war trauma psychological support medical care stigma of war crimes reintegration of youth combatants transitional justice ICC sentencing guidelines war crimes children humanitarian law family-based care social exclusion reprisal risks fostering former child soldiers community reintegration restorative justice protection mechanisms peacebuilding war crime prosecution victimization of former soldiers mental health interventions recruitment prevention societal acceptance post-conflict recovery specialised care centres international humanitarian law transitional programs legal barriers compassion in DDR disarmament demobilisation reintegration post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers stigma rehabilitation war crimes International Criminal Court ICC sentencing guidelines psychological care medical care post-conflict trauma reintegration challenges transitional justice war crime prosecution social exclusion reprisal attacks humanitarian law fostering programs family-based care institutional care conflict recovery chronic war former combatants youth protection crime and punishment community reintegration child soldier rehabilitation international law United Nations peacebuilding Sierra Leone Colombia Liberia Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers removing barriers to DDR disarmament and reintegration of child soldiers challenges in post-conflict rehabilitation stigma and social exclusion of former child soldiers psychological care after armed conflict international law and child soldiers ICC prosecution of minors alternatives to imprisonment for child soldiers community acceptance in reintegration preventing retraumatization in DDR transitional justice for young combatants addressing war crimes and children’s rights improving foster care for ex-combatants DDR program participation barriers effectiveness of treatment centers for child soldiers decriminalizing child soldier recruitment anti-stigmatization strategies in post-conflict societies legal protections for DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers demobilisation disarmament reintegration war trauma psychological rehabilitation social stigma ICC war crimes sentencing guidelines humanitarian law transitional justice rehabilitation programs institutional care fostering programs family reintegration Sierra Leone Colombia social exclusion victim support post-war recovery trauma treatment juvenile justice war crimes prosecution international humanitarian law reintegration barriers community acceptance former combatants peacebuilding transitional programs post-conflict justice child protection armed conflict recovery stigmatization mental health support transitional shelters social rein disarmament and demobilisation challenges DDR barriers child soldier rehabilitation post-conflict reintegration stigma of former child soldiers ICC and child soldiers humanitarian law and child soldiers reintegrating ex-combatants post-war psychological care social exclusion of ex-child soldiers war crimes sentencing guidelines minors family-based care for child soldiers institutional care in DDR misconceptions about child soldiers international criminal court criticism compassionate justice in DDR crimes against children in conflict post-conflict offender stigma fostering former combatants obstacles to disclosure in demobilisation reintegration program deterrents former child soldier treatment disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR post-conflict recovery child soldiers rehabilitation war trauma psychological support stigma war crimes International Criminal Court ICC sentencing guidelines former combatants reintegration barriers social exclusion transitional justice stigma reduction fostering programs institutional care humanitarian law conflict resolution peacebuilding reparations family reunification youth protection recruitment prevention war victimization Sierra Leone Colombia Congolese Patriots reintegration programs restorative justice war-time necessity protection of minors criminal responsibility trauma recovery post-war reconstruction vulnerable disarmament demobilisation rehabilitation DDR child soldiers war trauma post-conflict reintegration psychological care stigma war crimes ICC international criminal court transitional justice post-conflict recovery Sierra Leone Liberia rehabilitation programs social exclusion reintegration challenges humanitarian law armed conflict youth rehabilitation child soldier reintegration war crime sentencing institutional care family reintegration specialized care centers fostering psychological support social stigma community acceptance war crimes prosecution international law conflict resolution peacebuilding soldier reintegration child rights recruit rehabilitation justice reform transitional demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR reintegration child soldiers stigma war crimes psychological care post-conflict reconstruction International Criminal Court ICC sentencing guidelines rehabilitation programs chronic war effects family reunification social exclusion transitional justice humanitarian law post-war trauma specialized care centers reintegration challenges community acceptance war-related stigma youth protection facilities fostering programs former combatants conflict recovery criminal responsibility transitional support transitional justice Sierra Leone Liberia Colombia child protection legal frameworks victimization armed conflict international law human rights peace demobilisation disarmament reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers stigma war crimes International Criminal Court ICC psychological rehabilitation medical care former combatants social reintegration transitional justice restorative justice community acceptance recruitment of child soldiers Sierra Leone Liberia Colombia humanitarian law sentencing guidelines youth protection institutional care fostering post-conflict trauma human rights peacebuilding social exclusion post-war recovery international criticism war-affected children rehabilitation programs reparations post-conflict justice criminal accountability child protection transitional care reconciliation
test-environment-assgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animal rights animal welfare sentience speciesism animal suffering ethical treatment animal testing pain perception consciousness empathy moral consideration human-animal similarities behavioral resemblance physiological similarities animal feelings anti-cruelty animal ethics interspecies justice animal consciousness animal emotions animal rights animal sentience animal emotions animal pain perception ethical treatment of animals animal suffering speciesism morality of animal testing animal consciousness animal welfare animal cognition comparative psychology empathy toward animals animal human similarities anti-vivisection animal behavioral responses philosophical animal ethics animal personhood animal advocacy ethical philosophy animals animal rights animal welfare sentience animal consciousness ethical treatment speciesism animal suffering pain perception animal emotions moral status animal ethics animal testing animal cognition humane treatment empathy animal cruelty human-animal differences comparative psychology animals as persons anti-speciesism moral consideration animal experimentation animal protection animal advocacy suffering comparison interspecies justice animal rights speciesism animal sentience ethical treatment of animals animal suffering moral status of animals animal experimentation ethics animal pain perception similarities between humans and animals animal consciousness anti-animal testing arguments comparing animal and human emotions justifications for animal rights arguments against species-based discrimination animal welfare philosophy animals and moral consideration reasons not to harm animals animal protection arguments animal ethics debate humane treatment reasons animal rights animal sentience animal consciousness animal ethics speciesism animal suffering animal pain perception animal behavior moral consideration for animals human-animal similarities animal welfare ethical treatment of animals animal testing animal emotions interspecies morality moral status of animals animal cognition animal psychology humane treatment anthropomorphism cross-species empathy animal rights animal sentience ethical treatment of animals animal consciousness animal suffering animal testing ethics speciesism human-animal similarities animal emotions morality of animal testing animal welfare animal pain perception animal cognition philosophical arguments animal rights animal experimentation debate human-animal differences anti-speciesism animal protection animals and moral consideration animal ethics animal rights animal sentience animal consciousness animal welfare ethical treatment animal pain animal emotions animal suffering speciesism animal testing animal experimentation moral consideration animal ethics animal behavior human-animal similarities empathy animals animal cognition animal feelings pain perception interspecies comparison human rights animal physiology animal anatomy emotional intelligence animals moral status animals discrimination species cruelty prevention ethical philosophy comparative psychology animal advocacy animal rights animal welfare animal sentience animal consciousness speciesism ethical treatment of animals animal suffering animal emotions animal testing ethics human-animal differences animal pain perception moral consideration for animals animal behavior animal anatomy similarities animal physiology animal communication animal experimentation bioethics animal protection laws animal feelings animal advocacy human-animal relationship anti-speciesism animal empathy nonhuman animals animal personhood animal ethics arguments animal rights animal sentience animal consciousness animal emotions ethical treatment of animals animal welfare speciesism animal pain animal suffering animal testing ethics moral consideration for animals animal-human similarities empathy towards animals compassion for animals anti-vivisection animal protection animal cognition animal behavior animal advocacy interspecies ethics animal rights animal sentience animal testing animal welfare ethical treatment of animals speciesism pain perception in animals moral consideration animal consciousness animal emotions animal suffering animal ethics humane treatment animal cognition human-animal similarities animal experiments animal advocacy animal protection comparative psychology animal pain studies
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro03a	Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 internet governance online censorship corporate lobbying regulatory capture SOPA copyright enforcement telecommunications regulation consumer protection digital rights internet policy government intervention intellectual property media industry influence tech industry regulation legislative lobbying net neutrality internet freedom policy shaping digital economy public interest groups internet censorship digital rights net neutrality corporate lobbying intellectual property law copyright enforcement online freedom telecommunications policy digital governance policy influence lobbying reform government intervention tech industry regulation consumer rights regulatory policy internet governance public interest technology legislative advocacy regulatory reform information control internet censorship internet governance corporate influence lobbying policy making net neutrality digital rights copyright enforcement government regulation regulatory capture SOPA media industry telecommunications policy consumer protection self-regulation lobbying efforts intellectual property internet freedom legislative influence public interest anti-competitive practices tech industry content moderation U.S. law ALEC civil liberties internet regulation expansion regulatory capture explanation SOPA legislative impact corporate influence on internet policy telecommunications industry lobbying consumer protection erosion government involvement in internet regulation copyright enforcement and SOPA US music and movie industry lobbying global internet governance regulatory capture examples big tech influence on regulation legislative history SOPA ALEC telecom policy telecommunications utility deregulation policy shaping by corporations effects of regulatory capture anti-competitive internet regulation lobbying and internet laws role of government in internet structure external website copyright enforcement internet regulation regulatory capture lobbying SOPA Stop Online Piracy Act internet governance copyright enforcement corporate influence telecommunications policy consumer protection government regulation interest groups tech industry lobbying policy shaping legislative influence ALEC digital rights online censorship media companies US Congress public policy deregulation net neutrality global internet policy intellectual property enforcement content moderation technology regulation internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA Stop Online Piracy Act copyright enforcement government policy corporate lobbying internet governance consumer protection erosion telecommunications industry corporate influence ALEC tech industry regulation telecom lobbying US internet law digital copyright policy internet censorship policy shaping legislative lobbying anti-piracy laws media company interests online freedom digital rights net neutrality debates corporate regulation strategies Internet regulation regulatory capture special interest groups corporate lobbying SOPA Stop Online Piracy Act online copyright enforcement internet governance policy influence telecommunications industry consumer protection government regulation copyright infringement lobbying efforts US Congress digital rights media companies movie industry music industry internet policy regulatory influence ALEC telecom utilities legislative capture internet censorship digital policy internet structure internet law broadband regulation net neutrality government-industry relations tech policy self-policing websites cross-border enforcement policy shaping corporate influence US legislation public interest vs. corporate interest internet regulation regulatory capture SOPA copyright enforcement digital policy lobbying corporate influence telecommunications regulation consumer protection erosion U.S. internet policy internet governance big tech lobbying legislative policy online copyright infringement ALEC tech lobby music industry regulation movie industry regulation telecom industry lobbying online piracy law government role in internet internet law intellectual property rights transnational website regulation policy shaping internet freedom public interest vs corporate interest digital rights self-policing initiatives international internet law legislative capture internet utility regulation internet governance regulatory capture SOPA copyright enforcement corporate lobbying telecommunications policy consumer protection media industry influence digital rights legislative lobbying online piracy internet policy government regulation policy shaping technology regulation ALEC policy influence corporate interests lawmaking process US Congress net neutrality tech industry regulation international copyright public interest information freedom lobbying strategies internet governance regulatory capture corporate lobbying digital rights SOPA copyright enforcement telecommunications policy consumer protection government regulation public interest internet freedom policy influence legislation intellectual property tech industry lobbying net neutrality digital policy lobbying efforts media companies legislative outcomes
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro04a	A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. Inga Dam Grand Inga Congo River navigation hydroelectric power river transport inland waterways canal construction river locks international trade infrastructure development central Africa integration economic development global economy foreign investment transport corridor sustainable development regional connectivity shipping routes logistics export-import renewable energy waterway modernization Africa infrastructure projects economic growth trans-African transport port access Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power Congo River navigation river transport infrastructure canal construction navigation locks inland waterway transportation trans-African trade regional economic integration African infrastructure projects investment opportunities Central Africa transportation corridors export-import logistics global trade connectivity economic development sustainable energy projects river modernization international shipping access logistical bottlenecks solutions Sub-Saharan Africa investments Inga Dam Grand Inga hydroelectric power river navigation transportation infrastructure river canalization lock systems Congo River Basin African trade integration economic development international shipping regional connectivity infrastructure investment energy generation sustainable development trans-African trade port access inland waterway development projects Central Africa logistics dam construction Congo Congo river navigability improvement canalisation Congo river Congo river locks installation international trade Congo river economic integration central Africa Congo river transport modernization investment opportunities Congo basin infrastructure development central Africa global economy Congo river mitigating Congo river rapids Congo river export import potential enhancing central Africa transport links hydroelectric dams Congo regional economic growth central Africa Congo River dam hydroelectric power canalisation river navigation inland waterways transportation infrastructure rapids bypass river locks international trade economic integration central Africa development investment opportunities global economy access infrastructure improvement African logistics export-import facilitation inland port regional connectivity river engineering supply chain efficiency Congo river dam benefits Congo river canalisation Congo river locks Congo river navigation improvement Central Africa economic integration Congo river international transport Congo dam investment opportunities Congo river rapids bypass Central Africa global trade infrastructure development Congo Congo river economic impact international goods transport Congo Congo river shipping African inland waterways Congo river modernization Congo River dam construction navigability rapids canalisation locks international trade transportation infrastructure economic integration Central Africa global economy inland waterways hydropower infrastructure development investment opportunities shipping routes import-export regional development waterway transportation economic growth inland ports transshipment logistics trade facilitation energy generation sustainable development Congo River dam Congo River navigation Congo canalisation Congo locks Congo transport infrastructure Congo international trade central Africa economic integration Congo investment opportunities Congo export-import Congo hydropower projects Congo river transportation Congo development projects Congo logistics improvement Congo global economy integration Congo port access Congo rapid bypass central Africa trade routes Congo economic growth Congo maritime access Congo infrastructure expansion Congo River dam Congo River navigation hydroelectric power Central Africa canal construction Congo locks infrastructure Africa transport infrastructure Africa international trade Congo African economic integration investment opportunities Central Africa Congo River rapids solutions river transport Africa sustainable development Congo engineering projects Africa cross-border trade Africa infrastructure development central Africa Congo River navigation improvement hydropower infrastructure development canal construction locks international trade economic integration central Africa transportation investment opportunities global market access river engineering logistics regional development
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro02a	Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries national sovereignty popular vote citizen participation EU reform centralized European superstate European Commission European Court criminal law national justice systems subsidiarity treaty ratification referendum public debate democratic legitimacy policy transparency voter inclusion EU integration treaty criticism political accountability public consent institutional changes Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizens' rights EU centralization European superstate treaty reform public explanation political transparency voter inclusion public debate key issues treaty criticism democratic legitimisation referendum public trust governmental accountability policy implications supranational governance institutional change Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting EU member states national sovereignty criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court of Justice popular vote referendum legitimacy centralization European superstate citizen participation democratic accountability constitutional reform public debate transparency voter inclusion treaty ratification policy impact institutional change political communication EU governance supranational authority member state rights treaty criticism Lisbon Treaty public vote EU treaty referendum campaign impact of Lisbon Treaty on member states centralization of EU power debate legal personality of European Union implications majority voting in EU member countries Lisbon Treaty effect on national sovereignty EU Commission powers under Lisbon Treaty European Court authority expansion European superstate controversy citizen rights to approve EU treaties democratic legitimacy of EU reforms Lisbon Treaty public engagement explaining Lisbon Treaty to voters transparency in EU treaty negotiations popular vote for major EU changes criticism of Lisbon Treaty ambiguity public debate on EU integration national justice system and Lisbon Treaty international agreements under EU legal personality Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries international policies criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote legitimacy centralization European superstate citizen rights public debate political transparency referendum EU reforms voter inclusion policy criticism political communication Lisbon Treaty referendum EU democratic legitimacy popular vote European Union EU treaty ratification impact on member states European superstate debate majority voting EU EU Commission powers European Court authority centralization European Union citizen participation EU ambiguous treaty criticism public understanding EU law Treaty of Lisbon significance national sovereignty EU international agreements EU EU reforms popular support EU justice system impact Lisbon Treaty European Union EU legal personality majority voting member states international agreements criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote referendum centralized European superstate citizen rights political legitimacy democratic participation public debate policy transparency institutional reform supranational governance treaty ratification voter inclusion EU integration national sovereignty EU reforms treaty criticism public trust policy communication political accountability European politics Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting EU member states popular vote referenda centralization European superstate Commission powers European Court of Justice criminal law impact national justice systems democracy citizen participation legitimisation process treaty criticism reform transparency voter inclusion public debate treaty complexity transparency EU reforms national sovereignty supranational authority policy implications political accountability public trust treaty ratification decision-making processes subsidiarity governance constitutional change European integration Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights EU reform European superstate political legitimacy democratic participation centralized governance treaty criticism policy transparency public debate voter inclusion political accountability treaty complexity constitutional change EU democracy sovereignty referendum public trust institutional power governance reform Lisbon Treaty European Union referendum popular vote EU member states national sovereignty EU integration majority voting legal personality international agreements criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court centralization European superstate transparency public debate citizen participation democratic legitimacy treaty reform political accountability public trust policy implications treaty criticism voter engagement
test-religion-yercfrggms-con03a	Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Kalam cosmological argument first cause uncaused cause cosmology causality contingency finite beings infinite regress creation ex nihilo metaphysics universe origin creator theism argument for God causation William Lane Craig atheism cosmological proof philosophy of religion necessary being existence of God temporal beginning causal chain logical impossibility universe creation origin of everything kalam cosmological argument first cause unmoved mover cosmology temporal causality infinite regress contingency necessary being existence of god cause of universe philosophy of religion creation ex nihilo prime mover metaphysics William Lane Craig arguments for god cosmological proof atheism critique origin of universe creationism theological arguments universe beginning science and religion contingency argument universe cause causal chain Kalam cosmological argument cosmology causality uncaused cause first cause contingency metaphysics necessity infinite regress temporal causation universe origin cosmological proof William Lane Craig creation ex nihilo atheism criticism creator logical absurdity contingency argument philosophical theology causal chain existence of God creation cause universe beginning Big Bang cosmological debate finite past metaphysical necessity existence proof infinite causal chain cosmological reasoning Kalam cosmological argument uncaused cause cosmological argument critiques origins of the universe philosophical arguments for God infinite regress existence of God contingent beings necessary being atheism counterarguments first cause William Lane Craig universe beginning cause and effect philosophy metaphysics of causality logical problems with infinite causal chains creation ex nihilo cosmology and theology arguments against atheism temporal beginning of the universe logic of creation universe causation arguments for God's existence Kalam cosmological argument first cause uncaused cause cosmological argument contingency infinite regress causality William Lane Craig universe creation metaphysics philosophy of religion argument for God existence of God beginning of the universe necessary being contingency argument causal chain creation ex nihilo origin of universe atheism critique logical absurdity creator cosmology Temporal Cause prime mover argument against infinite regress cosmological proof Kalam cosmological argument cosmological argument uncaused cause first cause contingency argument existence of God philosophy of religion William Lane Craig causality argument for God's existence creator of the universe origin of the universe infinite regression atheism vs theism universe beginning philosophical arguments for God metaphysics necessity and contingency cause and effect universe creation explanation Kalam Cosmological Argument causality first cause uncaused cause contingent beings necessary being finite beings infinite regress cosmology universe origin William Lane Craig philosophical theology metaphysics cosmological arguments temporal beginning causation creation ex nihilo atheism critique creationism creator logical necessity universe causation origin of existence beginning of the universe existence of God modal logic philosophy of religion metaphysical necessity argument for God’s existence classical theism Kalam Cosmological Argument cosmological argument first cause uncaused cause contingent beings necessary being causal chain infinite regress universe origin creation of the universe William Lane Craig philosophy of religion atheism critique theism metaphysics existence of God cause and effect universe causation temporal beginning finite universe creator argument logical necessity infinite causal chain universe temporality philosophical cosmology unmoved mover Kalam cosmological argument cosmology causality uncaused cause first cause William Lane Craig creation ex nihilo contingency infinite regress universe origin metaphysics philosophy of religion Big Bang theory atheism critique creator necessary being cosmological arguments existence of God temporal finitude causal chain cosmological proof universe's cause existential causality finite beings logic of causation theological arguments Kalam cosmological argument cosmology causality infinite regress uncaused cause first cause contingency necessity metaphysics William Lane Craig creation ex nihilo universe origin cosmological argument prime mover temporal causation theism atheism philosophical logic argument against infinite past creation causal chain universe cause causal principle space-time existence Big Bang theory contingent beings necessary being theological arguments existential philosophy
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro01a	Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit affordable medication generic drugs drug access Africa healthcare drug pricing pharmaceutical costs income inequality drug affordability generic drug production GDP growth Africa economic inequality drug distribution patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment preventative healthcare drug price comparison Indian generics treatment access mortality reduction preventable disease public health Africa Afrobarometer economic conditions healthcare costs wealth distribution medication accessibility affordable medication generic drugs drug pricing healthcare access Africa pharmaceutical costs income inequality GDP Africa drug patents Glivec price comparison cancer treatment Africa drug affordability drug accessibility preventable diseases generic drug benefits wealth distribution Africa economic barriers healthcare Afrobarometer medication cost reduction Indian generics pharmaceutical market Africa health inequality generic drugs affordable medicine drug access Africa drug pricing pharmaceuticals Africa healthcare inequality wealth distribution Africa patent drugs cost-effective medication disease treatment Africa cancer medication prices Glivec generic healthcare affordability preventable diseases drug production cost economic inequality Afrobarometer healthcare access medicine price reduction treatment availability patented medication Indian generics African GDP public health Africa medicine cost barrier affordable generic drugs Africa access to medication Africa generic drugs price comparison impact of generic drugs on healthcare Africa economic inequality drug access Africa cost-effectiveness generic medication health outcomes generic drugs Africa affordable cancer treatment Africa GDP growth healthcare Africa wealth distribution access to drugs reducing preventable diseases Africa Afrobarometer economic perception patented vs generic drug cost Africa pharmaceutical access Africa healthcare affordability African population affordable drugs generic drugs drug pricing Africa healthcare access economic inequality Africa pharmaceutical patents generic medicine benefits drug cost comparison poverty healthcare Africa Glivec price cancer drug access Africa income distribution Africa Afrobarometer Africa economy essential medicine Africa preventable disease treatment GDP growth Africa healthcare affordability Africa medicine production cost patented medicines Africa drug accessibility Africa average citizen drug access affordable medication generic drug benefits drug pricing Africa access to medicine healthcare inequality wealth distribution Africa generic drugs vs branded pharmaceutical cost reduction cancer treatment Africa Glivec generic price preventable diseases Africa economic barriers healthcare GDP growth Africa Afrobarometer economic survey drug availability Africa healthcare access Africa patent expiration medications Indian generic drugs public health Africa medication affordability Africa pharmaceutical market affordable medication drug pricing generic drugs cost reduction access to medicine Africa healthcare economic inequality GDP growth Africa wealth distribution purchasing power patented drugs Glivec cost cancer treatment India generic drugs medication affordability preventable diseases treatment accessibility healthcare disparities Afrobarometer Africa pharmaceutical industry public health mortality reduction low-income populations healthcare cost drug manufacturing drug accessibility Africa health equity affordable drugs Africa generic drugs Africa drug pricing Africa pharmaceutical access Africa GDP inequality Africa health equity Africa drug affordability impact low-cost medication Africa patented vs generic drugs cancer drug costs Africa Glivec generic alternative healthcare Africa preventable diseases Africa socioeconomic health Africa Afrobarometer drug access economic barriers healthcare Indian generic drugs Africa medication distribution Africa wealth inequality health public health Africa pharmaceutical market Africa affordable medications generic drugs drug pricing access to medicine healthcare affordability pharmaceutical production costs Africa healthcare income inequality GDP distribution economic barriers out-of-pocket expenses patented drugs drug accessibility disease treatment rates preventable diseases healthcare impact medication availability pharmaceutical policy cancer drug costs Indian generics healthcare equity public health drug importation Afrobarometer Africa economic growth health outcomes generic drugs affordable medication drug pricing Africa drug access inequality pharmaceutical patents generic vs branded medicine African healthcare cancer drug costs Glivec pricing healthcare affordability economic inequality Africa drug production costs preventable diseases Africa Afrobarometer economic survey access to essential medicines wealth distribution Africa healthcare accessibility medication cost reduction Africa GDP growth public health Africa
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro01a	Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. atheism agnosticism rationalism skepticism scientific evidence philosophy of religion argument from nonbelief problem of evil wish fulfillment theory psychological explanations of religion religious experience empirical evidence proof of God miracle claims faith and reason cognitive science of religion subjective experience divine hiddenness supernatural claims religious skepticism empirical skepticism god hypothesis belief justification religious epistemology illusions of religion atheism arguments against religion rationalism skepticism evidence for God philosophical naturalism science vs religion wish fulfillment psychology cognitive science of religion miracles debunked religious experiences explained psychological explanations for faith critical thinking religion faith and reason proofs of God absence logical arguments against God secular humanism illusion of religious comfort objective vs subjective religious experience atheism agnosticism skepticism rationalism empiricism evidence for God faith versus reason psychological explanations for religion wish-fulfillment theory Freud religion reported miracles reliability religious experience critique scientific skepticism philosophy of religion arguments against God logical positivism human psychology and religion subjective experience objective reality supernatural claims cognitive biases religion arguments against religious belief rationality of faith evidence for God's existence philosophy of religion psychological basis of religious experience wish-fulfilment and religion religious experiences explained miracles skepticism religious diversity and truth religion vs science atheist perspectives agnostic viewpoints faith and reason critiques of theism famous atheists on religion are miracles real? psychology of belief existence of God debate religion and human psychology proofs for and against God subjectivity in religious experience religion and wish-fulfilment theory atheism agnosticism rationalism empiricism scientific skepticism philosophy of religion arguments against theism evidence for God problem of evil religious experience wish fulfillment Sigmund Freud religion psychological origins of belief miracles skepticism subjective religious experiences divine hiddenness critique of faith naturalism materialism existentialism secular humanism arguments against existence of God evidence for God's existence rationality of religious belief psychological explanations for religion critique of miracles wish fulfillment and religion atheism vs theism debate proof of miracles personal religious experiences philosophy of religion Bertrand Russell on religion Richard Dawkins arguments faith versus reason objective reality and God religious experience psychology science and religion arguments for atheism wish fulfillment theory religion atheism skepticism rationalism empiricism evidence against god arguments for atheism religious psychology cognitive science of religion wish-fulfillment theory Sigmund Freud religion miracles debunked faith versus reason God existence debate religious experience psychological origins of religion Dawkins God Delusion Bertrand Russell religion lack of objective evidence science and religion atheistic worldview confirmation bias religion agnosticism faith criticism critical religion studies logical positivism supernatural claims philosophy of religion religion and rationality evidence for God proof of miracles psychological basis of religion atheism arguments faith versus reason wish fulfillment religion critique of religious experience skepticism about miracles science versus religion subjective religious experiences religious belief psychology logical arguments against God philosophy of religion empirical evidence God divine reality debate irrationality of faith wishful thinking belief arguments for atheism nonexistence of God evidence faith versus reason empirical evidence for God philosophical arguments for God psychological origins of religion wish fulfillment theory critique of miracles religious experiences analysis rationality of faith atheism agnosticism cognitive science of religion theological epistemology subjective versus objective reality argument from evil science versus religion Freud on religion existential meaning and belief social function of religion evolutionary psychology of belief apologetics counterarguments to theism atheism agnosticism faith and reason philosophical skepticism empirical evidence psychological explanation of religion cognitive science of religion argument from evil religious epistemology naturalism secular humanism miracles debunked wish fulfillment theory Sigmund Freud religion Bertrand Russell God Richard Dawkins God Delusion proofs of God's existence science vs religion personal religious experience objective vs subjective reality religious pluralism
test-culture-mthbah-pro01a	There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. advertising overload advertising saturation advertisement exposure advertising fatigue ad clutter intrusive advertising advertising impact advertising pollution media saturation commercialism consumer society advertising influence advertising avoidance public opinion on advertising advertising regulation advertising environments outdoor advertising digital advertising marketing messages unwanted advertising advertising effects psychological impact of advertising resistance to advertising urban advertising advertising pervasiveness advertising ethics advertising annoyance media consumption advertising statistics advertising trends advertising overload ad saturation advertising clutter urban advertisements public space ads commercial messaging consumer exposure advertisement fatigue intrusive advertising digital billboards commercial influence ad avoidance advertising impact marketing ubiquity ad annoyance media commercialization advertising regulation psychological effects of advertising ambient advertising advertising in public spaces advertising ethics forced exposure to ads media consumption advertising resistance advertising overload ad saturation urban advertising advertising impact ad fatigue commercialism media bombardment advertising intrusion public space advertising ad avoidance psychological effects of advertising advertising regulation digital advertising billboard proliferation advertising clutter consumer privacy marketing saturation advertising ethics ad pollution advertising nuisance targeted advertising visual pollution advertising resistance excessive marketing advertising annoyance effects of advertising overload psychological impact of constant advertising advertising in public spaces advertising and mental health advertising saturation statistics regulation of advertising in cities public opinion on advertising advertising clutter effects visual pollution from advertisements personal privacy and advertising reducing advertising in daily life alternatives to intrusive advertising advertising fatigue advertising in media consumption social consequences of advertising restricting advertising exposure advertising-free zones impact of advertising on children digital advertising saturation advertisement avoidance behavior advertising overload advertisement saturation urban advertising advertising psychology ad fatigue public space commercials consumerism intrusive marketing advertising impact advertising ethics marketing influence anti-advertising movement brand exposure digital advertising ad avoidance media consumption advertising statistics billboard proliferation sensory overload out-of-home advertising ambient advertising advertising and mental health commercial clutter advertising regulation advertising criticism effects of advertising overload impact of excessive advertisements psychological impact of ads advertising saturation society public attitudes towards advertisements regulation of advertising advertising and mental health visual pollution advertisements urban advertising exposure reducing advertisement exposure advertising fatigue consumer resistance to advertising negative effects of commercials advertising in public spaces advertising-free zones advertising ethics media consumption and ads advertising clutter intrusive marketing advertising and daily life strategies to avoid ads advertising and quality of life critique of advertising culture advertising overload ad saturation media exposure urban advertising advertising pollution commercial clutter marketing bombardment public space ads consumer fatigue digital advertisements outdoor advertising advertising impact ad avoidance marketing intrusion advertising regulation advertising psychology societal effects screen time ads advertisement statistics intrusive advertising advertising ethics public perception advertising backlash advertising fatigue marketing density city life ads advertising overload ad fatigue ad saturation advertising impact urban advertising advertising statistics digital advertising ad avoidance advertising psychology advertising ethics public opinion advertising advertising annoyance city advertising exposure advertising effects advertising and society media advertising advertising clutter marketing saturation advertising influence advertising resistance commercial intrusion advertisement proliferation reducing ad exposure ad blocking advertising research consumer perception advertising advertising criticism advertising regulation advertising overload advertising saturation urban environment advertisements consumer exposure advertising impact media influence digital advertising public spaces psychological effects of ads ad fatigue intrusive advertising advertising regulation commercialism advertisement statistics sensory overload public opinion advertising media consumption advertising ethics advertising avoidance advertising saturation ad overload advertising impact psychological effects of advertising urban advertising intrusive ads advertising regulation advertising fatigue consumer attitudes ad avoidance public space advertising advertising ethics mental health and advertising digital advertising billboard proliferation visual pollution advertising clutter media consumption advertising resistance targeted advertising
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro01a	There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. evolution intelligent design creationism scientific consensus science education evolution controversy Dr. Michael Behe evolutionary theory alternative theories court cases education policy scientific disagreement public debate peer review scientific majority dissent in science biology curriculum teaching controversy origins of life scientific method intelligent design creationism creation-evolution debate scientific dissent antievolution arguments science education controversy teaching evolution alternative theories of origins academic freedom criticism of Darwinism evolution vs creationism scientific controversy biological origins debate evolution court cases Kitzmiller v. Dover Scopes Trial Michael Behe arguments irreducible complexity faith and science science curriculum controversy public school science standards scientific consensus alternative science perspectives intelligent design creationism evolution scientific debate teaching controversy biology curriculum origins of life scientific consensus anti-evolution Michael Behe court cases on evolution science education evolution vs. creationism educational policy academic freedom dissent in science alternative theories biology textbooks public school science evolutionary theory criticism evolution vs creationism debate teaching intelligent design in schools scientific dissent regarding evolution alternative theories of life origin Michael Behe criticism of evolution court cases about evolution education scientific community disagreement evolution evolution controversy in education pro and con arguments evolution teaching presenting both sides evolution controversies in science curriculum evolution legal disputes public debates on evolution science education policy controversies balancing evolution and alternative theories evolution education global perspectives evolution consensus among scientists teaching evolution controversy to children educational standards evolution arguments against exclusive evolution teaching evolution intelligent design creationism scientific controversy science education Michael Behe evolution debate teaching evolution Darwinism dissent in science evolution court cases educational curriculum evolution theory anti-evolution scientific consensus academic freedom controversy in schools alternative theories biology education scientific disagreement legal battles over evolution public education evolution vs. creationism scientific minority teaching controversy classroom debate evolution controversy origin of life debate intelligent design vs evolution teaching evolution in schools creationism in education scientific dissent on evolution Michael Behe criticism flaws in evolutionary theory evolution court cases scientific consensus evolution alternative theories to evolution evolution in public education controversy in science teaching arguments against evolution evolution debates science curriculum controversy academic freedom evolution Linder Doug evolution controversy evolution vs intelligent design scientific disagreement evolution origin of life development of life evolution creationism intelligent design scientific controversy biology education Michael Behe evolution debate scientific dissent court cases evolution evolution legal battles televised evolution debates scientific consensus evolution criticism school curriculum teaching evolution teaching controversies science education policy alternative theories anti-evolution evidence for evolution evolution vs creationism public understanding of science Linder Doug evolution controversy sources origin of life debate evolution controversy teaching evolution in schools intelligent design creationism scientific dissent evolution Michael Behe criticism flaws in evolution theory science education controversy scientific consensus evolution court cases evolution evolution legal battles televised evolution debates evolution vs creationism alternative theories origin life academic freedom science scientific community disagreements science curriculum controversies indoctrination in education both sides evolution controversy teaching intelligent design notable scientists evolution evolution education policy controversies in science textbooks origin of life evolution controversy creationism intelligent design Michael Behe scientific debate scientific consensus evolution criticism court cases evolution anti-evolution movements evolutionary theory biology education science curriculum teaching controversy scientific dissent education policy legal battles evolution scientific community disagreement books on evolution televised evolution debates intelligent design creationism evolution debate scientific dissent science education origins of life evolution criticism Michael Behe academic freedom teaching controversy court cases evolution science curriculum alternative theories scientific consensus biology education evolution evidence textbook controversies biology standards Dover trial education policy
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro02a	Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 public sector wages collective bargaining effects government salary premium public vs private sector pay union negotiations wage inflation resource allocation inefficiency public sector unions salary disparities political pressures labor costs government budget impact employment migration innovation stagnation labor market dynamics public employee compensation fiscal sustainability wage-setting mechanisms salary benchmarking union power cost effectiveness public perception private sector comparison employee retention public finance collective bargaining public sector pay pay disparity wage premium government employee salaries public vs private sector wages resource allocation labor unions salary negotiation public sector unions wage inflation compensation differences public sector overpayment cost effectiveness government labor negotiations public opinion impact workforce migration innovation stagnation union influence political credibility salary comparison economic consequences workforce distribution public sector inefficiency public sector wages collective bargaining impact wage differentials salary premium government compensation union negotiations public vs private sector pay resource allocation labor unions public employee benefits wage inflation compensation disparities workforce mobility public sector efficiency risk aversion innovation in government union power salary negotiation public service motivation private sector comparison public sector pay disparity collective bargaining and salary inflation public versus private sector wages government wage negotiation challenges impact of unions on public sector pay public sector salary premium resource waste in public administration compensation differences public vs private sector union influence on government pay scales political implications of public sector salaries cost effectiveness in public service wages labor negotiations in Western democracies worker migration from private to public sector innovation loss due to public sector overcompensation risk aversion in public sector employment policy solutions for public sector pay crises economic effects of collective bargaining in public sector public sector overpayment debate salary negotiation strategies collective bargaining public sector pay wage premium salary comparison public vs private sector overpaid government workers public sector unions labor negotiations pay disparity Western liberal democracies public sector inefficiency resource allocation worker migration innovation drain government payroll union influence wage inflation political pressures public opinion impact private sector competitiveness public employee compensation fiscal responsibility salary negotiation strategies governmental decision-making cost effectiveness in public sector public sector wage premium collective bargaining and public sector pay public vs private sector salaries overpaid government employees impact of unions on public sector wages salary disparities public vs private sector resource waste in government pay salary negotiation in public sector union influence on public wages public sector labor unions pay crises in government jobs collective bargaining effects on salaries salary inflation government employees political pressures in public pay negotiations public sector vs private sector innovation worker migration public to private sector economic impact of public sector overpayment public accountability and wage determination efficiency of public resource allocation salary reforms in public sector collective bargaining public sector wages public sector pay premium salary disparities wage comparison government employee compensation union negotiations public vs private sector salary inflation resource allocation fiscal impact taxpayer burden labor unions wage negotiation political pressure cost effectiveness public opinion influence workforce migration innovation stagnation private sector brain drain government budget wage policy economic efficiency public finance labor economics compensation structures employment benefits union power public service salaries collective bargaining public sector pay wage disparity public vs private sector salaries government employee compensation public sector unions public sector wage premium salary negotiation government public sector resource allocation union influence government wages public sector compensation crisis pay gap public private collective bargaining impact public sector overpayment labor unions and government salary inflation public employees political influence on wages union wage negotiations public sector workforce migration public sector vs private sector innovation public sector employment trends public opinion and public pay cost-effectiveness government wages government salary policy taxpayer burden public sector public sector job market wage growth government collective bargaining public sector pay salary premium wage disparity government wage negotiation union influence private sector comparison resource allocation public sector unions labor market distortion fiscal policy pay equity wage inflation public opinion impact labor relations risk aversion innovation drain workforce migration compensation analysis public vs private wages public sector wages collective bargaining effects wage disparities public vs private sector union negotiations government salary premium labor unions public sector overpayment resource allocation political influence in wage setting wage inflation workforce migration risk aversion innovation impact salary negotiation dynamics public sector efficiency taxpayer burden compensation comparison salary structure public opinion influence
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro02a	The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. problem of evil theodicy divine omnipotence divine benevolence existence of God suffering and faith innocent suffering religious skepticism free will defense moral evil natural evil philosophical theology atheism divine hiddenness purpose of suffering God and morality evil and suffering faith and doubt providence existential suffering problem of evil theodicy divine omnipotence divine benevolence innocent suffering philosophical theology religious skepticism existence of God moral evil natural evil free will defense logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil suffering in religion God and suffering atheism arguments against God faith and suffering epicurean paradox purpose of suffering Christian responses to suffering evil and God’s goodness omniscience omnipotence moral justification of suffering theodicy problem of evil innocent suffering divine omnipotence divine benevolence existence of God atheism agnosticism free will defense moral evil natural evil religious skepticism suffering and faith God's justice divine hiddenness philosophical theology human suffering and God suffering and religion Epicurus' paradox faith and doubt problem of evil why does God allow suffering innocent suffering and God philosophical problem of pain theodicy explanations is God omnipotent and benevolent arguments against God's existence moral evil and natural evil purpose of suffering in religion free will defense and suffering God's reasons for pain atheism and suffering critique of divine goodness suffering in theology religious response to evil existential problem of suffering faith and evil in the world human suffering and belief in God compassion and divine justice historical perspectives on evil suffering in world religions theodicy problem of evil moral evil natural evil free will defense omnipotence paradox divine benevolence logical problem of evil evidential problem of evil suffering and faith atheism divine hiddenness innocent suffering God’s justice religion and suffering existentialism human suffering in theology skeptical theism soul-making theodicy philosophical theology evil and God omniscience omnibenevolence divine providence pain and faith problem of evil theodicy suffering and God divine justice God and evil innocent suffering why does God allow suffering philosophical theology existence of God and evil reasons for suffering atheism and suffering belief in God despite suffering moral evil natural evil faith and suffering God's goodness omnipotence and suffering is God benevolent religion and pain arguments against God free will and suffering problem of evil theodicy divine omnipotence divine benevolence God and suffering innocent suffering moral evil natural evil existence of God atheism faith and doubt religious skepticism free will defense suffering and God's love philosophical theology suffering in religion Epicurean paradox evil and omniscience divine providence human suffering God's justice problem of evil theodicy suffering and God philosophical theology divine omnipotence divine goodness innocent suffering moral evil natural evil why does God allow suffering argument from evil free will defense God and suffering existence of God atheism and suffering skepticism and religion faith and suffering religious skepticism evil and omnibenevolence pain and belief theology of suffering problem of evil theodicy suffering and God divine omnipotence divine benevolence innocent suffering philosophical theology atheism existence of God free will defense moral evil natural evil religious skepticism faith and doubt Epicurus' paradox suffering in religion God and evil responses to theodicy compassion and empathy divine plan purpose of suffering evil and morality religious philosophy argument from evil theodicy problem of evil suffering and God innocent suffering divine omnipotence divine benevolence existence of God atheism agnosticism moral evil natural evil free will defense religious philosophy philosophical theology God's justice faith and doubt arguments against God suffering in religion evil and suffering pain and divinity
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con04a	"Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" trial by jury jury limitations due process rule of law absolute legal rules judicial discretion government overreach evidentiary exclusion illegal evidence legal precedent safeguards fallibility judicial abuse constitutional rights legal protections slippery slope rule consequentialism justice system legal exceptions civil liberties procedural justice legal fairness power misuse legal safeguards court authority trial by jury jury rights jury limitations jury system legal precedent rule of law absolute legal rules evidence exclusion illegal evidence government authority judicial fallibility miscarriage of justice human fallibility judicial precedent legal safeguards rule consequentialism Brad Hooker civil liberties constitutional rights corruption prevention judicial misuse due process rights erosion legal exceptions legal philosophy legal ethics trial by jury judicial precedent jury rights due process absolute rules legal safeguards government power legal precedent evidence exclusion constitutional rights rule consequentialism legal ethics government abuse judicial discretion criminal justice civil liberties procedural justice precedent misuse legal protections rule of law unjustified cases expansion phrases limits on jury trials historical abuses of jury removal trial by jury precedent fallibility of government rule-based justice absolute legal protections slippery slope jury rights illegal evidence exclusion trust in legal safeguards consequences of limiting jury trials corruption and jury rights checks on judicial power analogies to evidence rules government misuse of legal authority abuse of precedent in law justifications for jury trial exceptions to jury trials safeguarding defendant rights impact of jury limitations protecting rule of law rule consequentialism and jury rights dangers of partial jury removal jury trial in criminal justice implications for future trial by jury legal precedent slippery slope government authority judicial fallibility rule consequentialism absolute legal rules exclusionary rule illegal evidence criminal justice judicial abuse civil liberties precedent setting jury right erosion legal safeguards due process government overreach corruption risk evidence admissibility justice system integrity constitutional rights trial by jury limits jury trial precedent rule consequentialism absolute legal rules fallibility of humans illegal evidence exclusion government abuse of power judicial safeguards slippery slope justice civil liberties erosion precedent risk due process protections jury removal consequences legal system integrity corrupt government risk justified vs unjustified exceptions democratic legal principles trial by jury jury rights jury removal precedent judicial fairness due process fallibility government overreach legal safeguards absolute rules exclusionary rule illegally obtained evidence miscarriage of justice legal precedent slippery slope constitutional rights checks and balances rule consequentialism judicial abuse judicial discretion separation of powers civil liberties human error fairness in trial anti-corruption criminal procedure legal ethics rule of law adversarial system legal systems trial by jury jury rights legal precedent judicial safeguards rule of law government overreach legal absolutism judicial fallibility civil liberties legal protections abuse of power procedural justice constitutional rights evidence exclusion illegal evidence corrupt government slippery slope legal philosophy ""Rule Consequentialism"" Brad Hooker criminal justice reform precedential erosion unjust laws due process fair trial jury trial rights rule of law judicial precedent legal safeguards government overreach absolute legal rules fallibility judicial discretion exclusionary rule illegal evidence civil liberties due process constitutional protections power abuse legal integrity rights erosion corrupt governments legal system trust legal fairness procedural justice slippery slope arbitrary authority misuse of power legal precedent dangers trial by jury jury limitation legal precedent judicial fairness absolute rules human fallibility government authority rule consequentialism illegal evidence judicial misuse civil liberties jury removal legal safeguards corruption risk legal philosophy justice system constitutional rights due process legal protections abuse of power"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro04a	Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. money laundering organized crime mafia illicit funds criminal networks international crime financial crime cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity theft sports corruption match fixing bribery sporting fraud illegal betting anonymous transactions unregulated gambling law enforcement challenges regulatory loopholes transnational crime bank fraud drug trafficking forced labor prostitution criminal proceeds crime syndicates online casinos digital currency financial anonymity criminal infiltration money laundering transnational crime organized crime cybercrime illegal betting criminal networks financial crime sports corruption match fixing bribery identity theft online fraud cyber extortion mafia activities regulatory loopholes unregulated gambling international law enforcement criminal financing law evasion criminal proceeds dark web gambling illegal transactions online betting risks criminal infiltration corruption in sports money laundering organized crime illegal betting cybercrime sports corruption match fixing transnational crime criminal syndicates Mafia involvement online casinos financial crime regulatory evasion international gambling bribery extortion identity theft phishing hacking unregulated gambling criminal networks sports bribery betting fraud cryptocurrency gambling dark web gambling law enforcement anti-money laundering gambling legislation crime prevention black market drug trafficking online gambling money laundering online gambling and organized crime online gambling mafia involvement online gambling and human trafficking online gambling and drugs online gambling criminal activities online gambling corruption in sport online gambling hacking and phishing online gambling and identity fraud online gambling and extortion online gambling tracking illegal funds online gambling international crime online gambling law enforcement online gambling and sports bribery online gambling criminal networks online gambling regulatory challenges online gambling and international legal loopholes impact of online gambling on crime rates online gambling and match fixing online gambling and illicit financial flows online gambling and social harm online gambling crime money laundering mafia human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking international crime cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity fraud illegal betting corruption in sport sports bribery sports threats transnational crime financial crimes organized crime criminal networks law enforcement regulatory challenges anti-money laundering gambling legislation sports integrity match fixing criminal cash flow criminal financing digital anonymity cross-border crime money laundering organized crime cybercrime identity theft sports corruption match fixing illegal betting mafia involvement cross-border crime online fraud criminal syndicates unregulated gambling transnational crime internet gambling risks law enforcement challenges criminal proceeds international money flow fraud schemes digital extortion phishing scams online gambling crime money laundering human trafficking forced prostitution drug money mafia criminal organizations illegal funds international transactions legal loopholes financial crime cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sports betting match fixing bribery criminal networks law enforcement challenges transnational crime underground economy criminal cash sports corruption gambling regulation anti-money laundering criminal activity online casinos online gambling crime mafia money laundering human trafficking forced prostitution drug money criminal cash circulation online gambling regulation international crime cross-border crime hacking online gambling phishing extortion identity fraud online gambling security corruption in sports sports betting crime betting scandals match fixing illegal gambling networks cybercrime online gambling risks criminal organizations unregulated gambling money laundering prevention money laundering organized crime cybercrime sports corruption mafia illegal betting criminal networks transnational crime unregulated gambling anti-money laundering regulatory challenges online casinos anonymity financial crime bribery match fixing extortion schemes identity theft law enforcement international jurisdiction financial regulation underground economy dark web gambling gambling legislation crime syndicates money laundering organized crime cybercrime illegal online gambling sports corruption bribery in sports match fixing financial crime criminal proceeds mafia activities international crime networks regulatory challenges online betting risks digital fraud cross-border law enforcement cyber extortion identity theft phishing scams criminal infiltration transnational crime dirty money betting manipulation gambling regulation underground economy anti-money laundering crime prevention
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro01a	The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power Africa electricity access renewable energy Africa Sub-Saharan Africa energy electricity gap Africa World Bank electricity Africa energy poverty Africa economic impact electricity societal impact electricity hospital services electricity business electricity Africa electricity infrastructure African energy projects hydro projects Africa electricity production Africa energy investment Africa electricity deprivation affordable energy Africa large-scale hydropower Africa electricity supply Sub-Saharan Africa African development energy Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power renewable energy Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa energy poverty African infrastructure World Bank electricity sub-Saharan electrification impact of electricity on economy human rights electricity Africa rural electrification Africa Africa energy gap South Africa-DRC energy pact energy and development Africa modern energy services Africa sustainable energy Africa energy investment Africa electricity for hospitals Africa energy for schools Africa economic growth electricity Africa reliable power Africa energy policy Africa Grand Inga dam hydroelectric power Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access energy poverty renewable energy African infrastructure World Bank power generation economic development human rights rural electrification sustainable energy electricity gap energy investment societal impact energy production access to healthcare affordable electricity clean energy electricity for schools African energy projects environmental impact energy policy Africa international development mega dams Africa energy security electricity distribution Sub-Saharan development regional power grid Africa electrification initiatives Grand Inga Dam electricity impact Sub-Saharan Africa energy deficit renewable energy Africa projects African electricity access solutions socioeconomic benefits of electrification Africa World Bank electricity access Africa hydropower development Africa energy poverty Sub-Saharan Africa consequences of lack of electricity Africa large-scale renewable energy Africa Grand Inga Dam project benefits human rights and electricity Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth linked to electricity Africa infrastructure investment energy Africa affordable electricity Africa energy and education Sub-Saharan Africa barriers to electricity access Africa electrification and healthcare Africa industrial development African renewable energy future hydroelectric projects Africa Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access Africa energy infrastructure renewable energy Africa World Bank electricity statistics electricity gap Africa human rights electricity socio-economic impact electricity Africa energy poverty large-scale hydro projects Africa affordable electricity Africa rural electrification Africa economic development Africa sustainable energy Africa electrification sub-Saharan Africa energy production investment Africa electricity access consequences Grand Inga benefits Africa electricity distribution electricity for development electricity access Africa Sub Saharan Africa energy Grand Inga Dam renewable energy Africa hydroelectric power Africa African electricity gap energy poverty Africa impact of electricity on human rights World Bank Africa electricity economic effects electricity Africa electrification Sub Saharan Africa infrastructure development Africa African power projects energy investment Africa electricity for hospitals Africa refrigeration electricity Africa education electricity Africa energy production Africa affordable energy Africa large-scale hydro projects Africa Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access energy poverty World Bank renewable energy African infrastructure economic development human rights energy gap rural electrification energy investment modern hospitals refrigeration business productivity children education energy deprivation affordable electricity sustainable energy mega-dam projects energy policy electrification rate energy inequality power grid social impact healthcare access African economy energy generation international development energy deficit African Union environmental impact Inga Falls DRC energy projects transnational electricity power supply energy security developmental challenges Grand Inga Dam Africa hydropower Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access renewable energy Africa energy poverty Africa World Bank electricity Africa electricity gap Africa African infrastructure African energy projects economic impact electricity Africa human rights electricity hospital electricity Africa refrigeration Africa education electricity Africa affordable energy Africa green energy Africa Congo River dam continental electricity supply Africa megaprojects Africa power production Africa sustainable energy initiatives Africa electrification Africa energy investment Africa energy development Africa African utilities cross-border electricity Africa electricity expansion Africa hydroelectric energy Africa Inga project social impact Grand Inga Dam hydroelectric power Africa Sub-Saharan electricity access energy poverty Africa renewable energy Africa World Bank Africa electricity impact of electricity on development infrastructure investment Africa electrification rates Sub-Saharan Africa Africa economic growth energy human rights electricity Africa energy gap solutions sustainable development Africa Grand Inga project impact affordable electricity Africa hospital electricity supply education electricity access Africa grid expansion Africa business productivity Africa electricity South Africa DRC energy partnership Yale Environment hydro Africa hydroelectric power renewable energy electricity access Sub Saharan Africa Grand Inga dam energy poverty infrastructure development economic growth human rights healthcare access refrigeration education World Bank energy investment electrification projects African energy grid sustainable development power generation electricity gap rural electrification poverty reduction
test-international-miasimyhw-con02a	Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa urban migration migrant livelihoods informal employment youth unemployment economic growth urban poverty informal sector employment insecurity urban economies precarious work labour market rural-urban migration job scarcity minimum wage urban development slums urban informality sexual exploitation vulnerable populations social impacts urban inequality economic informality labour policy urban challenges urbanisation industrialisation Sub-Saharan Africa youth unemployment informal employment urban migration economic growth labor market migrant livelihoods precarious employment urban economy African cities employment security minimum wage sexual politics informal sector job opportunities urban poverty rural-urban migration working conditions vulnerable workers social protection economic inequality demographic trends job scarcity urbanisation challenges African development urban workforce labour informality Potts 2012 Zuehlke 2009 urban migration informal employment Sub-Saharan Africa youth unemployment precarious livelihoods informal sector economic growth urban poverty job scarcity industrial development labor market urban economics insecure employment migrant labor employment security informal economy minimum wage barriers urban challenges sexual exploitation economic disparity urbanisation trends social vulnerability livelihood strategies rural-urban migration African cities non-industrial urbanisation underemployment urbanisation and informal economy urbanisation without industrialisation Africa migrant livelihoods Sub-Saharan Africa youth unemployment Africa informal employment challenges precarious work Africa economic growth and urbanisation Africa urban migration job opportunities urban poverty Africa informal sector and employment security sexual politics urban Africa barriers to formal employment migrants youth idleness Africa social consequences urbanisation minimum wage enforcement informal sector economic policies urban Africa migrants adaptation strategies informal sector growth Africa Potts 2012 urbanisation Zuehlke 2009 migration urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa urban economics youth unemployment migrant livelihoods informal employment job insecurity economic growth urban poverty urban migration precarious work sexual politics informal sector labor market employment barriers minimum wage employment security rural-urban migration city growth urban policy industrial policy social inequality population movements economic opportunities urban informal sector social risks employment trends Potts 2012 Zuehlke 2009 urbanisation without industrialisation African migration precarious livelihoods informal employment Africa youth unemployment Africa economic growth urban Africa urban informal sector dangers of migration Africa rural-urban migration Africa urban job scarcity sexual exploitation migrants urban economic challenges minimum wage enforcement Africa migrant employment insecurity Sub-Saharan Africa urbanisation Potts 2012 urbanisation Zuehlke 2009 migration urban poverty Africa industrial development Africa urban labour market Africa urbanisation industrialisation informal economy African migration Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban labor market youth unemployment precarious work informal employment job insecurity unsafe livelihoods urban poverty migrant workers labor informality city economies employment barriers minimum wage social protection urban youth economic disparity urban policy job creation rural-urban migration urban development slum livelihoods unregulated work gender dynamics urban precarity labor market mismatch employment vulnerability sexual exploitation economic marginalization city migration Sub-Saharan migrants urban inequality urbanisation industrialisation Sub-Saharan Africa migrant livelihoods informal employment youth unemployment urban economy economic growth urban migration precarious work employment insecurity sexual politics job scarcity informal sector minimum wage urban challenges urban youth labor market Africa migration dangerous livelihoods employment barriers urbanisation trends urban poverty economic disparity urban employment informal jobs labor informality African cities job opportunities rural-urban migration urbanisation industrialisation Sub-Saharan Africa rural-urban migration informal employment youth unemployment economic growth urban poverty precarious livelihoods insecure jobs migrant labor informal sector urban economy job scarcity labor market employment security minimum wage urban challenges urban informal sector gender dynamics sexual politics urban development social protection labor informality livelihood strategies economic disparity African cities Potts 2012 Zuehlke 2009 informal sector urban poverty African migration precarious employment youth unemployment urban job creation informal economy slum livelihoods rural-urban migration economic informality urban livelihood strategies urban labor markets employment vulnerability street vendors underemployment urban inequality social exclusion urban policy Africa urban governance labor rights migration challenges gendered labor urban safety nets sustainable urbanization informal settlements poverty alleviation public policy employment generation urban resilience industrial policy Africa
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro03a	The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. Israel airport security profiling effectiveness airline safety El Al security terrorism prevention passenger profiling airport screening targeted security privacy and security counter-terrorism measures risk-based assessment hostile intent detection airport passenger checks aviation security Israeli security model security best practices international terrorism US UK airport security air travel safety anti-hijacking measures Israel airport security behavioral profiling El Al airlines counter-terrorism strategies airport screening methods targeted security checks passenger risk assessment aviation security effectiveness privacy vs security terrorist threat mitigation Israeli security model transportation security airport safety protocols intelligence-led screening US and UK airport security best practices in profiling invasive security measures comparative security policies hostile intent detection security success factors airport security passenger profiling behavioral detection counterterrorism risk assessment El Al aviation safety Israel security methods threat identification targeted screening terrorism prevention airport checkpoints luggage inspection privacy vs security terrorist profiling American airport security UK airport security security protocols hostile intent detection Israeli airport procedures Israel airport security methods Israeli profiling effectiveness airport profiling case studies profiling in global counterterrorism El Al security practices privacy vs security in airports lessons from Israeli security effectiveness of behavioral profiling Israeli counter-terrorism techniques US and UK airport security models profiling ethical implications alternative to mass surveillance success rates of Israeli airport security airport threat detection strategies best practices in aviation security Israel airport security profiling effectiveness security screening aviation security passenger profiling El Al security methods hostile intent detection counterterrorism measures privacy and security airport threat mitigation targeted screening US UK airport security security best practices terrorism prevention intelligence-led security risk assessment invasive screening alternatives human behavioral profiling security innovations Israeli counterterrorism airport security profiling effectiveness Israeli profiling methods El Al security anti-terrorism strategies privacy and security balance airport passenger screening security best practices aviation terrorism prevention Israel airport security model profiling vs random checks terrorism deterrence hostile intent detection US and UK security measures passenger risk assessment security policy comparison Israel airport security behavioral profiling passenger screening El Al security measures counter-terrorism aviation security risk assessment racial profiling targeted screening airport security effectiveness security checkpoints hostile intent detection terrorist prevention privacy vs security security best practices US airport security UK airport security security policy comparison Israeli security doctrine transportation security threat identification security innovation passenger risk factors anti-hijacking strategies deterrence measures airport security behavioral profiling counterterrorism methods Israeli security model El Al airlines passenger screening terrorism prevention aviation security racial profiling debate security effectiveness privacy concerns US airport security UK airport security targeted security measures hostile intent detection security best practices intelligence-led screening transportation security global security threats anti-terrorism strategies Israel airport security profiling effectiveness aviation security counterterrorism methods El Al safety record privacy and security balance passenger screening hostile intent detection security best practices Israeli security model terrorism prevention US UK airport security security protocols targeted screening security innovation civil liberties and profiling risk-based security airport security behavioral profiling Israeli security methods counter-terrorism El Al safety ethnic profiling risk assessment aviation threats passenger screening intelligence gathering privacy concerns aviation security protocols terrorism prevention travel safety security effectiveness international best practices
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro03a	Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions taxpayer representation union negotiations stakeholder involvement political influence government oversight public accountability electorate mandate voter blocs union power public funds taxpayer interests political pressure unionized workforce public spending government unions union rights policy decisions electoral consequences democratic governance collective agreements fiscal responsibility public sector bargaining public sector unions collective bargaining rights democracy and unions public vs private unions union negotiation power democratic accountability stakeholders in collective bargaining union political influence taxpayer representation union voting bloc government union negotiations public interest in bargaining government accountability union impact on democracy union influence on politicians public spending and unions union power in public sector unionization of government workers mandate of electorate taxpayer consent union bargaining consequences union control over politics public sector unions taxpayer representation democratic accountability union influence voter blocs government negotiations political pressure public interest electoral mandate political influence union power public spending control stakeholder involvement unionization impact political lobbying public accountability government employees fiscal responsibility collective bargaining reforms policy transparency collective bargaining public sector implications union influence in democratic governance taxpayer representation in union negotiations political power of public sector unions conflicts of interest public unions and politicians stakeholder exclusion in public sector bargaining private versus public sector union comparison voter bloc power unions elections democratic accountability in union contracts government mandate and union negotiation consistency taxpayer consent collective bargaining undermining public input union deals union bargaining and public accountability effects of union voting blocs on policy public sector union rights controversy fiscal transparency collective bargaining electorate versus union interests government decision making union influence collective bargaining public trust public union negotiations democratic legitimacy collective bargaining public sector unions democratic process taxpayer representation union influence political accountability public interest voter blocs union power government negotiations unionized workforce private vs public sector bargaining public spending union voting power tax allocation electoral mandate union political leverage stakeholder involvement union negotiations democratic accountability government-union relations labor rights collective bargaining drawbacks union impact on policy union and politics collective bargaining and democracy public sector unions union influence in politics taxpayer representation democratic accountability and unions union voting power public sector wage negotiations collective bargaining rights public vs private unions undermining public interest government union negotiations union political influence public accountability in union deals stakeholder involvement in union bargaining public finance and unions electoral mandate and union power union lobbying government collective bargaining disadvantages democracy union blocks in elections union influence policy-making transparency in union negotiations collective bargaining democracy public sector unions democratic process taxpayer benefits union power negotiation electorate mandate politicized negotiations government officials voter influence public accountability public sector stakeholders taxpayer representation union voting bloc political leverage government spending public expenditure union rights negotiation transparency union influence public oversight labor relations public employee unions fiscal responsibility collective agreements unionized workforce political pressure government-union relations representation disparity collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions union influence government negotiations taxpayer representation voter blocs union voting power public accountability union politicization public sector labor relations government bargaining mandates public employee unions public stakeholder involvement union impact on democracy union power in politics union negotiation transparency taxpayer interests public union accountability collective bargaining criticism union electoral influence union negotiations and democracy government-union relations public spending control union political leverage public sector accountability policy decision-making union effect on governance public interest vs. union interests union sway over politicians public sector unions democratic accountability taxpayer representation political influence union power voter blocs government negotiations public interest accountability in bargaining government unions political pressure electoral mandate transparency in negotiations stakeholder involvement union voting power public spending control union influence in politics public accountability collective bargaining impact taxpayer consent public sector unions union influence democratic accountability taxpayer representation union power government negotiations political influence public interest electoral mandate union voting blocs collective bargaining limitations government transparency stakeholder involvement union political leverage public spending control union democracy conflict union negotiations oversight politicization of unions labor relations union contract transparency union-government relations taxpayer rights accountability in public unions public sector labor laws influence of unions on policy public accountability union vs taxpayer interests government-union bargaining dynamics
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro03a	The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 atheism naturalism scientific explanation universe origins cosmology evolution Galileo Darwin natural laws god-of-the-gaps closed natural order neuroscience soul mind-brain identity consciousness brain activity life after death religious belief materialism spirituality and science Bonhoeffer Richard H. Bube theism vs atheism supernatural explanation empirical evidence creation vs evolution secular worldview philosophy of science God hypothesis unnecessary God science and religion atheism naturalism Galileo Darwin evolution universe creation natural mechanisms supernatural being closed natural order natural laws brain science neuroscience soul nonexistence materialism consciousness mind-brain problem life after death immortality religious belief Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Richard H Bube scientific worldview naturalism scientific explanation cosmology neuroscience materialism brain function consciousness atheism God-of-the-gaps natural laws evolution universe origin life after death soul secular worldview natural order creation religion and science Bonhoeffer Richard H Bube Galileo Darwin supernatural philosophical naturalism science vs religion reductionism mind-brain identity existentialism God hypothesis criticism science vs religion Galileo and religion Darwin and evolution natural mechanisms universe supernatural being unnecessary comprehensive scientific worldview nature governed laws gaps in science God God-of-the-gaps argument neuroscience and soul brain activity and consciousness denial of life after death scientific view afterlife evolution and theism Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps religion and scientific progress philosophy of science and God atheism scientific argument materialism brain mind natural order universe empirical worldview religion death and consciousness science God hypothesis unnecessary science universe supernatural being natural mechanisms Galileo Darwin creation evolution natural laws closed natural order brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Richard H. Bube Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis critique arguments against God’s existence science versus religion naturalism in science god-of-the-gaps argument neuroscience and soul no evidence for afterlife science disproves supernatural Galileo and religion Darwin and evolution natural laws and universe religion and brain science Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps materialism and consciousness atheism scientific basis closed natural order Bube Man Come of Age summary evidence against soul philosophy of science and religion Richard H Bube article God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin creation evolution natural mechanisms scientific discovery natural laws closed natural order neuroscience brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief God-of-the-gaps Bonhoeffer Richard H. Bube theology atheism naturalism materialism cognitive science consciousness philosophy of mind theism skepticism empirical evidence scientific worldview God hypothesis unnecessary God science and religion naturalism atheism scientific worldview evolution and creation Galileo science religion Darwin religion brain science and soul mind brain correlation neuroscience soul natural laws universe closed natural order God-of-the-gaps Bonhoeffer God Richard H Bube life after death evidence religion vs science supernatural belief religious tenets cosmology without God scientific explanation universe materialism empiricism science disproves God brain activity and consciousness God hypothesis atheism naturalism science and religion Galileo Darwin universe creation evolution natural mechanisms supernatural being natural laws neuroscience soul brain activity consciousness life after death religious belief God-of-the-gaps Bonhoeffer Richard H Bube theological science materialism secular worldview cosmology scientific explanation religion critique philosophical naturalism naturalism materialism scientific naturalism atheism philosophical materialism reductionism cosmology neuroscience consciousness mind-brain identity theory evolution evolutionary biology abiogenesis law of nature determinism empirical evidence methodological naturalism god-of-the-gaps Bonhoeffer Galileo Darwin religious belief life after death soul brain science afterlife skepticism
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency leadership crisis response survival medical emergencies prompt treatment underlying medical conditions healthcare communication emergency preparedness advance notice medical protocols risk management hospital procedures presidential health death prevention information sharing transparency in governance incident reporting timely intervention emergency services patient identification leadership vulnerability Mills death case medical disclosure healthcare transparency administrative procedures decision-making public awareness crisis management medical confidentiality healthcare leadership transparency leadership emergency response crisis management underlying health conditions medical history disclosure prompt medical treatment presidential health emergency preparedness hospital protocols communication failures public officials' health decision-making delays ambulance response advance notice Mills death Ghana presidency medical transparency healthcare procedures patient identification executive protection leadership risk public health crisis critical incident response doctor notification political leadership emergencies transparency leadership medical emergencies crisis communication underlying conditions prompt treatment emergency preparedness healthcare disclosure presidential health advance notice medical protocols survival rates hospital procedures emergency response decision-making public health policy risk management critical incidents patient identification political leadership medical confidentiality crisis management lack of transparency in leadership consequences transparency in medical emergencies benefits of transparency for leaders impact of medical confidentiality on survival president illness emergency response Mills death transparency lessons advance warning in medical situations leadership and healthcare disclosure preparedness in political leader health crises importance of transparent health protocols emergency procedures for top officials transparency delayed treatment due to secrecy transparency and survival rates public alert protocol for leader emergencies effect of secrecy on critical healthcare outcomes transparency leadership crisis management medical emergency prompt treatment underlying conditions presidential health hospital protocols emergency response advance notice communication breakdown Mills death accountability information sharing survival rates decision-making delays healthcare transparency public disclosure leadership vulnerability medical confidentiality government response emergency ward protocols historical case studies risk management official notification systems accident survival political crisis patient information medical history administrative efficiency contingency planning leadership transparency medical emergency procedures presidential health disclosure emergency response delay prompt medical treatment risks of non-disclosure hospital communication protocol impact of secrecy on survival public official health crisis leadership vulnerability transparency in critical situations decision-making under uncertainty emergency protocol for leaders case studies presidential health lessons from John Atta Mills death improving emergency preparedness healthcare transparency risk management in leadership crisis communication hospital admission process transparency leadership medical emergencies prompt treatment underlying conditions survival rate advance notice emergency procedures hospital protocol miscommunication presidential health decision making crisis management Mills death hospital admission patient identification medical disclosure risk factors treatment delay healthcare transparency emergency response public figures medical history procedural errors life-saving measures transparency in leadership political accountability crisis management prompt medical treatment presidential health disclosure emergency response protocols leadership vulnerability political risk medical confidentiality public awareness communication breakdown government transparency health crisis management VIP medical emergencies leadership succession planning real-time decision making presidential death procedures transparency benefits reporting leader illness crisis communication governance and secrecy transparency leadership emergency response presidential health medical disclosure crisis management underlying conditions prompt treatment medical protocols hospital procedures decision-making communication breakdown advance warning survival rates head of state healthcare transparency public officials historical cases Ghana President Mills lessons learned policy recommendations risk mitigation health emergencies government accountability patient information transparency leadership crisis management medical emergency protocol patient history prompt treatment underlying health conditions presidential health emergency preparedness communication breakdown healthcare procedures advance notification ambulance coordination hospital admission policies survival rates medical disclosure political leadership incident response decision-making under uncertainty risk mitigation
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro03a	Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. addiction compulsive behavior risk-taking dopamine psychological effects problem gambling behavioral addiction online gambling internet addiction gambling disorder self-control social isolation gambling harms impulsivity cravings loss of control life consequences financial ruin betting behavior accessibility gambling motivations substance abuse similarities mental health peer support gambling prevention consequences of gambling responsible gambling gambling treatment 24/7 availability gambling while intoxicated gambling addiction psychological dependence risk-taking behavior dopamine release compulsive gambling problem gambling online gambling internet gambling risks social isolation accessibility of gambling gambling and mental health gambling and substance abuse loss of control betting escalation life consequences of gambling gambling and alcohol gambling websites gambling prevention gambling harm reduction gambling support solitary gambling gambling treatment gambling relapse 24/7 gambling access financial ruin gambling gambling intervention problem gambling gambling addiction behavioral addiction online gambling gambling harm compulsive gambling psychological effects risk-seeking behavior dopamine addictive behavior gambling disorder isolation internet betting social gambling casino gambling gambling intervention loss of control financial consequences self-exclusion responsible gambling gambling relapse substance abuse decision making pathological gambling risky behavior gambling prevention gambling addiction effects psychological effects of gambling comparison gambling drug addiction risk-taking behavior in gambling compulsive gambling cycle impact of online gambling social isolation internet gambling consequences of excessive betting prevention of gambling addiction accessibility of online gambling 24/7 gambling websites peer influence in gambling decisions self-control in gambling risks of internet gambling online gambling and alcohol abuse interventions for gambling addiction gambling addiction risk-taking behavior dopamine release compulsion behavioral addiction online gambling internet gambling effects social isolation accessibility of gambling psychological consequences financial ruin addiction vs drug addiction gambling and mental health anonymity of online gambling 24/7 gambling availability alcohol and gambling impulse control disorders consequences of gambling problem gambling self-control and gambling gambling addiction psychological effects of gambling risk-taking behavior similarities between gambling and drug addiction compulsive gambling impact of internet gambling social aspects of gambling problem gambling online gambling risks gambling and mental health consequences of gambling internet gambling accessibility gambling and social isolation effects of gambling on life prevention of gambling addiction responsible gambling gambling and alcohol gambling relapse gambling recovery support gambling harm reduction gambling addiction risk-taking behavior psychological effects dopamine reward system compulsive gambling online gambling internet gambling isolation social activity accessibility 24/7 gambling problem gambling behavioral addiction consequences financial ruin gambling and alcohol lack of intervention loneliness self-control casino environment race track intervention gambling prevention digital gambling mental health substance abuse similarity impulsive behavior betting escalation gambling websites gambling addiction risk-taking behavior psychological effects internet gambling online betting behavioral addiction compulsive gambling gambling and mental health gambling and substance abuse social isolation gambling consequences addiction neuroscience gambling and technology online gambling risks gambling prevention gambling treatment gambling statistics gambling and dopamine problem gambling gambling harm reduction gambling and society gambling regulation gambling support resources financial impact of gambling gambling relapse gambling recovery programs gambling addiction behavioral addiction risk-taking behavior dopamine psychological effects compulsive gambling problem gambling online gambling internet gambling risks social isolation impulse control negative consequences financial ruin addiction neuroscience gambling and substance abuse gambling triggers responsible gambling prevention strategies treatment options mental health support groups gambling addiction behavioral addiction risk-taking dopamine psychological effects compulsive gambling online gambling internet addiction social isolation betting patterns problem gambling mental health addiction treatment gambling consequences self-control responsible gambling gambling prevention online casinos gambling accessibility gambling regulation emotional impact substance abuse comparison financial ruin gambling psychology virtual gambling gambling support
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con01a	The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. self-defence international law nuclear weapons nuclear disarmament arms reduction non-proliferation Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer 1983 nuclear deterrence Soviet Union United States Russia nuclear proliferation nuclear arms control NATO nuclear stockpiles strategic arms reduction nuclear conflict global security KGB missile crisis escalation risk abolition of nuclear weapons humanitarian consequences preventive diplomacy nuclear arms race nuclear treaties security dilemma mass destruction nuclear first-strike Oleg Gordievsky self-defence international law nuclear weapons nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union KGB nuclear deterrence nuclear non-proliferation arms reduction nuclear stockpiles US-Russia relations strategic arms control nuclear risk nuclear conflict global security de-escalation nuclear arms race catastrophic weapons humanitarian consequences nuclear policy treaty obligations arms control agreements self-defence international law nuclear weapons weapons of mass destruction disarmament non-proliferation Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis nuclear deterrence nuclear arms race Able Archer Oleg Gordievsky KGB NATO nuclear exercise nuclear proliferation US-Russia arms reduction nuclear conflict strategic arms reduction atomic bomb nuclear policy nuclear treaty mutual assured destruction arms control agreements nuclear brinkmanship military escalation nuclear arsenal reduction safety from nuclear war nuclear weapon ban nuclear weapon treaties global security international relations peace and security humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons right of self-defence international law nuclear weapons legality nuclear deterrence Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis nuclear risk Able Archer 1983 nuclear alert Oleg Gordievsky defection Able Archer nuclear war near-misses nuclear escalation risk nuclear-armed state proliferation NATO-Soviet nuclear standoff nuclear disarmament US Russia nuclear stockpile reduction agreements non-proliferation international efforts global nuclear threat reduction humanitarian consequences nuclear war future nuclear conflict risks nuclear arms control treaties lessons nuclear near-misses nuclear weapon ban advocacy arms reduction verification mutually assured destruction critique legal self-defence international law nuclear weapons arms control nuclear proliferation Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union nuclear deterrence nuclear disarmament nuclear conflict nuclear stockpiles reduction arms race non-proliferation US-Russia relations nuclear security KGB accidental nuclear war nuclear alert nuclear strategy existential risk global security nuclear arms treaties nuclear war avoidance nuclear non-proliferation treaty strategic stability nuclear escalation nuclear arms reduction right of self-defence international law nuclear weapons nuclear non-proliferation Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer 1983 NATO nuclear forces US-Russia nuclear arms reduction nuclear deterrence KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear disarmament Cold War nuclear policies nuclear proliferation risks nuclear war brinkmanship strategic arms reduction nuclear arms treaties nuclear policy history nuclear conflict prevention global nuclear security arms control agreements nuclear arsenal reduction nuclear escalation risks humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons self-defence international law nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear brinkmanship nuclear war risk nuclear proliferation arms control disarmament nuclear reduction United States Russia non-proliferation strategic arms reduction nuclear conflict mass destruction history of nuclear weapons KGB nuclear policy missile crisis defence policy global security arms race nuclear stockpiles security studies international relations military escalation self-defence international law nuclear weapons legality nuclear deterrence Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer 1983 NATO nuclear strategy Soviet Union nuclear policy Oleg Gordievsky nuclear non-proliferation nuclear risk escalation US Russia nuclear reduction strategic arms reduction nuclear stockpiles nuclear arms control nuclear armed states proliferation treaty nuclear disarmament global security arms race Cold War nuclear accident history KGB nuclear insights Oxford Research Group nuclear studies nuclear war prevention history of nuclear crises humanitarian impact nuclear weapons international nuclear agreements nuclear incident near-misses Cold self-defence international law nuclear weapons Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer KGB nuclear deterrence nuclear proliferation NATO US-Russia relations nuclear arms reduction nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation nuclear disarmament nuclear conflict strategic arms limitation nuclear policy weapons of mass destruction international security arms control nuclear first-strike military escalation nuclear crisis nuclear treaties disarmament agreements global security nuclear risk nuclear strategy nuclear brinkmanship self-defence international law nuclear weapons nuclear deterrence Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear first-strike nuclear alert nuclear escalation nuclear proliferation non-proliferation arms reduction United States Russia nuclear stockpiles disarmament nuclear conflict nuclear destruction strategic arms reduction nuclear-armed states global security arms control nuclear treaties military exercises accidental war nuclear risk history of nuclear weapons nuclear policy international security
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro02a	An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo hydropower infrastructure investment economic development electricity generation renewable energy employment industry competitiveness local suppliers foreign direct investment energy supply Inga III Kinshasa power distribution African energy projects regional integration electricity access sustainable development dam construction Grand Inga dam DRC economy hydropower foreign investment infrastructure development job creation local suppliers electricity supply industrial competitiveness affordable electricity Inga III Kinshasa households renewable energy African energy projects large-scale dam construction economic impact power generation sustainable development sub-Saharan Africa international funding energy access electrification energy infrastructure regional integration energy export Grand Inga Dam DRC economy hydropower infrastructure investment foreign direct investment employment local suppliers cheap electricity industrial competitiveness electrification Kinshasa households renewable energy Africa energy projects economic development Inga III sustainable development power generation electricity access construction jobs project finance energy infrastructure Grand Inga Dam economic impacts DRC infrastructure investment Grand Inga job creation DRC foreign investment Grand Inga energy export DRC electricity access Grand Inga industrial competitiveness Inga III electrification DRC local supplier benefits Grand Inga project financing DRC household electrification Inga Dam benefits boosting DRC economy Grand Inga hydropower and DRC economic growth Grand Inga regional implications Grand Inga dam Democratic Republic of Congo DRC economy foreign investment infrastructure development hydropower project renewable energy electricity generation job creation local suppliers Inga III power supply industry competitiveness economic growth energy access Kinshasa households international funding construction costs regional development Central Africa sustainable energy African energy projects Grand Inga Dam economic benefits DRC foreign investment Inga III electricity supply hydropower Africa DRC employment from Grand Inga DRC infrastructure development impact of Grand Inga Dam on industry renewable energy DRC African mega projects DRC energy sector growth socioeconomic impacts Inga Dam Grand Inga Hydropower Project financing Kinshasa electrification cheap electricity DRC international investment in Congolese economy Grand Inga Dam DRC economy hydropower foreign investment infrastructure development electricity production job creation local suppliers economic growth cheap electricity industrial competitiveness energy supply Kinshasa households Inga III renewable energy Africa energy projects international funding large-scale construction sustainable development power generation Grand Inga Dam DRC economy growth foreign investment DRC hydropower Africa renewable energy DRC infrastructure development Congo employment Grand Inga local suppliers DRC electricity supply Kinshasa industrial competitiveness DRC Inga III project electricity access Africa large-scale infrastructure Africa investment opportunities DRC energy sector DRC sustainable development Congo power generation Central Africa mega dam projects economic transformation DRC regional electricity export Grand Inga Dam DRC economy hydropower foreign investment construction jobs local suppliers cheap electricity industrial competitiveness energy access Inga III Kinshasa households infrastructure development Sub-Saharan Africa renewable energy economic growth electrification job creation sustainable development power generation regional integration Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo hydropower infrastructure investment energy production electricity supply economic development job creation foreign direct investment local industry Kinshasa electrification renewable energy energy infrastructure Inga III sustainable development power generation African energy projects economic impact international funding construction employment
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro03a	Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access digital rights freedom of speech right to information universal declaration of human rights article 19 freedom of expression government obligation right to communicate digital inclusion online censorship government transparency right to receive information online freedom digital divide public access to information human rights online internet freedom access to digital media state responsibilities media freedom communication rights civil liberties free flow of information censorship prevention state interference fundamental freedoms open internet internet as a human right government accountability internet access rights freedom of expression online digital rights freedom of speech internet Article 19 universal declaration of human rights access to information right to communicate government obligations internet duty to respect internet duty to protect digital rights duty to fulfil information access online freedom of information human rights internet right to internet access legal frameworks internet rights censorship online government transparency internet internet as human right digital communication rights internet access freedom of expression freedom of speech right to information Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights fundamental freedoms digital rights governmental duty duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil access to communication information rights human rights online internet censorship online freedom digital inclusion governmental transparency freedom to communicate net neutrality digital divide access to technology state obligations empowerment through information internet access as a human right freedom of information and digital rights article 19 internet implications universal declaration of human rights internet government duty to provide internet access right to freedom of expression online state obligations internet freedom internet censorship and human rights digital divide and freedom of expression access to information via internet legal frameworks supporting internet freedom human rights law and internet access government interference internet access positive obligations internet access Agnes Callamard freedom of information UNESCO internet freedom freedom of speech and internet internet shutdowns human rights communication rights and internet digital empowerment and human rights internet access freedom of information freedom of expression universal declaration of human rights article 19 right to access information digital rights government censorship online speech communication rights information society freedom of speech access to digital media ICT rights human rights online state obligations duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil blocking access net neutrality open internet digital inclusion UNESCO Agnes Callamard legal frameworks policy recommendations access to government information online empowerment digital freedom lawful communications Internet access human rights freedom of information internet article 19 universal declaration freedom of expression online digital rights right to access information internet government duty internet access internet censorship human rights digital freedom of speech right to online expression internet as a fundamental right universal access to the internet government obligation internet access to information digital age UNESCO internet freedom Callamard freedom of information legal framework internet rights protection of internet users internet and civil liberties government transparency internet online communication rights internet freedom digital rights online expression free speech right to information universal declaration of human rights article 19 government obligations digital access information society net neutrality censorship digital divide human rights online access to information government transparency open internet online communication information accessibility right to communicate media freedom ICT rights legal frameworks digital literacy global connectivity digital inclusion online rights communication rights freedom of the press access to digital resources internet access human rights freedom of expression online article 19 UN universal declaration of human rights internet digital rights online freedom of information internet censorship government responsibility internet right to access internet internet as fundamental right digital divide net neutrality internet access policy universal internet access government duty online internet and freedom of speech protecting online communication ICT and human rights digital empowerment legal framework internet access state obligations internet online civil liberties access to government information internet freedom advocacy Agnes Callamard internet rights UNESCO freedom of information global internet access rights freedom to impart information independence digital rights internet freedom digital inclusion human rights law article 19 universal declaration of human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil information society online expression censorship government transparency access to information communication rights net neutrality free speech online digital divide freedom of communication right to know internet governance ICT policy civil liberties internet human rights internet open internet media freedom online rights digital empowerment information access online censorship internet freedom digital rights human rights universal declaration of human rights Article 19 online expression online speech online information access government censorship information society digital divide duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil net neutrality online access policy freedom of communication state obligations internet as a human right right to information ICT policy online privacy connectivity digital empowerment public access internet internet regulation internet governance
test-law-phwmfri-pro03a	Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, progressive fines income-based penalties equality before the law justice system fairness socio-economic impartiality wealth-based disparities proportional punishment legal equity public perception of justice open justice principle class bias in law enforcement financial deterrence judicial transparency rule of law trust social justice government legitimacy legal accountability equitable law enforcement fairness in penalties deterrence for the wealthy income-based fines proportional fines day fines equality before the law equal justice fairness in sentencing justice system perceptions preferential treatment wealth inequality economic disparity open justice public trust in law enforcement punitive measures deterrence fine enforcement legal fairness judicial impartiality punishment equity social justice legal legitimacy trust in justice system perceptions of fairness Canada justice system rich and poor justice fine reform socioeconomic status and law judicial transparency income inequality justice reform consistent law enforcement criminal penalties wealth-based disparities public opinion on justice income-based fines proportional penalties wealth inequality justice system fairness equal punishment sliding scale fines judicial impartiality law enforcement trust socioeconomic disparity open justice principle public perception of justice fines for the wealthy equitable justice fairness in sentencing public trust in law punitive justice restorative justice class bias in justice financial penalties and income progressive fines perceptions of judicial impartiality income-based fines proportional fines justice perception rich immune consequences fairness in fines equality before law Canada justice system fairness public trust law enforcement principle of open justice government by consent and justice preferential treatment rich poor fines and social equity law enforcement impartiality justice system legitimacy spillover effects legal perceptions reforming fine structures survey public opinion criminal justice impact income inequality legal consequences fines ability to pay fines and public relations wealth and punishment perceptions income-based fines proportional fines wealth disparity justice equality before the law justice system fairness rich and poor penalties open justice principle law enforcement trust perceptions of justice socioeconomic bias in law fairness in punishment class-based legal consequences Canada justice system opinions legal system credibility public trust in law judicial impartiality deterrence for wealthy offenders social equity in justice fines indigency ability to pay fines criminal justice reform punitive measures income government by consent abuses of legal power preferential treatment law fairness perception justice system income-proportionate fines justice system fairness fines for the rich equal justice enforcement socioeconomic disparities in fines perceptions of legal equality income-based penalties fairness in law enforcement open justice principle wealth and legal consequences preferential treatment in justice public trust in justice system proportional fines Canada impact of fines on rich vs poor public perception law enforcement income-based fines proportional penalties wealth inequality justice system fairness penalty disparity socioeconomic justice legal system bias open justice principle equal punishment perception of justice rich and poor law enforcement trust public confidence progressive fines deterrence effectiveness economic status equity in law social trust punitive measures legal legitimacy government by consent legal proportionality impartial justice judiciary credibility social cohesion fairness in sentencing income-proportionate fines justice system fairness rich and poor disparity fines proportional to wealth equality before the law perception of law enforcement social trust in justice open justice principle preferential treatment in legal system Canada justice perception socioeconomic status and fines equitable punishment public confidence in law law enforcement impartiality crime and punishment fairness government by consent legal system trust social impact of fines legal fairness surveys justice system reforms income-based fines proportional fines justice system fairness equality before the law public perception of justice law enforcement trust wealth and punishment deterrence and income social inequality justice open justice principle discriminatory fines fairness in legal penalties socioeconomic disparity legal reform Canadian justice system perception of bias preferential treatment rich punishment effectiveness public confidence law justice system reform income-based fines proportional penalties justice system fairness wealth inequality equal punishment judicial impartiality public trust in law enforcement socioeconomic disparities fairness in sentencing progressive fines equity in justice social perceptions of justice open justice principle rich and poor in legal system Canadian justice system law enforcement legitimacy fines and deterrence perceptions of legal fairness income disparity penalties fairness in law
test-international-miasimyhw-con01a	Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? migration drivers push-pull factors neoclassical migration theory labor market liberalization forced migration human trafficking economic migration voluntary migration exploitation of migrants labor rights irregular migration migration governance social factors in migration structural inequalities COMESA migration managed migration policies migration vulnerabilities trafficking detection cross-border labor movement migrant protection labor market regulation migration justice work-related migration clandestine migration labor exploitation Africa labor mobility economic versus social migration migration management migrant identification migration policy Africa migration drivers migration push and pull factors neoclassical migration theory economic migration forced migration human trafficking exploitation of migrant workers COMESA region migration labour market regulation labour market liberalization labour migration policies vulnerable migrants irregular migration clandestine migration migration management migrant rights ethical labour migration labour exploitation Africa social factors migration political factors migration migration justice migration policy Africa trafficking detection migration governance informal labour market impact of free movement economic vs non-economic migration factors migration drivers neoclassical economics push and pull factors forced migration human trafficking labor exploitation COMESA region free movement of labor economic migration social factors migration management labor market regulation vulnerabilities policy gaps clandestine migration cheap labor labor rights exploitation risks economic imbalance labor mobility migration policy Africa labor market justice trafficking detection irregular migration unauthorized migration work-related migration migration governance migration drivers economic migration neoclassical migration theory pull factors migration labour market dynamics forced migration versus voluntary migration human trafficking Africa exploitation in migration COMESA migration issues limitations of free labour markets distinction between voluntary and forced migration clandestine migration management labour market regulation Africa economic versus sociopolitical migration factors ethical implications labour mobility migration governance Africa migration policy COMESA trafficking detection mechanisms migrant worker protections social justice migration intersection of economics and migration migration vulnerability factors irregular migration identification balancing free movement and security regional migration frameworks Africa push and pull factors neoclassical migration theory labour market liberalization forced migration human trafficking economic migration structural factors migration decision-making COMESA region irregular migration exploitation of migrants labour market justice migration management migration policy Africa social determinants of migration clandestine migration migrant vulnerabilities migration regulation economic laws migration free movement of labour trafficking detection migration and human rights labour market exploitation migration governance migration drivers forced migration human trafficking neoclassical economics migration push and pull factors labour market liberalization economic migration migration management COMESA region migration migration exploitation African migration issues free movement labour migration policy Africa hidden trafficking economic laws migration flexibility in labour markets irregular migration migration justice balancing labour markets identifying trafficked migrants migration complexity labour exploitation anti-trafficking strategies migration policy reform ethical labour migration trade enabled migration socioeconomic migration factors migration governance labour rights Africa clandestine migration control migration vulnerability migration drivers pull factors economic migration neoclassical theory labour mobility push factors structural reasons forced migration human trafficking exploitation labour market management COMESA region trafficking statistics undetected victims clandestine migration migration decision-making free movement African labour market cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies labour justice migration policy migration complexities non-economic factors labour rights migration regulation economic imbalance migration ethics trafficking prevention migration governance migration drivers neoclassical migration theory pull factors labour market liberalization economic migration non-economic migration factors forced migration human trafficking exploitation migration management COMESA region migration labour rights trafficking identification clandestine migration flexible labour cheap labour African labour markets migration policy migration justice push factors social migration factors structural migration causes migration ethics migration regulation free movement of labour migration vulnerabilities labour exploitation Africa migration reform forced migration human trafficking labour exploitation neoclassical migration theory economic pull factors migration push factors structural factors socio-political drivers migration policy COMESA region labour market regulation migration management clandestine migration migration justice cheap labour flexible labour worker protections migration law migration ethics social justice labour rights transnational migration economic development migration governance migration vulnerabilities migration choice migration constraints irregular migration free movement of labour migration consequences labour migration neoclassical theory economic pull factors forced migration human trafficking COMESA region clandestine migration labour market regulation migration management economic laws push-pull model migration decision making exploitation of migrants free movement of labour regional economic integration emerging economies labour rights migration justice labour exploitation migrant vulnerability migration policy labour mobility informal labour markets African migration social factors in migration gender and migration anti-trafficking measures migration governance ethical labour practices regional labour frameworks
test-culture-mthbah-pro03a	Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. manipulative advertising subliminal messaging psychological persuasion consumer manipulation targeted advertising intrusive marketing hidden advertising stealth marketing digital billboards behavioral targeting persuasive techniques subconscious influence freedom of choice advertising ethics media saturation ad fatigue invasive ads public awareness campaigns attention economy consumer autonomy marketing psychology neuromarketing emotional appeal deceptive practices visual persuasion subliminal messaging manipulative advertising consumer psychology persuasive techniques targeted ads digital marketing covert advertising subconscious influence behavioral targeting neuromarketing attention economy visual persuasion stealth marketing influence strategies autonomy in consumer choice advertising ethics public perception hidden advertising advertising saturation emotional manipulation personalized ads ad omnipresence advertising impact media literacy persuasive communication subliminal messaging persuasive techniques psychological manipulation targeted advertising digital marketing covert advertising product placement neuromarketing behavioral targeting consumer psychology media influence advertising ethics manipulative tactics attention engineering branded content native advertising influence on decision-making persuasive imagery emotional appeal marketing strategies advertising saturation freedom of choice commercial intrusion subconscious influence privacy concerns personalized ads advertising brainwashing effects psychological manipulation in advertising subliminal advertising techniques hidden messages in ads digital advertising surveillance impact of targeted ads advertising and consumer choice persuasive advertising strategies marketing ethics and freedom subconscious influence of adverts attention-grabbing ad tactics covert advertising in public spaces adaptive digital billboards advertising and public awareness art disguised advertisements consumer autonomy and marketing marketing manipulation critique social implications of pervasive advertising advertising manipulation subliminal messaging digital advertising targeted advertising psychological influence unconscious persuasion persuasive techniques attention grabbing ads hidden advertising stealth marketing contextual advertising consumer autonomy freedom of choice digital screens adaptive ads artifice in advertising public information ads pervasive advertising advertorial content advertising ethics privacy concerns behavioral targeting advertising manipulation advertising psychology subliminal advertising digital advertising strategies hidden advertising psychological effects of ads targeted advertising persuasive advertising techniques advertising ethics consumer autonomy advertising and freedom of choice brainwashing through media subconscious advertising advertising in public spaces advertising influence on decision making influence of digital screens in advertising advertising manipulation consumer psychology subliminal messaging persuasive techniques digital advertising targeted marketing behavioral targeting subconscious influence attention capture visual persuasion covert advertising native advertising media saturation personalized ads public space advertising psychological impact choice architecture freedom of choice commercial influence marketing ethics influence of advertisements advertising effectiveness underhand tactics societal impact autonomy erosion consumer autonomy advertising manipulation psychological advertising subliminal messaging digital billboard advertising personalized advertising targeted marketing stealth advertising native advertising unconscious influence ad saturation behavioral targeting hidden adverts persuasive techniques consumer autonomy commercial brainwashing ad fatigue visual persuasion covert marketing attention economy advertising ethics advertising and freedom surveillance advertising art as advertising public information advertising emotional manipulation manipulative marketing strategies advertising influence subliminal messaging persuasive techniques consumer psychology media manipulation targeted advertising digital billboard technology subconscious marketing attention economy ad saturation stealth marketing psychological impact of ads freedom of choice marketing ethics behavioral targeting emotional appeal in ads commercial art public information ads personalized advertising neuromarketing visual persuasion hidden advertising consumer autonomy brand messaging manipulative advertising ambient advertising advertising techniques subliminal messaging psychological manipulation consumer behavior digital advertising targeted advertising persuasive strategies advertising ethics hidden advertising native advertising emotional appeal marketing influence choice architecture autonomy in decision-making visual persuasion public perception advertising impact media literacy
test-economy-beghwbh-con01a	It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, Hyperloop high speed rail California transportation infrastructure political feasibility technical feasibility interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev Shanghai maglev project cost infrastructure integration public support rail system alternative transportation Elon Musk train technology transportation projects rapid transit government policy transportation planning project competition public opposition urban planning transportation innovation Hyperloop technology political feasibility transportation infrastructure California high-speed rail Interstate 5 land acquisition maglev trains Shanghai maglev public support transportation innovation technical challenges cost comparison rail integration high-speed rail benefits urban planning traffic impact project implementation barriers Elon Musk transportation policy infrastructure investment competing transit systems Hyperloop political feasibility high-speed rail California project transportation innovation infrastructure integration land acquisition interstate-5 traffic congestion maglev train Shanghai maglev project cost public support technology comparison Elon Musk transportation politics economic impact urban planning competing transportation rail infrastructure project obstacles construction challenges public transportation policy barriers California transportation alternative transportation systems Hyperloop political challenges Hyperloop vs high speed rail Hyperloop cost comparison Hyperloop land acquisition issues Hyperloop traffic impact Maglev adoption barriers Maglev vs Hyperloop comparison High speed rail connectivity Infrastructure integration challenges Public support for Hyperloop Transportation project feasibility Hyperloop implementation obstacles Railway expansion limitations Hyperloop competition California Technological vs political hurdles Hyperloop Public transit innovation resistance California transportation projects Intercity transit alternatives Hyperloop project criticisms Maglev deployment history Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility infrastructure integration I-5 highway traffic disruption land acquisition maglev technology Shanghai maglev transportation policy public support rail connectivity cost comparison competitor projects high speed transportation project viability Elon Musk technical feasibility railway expansion transportation innovation urban planning Hyperloop viability Hyperloop political challenges Hyperloop vs high speed rail Hyperloop construction issues Interstate-5 Hyperloop impact Hyperloop traffic disruption Maglev comparison Hyperloop High speed train advantages Hyperloop infrastructure integration Hyperloop land acquisition Hyperloop cost analysis Hyperloop public support California high speed rail competition Hyperloop transportation technology Maglev transportation feasibility Hyperloop political feasibility high speed rail maglev transportation infrastructure California interstate-5 traffic impact land acquisition cost comparison efficient connectivity project competition public support existing rail integration Shanghai maglev train alternatives technology adoption infrastructure planning transit development project viability Elon Musk engineering challenges Hyperloop political challenges California high speed rail high speed rail vs Hyperloop Hyperloop traffic impact maglev train adoption Hyperloop infrastructure integration transportation system politics land acquisition Hyperloop Hyperloop public support high speed transportation comparison Hyperloop technical feasibility maglev vs rail systems infrastructure challenges Hyperloop interstate-5 transportation transit project political feasibility Hyperloop technical feasibility political challenges infrastructure integration high speed rail maglev transportation policy land acquisition California transportation interstate-5 project competition cost analysis public support traffic impact alternative routes Shanghai Maglev rail connectivity transportation innovation Elon Musk project feasibility government approval Hyperloop challenges political feasibility transportation infrastructure high-speed rail comparison Maglev technology interstate-5 impact public support land acquisition California transportation policy traffic disruption Elon Musk transportation projects Shanghai Maglev economic analysis environmental impact technology adoption barriers infrastructure integration alternative transportation solutions mass transit innovation public transit competition project cost comparison government regulations
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro02a	Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. internet gambling family impact gambling addiction financial loss child protection government regulation secret gambling gambling-related homelessness parental gambling family breakdown social consequences problem gambling gambling prevention online betting hidden gambling children at risk compulsive gambling responsible gambling policies gambling support services gambling awareness problem gambling gambling addiction family impact financial loss homelessness child welfare government intervention online betting gambling secrecy hidden addiction mental health social consequences family breakdown policy response internet gambling risks parental gambling family support services addiction prevention community harm responsible gambling public health measures problem gambling gambling addiction family impact financial hardship child welfare homelessness government intervention online betting secret gambling gambling regulation family breakdown mental health social consequences gambling prevention parental gambling gambling awareness youth protection internet gambling compulsive gambling public policy impact of online gambling on families consequences of parent gambling financial effects of gambling addiction family breakup due to gambling homelessness caused by gambling government intervention in online gambling protecting children from gambling harm problem gambling ripple effects secret online gambling risks hidden gambling addiction online gambling and child welfare preventing gambling-related homelessness support for families of gamblers awareness of online gambling dangers gambling regulation for family protection problem gambling family financial hardship child welfare government intervention gambling addiction internet gambling secret gambling family break-up homelessness children at risk online betting gambling prevention addiction impact familial relationships social consequences gambling regulation protection of minors psychological effects financial loss public policy online gambling impact on families effects of gambling addiction on children parental gambling family consequences gambling and family breakup gambling-related homelessness government intervention gambling protecting children from gambling harm secret online gambling risks hidden gambling addiction signs of gambling in parents gambling and financial hardship internet gambling consequences supporting families of gamblers gambling addiction prevention social effects of online gambling help for families affected by gambling internet gambling problem gambling gambling addiction family impact children welfare financial loss household stability rent loss food insecurity family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection secrecy hidden behavior online betting addiction consequences social harm betting ease parental gambling social costs regulation mental health support systems gambling prevention online gambling family impact gambling addiction family consequences parental gambling child welfare gambling-related family breakdown problem gambling social effects gambling regulation child protection hidden gambling internet risks online betting secret addiction gambling homelessness risk gambling and family homelessness government intervention gambling gambling addiction prevention families family financial loss gambling child harm gambling problem gambling community impact problem gambling family impact online gambling addiction child welfare financial hardship gambling-related homelessness secret gambling government intervention gambling regulation gambling prevention parental gambling social consequences internet gambling risks gambling treatment family breakdown gambling policy gambling support services addiction awareness child protection gambling legislation problem gambling family impact online gambling addiction gambling legislation child protection gambling and homelessness government intervention gambling prevention social consequences financial harm hidden gambling family breakdown internet gambling risks gambling support services addiction awareness parental gambling responsible gambling gambling regulation at-risk children gambling secrecy
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro02a	Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Westernization cultural assimilation social integration progressive values marriage customs individual rights gender equality liberal attitudes multiculturalism human rights women’s rights personal autonomy freedom of choice societal norms traditional practices egalitarianism European identity cultural modernization LGBTQ+ acceptance social acceptance diaspora communities legal frameworks universal norms sexual mores family structures cultural adaptation Western values cultural integration arranged marriages European marriage customs marriage equality progressive attitudes individual rights women's rights egalitarianism diaspora communities cultural assimilation marriage autonomy 1950s Britain social conservatism courtship traditions gender equality human rights cultural norms multiculturalism legal standards European Union norms chattel marriage double standards minority integration marriage practices women’s autonomy Westernization cultural assimilation liberal values marriage autonomy human rights gender equality individual freedoms progressive norms social integration personal choice sexual orientation acceptance egalitarianism diaspora communities multiculturalism European values social justice cultural conformity legal rights minority integration women's rights tradition vs modernity courtship practices marriage customs anti-discrimination acculturation integration of immigrants in Europe acceptance of Western social values evolution of marriage practices in Europe progressive attitudes toward marriage individual rights in marriage women's rights in European societies arranged marriages and egalitarianism cultural assimilation challenges human rights and diaspora communities double standards in multicultural policies European Union social norms history of family forms in Europe modern perspectives on marriage choice sexual mores in Western countries policy on minority cultural practices feminism and arranged marriage multiculturalism and legal consistency rights of women in marriage role of parental involvement in marriage historical change in marriage traditions Western values cultural integration arranged marriages marriage norms European marriage customs progressive marriage views gender equality individual rights egalitarianism women's rights diaspora communities multiculturalism assimilation European Union norms social conservatism autonomous partner choice family structures double standards minority rights social change in Europe sexual mores contemporary marriage human rights intersectionality women's autonomy cultural adaptation Western values integration arranged marriages in Europe progressive marriage norms individual rights and marriage egalitarianism and marriage practices impact of Western acceptance on marriage marriage traditions in European history cultural assimilation and marriage norms women’s rights in marriage comparison of arranged and love marriages social conservatism and marriage practices diaspora communities and cultural integration EU family law and cultural norms marriage autonomy in Western countries gender equality in marriage Westernization cultural assimilation modern marriage norms personal autonomy individual freedom human rights gender equality women's rights social progressivism self-determination multiculturalism social integration European values egalitarianism sexual mores family forms diaspora integration anti-arranged marriage cultural conformity societal norms minority rights intercultural relations EU policies courtship customs traditional vs modern values Western values arranged marriages integration migration diaspora communities multiculturalism individual rights egalitarianism women's rights European cultures progressive marriage norms marriage autonomy cultural assimilation sexual mores family forms social conservatism gender equality cultural adaptation minority integration legal standards in the EU human rights cultural double standards patriarchal traditions modern British society partner choice anti-chattel perspective cultural norms immigrant communities societal acceptance contemporary marriage practices intersectionality European human rights standards cultural assimilation Westernization European marriage customs arranged marriage decline marriage autonomy progressive values gender equality individual rights diaspora integration social norms egalitarianism sexual mores multiculturalism societal acceptance family forms tradition vs modernity women's rights human rights EU values cultural conformity double standards courtship traditions social conservatism immigrant adaptation minority practices cultural policy Western values integration multiculturalism assimilation individual rights egalitarianism arranged marriage marriage customs cultural adaptation progressive marriage social conservatism gender equality women's rights diaspora cultural norms human rights EU norms marriage autonomy liberal values minority rights cultural assimilation intercultural relationships tradition versus modernity cultural practice acceptance cultural double standards
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro04a	Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. religion moral authority special moral knowledge religious repression religious sexism religious elitism religious homophobia religion and conflict religion and war religion and racial hatred received wisdom conservatism and religion regressive force moral philosophy moral rules secular morality historical morality ten commandments ethical development slavery and religion psychological comfort religion negative impact of religion religion and society political influence of religion religious ethics human rights religion morality without religion religion and violence critique of religion anti-religious arguments religion and social justice religion and morality religious moral knowledge critique of religion religion and social conflict religious repression religious sexism religious elitism religion and homophobia religion and war religion and hatred conservatism in religion regressive effects of religion independent morality pre-religious ethics ten commandments critique religion and slavery religion and psychological comfort religion social impact harms of religion religious dogma secular morality historical religious violence religious intolerance religion and ethics ethics without religion critique of religious authority religious morality moral objectivity secular ethics religious oppression religious conservatism religious conflict religious violence religious homophobia religious sexism religious elitism religious intolerance moral philosophy ethical universalism ethical relativism religious history social consequences of religion religion and war historical atrocities of religion received wisdom independent morality ten commandments origins slavery and religion psychological comfort religion criticism of religion enlightenment values secular humanism moral progress religion and social justice critique of religious authority critique of religious moral authority secular morality origins religion and historical oppression religion and social progress religious belief and ethical development religion versus secular ethics impact of religion on human rights religion and slavery religion and war religion and sexism religion and homophobia religion and racial hatred psychological comfort of religion religion as regressive force moral knowledge outside religion religious conservatism history of morality ethical philosophy without religion religion and social harm morality before major religions religion and violence evaluating religious morality secular humanism debate religion and morality ethical knowledge secular ethics religious repression religious sexism religious elitism religious homophobia religion and conflict religion and war religion and racial hatred religious conservatism regressive beliefs received wisdom independent moral development pre-religious ethics ten commandments origins history of slavery abolition of slavery psychological comfort of religion religion's social impact religion and politics negative effects of religion religion and human rights moral progress without religion criticism of religion religious influence on society religion and morality religious moral authority critique historical religious repression religion and sexism religion and homophobia religion and conflict religion and war religion and racism critique of religious conservatism origins of moral rules morality without religion ten commandments origins secular ethics history of slavery and religion psychological comfort of religion religion and social harm religious influence on politics religious belief and progress religion vs human rights atheism vs religion secular humanism received wisdom critique religious morality moral authority secular ethics religion and oppression religious conflict religious violence religious intolerance sexism in religion homophobia in religion religious elitism received wisdom conservatism regressive social forces moral progress slavery and religion ten commandments origins of morality psychological comfort religion social impact of religion political impact of religion history of religious violence religion and social justice ethics without religion rational morality criticism of religion humanism moral philosophy enlightenment values atheism agnosticism anti-clericalism religious dogma religion and war religious religion and morality religious moral authority critique of religion secular ethics historical religious violence religion and social repression religion and sexism religion and homophobia religion and elitism religion and conflict religion and war religion and racism religious conservatism received wisdom in religion regressive effects of religion ethics without religion ten commandments and morality origins of moral values slavery and religion psychological comfort of religion religion and social harms anti-religious arguments religious influence on society secular humanism religion versus secularism morality independent of religion religion and morality religious moral authority critique of religion religion and social justice religious oppression history of religious violence religion and sexism religion and homophobia religion and elitism religious conservatism origins of moral values secular ethics ten commandments moral influence abolition of slavery psychological effects of religion religion and conflict religion and war racial hatred and religion regressiveness of religion received wisdom independent moral development critique of religious comfort benefits secular ethics moral philosophy humanism religious critique secular morality religious violence religious intolerance religious influence on society history of religion ethical universalism moral progress enlightenment values slavery and religion ten commandments morality religion and social justice critique of religious authority received wisdom psychological comfort religion religion and conflict religion and sexism religion and homophobia religion and elitism religion and war religion and race relations comparative morality secular humanism evolutionary ethics religious reform religion and repression
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro05a	Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, tobacco control smoking prevention public health policy Africa smoking ban early intervention tobacco epidemic smoking prevalence public places ban social acceptability tobacco use population health health promotion tobacco regulation harm reduction smoking rates tobacco prevention smoking legislation youth smoking anti-smoking campaigns socio-economic impact Global South disease prevention health policy African health initiatives tobacco control smoking prevention Africa smoking ban public health policy tobacco epidemic early intervention smoking legislation tobacco use reduction public smoking laws health policy Africa tobacco regulation smoking rates Africa tobacco prevention strategies socio-economic impact public health Africa tobacco advertising ban tobacco cessation programs global tobacco trends harm reduction secondhand smoke anti-smoking campaigns tobacco industry Africa youth smoking prevention smoking deterrents tobacco control smoking prevention public health policy Africa smoking ban tobacco regulation early intervention prevalence rates public places social norms Africa tobacco epidemic smoking reduction tobacco advertising youth smoking prevention health impacts socio-economic effects nicotine addiction Global North comparison tobacco legislation secondhand smoke harm reduction smoking initiatives cessation programs preventative strategies African public health smoking laws smoking prevention strategies Africa tobacco control policies Africa early intervention tobacco epidemic public smoking bans Africa reducing smoking rates Africa tobacco social acceptability Africa lessons from Global North tobacco epidemic health impacts tobacco Africa socio-economic impacts tobacco Africa effective tobacco regulation Africa Africa tobacco use statistics smoking cessation programs Africa legislative approaches tobacco Africa public health campaigns smoking Africa preventing rise smoking Africa youth smoking prevention Africa tobacco industry influence Africa policy recommendations tobacco Africa Gates Foundation tobacco control Africa African Union tobacco strategy tobacco control smoking prevention public health policy Africa smoking rates tobacco epidemic smoking ban public places social acceptability tobacco regulation early intervention African Union socio-economic impact tobacco use health policy Gates Foundation tobacco control strategy global health smoking trends policy implementation preventive measures tobacco control Africa public smoking ban Africa smoking prevention strategies tobacco epidemic early intervention smoking rates African countries anti-smoking policies social acceptability tobacco Global North tobacco history tobacco use health impact Africa socio-economic impact smoking Africa African Union tobacco report Gates Foundation tobacco control reduce smoking Africa early stage tobacco epidemic public health policy Africa smoking cessation Africa tobacco regulation Africa African smoking statistics tobacco control smoking prevention Africa public health policy early intervention tobacco ban smoking prevalence public places ban social acceptability tobacco epidemic health impact socio-economic development smoking reduction Global South tobacco regulation behavior change anti-smoking strategies policy implementation youth prevention public awareness smoking legislation nicotine addiction harm reduction tobacco use trends health promotion tobacco control smoking prevention Africa public smoking ban early intervention smoking rates tobacco epidemic health policy socio-economic impact tobacco legislation smoking cessation public health smoking regulation global health tobacco use African Union Gates Foundation smoking reduction strategies health promotion smoking trends secondhand smoke youth smoking urban smoking tobacco advertising policy implementation global smoking comparison preventative measures harm reduction smoking awareness nicotine addiction tobacco taxation anti-smoking campaigns tobacco control Africa smoking prevalence public health policy tobacco ban smoking prevention early intervention tobacco epidemic public smoking legislation global north comparison tobacco social acceptability harm reduction African Union health policy Gates Foundation tobacco strategy socio-economic impact youth smoking prevention secondhand smoke preventive measures tobacco regulation health promotion tobacco control Africa smoking bans public health smoking prevention tobacco regulation social acceptability tobacco epidemic tobacco policy early intervention smoking legislation public smoking prohibition youth smoking prevention tobacco use reduction health policy Africa Global North comparison socioeconomic impact tobacco-related diseases African Union tobacco Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation harm reduction strategies
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con01a	"There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views circumcision parental consent medical decision-making child welfare vaccination comparison minor procedures cultural practices spiritual benefits risk assessment male circumcision female genital mutilation (FGM) minimal risk child development bodily autonomy parental rights medical ethics routine medical procedures educational choices child injury risks psychological impacts religious traditions social norms Dr. Brian Morris surgical safety child rights medical benefits harm reduction preventative health bodily modification non-therapeutic procedures informed consent parental consent pediatric medical decision-making circumcision ethics vaccination analogy parental rights routine medical procedures circumcision benefits circumcision risks cultural practices religious circumcision child welfare parental authority body modification ethics FGM vs MGM male genital mutilation harm assessment informed consent minors medical autonomy children routine vs non-routine procedures child development medical bioethics risk comparison immunization comparison Dr. Brian Morris circumcision debate parental cultural decisions non-therapeutic procedures minimal risk procedures child protection medical necessity ethical decision-making parents circumcision parental consent medical decision-making circumcision ethics routine procedures vaccination comparison child welfare parental rights cultural benefits spiritual benefits ethical relativism risk assessment male circumcision safety FGM vs circumcision bodily autonomy child development long-term impact vaccination analogy minor procedures aesthetic surgery parental authority informed consent Dr. Brian Morris surgical vaccine pediatric healthcare cultural practices ethical considerations comparative harm child injury risk Montessori education parental choice child health benefits parental consent for medical procedures circumcision vs vaccination comparison cultural and spiritual benefits of circumcision risk assessment of male circumcision parental rights in child healthcare decisions ethical considerations in routine medical procedures circumcision vs FGM risk comparison children's bodily autonomy and parental authority minor medical procedures vs major life choices Brian Morris circumcision advocacy safety record of male circumcision comparative risk of circumcision and routine childhood activities social and ethical justification for circumcision circumcision health benefits criticism of anti-circumcision arguments circumcision as a preventative health measure medical community stance on circumcision religious and cultural circumcision parental consent child medical decisions vaccination comparison medical ethics routine procedures minimal risk probable benefits cultural benefits spiritual benefits parental rights child welfare FGM vs MGM bodily autonomy child development non-therapeutic procedures Brian Morris medical justification comparative risk child injury education decisions parental authority ethical debates controversial medical procedures minor surgery surgical vaccine analogy non-restrictive children's rights public health religion and medicine child bodily modification informed consent secular arguments parental discretion simple surgical procedures parental consent medical decisions children circumcision vs vaccination comparison circumcision risks and benefits cultural and spiritual justification circumcision circumcision ethics parental rights circumcision vs FGM differences decision making child welfare routine infant circumcision argument Dr. Brian Morris circumcision views non-therapeutic circumcision parental authority child welfare parental decision examples circumcision minimal risks comparison to childhood education decisions circumcision and long-term health effects circumcision religious cultural context legal perspective routine circumcision ethical debate child circumcision circumcision consent minors circumcision public health comparison circumcision pediatric recommendations circumcision parental consent medical decision-making vaccination comparison pediatric ethics child welfare benefits of circumcision cultural practices spiritual justification parental rights non-therapeutic procedures male genital mutilation female genital mutilation risk assessment informed consent child development bodily autonomy minor surgical procedures harm reduction routine surgery medical benefits religious circumcision social norms pediatric surgery ethical debate Dr. Brian Morris parental responsibility childhood injuries educational choices Montessori education child safety risk tolerance ethical medicine comparative risk surgical vaccine normal development injury prevention minimally circumcision consent male circumcision ethics parental medical decision-making circumcision vs vaccination routine childhood procedures parental rights children cultural circumcision benefits circumcision medical benefits circumcision risk comparison vaccination circumcision similarities FGM vs MGM circumcision parental rights childhood medical consent circumcision safety studies Brian Morris circumcision circumcision religious significance circumcision child welfare circumcision minimal risks circumcision legal considerations circumcision vs education decisions circumcision cultural relativism minor surgical procedures children circumcision social debate circumcision and child development circumcision vs body modification circumcision circumcision parental consent medical ethics vaccination comparison child autonomy parental rights cultural practices spiritual benefits medical risks routine procedures child welfare education decisions FGM vs MGM injury risk male circumcision safety body modification child development Montessori education decision-making authority ethical considerations Dr. Brian Morris surgical vaccine analogy parental responsibilities minor procedures health benefits societal norms circumcision benefits parental consent medical decisions vaccination comparison male circumcision safety cultural and spiritual benefits risks of circumcision parental rights children circumcision vs FGM medical ethics circumcision child welfare parental choice routine medical procedures children circumcision complications consent for minors health benefits circumcision Dr. Brian Morris circumcision circumcision public health parental decision-making authority vaccination and circumcision analogy societal norms circumcision bioethics circumcision legal aspects circumcision child autonomy routine infant circumcision circumcision harm evidence circumcision and bodily integrity immunization parallels"
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro01a	Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, resource curse natural resource governance rent-seeking extractive industries state-owned enterprises political corruption government accountability mineral wealth resource exploitation African politics revenue mismanagement transparency offshore ownership public funds embezzlement DRC mining mispricing of assets Africa Progress Panel reinvestment human capital investment infrastructure development education funding health budget economic growth governance quality resource management fiscal policy elite capture patronage networks resource curse natural resource governance resource management mineral wealth African corruption political economy of resources resource exploitation government accountability state-owned enterprises extractive industries rent-seeking misallocation of funds reinvestment infrastructure investment human capital development transparency education funding health funding offshore ownership illicit financial flows mining sector Africa Democratic Republic of Congo mining public sector corruption profit diversion Africa Progress Panel report governance failure political elites institutional quality resource-based economies economic growth sustainable development fiscal accountability resource curse rent-seeking governance failure transparency accountability extractive industries resource mismanagement developmental economics Dutch disease institutional quality political economy state capture illicit financial flows mineral wealth revenue distribution public sector corruption regulatory oversight reinvestment infrastructure development human capital investment fiscal policy natural resource management economic diversification foreign investment wealth inequality government accountability democratic deficit anti-corruption measures policy reform state-owned enterprises resource curse Africa natural resource governance Africa resource abundance corruption Africa mineral wealth mismanagement resource revenue reinvestment government accountability natural resources extractive industries corruption Africa political exploitation natural resources state-owned enterprise sale Africa DRC mining deals corruption resource wealth human capital investment infrastructure investment Africa resources education funding resource revenues public sector corruption Africa government transparency resource management offshore ownership mining companies Africa resource exploitation economic growth Africa resource-driven political corruption resource abundance poverty Africa mineral resource revenue leakage Africa Progress Panel mining report resource management policy Africa anti-corruption strategies natural resources resource wealth and social resource curse African governance corruption natural resource management political exploitation government accountability mineral wealth resource mismanagement infrastructure investment human capital development extractive industries state-owned enterprises offshore ownership education funding health funding Democratic Republic of Congo mining deals illicit financial flows transparency good governance profit diversion public sector corruption rent-seeking revenue reinvestment taxation vs. resource funding Africa Progress Panel resource privatization economic growth inhibitors elite capture fiscal transparency resource wealth distribution resource curse natural resource management governance failure corruption in Africa political exploitation state-owned enterprises extractive industries government accountability mineral wealth reinvestment infrastructure development education investment misappropriation of funds African mining sector offshore ownership illicit financial flows DRC mining corruption resource-driven underdevelopment wealth distribution public sector transparency anti-corruption measures sustainable economic growth human capital investment rent-seeking resource revenue management African governance reforms resource curse natural resources corruption governance Africa political class government accountability mineral exploitation resource management rent-seeking public finance tax revenue reinvestment infrastructure education economic growth bureaucratic corruption mining industry Democratic Republic of Congo offshore ownership state-owned enterprises illicit profit wealth mismanagement policy failure resource exploitation financial transparency extractive industries institutional weakness public sector development finance human capital resource misallocation fiscal policy anti-corruption Africa Progress Panel mining deals resource curse African governance corruption natural resources political exploitation government accountability mineral wealth economic reinvestment human capital development infrastructure investment education funding political elite bureaucratic corruption Democratic Republic of Congo mining sector corruption state-owned enterprises asset undervaluation offshore ownership profit diversion public sector transparency fiscal accountability extractive industries sustainable development governance reform rent-seeking behavior illicit financial flows policy mismanagement revenue misallocation institutional weakness regulatory oversight Africa Progress Panel mining deals economic growth hindrance resource management governance challenges anti-corruption measures resource curse governance failure natural resource management corruption African politics political accountability mineral wealth rent-seeking government transparency resource exploitation economic development infrastructure investment education funding public policy extractive industries state-owned enterprises illicit financial flows revenue reinvestment human capital mining sector resource mismanagement DRC mining offshore ownership fiscal accountability public spending regulatory frameworks anti-corruption measures wealth distribution economic growth public sector reform global commodity markets resource curse governance corruption Africa natural resources political exploitation government accountability mineral wealth reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education political elites mismanagement Democratic Republic of Congo mining deals offshore ownership profits diversion health budget education budget state-owned enterprises transparency financial oversight extractive industries rent-seeking resource management public sector corruption development policy resource redistribution sustainable development
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro03a	"Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, needle exchange programs harm reduction drug addiction social services substance abuse treatment rehabilitation centers public health outreach programs syringe exchange stigma reduction state intervention healthcare access disease prevention HIV prevention hepatitis C drug user support anonymous services community clinics health education drug awareness public funding mental health clinic staff service linkage opioid crisis marginalized populations treatment referral support networks integrated services outreach workers safe injection sites policy advocacy healthcare navigation washroom facilities informational materials health promotion social reintegration peer support overdose prevention needle exchange programs harm reduction drug addiction treatment rehabilitation referral social services for addicts public health policy state intervention marginalized populations stigma reduction access to healthcare drug user outreach disease prevention HIV prevention hepatitis prevention anonymous support wraparound services addiction support services community health clinics rehabilitation centers washroom facilities health information dissemination drug awareness education public funding for needle exchanges case management supportive environments trust-building with authorities engagement with healthcare systems outreach strategies integrated care substance abuse intervention needle exchange programs harm reduction drug addiction treatment substance abuse services rehabilitation clinics social services public health drug user outreach disease prevention anonymous support HIV prevention hepatitis C drug awareness health education referral services supportive environment public funding clinic staff community health risk reduction healthcare access marginalized populations addiction recovery injection drug users trust building state institutions needle exchange programs benefits social service integration with needle exchanges needle exchanges and addiction treatment referral positive association with state services through needle exchanges drug rehabilitation outreach via needle exchanges anonymous support for drug addicts centralized addiction services at needle exchanges washroom and health facilities at needle exchanges disease diagnosis and prevention at needle exchanges drug awareness information distribution at needle exchanges public funding for needle exchange programs effectiveness of needle exchanges in harm reduction barriers to treatment for drug addicts connecting addicts to rehabilitation clinics reducing stigma through needle exchange clinics supportive staff at needle exchanges community health outreach for drug users linkage of needle exchanges and healthcare services needle exchange programs harm reduction social services drug addiction rehabilitation clinics treatment referral anonymous support drug awareness outreach strategies stigma reduction public health intervention disease prevention information dissemination washroom facilities community health drug policy state intervention healthcare access vulnerable populations addiction recovery public funding injection drug users substance use disorder health clinics trust building service integration health education needle exchange benefits harm reduction programs locating drug addicts for treatment social services outreach addiction rehabilitation referrals state institutions and drug users improving perceptions of state services anonymous support for addicts centralizing social services at needle exchanges integrating rehabilitation clinics washroom facilities for drug users disease diagnosis at clinics drug awareness information circulation public funding of needle exchanges effectiveness of needle exchange programs barriers to treatment access trust in clinic staff outreach to marginalized populations connecting addicts to healthcare reducing stigma in addiction treatment needle exchange programs harm reduction drug addiction substance abuse treatment social services rehabilitation centers public health interventions disease prevention HIV prevention hepatitis C prevention healthcare access drug user support outreach programs anonymous counseling public health clinics community health services stigma reduction health education drug awareness mental health support public funding government programs syringe access healthcare referrals addiction recovery health promotion social integration information dissemination treatment resources clinic facilities supportive services needle exchange programs harm reduction drug addiction treatment social services rehabilitation referral drug user outreach state health services harm reduction clinics anonymous support rehabilitation centers disease prevention public health interventions washroom facilities for addicts disease diagnosis clinics drug awareness education informational posters for addicts public funding needle exchange stigma reduction mental health resources for addicts facilitating recovery pathways connecting addicts with services substance abuse support community health centers opioid crisis response health promotion for drug users needle exchange programs harm reduction drug addiction treatment rehabilitation referrals social services integration anonymous help-seeking drug education public health disease prevention clinic-based outreach addiction recovery drug user engagement state service access stigma reduction healthcare access HIV prevention hepatitis prevention substance abuse support mental health services counseling services peer support programs public funding community health clinics sanitation services drug awareness campaigns evidence-based interventions outreach strategies service utilization healthcare trust-building harm reduction syringe exchange programs drug addiction treatment social services integration rehabilitation referral public health interventions stigma reduction anonymous support healthcare access policy analysis public funding disease prevention drug awareness campaigns community outreach service linkage healthcare navigation marginalized populations substance use disorders health promotion supportive environments"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro01a	Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: political violence justified violence state repression resistance armed struggle self-determination minority rights civil disobedience state legitimacy structural inequality apartheid liberation movements revolutionary justice oppression international intervention protest rights Umkhonto we Sizwe Nelson Mandela ANC social injustice human rights violations state failure governmental oppression moral justification violence civil rights anti-colonial struggle revolution insurrection self-defense extreme measures democracy failure justified terrorism political resistance political legitimacy just war theory political violence justified terror state repression minority rights democratic failure oppression resistance movements civil disobedience moral justification legitimacy of violence revolutionary violence self-defense human rights violations Nelson Mandela Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Apartheid liberation movements state failure international intervention majority vs minority rights ethical violence insurrection government oppression legitimacy and violence justification for terror political uprisings rebellion ethics responses to tyranny political legitimacy just war theory civil resistance political violence justified violence state repression minority rights self-determination revolutionary movements anti-apartheid struggle ethical justification of terror international intervention state oppression moral legitimacy social inequality democratic methods armed resistance Nelson Mandela Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress manifestos human rights violations political protest governmental legitimacy civil disobedience resistance movements legitimacy of violence state oppression and legitimacy justification for political violence minority rights and state legitimacy thresholds for justified terror democratic methods and legitimacy international relief and state failure state's role in minority rights causes of state illegitimacy defensive violence for rights historical examples of justified violence Umkhonto we Sizwe legitimacy ANC and armed struggle legitimacy of anti-apartheid violence legitimacy of rebellion against repression state failure and justification for terror political rights denied and violence Nelson Mandela and justified violence oppressed minorities and legitimate violence international law on resistance historical legitimacy of violent resistance legitimacy political violence just war theory resistance movements state oppression justified terrorism minority rights civil disobedience armed struggle ethical rebellion state legitimacy repression injustice democratic failure human rights violence justification anti-apartheid Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela liberation movements state failure majority vs minority rights moral justification for violence state repression international intervention political resistance self-determination political dissent justified rebellion legitimacy of violence justified political violence state repression minority rights protection democratic methods exhaustion legitimacy of terror resistance against oppression Umkhonto we Sizwe violence liberation movements ANC armed struggle apartheid resistance state failure legitimacy international relief absence justified acts of terror Nelson Mandela armed struggle political discontent expression state representation failure suppression of minority rights majority rule and minority protection inequalities and injustice responses justified use of force resistance against apartheid state legitimacy loss minority group self-defense African National Congress violence limits of peaceful protest international intervention limits moral justification for violence revolutionary legitimacy political violence just war theory civil disobedience democratic methods state repression minority rights oppression international intervention self-defense collective action political resistance unjust state social justice human rights majority rule liberation movements Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela apartheid South Africa justified violence ethical justification revolution resistance movements right to rebellion failed state inequalities injustice state legitimacy civil rights sovereignty oppressed groups political transformation armed resistance manifestos state failure law and morality national liberation dissent minority legitimacy of violence state repression justified terrorism minority rights political violence liberation movements democratic exhaustion oppression international intervention state failure civil disobedience revolution Nelson Mandela Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress apartheid resistance self-determination just war theory moral justification violence state legitimacy minority suppression resistance legitimacy armed resistance protest movements political legitimacy anti-apartheid struggle state violence rights denial fighting oppression ethical terrorism South Africa liberation political legitimacy justified violence revolutionary terror state oppression minority rights democratic methods international intervention resistance movements civil disobedience apartheid liberation struggle Nelson Mandela Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress political repression state failure social injustice political inequality use of force just war theory political uprising ethical terrorism moral legitimacy South African history anti-apartheid movement political legitimacy civil disobedience state oppression minority rights justified violence political violence resistance movements revolutionary legitimacy self-determination apartheid Umkhonto we Sizwe Nelson Mandela African National Congress state failure international intervention repression social justice democratic methods majority versus minority disenfranchisement armed struggle protest rights state authority government legitimacy violence justification liberation movements
test-law-phwmfri-pro02a	The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 progressive fines income-based penalties deterrence equality before law wealth disparity fine effectiveness rich offenders sliding scale fines penal policy justice system financial penalties law enforcement compliance incentives economic inequality fair punishment crime deterrence behavioral economics social justice proportional fines sanction effectiveness income-based fines progressive fines equal deterrence fine effectiveness deterrent effect rich discretionary income penalties proportional punishment sliding scale fines socio-economic status fines penalty fairness justice equity fines fair fine structure wealth-based penalties offense deterrence economic deterrent behavioral economics fines legal compliance rich sanction efficacy fine impact income criminology fines progressive fines income-based penalties deterrent effect wealth inequality justice system economic sanctions proportional fines equitable punishment fair penalty system legal deterrence social justice crime deterrence financial disincentive fine effectiveness penalty reform illicit behavior law enforcement graduated penalties behavioral economics policy implications income-proportional fines deterrence effect of fines effectiveness of fines for the wealthy fines as punishment for the rich flat-rate fines critique equal deterrence across income levels socioeconomic disparity in fines scaling fines by income justice system and wealth perverse incentives of fixed fines luxury of lawbreaking for rich fines as a price for crime effectiveness of fines in reducing offenses distributive justice and fines law enforcement and income inequality behavioral economics of fines solutions to fine inequality impact of fines on low-income individuals repeated offenses by wealthy fines and justice reform income-based fines progressive penalties deterrence effect equity in law enforcement proportional fines justice system reform fine effectiveness legal compliance penalty disparity fairness in punishment wealth disparity equality before the law sliding scale fines sanction enforcement socio-economic justice crime deterrence behavioral economics punishment effectiveness legal incentives law and economics income-based fines progressive penalties deterrence effectiveness wealth inequality fines proportional punishment equitable justice fine system reform economic disparity law pay-as-you-earn fines sliding scale fines deterrent effect rich socio-economic penalties fair punishment justice equity criminal justice reform wealth inequality deterrence fines effectiveness proportional fines income-based penalties punitive measures social justice legal deterrents socioeconomic impact criminal penalties progressive fines equal justice rich offenders law enforcement economic disparity penalty structure criminal justice reform crime deterrence fairness in fines behavioral economics compliance incentives punishment severity justice system deterrent effect penalty proportionality financial punishment income-based fines proportional fines deterrence effect socio-economic disparity wealth inequality progressive penalties justice system reform equitable punishment fine effectiveness legal sanctions behavioral economics penalty structure punitive measures fine enforcement law compliance economic incentives revenue-neutral penalties sliding scale fines deterrent for wealthy criminal justice equity progressive fines income-based fines deterrence effectiveness fine equity wealth inequality penalty proportionality criminal justice economic deterrence social justice fines behavioral economics punishment disparity legal compliance high-income deterrence fine structure reform penalty impact Gneezy Rustichini fines fine as a price wealth and crime deterrent policy law enforcement economics progressive fines income-based penalties deterrence wealth inequality proportional punishment income-adjusted fines justice system reform economic disparity penalty effectiveness fine evasion criminal justice behavioral economics fairness in fines sanction design inequality in law enforcement escalation of penalties social justice legal deterrents compliance incentives distributive justice
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con02a	Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority disenfranchisement discrimination council funding ethnic riots Oldham 2001 privileged minorities upper-class blacks marginalised majority lower-class whites racial bias multiculturalism diversity social conflict policy impact social cohesion ethnic relations social justice inequality reverse discrimination public perception community resentment government policy social integration ethnicity race relations social inequality multicultural city affirmative action controversy social tension causes majority disenfranchisement minority group benefits reverse discrimination Oldham 2001 riots council funding discrimination racial bias policy socioeconomic class and affirmative action majority vs minority conflict multicultural city tensions impact of affirmative action UK privileged minorities working class whites race relations diversity policy criticism Amin 2002 ethnicity social cohesion affirmative action public perception affirmative action affirmative action social tensions policy criticism minority groups majority disenfranchisement council funding discrimination race riots Oldham 2001 social inequality class divides upper-class minorities lower-class whites multiculturalism ethnic diversity racial bias positive discrimination policy backlash social cohesion diversity policy effects ethnic relations affirmative action social tensions affirmative action majority disenfranchisement affirmative action minority privilege affirmative action class divisions affirmative action Oldham riots 2001 affirmative action council funding discrimination affirmative action impact on poor whites affirmative action racial bias deepening affirmative action upper-class minorities affirmative action lower-class majority affirmative action ethnic group conflict affirmative action multicultural city tensions affirmative action policy criticism affirmative action unintended consequences affirmative action race relations UK affirmative action social cohesion Environment and Planning ethnicity study living with diversity policy impact social impact affirmative action UK affirmative action societal divisions affirmative action social tensions majority disenfranchisement minority privilege reverse discrimination Oldham riots council funding discrimination class and race intersection multicultural policy ethnicity multicultural city diversity challenges racial bias social cohesion policy backlash upper-class minorities lower-class whites policy impact UK race relations social conflict equity policies multiculturalism inequality environment and planning affirmative action drawbacks affirmative action social tensions affirmative action and majority disenfranchisement affirmative action and minority privilege social effects of affirmative action affirmative action and racial bias affirmative action and class affirmative action discrimination riots Oldham affirmative action council funding discrimination multiculturalism and social cohesion negative consequences affirmative action ethnic tensions affirmative action environment and planning diversity affirmative action policy criticism affirmative action social tensions policy impact minority groups majority disenfranchisement racial bias discrimination Oldham riots Northern England council funding white working class minority privilege upper-class minorities lower-class majority class and race social cohesion multiculturalism ethnic conflict policy backlash intergroup relations inequality perceived injustice diversity management social division affirmative action social tensions affirmative action backlash majority disenfranchisement discrimination council funding UK affirmative action riots Oldham 2001 privileged minorities vs marginalized majorities upper-class minorities lower-class whites racial bias affirmative action multiculturalism and social cohesion disadvantages of affirmative action UK social cohesion diversity policies affirmative action racial polarization equity policies identity politics council funding ethnic discrimination multicultural urban conflict affirmative action social tensions majority disenfranchisement minority privilege reverse discrimination Oldham riots council funding discrimination class divides racial bias ethnic conflict multicultural city social cohesion policy backlash marginalized whites upper-class minorities equity policies social integration ethnic relations group resentment diversity management affirmative action social tensions majority disenfranchisement minority benefits reverse discrimination Oldham riots council funding discrimination class divide privileged minorities marginalized majorities racial bias multiculturalism diversity policies policy backlash ethnic conflict social cohesion socioeconomic inequality multicultural city policy impact race relations
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro02a	The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. digital rights information access information freedom freedom to seek information digital inclusion universal access digital divide internet as a human right right to information right to communication access to technology information society online expression freedom of readership right to connectivity Internet governance information equality information empowerment media access online participation internet access as a human right digital rights right to information freedom of information Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights freedom of expression online information access rights universal internet access digital divide information society internet and human rights digital inclusion right to connectivity freedom of readership authorship vs readership online free speech ICT and human rights access to digital information internet as public good global internet access technological human rights internet penetration digital equality internet censorship universal service obligation digital rights information access universal internet internet as human right freedom of information digital inclusion internet freedom right to connectivity freedom of readership access to digital information information society digital divide communication rights article 19 online expression equal access global connectivity media rights digital equality right to broadband online accessibility right to receive information right to seek information ICT rights freedom of access technology and human rights right to internet access digital human rights universal internet access freedom of information online access to information as a human right Article 19 internet implications digital divide information access and freedom of expression human rights and technology legal rights to internet internet as a public good global internet usage statistics bridging information access gaps equality of digital access internet and freedom of readership authorship vs readership rights internet for marginalized communities governments and online censorship ensuring digital access in human rights law contemporary human rights challenges internet as essential infrastructure future of human rights and internet universal declaration of human rights digital expansion internet access as a human right digital divide freedom of information freedom of expression Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights information access gap freedom of readership freedom of authorship universality of internet global internet usage statistics digital inclusion right to seek information ICT and human rights digital rights internet penetration global connectivity information society censorship digital literacy media access technology and equality human rights in the digital age legal frameworks for internet access socioeconomic factors internet access internet and democracy Michael L. Best universal service obligation information inequality communication rights right to internet access internet as a human right digital rights freedom of information online Article 19 universal declaration freedom of expression internet access to information digital divide universal internet access internet and human rights law information accessibility internet censorship readership vs authorship rights online freedom of speech universal access to technology global internet usage statistics impact of internet on human rights internet penetration internet and democracy supporting digital inclusion internet access human rights freedom of expression freedom of speech universal declaration of human rights Article 19 information access right to information digital rights digital divide readership rights authorship rights media accessibility online inclusion digital inclusion information society web access global connectivity digital equality technology and rights internet as a human right censorship online freedom information dissemination data creation digital universe global internet usage information asymmetry information availability communication rights universal access internet access as a human right digital rights right to information freedom of expression online universal access to internet bridging digital divide right to readership article 19 universal declaration of human rights information accessibility digital inclusion global internet penetration internet and free speech internet and democracy internet for development internet and social equality information society human rights in the digital age information poverty digital literacy censorship and internet access technology and human rights right to communicate ICT and human rights global connectivity internet infrastructure internet accessibility policies net neutrality digital empowerment internet access digital rights right to information information accessibility universal internet human rights expansion Article 19 freedom of readership freedom of expression digital divide access to information internet as a human right universal declaration of human rights online censorship digital inclusion information society digital equality internet penetration ICT rights global connectivity information freedom online rights internet users access to knowledge digital literacy internet accessibility fundamental rights internet access digital rights human rights gap freedom of expression freedom of information Article 19 universal access digital divide online readership information accessibility right to receive information digital inclusion internet as a human right global internet usage web accessibility information society equitable access ICT rights online censorship freedom of speech technology and human rights universal declaration of human rights digital literacy content accessibility internet universality
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con02a	"Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, smokers' rights smoking in public places Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 personal freedom dignity leisure pub smoking areas smoking ban discrimination against smokers equal rights Forest advocacy group human rights and smoking right to rest and leisure smoker advocacy liberty freedom of choice social inclusion public health policy designated smoking areas smoker rights human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 freedom of choice equal rights discrimination against smokers smoking bans public places smoking areas leisure rights Forest smokers group personal liberty rest and leisure smoking in restaurants smoking in pubs public policy smoker advocacy non-discrimination smokers' enjoyment smoking regulations legal rights of smokers smokers' associations smokers' rights smoking ban public smoking Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 dignity freedom leisure discrimination against smokers smoking areas smoking policy pub smoking restaurant smoking Forest advocacy group smoker equality civil liberties right to leisure personal choice non-smoker rights human rights and smoking smoking regulations smoking in public places smoker discrimination smoking laws tobacco rights public health vs. personal freedom smokers' rights universal declaration article 1 smokers dignity article 24 rest and leisure smoking smoking areas public places human rights smoking policy smoking ban legal rights discrimination against smokers smokers' rights advocacy groups Forest smokers organization public policy smoking legislation balancing smoker and non-smoker rights right to leisure public smoking smoking bans international human rights ethical implications smoking bans legal arguments smokers rights hospitality industry smoking rights freedom of choice smoking public social acceptance smoking rights human rights violations smoking bans government responsibility smokers' welfare smokers’ rights smokers’ freedom smoking and human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights smoking Article 1 smoking rights Article 24 leisure smoking anti-smoking legislation public smoking ban smoking areas pubs smoking rights restaurants smoking policy smoker discrimination smokers vs non-smokers rights Forest smokers group government smoking regulation leisure and smoking ethical smoking debate right to enjoy smoking social rights smokers smoking in public places secondhand smoke rights human dignity smoking workplace smoking policy smokers rights smoking bans Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 smoking areas in public places smokers vs non-smokers leisure rights smoking in pubs public health law Forest smokers group personal freedoms discrimination against smokers human dignity and smoking reasonable accommodation for smokers government regulation smoking smoking in restaurants ethics of smoking bans right to enjoy life rest and leisure rights smoking policy debate smokers' rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 equality dignity rest and leisure freedom of choice discrimination against smokers smoking areas public smoking bans hospitality industry pub smoking restaurant smoking Forest advocacy group human rights and smoking personal autonomy leisure rights public policy government regulation of smoking smokers' legal rights civil liberties non-smokers' rights ethical considerations health vs freedom smoking legislation individual rights united nations universal human rights smoking in public places smokers' advocacy groups smokers rights smoking in public places Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 human rights Article 24 human rights smoker discrimination smoking bans designated smoking areas leisure rights smoker advocacy groups Forest UK smokers group equality in public policy non-smokers versus smokers legal rights of smokers smoker-friendly legislation public health versus individual rights social inclusion of smokers freedom of lifestyle choices ethical arguments for smokers human rights and smoking bans on smoking restaurants pubs smoking laws dignity and rights of smokers advocacy for smoker rights governmental policy on smoking international human rights and lifestyle smoker rights smoking ban Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 individual freedoms leisure rights smoking areas public smoking policies discrimination equal rights smokers’ advocacy groups Forest organization public health legal rights non-smokers’ rights freedom of choice public place regulation hospitality industry smoking laws social justice liberty personal autonomy civil liberties ethical debate government responsibility public policy social inclusion rights vs health recreational smoking balancing interests smokers' rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 smoking ban public places leisure rights dignity and equality smoker discrimination smoking areas pub smoking restaurant smoking Forest advocacy group civil liberties freedom of choice government regulation smoking rights debate smoker protection smoker exclusion enjoyment of life public health versus individual rights human rights and smoking anti-smoking legislation right to leisure workplace smoking policy smoker social rights"
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con02a	The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, euthanasia assisted suicide autonomy self-determination personal liberty human rights moral philosophy legal intervention right to die self-ownership bodily autonomy voluntary death end-of-life decisions ethical implications suicide laws dignity in dying mental capacity consent medical ethics existential rights euthanasia assisted suicide voluntary death autonomy self-determination bodily autonomy personal liberty moral philosophy bioethics end-of-life decisions right to die dignity in dying suicide ethics legal suicide libertarianism individual rights death with dignity existential rights philosophical perspectives on death legal implications of suicide euthanasia assisted suicide autonomy self-determination bodily integrity right to die personal liberty end-of-life decisions voluntary death moral philosophy legal rights suicide prevention ethical debates human dignity bioethics mental health legal frameworks philosophical arguments consent state intervention right to die euthanasia debate suicide law self-ownership philosophy personal autonomy and death legal status of assisted suicide moral implications of suicide rights end-of-life decision making philosophical arguments for right to die state intervention in suicide individual liberty death ethics of euthanasia legal duty to preserve life mental competence and euthanasia legal interference with suicide voluntary euthanasia death with dignity freedom to end own life right to refuse life-sustaining treatment human rights and suicide right to die self-ownership autonomy euthanasia assisted suicide bodily autonomy personal liberty suicide laws moral philosophy bioethics legal rights individual freedom end-of-life decisions philosophical arguments Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy death with dignity human rights state intervention mental health consent right to die euthanasia assisted suicide self-ownership bodily autonomy personal autonomy legal right to death philosophical perspectives on suicide individual liberty moral justification for suicide law and suicide ethics of euthanasia Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy suicide Chobli suicide article voluntary death rights end-of-life decisions autonomy and dignity arguments for assisted death right to refuse life moral philosophy of life and death right to life right to death self-ownership bodily autonomy suicide rights euthanasia personal autonomy legal suicide moral philosophy end-of-life choices individual rights assisted suicide dignity in death freedom of choice Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Cholbi bioethics moral duty to live anti-suicide intervention legal philosophy right to die self-ownership bodily autonomy assisted suicide euthanasia suicide laws ethical suicide philosophical perspectives on death personal autonomy legal rights to death death with dignity voluntary euthanasia moral arguments suicide end of life choice individual liberty pro-choice death medical ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael right to self-determination human rights death freedom to die suicide intervention laws legalizing suicide right to life right to death self-ownership autonomy personal liberty euthanasia assisted suicide suicide law philosophical ethics legal philosophy bodily autonomy end-of-life rights moral responsibility Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy individual rights bioethics consent freedom to die right to die movement life ownership right to die euthanasia self-ownership bodily autonomy suicide ethics assisted suicide legal rights philosophical arguments personal autonomy end-of-life decisions moral philosophy Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy voluntary death legal philosophy Chobli Michael individual rights law and suicide
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro01a	Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey EU membership poverty alleviation GDP per capita economic integration living standards migration forecast EU enlargement comparative prosperity IMF reform banking sector restructuring economic growth single market trade benefits Schengen zone accession delays Bulgaria Romania historical EU entrants migration impact economic benefits EU economic policy Turkey EU accession Turkey poverty Turkey living standards EU enlargement economic integration EU new members Ireland EU accession Spain EU accession Portugal EU accession Greece EU accession migration forecasts EU migration impact EU enlargement Turkey GDP per capita Romania GDP per capita Bulgaria GDP per capita Turkey economic reforms Turkish banking system IMF programs Turkey EU single market EU economic benefits Turkey trade with EU Turkey migration EU Schengen zone delay EU adjustment period Bulgaria Schengen Romania Schengen EU migration policy Turkey prosperity EU membership criteria economic growth Turkey EU candidate countries historical EU Turkey poverty EU membership living standards economic integration Ireland Spain Portugal Greece migration GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economic reform banking system IMF programs economic growth single market EU goods economic benefits immigration Schengen zone adjustment period World Bank 2009 statistics Schengen delay Chris Bryant 2011 EU enlargement accession prosperity market access economic restructuring EU enlargement benefits Turkey EU membership economic impact Turkey poverty EU integration Turkey GDP comparison EU members migration fears EU expansion Ireland Spain Portugal Greece EU accession Bulgaria Romania Schengen delay Turkey banking reform IMF Turkey single market advantages living standards Turkey EU accession EU economic growth new members Turkey immigration concerns economic restructuring Turkey EU market opportunities Turkey adjustment periods EU accession historical EU enlargement cases prosperity post-EU accession poverty alleviation EU membership Turkey Schengen area entry criteria for EU membership expansion Turkey EU accession economic integration poverty alleviation EU enlargement GDP per capita comparison migration forecasts Schengen zone delay banking system reform IMF programs EU single market economic benefits Ireland EU entry Spain EU entry Portugal EU entry Greece EU entry Bulgaria EU member Romania EU member living standards market expansion economic growth population welfare EU policy Turkey economic restructuring EU newcomers World Bank statistics Schengen passport-free zone member state prosperity EU economic impact entry requirements integration challenges migration policy Turkey EU membership Turkey economic impact EU Turkey GDP comparison EU Turkey vs Romania Bulgaria GDP EU enlargement benefits Turkey poverty EU entry EU migration fears Turkey Turkey banking reform Turkey IMF programs Turkey single market benefits Schengen delay Turkey EU economic integration historical EU enlargement Ireland Spain Portugal Greece EU migration after EU accession Turkey new market EU EU living standards Turkey Turkey economic growth potential EU accession economic evidence mitigating EU immigration risks Schengen zone entry Turkey Turkey EU adjustment period Turkey reform progress EU EU member state integration Turkey prosperity EU membership Turkey European Union EU membership poverty economic integration living standards GDP per capita economic reform banking sector IMF programs single market migration Bulgaria Romania Ireland Spain Portugal Greece Schengen zone economic growth market access prosperity immigration EU enlargement economic benefits structural adjustment World Bank population trade economic policies prosperity comparison integration adjustment period Turkey EU membership economic integration Turkey Turkey GDP per capita comparison EU single market benefits poverty reduction Turkey living standards Turkey migration impacts EU enlargement Turkey economic reforms IMF Turkey comparison Romania Bulgaria Turkey Schengen zone Turkey EU enlargement case studies integration success Ireland Spain Portugal Greece migration forecasts EU Turkey banking sector reform economic growth Turkey trade benefits EU Turkey Schengen delay newcomers labor movement EU Turkey EU accession policy European Union expansion benefits Turkey EU accession Turkey poverty levels EU economic benefits Turkey GDP comparison EU member state integration migration forecasts Turkey EU single market impact economic reform Turkey banking restructuring Turkey IMF Turkey programs Schengen zone delay Bulgaria Romania EU entry living standards improvement Turkey EU enlargement history EU GDP per capita entrants economic growth Turkey Turkey market potential immigration concerns EU Turkey EU challenges EU enlargement Turkey EU accession economic integration living standards poverty reduction migration effects Schengen zone GDP per capita comparison EU economic benefits market access banking reform IMF programs EU membership criteria integration success stories Ireland EU integration Spain prosperity Portugal economic growth Greece EU development Romania Bulgaria comparison phased Schengen access migration impact EU single market economic sustainability structural reforms EU accession delays economic transition EU-IMF cooperation
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro02a	Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 vegetarianism environmental impact sustainable agriculture greenhouse gas emissions livestock farming deforestation Amazon rainforest biodiversity loss water consumption food security energy efficiency animal cruelty plant-based diets resource depletion modern farming pollution overfishing species extinction land use global warming meat alternatives crop production water scarcity renewable resources climate change carbon footprint regenerative agriculture ethical eating protein sources agroecology ecological footprint population growth habitat destruction river pollution intensive animal farming food systems sustainability plant protein ecological preservation vegetarianism environmental impact meat production deforestation greenhouse gas emissions livestock farming water consumption energy use pollution biodiversity loss sustainable agriculture food security plant-based diet animal welfare resource depletion Amazon rainforest climate change carbon footprint intensive farming overfishing river pollution fast food consumption global warming cereal production pulses energy efficiency water scarcity land use crop production protein efficiency sustainable food systems ecological footprint animal agriculture methane emissions agriculture runoff habitat destruction rainforest clearing Amazon deforestation global emissions food-related emissions responsible eating vegetarianism environmental impact environment meat production sustainability greenhouse gas emissions deforestation Amazon rainforest water consumption resource efficiency animal agriculture pollution water scarcity biodiversity loss modern farming food security livestock farming climate change carbon footprint energy use plant-based diet meat alternatives ethical eating species extinction overfishing sustainable agriculture food system global warming land use soil degradation renewable resources dietary change ecological footprint animal cruelty intensive farming food sustainability health benefits global food supply population growth sustainable food choices river pollution vegetarian environmental benefits plant-based diet pollution reduction vegetarianism and water conservation meat production greenhouse gases livestock deforestation impact sustainable food choices deforestation Amazon cattle farming meat vs plant protein efficiency water footprint of meat biodiversity vegetarianism environmental impact of fish consumption energy consumption meat vs cereals food security vegetarian diet modern farming river pollution livestock and climate change vegetarianism global warming agricultural land use efficiency animal agriculture resource use responsible eating population growth grain-fed livestock inefficiency global water scarcity solutions reducing food carbon footprint alternatives to meat environmentally livestock farming extinction fish reduction of greenhouse vegetarianism environmental impact sustainable agriculture meat production greenhouse gas emissions deforestation Amazon rainforest biodiversity loss water scarcity livestock farming energy consumption land use food security animal cruelty pollution modern farming fast food demand protein efficiency grain consumption water usage population growth climate change fisheries depletion species extinction agricultural resources crop-based diet alternative protein sources plant-based diet ethical eating resource conservation global warming carbon footprint Amazon deforestation intensive farming environmental degradation vegetarianism environmental benefits vegetarian diet greenhouse gas reduction meat production pollution meat and deforestation livestock and climate change sustainable agriculture water usage vegetarian vs meat deforestation Amazon cattle food security vegetarianism animal agriculture biodiversity loss plant-based diet sustainability energy input meat vs crops vegetarian diet water savings meat consumption water scarcity impact of livestock on environment meat vs cereal carbon footprint agricultural land use efficiency fish consumption environmental impact farming and river pollution vegetarianism and food resources greenhouse gas emissions livestock reducing meat for environment vegetarian solutions water crisis plant-based diet land efficiency animal agriculture and vegetarianism environmental benefits plant-based diet sustainable eating deforestation meat production greenhouse gas emissions livestock farming biodiversity loss water usage resource efficiency animal agriculture climate change food security land use energy consumption water scarcity river pollution species extinction Amazon rainforest cattle farming grain consumption apple production protein output ratio global warming fast food demand modern farming pollution agriculture impact sustainable agriculture pulse crops crop farming aquaculture freshwater shortage groundwater depletion eco-friendly diet ecological footprint food systems carbon footprint intensive farming renewable resources conservation vegetarianism environmental benefits vegetarian diet climate change meat production pollution meat farming deforestation beef farming Amazon deforestation livestock greenhouse gas emissions sustainable eating plant-based diet environment agriculture water usage water scarcity meat production animal agriculture biodiversity loss vegetarianism food security intensive farming river pollution grain-fed livestock environmental impact greenhouse gases animal agriculture energy consumption meat production protein efficiency livestock animal cruelty environment deforestation tropical rainforests cattle global food sustainability meat industry carbon footprint livestock vs plant-based resources environmental consequences meat eating reducing meat for environment sustainable protein sources vegetarianism water conservation vegetarianism environmental impact sustainable agriculture meat production deforestation greenhouse gas emissions animal agriculture livestock farming water scarcity water use land use food security biodiversity loss fish depletion pollution modern farming energy consumption protein efficiency grain production sustainable diets plant-based diets Amazon rainforest cattle farming fast food consumption climate change resource depletion soil degradation agricultural emissions sustainable food systems meat alternatives animal cruelty global warming water conservation food sustainability population growth dietary choices nutrition and environment carbon footprint ecosystem services crop production renewable resources vegetarianism environmental impact sustainable agriculture deforestation greenhouse gas emissions livestock farming water usage food security biodiversity loss animal cruelty amazon rainforest plant-based diets climate change energy efficiency resource consumption alternative protein food production inefficiency overfishing land use agricultural pollution grain-fed livestock global warming carbon footprint food sustainability water scarcity agricultural runoff meat alternatives population growth ecosystem degradation rainforest destruction
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con02a	"Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 school intervention effectiveness behavioral change in youth childhood obesity prevention dietary intervention strategies access to healthy foods fruit and vegetable availability behavioral economics food environment out-of-school food choices junk food accessibility fast food consumption comprehensive approaches to diet multi-level intervention adolescent eating habits school food policy policy effectiveness extracurricular influences environment and behavior change targeted nutrition interventions limitations of school-based programs school-based interventions childhood obesity prevention dietary behavior change youth nutrition school lunch programs food environment fast food accessibility after-school eating habits multi-environment strategies out-of-school influences junk food consumption healthy eating initiatives behavioral intervention effectiveness limitations of school policies comprehensive nutrition programs adolescent food choices public health policy environmental determinants parental influence on diet community-based approaches behavioral change youth diet school environment childhood obesity food choices dietary interventions out-of-school influences fast food access intervention effectiveness multi-component strategies parental influence community programs after-school environment home environment policy interventions junk food consumption student behavior nutrition education healthy eating environmental factors school-based interventions peer influence social determinants public health strategies food availability eating habits school-based interventions effectiveness behavior change outside school multi-environmental dietary strategies alternative strategies to target youth diet after-school food choices limitations of school nutrition policies comprehensive obesity prevention environmental influences on eating habits out-of-school food access holistic approaches to youth behavior change fast food availability to students comparison school vs. home dietary impact duration of school influence real-world behavioral modification policy implications for child nutrition effectiveness of school bans on junk food school-based interventions behavioral change childhood obesity prevention food environment dietary behavior out-of-school influences food accessibility effectiveness of school policies unhealthy food availability junk food consumption fast food access comprehensive strategies youth nutrition multi-faceted approaches after-school eating habits limitations of school policies environmental determinants health behavior change availability vs. behavior student eating patterns school-based intervention effectiveness school nutrition policy impact behavioral change in youth diet limitations of school food bans external food environment influence out-of-school eating habits comprehensive obesity prevention strategies effectiveness of access to healthy foods role of parental influence on diet alternatives to school nutrition programs after-school food choices multi-faceted approaches to childhood obesity dietary behavior outside school limitations of single-setting interventions youth fast food consumption impact of school hours on diet accessibility of junk food for students integrated approaches to healthy eating community and family influence on children's diet policy effectiveness in fighting childhood obesity school intervention effectiveness behavioral change childhood obesity school nutrition programs dietary interventions external food environment fast food access junk food availability extracurricular eating habits out-of-school influences comprehensive health strategies multi-faceted interventions eating behavior determinants environmental factors access to healthy food school lunch policies youth eating patterns public health education policy impact health behavior modification barriers to healthy eating food choice psychology school versus home environment time spent outside school community health initiatives school-based interventions childhood obesity prevention behavioral change strategies youth dietary habits effectiveness of school policies access to healthy foods environmental influences on behavior junk food availability out-of-school influences comprehensive approaches to diet limitations of school reforms nutrition education after-school eating habits multi-level obesity prevention food environment public health strategies external food choices policy effectiveness fast food impact on youth holistic nutrition interventions school-based interventions youth behavioral change childhood obesity prevention dietary behavior environmental influences food choices off-campus food access fast food availability effectiveness of school policies out-of-school behaviors holistic health strategies multi-environment interventions nutrition education access to healthy foods junk food consumption policy limitations comprehensive approaches influencing eating habits social determinants of diet after-school eating patterns behavior change school intervention effectiveness childhood obesity prevention access to healthy food dietary behavior influences behavior modification strategies fast food consumption out-of-school food environment comprehensive intervention Penny Gordon-Larsen youth eating habits behavioral economics multi-faceted solutions environmental determinants American Time Use Survey after-school eating habits fresh fruits and vegetables access junk food availability school policy impact holistic dietary interventions"
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro01a	Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: naturalism scientific explanation universe origin cosmology abiogenesis evolutionary biology chemical evolution physics theories cosmological models atheism agnosticism materialism methodological naturalism metaphysical naturalism absence of evidence empirical evidence burden of proof god of the gaps supernatural empirical verification rational skepticism scientific method explanatory scope parsimony Occam's Razor supernatural claims belief justification epistemology science vs religion philosophical naturalism existence debate non-theistic worldview faith vs reason evidence-based reasoning secularism freethought humanism naturalism materialism scientific explanation cosmology evolution abiogenesis atheism agnosticism burden of proof empirical evidence methodological naturalism god of the gaps philosophy of science rationalism skepticism Occam's razor nonbelief universe origin reductionism supernaturalism critique theological noncognitivism creation myths metaphysical naturalism science vs religion scientific worldview faith vs evidence irreligion natural causes scientific method explanatory power proof of god existence of god debate Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell naturalism scientific explanation universe origins cosmology physics chemistry biology evolution abiogenesis atheism burden of proof god of the gaps supernatural empirical evidence philosophy of religion materialism methodological naturalism irreligion rationalism skepticism science vs religion epistemology metaphysics theology agnosticism existence of god scientific worldview religious belief scientific progress gaps in science falsifiability Occam's razor Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell naturalistic explanations for existence science versus religion cosmology without God chemistry and origin of life biology and evolution God of the gaps argument absence of evidence for God burden of proof for God's existence atheism as default position supernatural versus natural world empirical evidence for God philosophical debates on God science replacing religious explanations critiques of supernatural claims rational basis for atheism Pascal Boyer Religion Explained Bertrand Russell Is There a God evolution of religious thought philosophical burden of proof science and worldview critiques of theism naturalism scientific explanation cosmology physics chemistry biology evolution abiogenesis atheism God of the gaps burden of proof supernatural empiricism materialism rationalism existence of God evidence for God metaphysics philosophy of science religious belief Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell universe origin scientific naturalism theology faith vs science skepticism religious epistemology agnosticism natural world supernatural claims naturalism scientific explanation of universe physics cosmology origin chemistry origin of life biology evolution complexity god irrelevant god of the gaps supernatural evidence burden of proof god atheism rational position absence of belief empirical evidence god existence debate natural vs supernatural religion evolutionary origins Pascal Boyer Religion Explained Bertrand Russell Is There a God science and religion natural explanations for existence theology vs science materialism universe philosophical atheism cosmological arguments absence of supernatural proof universe development explained chemical abiogenesis evolutionary biology critique of religious explanations philosophy of religion naturalism cosmology physics chemistry biology evolution scientific explanation universe development abiogenesis complexity of life explanatory power methodological naturalism materialism philosophical naturalism God of the Gaps supernatural evidence empirical evidence burden of proof atheism agnosticism skepticism non-belief rationalism scientific method empirical observation Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell origin of the universe origin of life science vs religion faith metaphysics theism epistemology scientific progress gaps in knowledge Occam's razor God hypothesis anti-the naturalism cosmology physics chemistry biology evolution origin of universe origin of life materialism atheism God of the gaps scientific explanation burden of proof existence of God supernatural empirical evidence rationalism philosophical naturalism methodological naturalism Occam's razor skepticism nonbelief critiques of religion Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell science vs religion absence of evidence universe without God science and theology atheistic worldview arguments against theism naturalism atheism scientific explanation cosmology physics chemistry biology evolution origin of life universe development God of the gaps burden of proof supernatural empirical evidence rationalism philosophy of science Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell religious epistemology absence of evidence existence of God natural world nonbelief skepticism science and religion explanatory power metaphysics materialism theism natural vs supernatural faith vs reason cosmic origins science advancement god hypothesis naturalism scientific explanation universe origins cosmology evolution abiogenesis atheism God of the gaps burden of proof empirical evidence supernatural philosophical naturalism rationalism materialism methodological naturalism metaphysics science vs religion origins of life complexity of life religion and science existence of God theism agnosticism empirical falsifiability Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell scientific method Occam's razor unexplained phenomena gaps in knowledge divine intervention supernatural vs natural epistemology proof of God
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con01a	Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 recognize democracy São Tomé and Príncipe multiparty democracy free and fair elections African governance index Taiwan support decolonization post-colonial state Portugal colonial history independence 1975 diplomatic recognition Taiwan sovereignty non-recognition of China Tibet colonization Inner Mongolia autonomy island disputes South China Sea human rights international relations democratic alliances anti-colonialism African democracies China aggressions diplomatic policy foreign relations diplomatic precedent supporting democracies democracy recognition São Tomé multiparty government São Tomé democratic history São Tomé free elections Ibrahim Index ranking African governance support for Taiwan Taiwan diplomatic recognition colonial history São Tomé post-colonial independence Portugal colonization Africa decolonization Chinese expansionism Tibet colonization Inner Mongolia Taiwan China relations South China Sea disputes small island sovereignty international support for democracies foreign policy São Tomé human rights São Tomé democracy in Africa U.S. Department of State São Tomé Mo Ibrahim Foundation African democratic states São Tomé Taiwan relations recognition democracy São Tomé and Príncipe multiparty system free elections governance index Ibrahim Index Africa Taiwan relations diplomatic recognition post-colonialism Portuguese colonies independence anti-colonial Tibet Inner Mongolia Chinese expansion island disputes international support democratic partnerships human rights global governance recognition of democracy São Tomé São Tomé multiparty democracy history São Tomé support for Taiwan São Tomé colonial history Portugal São Tomé stance on China São Tomé position on Tibet São Tomé opinion on Inner Mongolia São Tomé relation Taiwan independence São Tomé international relations São Tomé free and fair elections São Tomé Ibrahim Index ranking São Tomé foreign policy democracy São Tomé colonial legacy São Tomé support for democratic countries São Tomé and African democracies São Tomé perspective on Chinese aggression São Tomé Taiwan diplomatic ties São Tomé global democracy recognition São Tomé multiparty system free and fair elections Africa Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan diplomatic relations anti-colonial stance post-colonial states Portuguese colonial history independence in Africa foreign policy São Tomé Taiwan recognition foreign policy democracy support Tibet colonization Inner Mongolia regional aggression Asia South China Sea disputes island sovereignty conflicts China Taiwan relations democratic solidarity international diplomacy governance rankings Africa U.S. State Department reports Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights diplomacy democracy recognition São Tomé and Príncipe democracy multiparty democracy Africa São Tomé elections Ibrahim Index of African Governance ranking Taiwan diplomatic support decolonization history São Tomé Portuguese colonial legacy Taiwan-São Tomé relations China colonial ambitions Tibet and Inner Mongolia colonization South China Sea disputes Taiwan self-determination African support Taiwan post-colonial African diplomacy São Tomé foreign policy São Tomé and Príncipe democracy multiparty system free elections fair elections African governance Ibrahim Index Taiwan relations diplomatic recognition decolonization Portuguese colony independence 1975 colonial history human rights international relations Tibet Inner Mongolia Chinese expansionism territorial disputes South China Sea self-determination global democracy foreign policy post-colonial states governance index US Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé and Príncipe democracy São Tomé multiparty elections Ibrahim Index São Tomé African democracies support Taiwan São Tomé Taiwan relations São Tomé recognition of Taiwan São Tomé China relations São Tomé colonial history São Tomé and Portugal São Tomé independence 1975 countries recognizing Taiwan Taiwan diplomatic recognition democracy and Taiwan China Tibet policy China Inner Mongolia policy China Taiwan conflict South China Sea disputes free and fair elections Africa African support Taiwan U.S. Bureau of Democracy São Tomé democracy São Tomé and Príncipe multiparty system free elections African governance index Ibrahim Index Taiwan relations Portuguese colonial history post-colonial independence China foreign policy Tibet Inner Mongolia territorial disputes Taiwan recognition international diplomacy human rights U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation African democracies colonialism self-determination sovereignty small island disputes democratic support foreign affairs international relations democracy recognition São Tomé political system multiparty democracy free and fair elections Ibrahim Index governance ranking Africa Taiwan diplomatic relations São Tomé Taiwan relations Portuguese colonial history decolonization São Tomé Taiwan independence Chinese territorial disputes Tibet colonization Inner Mongolia autonomy South China Sea islands African international relations support for democracies postcolonial foreign policy African governance human rights indexes
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro03a	Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, South Africa sports quotas public opinion South African Social Attitudes Survey racial representation transformation rugby black South Africans affirmative action demographic representation inclusion diversity social justice national sport policy equity sport participation quota support non-white athletes sports transformation survey results 2006 persistent inequality integration government policy sports diversity representative teams South Africa sports quotas public opinion affirmative action rugby racial representation black South Africans Social Attitudes Survey diversity in sports policy support demographic representation transformation in sport team selection non-white athletes equity in sports sports policy national identity historical exclusion integration public attitudes race relations majority support sports quotas South Africa public opinion transformation in sport affirmative action racial quotas demographic representation social attitudes diversity in sports inclusion rugby non-white players equality sports policy support for quotas survey data racial integration sports participation quota system benefits sports development national identity South African attitudes towards sports quotas public opinion on sports quotas South Africa support for quotas by race South Africa black South Africans support for quotas history of sports quotas South Africa rugby quotas support South Africa impact of quotas on sports diversity South Africa South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas reasons for supporting sports quotas South Africa socio-political factors influencing quotas South Africa quota system effectiveness South African sports impact of quotas on non-white athletes South Africa comparison of quota support over time South Africa arguments for and against sports quotas South Africa Struwig and Roberts sports quotas study South Africa sports quotas public opinion South African Social Attitudes Survey 2006 survey demographic support racial representation black South Africans sports policy rugby diversity transformation in sports affirmative action majority support status quo non-white participation social attitudes sports equity Jare Struwig Ben Roberts public attitudes policy effectiveness South African sports quotas public support quotas South Africa South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas racial quotas rugby South Africa black support quotas South Africa demographic attitudes sports quotas transformation in South African sports non-white participation rugby South Africa sports equality South Africa sports representation quotas Struwig Roberts sports quotas study social attitudes quotas survey sports policy South Africa quotas affirmative action sports South Africa sports diversity South Africa South Africa quotas public opinion support South African Social Attitudes Survey 2006 sports quotas racial quotas rugby black South Africans demographic representation affirmative action social equality non-white participation sporting diversity inclusion majority support status quo transformation sporting policy Struwig Jare Roberts Ben public attitudes survey results racial integration national sport policy change representativity South African sports quotas public support for quotas racial quotas in sports South African Social Attitudes Survey black support for quotas transformation in rugby non-white representation in sports sports equity South Africa demographic representation in sports affirmative action in sports rugby team quotas South Africa sports diversity South Africa sports policy South Africa attitudes toward quotas impact of quotas on sports racial integration in sports South African sport demographics inclusion in rugby social attitudes towards sport quotas sports quota statistics South Africa South Africa sports quotas public opinion South African Social Attitudes Survey 2006 racial quotas rugby transformation in sports black South Africans demographic representation non-white athletes affirmative action equity in sports diversity inclusion sports policy Struwig and Roberts attitudes towards quotas policy support social justice national surveys representation in sports race relations sports participation public attitudes sports transformation majority support racial integration South Africa sports quotas racial quotas public opinion affirmative action rugby transformation in sports black South Africans demographic representation social attitudes survey results inclusion equality in sports policy support sport policy diversity South African Social Attitudes Survey national identity racial integration sports participation historical context sporting demographics social justice quota system effectiveness sporting reforms
test-science-eassgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal welfare humane treatment animal experimentation laboratory animals ethical research animal pain management animal euthanasia animal care standards animal wellbeing animal ethics animal husbandry pain relief in animals humane euthanasia animal rights research ethics laboratory animal welfare animal testing animal health animal suffering scientific research animals animal protection animal regulation animal housing experimental animal care animal research justification comparison to wild animals animal quality of life animal welfare laboratory animals humane treatment animal ethics animal research standards pain management in animals animal euthanasia animal care in research animal rights animal testing regulations animal suffering prevention animal well-being ethical animal use animal experimentation guidelines animal pain relief laboratory animal housing animal research oversight animals in scientific studies animal research justification animal welfare laws animal welfare ethical animal research laboratory animals animal care standards humane treatment pain management animal testing regulations veterinary oversight animal ethics humane euthanasia animal well-being animal rights research animal housing animal pain relief animal suffering prevention animal experimentation comparison to wild animals animal quality of life moral justification animal husbandry practices animal welfare in research humane treatment of lab animals pain management in animal testing ethical guidelines for animal experimentation animal research regulations animal suffering in laboratories animal euthanasia methods animal care standards animal well-being in experiments moral justification for animal testing animal research vs. wild survival comparison of lab and wild animal lives treatment of animals in science benefits of healthy research animals ethical comparison animal research and meat production animal rights vs. scientific progress justification for animal experimentation oversight in laboratory animal care pain relief protocols in animal studies laboratory animal quality of life animal welfare laboratory animals ethical animal research animal pain management humane euthanasia animal care standards research animal handling animal ethics animal experimentation benefits animal housing conditions animal well-being animal rights humane treatment animal research regulations utilitarian ethics comparison animal husbandry animal experimentation justification laboratory animal health experimental integrity animal suffering reduction animal welfare in research humane treatment of lab animals pain management in animal testing ethical animal research animal care standards animal painkillers research humane euthanasia research animals animal research ethics lab animal quality of life animal research versus wild life justification for animal research animal suffering in experiments moral arguments animal testing comparison animal research and meat production welfare regulations animal testing animal welfare ethical animal research humane treatment laboratory animals animal experiments pain management analgesics euthanasia protocols animal care standards animal husbandry research ethics experimental animal well-being animal suffering reduction animal rights animal welfare laws laboratory animal guidelines animal use justification animal research benefits animal pain relief animal housing conditions moral objections animal research comparison wild animals biomedical research ethics humane endpoints animal care staff animal health monitoring 3Rs principle (Replacement Reduction Refinement) animal research oversight animal research ethics animal welfare in research humane treatment of research animals animal suffering in experiments pain management in laboratory animals euthanasia methods for lab animals quality of life in laboratory animals research animal care standards animal welfare regulations benefits of animal research moral arguments for animal experimentation comparison of research animals and wild animals animal experimentation painkillers humane endpoints in animal studies ethical treatment of lab animals animal research oversight animal experimentation justification animal testing welfare improvements alternatives to animal testing animal research and public perception animal welfare animal research ethics humane treatment laboratory animals pain management ethical animal experimentation animal care standards animal suffering animal testing regulations humane euthanasia animal husbandry animal well-being laboratory animal care animal research guidelines animal rights animal use justification alternatives to animal testing three Rs principle animal experimentation benefits laboratory animal living conditions animal welfare laboratory animals ethical treatment animal experimentation humane euthanasia pain management research ethics animal care standards animal rights animal husbandry laboratory protocols animal suffering regulatory oversight alternatives to animal testing animal wellbeing animal protection laws animal ethics committees research animal health animal housing conditions animal use justification
test-culture-mthbah-pro02a	People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. choice overload decision fatigue consumer behavior advertising impact regret theory expectations management product dissatisfaction psychological effects of choice Schwartz tyranny of choice happiness and choice advertising ethics consumer regret decision paralysis marketing influence product misrepresentation false advertising buyer's remorse cognitive overload freedom of choice well-being and choice economic prosperity and happiness choice anxiety consumer protection advertising regulation misleading advertisements overchoice phenomenon choice satisfaction self-blame in decision-making choice overload decision fatigue paradox of choice advertising effects consumer regret expectation gap marketing psychology product disappointment Schwartz tyranny of choice happiness and choice decision paralysis analysis paralysis consumerism psychological impact of advertising regret theory shopper behavior overchoice well-being and choice consumer satisfaction emotional impact of choice advertising regulation cosmetic advertising false advertising purchase regret attention economy consumer decision making choice anxiety indecision economic psychology freedom of choice choice overload decision fatigue consumer behavior advertising effects happiness decline marketing psychology buyer’s remorse expectation vs reality product dissatisfaction cognitive overload regret psychological well-being advertising regulation materialism consumer satisfaction Schwartz tyranny of choice media influence decision paralysis social comparison overconsumption choice overload research tyranny of choice effects happiness and consumer choice advertising influence on choice impact of advertising on happiness choice paralysis psychology decision fatigue in modern life regret after purchase psychology unrealistic advertising claims effects of too many choices expectations versus reality in advertising consumer regret studies psychological effects of choice abundance advertising bans and consumer protection happiness trends over decades advertising and mental health product choice satisfaction consumer decision-making overload Schwartz Tyranny of Choice summary impact of advertising on well-being choice overload decision fatigue consumer decision making advertising impact happiness and choice paradox of choice psychological effects of advertising expectation vs reality consumer regret analysis of advertising regulation mental health and consumerism information overload analysis paralysis material wealth and happiness Schwartz tyranny of choice advertising ethics British advertising bans product disappointment consumer behavior make-up advertising controversy advertising influence on expectations choice overload tyranny of choice decision fatigue advertising effects on happiness consumer regret choice paradox overwhelming choices modern happiness decline advertising ethics product disappointment shopper remorse advertising regulation psychological effects of advertising Barry Schwartz choice expectation vs reality advertising consumer decision making too many options happiness and choice advertising manipulation analysis of cosmetic ads choice overload tyranny of choice decision fatigue consumer psychology analysis paralysis advertising impact happiness decline expectations vs reality decision regret consumer behavior choice paradox marketing influence emotional wellbeing choice satisfaction modern consumerism psychological effects of choice regret aversion product disappointment decision-making stress advertising regulation happiness trends decision paralysis Schwartz The Tyranny of Choice cosmetic advertising ethics advertising deception choice overload tyranny of choice decision fatigue consumer behavior advertising impact happiness and choice psychological effects of advertising product expectations regret after purchase advertising regulation deceptive advertising consumer dissatisfaction behavioral economics marketing psychology choice paralysis decision regret choice satisfaction advertising ethics consumer well-being purchasing decisions decision fatigue consumer psychology analysis paralysis satisfaction paradox marketing influence happiness decline choice paralysis regret aversion expectation management psychological well-being consumer regret advertising effects behavioral economics overchoice studies self-blame product dissatisfaction freedom of choice information overload advertisement regulation false advertising purchase satisfaction mental health commodification of happiness psychological impact of advertising choice overload decision fatigue consumer psychology advertising impact happiness and choice regret theory product expectation marketing ethics consumer decision-making psychological effects of advertising choice paralysis advertising regulation material well-being vs happiness freedom of choice Schwartz tyranny of choice overchoice phenomenon consumer regret effects of advertising on well-being cosmetic advertising expectations vs reality advertising deception decision regret consumer satisfaction advertising standards authority British advertising bans
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro01a	Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. problem gambling gambling addiction gambling harm lost wages mental health effects financial ruin bankruptcy compulsive betting gambling disorder stress disorders depression insomnia online gambling internet betting regulatory policies public health risk social cost government regulation gambling legislation social consequences gambling laws responsible gambling gambling prevention negative impacts of gambling gambling recovery gambling statistics public policy gambling awareness community harm problem gambling gambling addiction gambling harms social costs of gambling psychological effects of gambling economic impact of gambling public health and gambling gambling regulation online gambling risks negative consequences of gambling gambling disorder compulsive gambling mental health and gambling financial risks of gambling government policy on gambling ethical issues in gambling gambling prohibition internet gambling dangers responsible gambling societal impact of gambling problem gambling gambling addiction gambling harms negative effects social costs mental health financial loss bankruptcy depression stress disorders compulsive gambling gambling regulation government policy online gambling internet betting public health gambling prevention gambling legislation social impact responsible gambling awareness campaigns psychological effects negative effects of gambling gambling addiction statistics government regulation of gambling social costs of gambling mental health impact of gambling online gambling dangers gambling and financial ruin ethical arguments against gambling gambling loss prevention public health and gambling problem gambling interventions why gambling should be illegal gambling and family breakdown youth gambling risks gambling and crime rates economic impact of gambling internet gambling growth responsible gambling measures gambling and suicide rates ban online gambling problem gambling gambling addiction gambling harms mental health financial loss bankruptcy stress disorders depression insomnia online gambling internet gambling government regulation public health social impact betting risks gambling policy compulsive gambling responsible gambling gambling prevention economic consequences negative effects of gambling gambling addiction social impact of gambling gambling and mental health government regulation of gambling online gambling risks gambling and bankruptcy gambling and depression problem gambling statistics gambling prevention measures gambling policy debate public health and gambling gambling-induced stress effects of internet gambling gambling and financial harm gambling addiction gambling consequences gambling risks financial loss bankruptcy mental health depression insomnia stress disorders problem gambling online gambling internet gambling gambling regulation gambling harm government policy public health socioeconomic impact compulsive gambling gambling prevention gambling legislation effects of gambling gambling disorders responsible gambling problem gambling gambling addiction social impact of gambling economic impact of gambling health effects of gambling gambling regulation online gambling risks mental health gambling gambling and bankruptcy gambling and depression gambling and stress government gambling policy gambling and society responsible gambling gambling prevention gambling-related harm internet gambling dangers compulsive gambling gambling legislation public health gambling gambling addiction gambling regulation gambling harm gambling mental health gambling bankruptcy gambling depression internet gambling online betting compulsive gambling problem gambling gambling policy government regulation gambling gambling social impact gambling insomnia gambling stress responsible gambling gambling prevention gambling legislation gambling economic effects gambling public health addiction problem gambling financial loss mental health compulsive behavior regulation public health social costs online gambling government policy responsible gambling gambling legislation bankruptcy societal impact prevention treatment vulnerable populations ethical concerns internet gambling risk factors
test-law-lghbacpsba-con03a	Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, attorney-client privilege legal confidentiality solicitor-client privilege exceptions to confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code regulatory bodies disclosure mandatory disclosure crime proceeds money laundering regulations client communications legal ethics professional conduct compliance requirements law firm obligations privileged information duty to report legal exceptions financial crime regulatory compliance anti-money laundering disclosure obligations reporting duties legal exceptions confidentiality confidentiality breaches solicitor obligations client legal privilege solicitor confidentiality exceptions to attorney-client privilege disclosure obligations regulatory disclosure legal ethics Money Laundering Regulations 2007 legal professional privilege crime exception duty to report crime mandatory disclosure confidentiality waivers legal compliance regulatory requirements attorney disclosure rules law firm obligations legal investigations suspected crime reporting client communications disclosure legal confidentiality breach legal ethics duty of confidentiality exceptions regulatory disclosure solicitor obligations professional conduct legal privilege crime reporting money laundering compliance regulations attorney-client communication Solicitors' Code of Conduct Law Society guidance disclosure requirements criminal activity public interest legal exemptions informed consent law enforcement suspicious activity reporting financial crime solicitor-client confidentiality UK legal standards confidential information regulatory compliance breach of confidence privilege waiver client-attorney privilege exceptions solicitor confidentiality rules UK Rule 4 Solicitors’ Code of Conduct exceptional circumstances client confidentiality money laundering reporting solicitors regulatory body disclosure client communications duty to report crime solicitors UK flexibility client-attorney privilege Money Laundering Regulations 2007 solicitor legal ethics confidentiality breach attorney-client privilege regulatory exceptions UK law solicitor confidentiality breaches of legal privilege UK public interest disclosures solicitor handling proceeds of crime solicitor solicitor duty to inform authorities solicitor code of conduct confidentiality legal privilege money laundering UK exceptions to client confidentiality law solicitor obligations under Money Laundering Regulations client-attorney privilege solicitor confidentiality exceptional circumstances rule 4 Solicitors’ Code of Conduct regulatory bodies client communications disclosure obligations money laundering regulations Money Laundering Regulations 2007 proceeds of crime legal ethics disclosure exceptions confidentiality exceptions legal privilege waiver regulatory compliance financial crime reporting legal professional responsibility justice system exceptions statutory disclosure law society guidelines client-attorney privilege exceptions solicitor confidentiality rules Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct exceptions to legal privilege mandatory disclosure by solicitors regulatory bodies client confidentiality client privilege money laundering solicitor duty report crime Money Laundering Regulations 2007 legal disclosure privileged communications UK law solicitor obligations suspected crime legal confidentiality flexibility reporting requirements legal profession solicitor-client privilege limitations exemptions confidential legal communication legal ethics money laundering exceptions legal professional privilege legal disclosure regulatory compliance UK legal confidentiality exceptions legal professional obligations disclosure legal ethics solicitor-client privilege confidentiality exceptions regulatory bodies disclosure obligations Money Laundering Regulations proceeds of crime duty to report Code of Conduct legal professional privilege compliance legal disclosure privileged communication law firm regulations information sharing legal accountability financial crime compliance anti-money laundering legal exceptions attorney-client confidentiality client-attorney privilege exceptions solicitor confidentiality rules Rule 4 Solicitors’ Code of Conduct regulatory reporting requirements money laundering legal duties disclosure obligations solicitors professional legal ethics confidentiality breaches exceptions legal privilege vs public interest regulatory bodies client communication Money Laundering Regulations 2007 informing authorities legal profession duty to report crime solicitors legal compliance financial crime crime proceeds solicitor responsibility flexible confidentiality rules legal privilege exceptional cases solicitor-client communication regulation UK legal ethics disclosure crime reporting legal professionals client-attorney privilege solicitor confidentiality legal ethics exceptions to confidentiality Solicitors’ Code of Conduct Rule 4 regulatory bodies disclosure obligations money laundering laws Money Laundering Regulations 2007 legal compliance proceeds of crime legal duty to report client communications privileged information exceptions legal professional privilege solicitor reporting requirements regulatory compliance confidentiality breaches serious crime exceptions client-attorney privilege solicitor confidentiality exception Rule 4 Solicitors’ Code regulatory bodies notification disclosure of client communication lawyer duty money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 proceeds of crime reporting solicitor ethical obligations exceptions to confidentiality professional privilege limitations statutory disclosure obligations legal ethics law firm compliance legal professional conduct serious crime exception attorney-client disclosure legal regulatory compliance reporting suspicious activity legal duty to report
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro05a	The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. null hypothesis philosophy of science falsifiability scientific skepticism evidence-based reasoning burden of proof logical positivism proposition testing Karl Popper empirical evidence testability scientific method agnosticism atheism rational skepticism hypothesis testing epistemology unfalsifiable claims proof standards scientific inquiry null hypothesis falsifiability scientific skepticism burden of proof empirical evidence unfalsifiable claims philosophy of science rationalism logical positivism Karl Popper agnosticism religious epistemology scientific method atheism testability verification disproving existence evidence-based belief provisional acceptance hypothesis testing null hypothesis burden of proof falsifiability scientific skepticism evidence-based reasoning testability philosophy of science empirical evidence Karl Popper disproving God agnosticism deductive reasoning inductive reasoning scientific method epistemology rational inquiry proof standards unverifiable claims philosophical atheism logical positivism null hypothesis meaning null hypothesis and falsifiability null hypothesis and scientific method evidence for null hypothesis principles of rational skepticism unfalsifiable propositions falsifiability in science god unfalsifiable scientific evidence for god philosophy of science null hypothesis rational belief and evidence burden of proof null hypothesis Karl Popper falsifiability disproving propositions with evidence logical empiricism and god epistemology null hypothesis faith versus evidence verifying unfalsifiable claims atheism and null hypothesis agnosticism and rational skepticism null hypothesis falsifiability scientific method burden of proof evidence philosophy of science proposition testing hypothesis testing proof standards rational skepticism empirical evidence verification disproof disproving god atheism agnosticism logical positivism scientific skepticism evidence-based belief unfalsifiable claims Popperian falsifiability demarcation problem Russell’s teapot critical thinking epistemology null hypothesis in philosophy falsifiability of propositions scientific skepticism evidence for belief burden of proof rational skepticism unfalsifiability of God Karl Popper falsifiability atheism and evidence standards of evidence epistemology of religion proving or disproving God criteria for evaluating claims testability in science logical positivism null hypothesis falsifiability philosophy of science evidence scientific method rationalism burden of proof Karl Popper testability atheism agnosticism logical positivism empirical evidence disproving hypotheses proof skepticism scientific skepticism faith epistemology theory of knowledge verification metaphysics proposition scientific inquiry unfalsifiable claims existence of God logical argument probability scientific reasoning null hypothesis philosophy of science burden of proof falsifiability unfalsifiable claims rational skepticism scientific method evidence-based belief epistemology proposition testing Karl Popper criteria of demarcation logical positivism atheism arguments agnosticism existence of God debate empirical evidence critical thinking skepticism vs faith testable hypotheses null hypothesis scientific method falsifiability burden of proof philosophy of science Karl Popper logic evidence skepticism empirical evidence testability rationalism agnosticism atheism God hypothesis proof of God methodological naturalism pseudoscience scientific skepticism epistemology observable evidence hypothesis testing falsification principle belief justification scientific reasoning null hypothesis scientific skepticism falsifiability proposition evidence burden of proof rationality empirical testing unfalsifiable claims philosophy of science scientific method logical positivism Karl Popper agnosticism atheism empirical evidence testability proof standards reasoned belief epistemology
test-economy-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, migration rural-urban migration labor mobility human capital talent allocation urbanization workforce distribution economic opportunity professional choice labor market urban professions skills mismatch migration policy occupational mobility population movement brain drain rural depopulation employment opportunities economic development skilled workers city migration rural labor surplus migration models demographic shifts workforce potential migration barriers labor mobility occupational choice talent allocation human capital rural-to-urban migration brain drain workforce distribution economic growth professional fulfillment mobility restrictions urbanization skills mismatch migration policy labor market efficiency migration policy urbanization talent mobility labor market rural-urban migration professional choice workforce allocation human capital economic development occupational freedom skilled migration labor surplus city workforce career opportunities migration economics internal migration educational attainment occupational mismatch migration barriers population movement urban migration impact labor mobility benefits occupational freedom advantages talent allocation in cities skilled migration effects rural-to-urban migration restriction effects on workforce economic impact of migration policies migration and professional development urban labor market needs migration and talent utilization restrictive migration policy consequences migration and economic efficiency human capital distribution migration migration and labor surplus skilled workforce migration migration policy and productivity migration and urbanization agricultural economics migration migration and occupational mismatch migration rural-urban migration labor mobility brain drain urbanization workforce allocation occupational choice talent redistribution human capital profession selection opportunity cost labor market economic development population movement migration policy talent utilization migration models urban labor demand skilled migration workforce efficiency rural labor surplus professional migration city talent acquisition migration restrictions migration impact occupational mismatch migration restrictions economic potential loss talent mobility urbanization benefits labor market effects human capital migration rural to urban shift skilled workforce allocation migration policy impact professional freedom developed nation mobility surplus rural labor city talent acquisition migration models occupational choice economic development policy consequences agricultural economics skilled migration career opportunities migration restrictions labor mobility urbanization rural-urban migration talent allocation occupational choice human capital workforce distribution economic development city talent drain professional freedom job matching labor surplus urban labor demand rural depopulation migration policy skill mismatch development economics migration models rural exodus workforce allocation occupational migration education and employment population movement migration policy urbanization labor mobility talent allocation occupational choice economic impact of restrictions rural-urban migration human capital skilled labor migration workforce distribution migration incentives brain drain occupational mismatch city labor markets migration policy effects agricultural economics surplus rural labor professional migration migration models rural depopulation migration rural depopulation urbanization skilled labor talent mobility economic impact human capital workforce allocation labor markets profession choice occupational mismatch policy consequences rural-urban migration societal potential migration models opportunity loss brain drain socioeconomic development city growth rural workforce surplus employment opportunities urban professions migration policy talent redistribution agricultural economics migration effects urbanization rural to urban migration labor mobility human capital talent allocation workforce distribution migration policy economic impact occupational choice skill mismatch development economics internal migration demographic change migration models agricultural labor urban labor market rural depopulation brain drain rural employment urban employment
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro04a	Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 tobacco industry decline smoking reduction tobacco consumption decrease tobacco sales drop impact on tobacco farmers exploitative labor practices child labor in tobacco farming nicotine poisoning ethical concerns tobacco industry tobacco industry exploitation Big Tobacco American tobacco companies extortionate loans labor rights Malawi tobacco farming tobacco industry ethics health impact of tobacco reduction strategies tobacco control policies social implications tobacco industry tobacco industry decline smoking reduction tobacco sales decrease child labor in tobacco farming exploitative labor practices nicotine poisoning in children tobacco industry ethics Malawi tobacco child workers American tobacco companies crop reduction effects tobacco labor exploitation tobacco farming loans Big Tobacco impact ethical tobacco concerns tobacco industry economic impact tobacco farming social effects tobacco industry decline tobacco consumption reduction smoking cessation child labor in tobacco tobacco farming exploitation labor rights Malawi tobacco child labor nicotine poisoning American tobacco companies Big Tobacco unethical labor practices fair labor standards tobacco farming loans tobacco market impact global tobacco trade public health policies anti-smoking initiatives tobacco reduction benefits economic impact of tobacco decline ethical supply chains tobacco industry impact reducing tobacco consumption benefits ethical issues in tobacco farming child labor in tobacco industry economic effects of decreased tobacco sales labor exploitation in tobacco cultivation health effects of tobacco farming American Big Tobacco practices global tobacco industry shrinkage social consequences of reduced tobacco use nicotine poisoning in agriculture tobacco industry reform sustainable alternatives to tobacco farming tobacco regulation effects tobacco-related human rights issues corporate responsibility in tobacco tobacco control policies benefits tobacco industry decline smoking reduction tobacco consumption trends tobacco farming child labor nicotine poisoning agriculture exploitative labor practices Malawi tobacco children American Big Tobacco tobacco sales statistics tobacco farming loans ethical tobacco production tobacco supply chain labor rights tobacco industry socioeconomic impact tobacco smoking health policies anti-tobacco legislation tobacco industry ethics tobacco industry decline impact of reduced smoking ethical issues tobacco farming child labor tobacco industry effect on tobacco farmers nicotine poisoning agriculture economic effects reduced tobacco sales American Big Tobacco impact tobacco farming exploitation decrease in tobacco demand alternatives for tobacco farmers social consequences tobacco industry shrinkage health benefits less smoking tobacco consumption smoking rates tobacco industry decline cigarette sales decrease labor exploitation child labor in tobacco nicotine poisoning Malawi tobacco farming American tobacco companies Big Tobacco exploitative practices extortionate loans public health benefits economic impact smoking cessation industry regulation ethical labor practices tobacco policy smoking reduction social welfare tobacco industry decline smoking reduction impact tobacco labor exploitation child labor tobacco farms Malawi tobacco children nicotine poisoning children big tobacco companies tobacco farming loans American tobacco market tobacco industry ethics tobacco consumption decrease consequences of less smoking tobacco industry size reduction tobacco production impact anti-tobacco campaigns labor rights tobacco health impact tobacco industry economic effects tobacco decline social impact smoking reduction tobacco farming alternatives tobacco industry decline smoking reduction tobacco consumption decrease child labor tobacco farming exploitative labor practices nicotine poisoning Malawi tobacco American Big Tobacco tobacco sales impact tobacco farming ethics tobacco industry reform social impact tobacco economic effects tobacco ban anti-smoking policy health benefits smoking reduction labor rights tobacco industry tobacco farm loans tobacco production regulation tobacco industry downsizing corporate social responsibility tobacco tobacco industry decline labor exploitation child labor tobacco farming nicotine poisoning Malawi tobacco American Big Tobacco tobacco purchase reduction tobacco sales industry impact social consequences economic impact exploitative practices ethical concerns child labor statistics tobacco industry size public health smoking reduction industry workforce labor rights anti-tobacco measures tobacco regulation global tobacco trade tobacco industry ethics supply chain exploitation
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro03a	Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - arranged marriages domestic violence immigrant women Europe marital abuse spousal abuse forced marriage women's vulnerability isolation language barriers underreporting ethnic minorities cultural differences support networks legal protection marital consent gender-based violence EU policies women's rights marital abandonment social integration family separation community support marriage laws migrant families abuse detection intercultural marriage hidden abuse Razia Sodagar women's shelter legal recourse psychological impact support services diaspora communities violence against women feminist perspectives marriage practices arranged marriage abuse Europe immigrant women domestic violence underreported spousal abuse women vulnerability arranged marriage support networks arranged marriage forced marriage Europe language barriers abuse isolation immigrant women arranged vs forced marriage outlaw arranged forced marriage Razia Sodagar case cultural domestic violence EU arranged marriage risk hidden ethnic domestic violence consent arranged marriage abuse women dependence husband family arranged marriage human rights migrant family marriage abuse BBC arranged marriage reports South Asian arranged marriages Europe forced marriage domestic violence immigrant women cultural isolation support networks gender-based violence spousal abuse language barriers women’s rights marital coercion vulnerable populations EU gender policy hidden abuse honor-based violence mental health community support social integration migrant communities legal protections underreporting cultural adaptation transnational marriage family separation protection services marital consent arranged marriages domestic abuse Europe immigrant women arranged marriage abuse support networks for immigrant women language barriers arranged marriages underreporting domestic violence Europe arranged vs forced marriage differences domestic abuse detection immigrant families EU arranged marriage legal policies Razia Sodagar arranged marriage case outlawing arranged marriages Europe prevalence abuse arranged marriages cultural impact arranged marriages Europe domestic violence statistics immigrant communities consent and coercion in arranged marriages protecting vulnerable women arranged marriages integration challenges for immigrant brides legal protection for immigrant women effects of isolation on abuse victims cultural practices and women's rights Europe policy recommendations arranged marriages arranged marriages Europe immigrant women domestic abuse support networks immigrant women vulnerability arranged marriages EU underreporting domestic violence Europe linguistic barriers immigrant women Europe familial isolation immigrant women forced marriages Europe consent arranged marriage abuse distinguishing arranged vs forced marriage Razia Sodagar arranged marriage ethnic domestic violence Europe hidden abuse immigrant families marital abandonment Europe domestic violence policy EU outlawing arranged forced marriage intersection cultural practice abuse marriage immigrant family support reporting abuse immigrant women BBC arranged marriage abuse arranged marriages Europe domestic violence immigrant women abuse in arranged marriages underreporting domestic abuse Europe vulnerability immigrant women marriages forced vs arranged marriage women’s rights arranged marriages support networks immigrant women language barriers abuse detection EU policy arranged marriages outlawing arranged marriages Europe Razia Sodagar case domestic violence immigrant families cultural differences arranged marriages reporting abuse immigrant women hidden ethnic domestic violence protection vulnerable immigrant women consanguinity and abuse Europe marriage laws EU support services for abused immigrant women arranged marriage domestic violence immigrant women Europe abuse underreporting forced marriage vulnerable women isolation language barriers cultural differences women's rights support networks family separation transnational marriage gender-based violence ethnic communities marriage consent patriarchal structures marital abandonment adaptation challenges arranged marriage abuse Europe immigrant women domestic violence cultural differences arranged marriages hidden domestic violence EU underreporting abuse immigrant families language barriers domestic violence women's vulnerability arranged marriages family isolation abuse risk forced vs arranged marriage Europe outlawing arranged marriages EU ethnic minority women abuse Europe support networks immigrant women Razia Sodagar case study arranged marriage legislation Europe BBC News arranged marriage abuse India arranged marriage domestic abuse immigrant domestic violence reporting impact of family separation abuse European Union marriage laws cross-cultural marriage abuse arranged marriages domestic violence immigrant women Europe forced marriages cultural integration marital abuse language barriers social isolation underreporting abuse women’s rights support networks EU policies ethnic minorities marriage consent legal protection feminist perspectives gender inequality Razia Sodagar BBC News Womennewsnetwork marital vulnerability spousal abandonment family separation European legislation Intimate partner violence migrant communities honor-based violence marriage customs transnational marriages policy recommendations forced marriages domestic violence immigrant women cultural integration underreporting abuse EU legislation women's rights support networks isolation legal protection minority communities language barriers marital abuse gender-based violence social services family reunification migrant communities child marriage spousal dependence arranged marriage statistics European Union laws anti-marriage abuse campaigns
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con02a	A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. circumcision historical practices medical evidence harm safety record millennia traditional procedures cultural practices hospital safety medical risks abuse terminology medical science evidence procedure safety child protection ritual circumcision surgical history ethics child welfare abuse definition cultural respect surgical complications evidence-based medicine health outcomes historical safety infant circumcision modern medicine ancient practices historical circumcision long-term safety medical science evidence circumcision safety harm evidence ritual circumcision traditional medicine cultural practices health impact circumcision risks health outcomes millennia of use hospital circumcision safety abuse terminology debate circumcision controversy medical ethics child circumcision debate cultural tradition historical medical practices proven harm evidence traditional surgical procedures respect for cultural practices historical health data circumcision outcomes medical history circumcision historical practices medical evidence health risks safety traditional procedures modern hospitals proven harm abuse terminology cultural practices medical ethics pediatric surgery long-term effects public health procedural safety cross-cultural comparison ritual circumcision informed consent medical controversy child protection historical safety religious traditions ethical debate surgical outcomes harm assessment ancient medical practices safety historical circumcision evidence circumcision medical risks circumcision long-term effects circumcision abuse debate medical science circumcision harm safety of modern circumcision traditional practices and health circumcision in medical history evaluating medical interventions harm respect for cultural practices circumcision controversy harm reduction circumcision evidence-based restriction practices historical safety of circumcision circumcision and ethical considerations abuse terminology in medical context circumcision procedure risks cultural considerations circumcision circumcision performed in history circumcision historical medical practices long-term safety health risks cultural traditions evidence-based medicine medical harm abuse terminology modern surgical standards historical procedures medical ethics patient safety medical history traditional practices harm assessment circumcision debates healthcare evolution procedural outcomes child health cultural sensitivity circumcision safety historical circumcision practices long-term effects of circumcision medical evidence on circumcision circumcision and child abuse circumcision risks cultural practices and health circumcision in modern medicine ethical debates circumcision legitimacy of circumcision concerns circumcision complications public health and circumcision traditional medical procedures evidence-based restriction of practices millennia-old medical practices circumcision and social norms circumcision abuse debate medical history circumcision circumcision legal restrictions harm of ancient medical practices ancient practices historical safety record circumcision medical science evidence harm assessment millennia-old procedures risk comparison modern hospital safety procedure safety traditional medicine cultural practices abuse mislabeling medical risk historical context patient outcomes ethical considerations medical evidence harm prevention surgical procedures child health abuse terminology medical ethics evidence-based medicine cultural sensitivity health impact traditional rituals circumcision historical practices medical evidence safety of circumcision long-term effects cultural traditions modern hospital procedures medical safety circumcision risks medical harm evidence abuse terminology ethical debate traditional medicine health outcomes historical safety child circumcision adult circumcision historical health practices circumcision controversy medical ethics circumcision history safety medical evidence harm millennia tradition cultural practices abuse terminology modern medicine risk assessment historical context procedure outcomes health impact surgical safety ethical debate cultural sensitivity hospital standards child welfare medical ethics circumcision historical practices safety medical evidence harm millennia health outcomes abuse terminology cultural traditions hospital procedure medical ethics child welfare risk assessment parental rights traditional medicine
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro02a	Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 environmental degradation ecological impact illegal mining legal mining natural resource extraction deforestation soil erosion habitat loss biodiversity loss tropical rainforest destruction pollution water contamination soil contamination chemical runoff landscape alteration sustainability Africa timber industry cattle ranching woodland loss conservation global ecological systems climate change carbon emissions environmental policy sustainable development resource management illicit activities environmental regulation environmental protection environmental degradation natural resource extraction mining Africa deforestation Africa woodland loss soil degradation timber extraction cattle ranching rainforest destruction ecological impact land scarring pollution mining water contamination soil contamination harmful chemicals illicit mining illegal resource extraction environmental policy Africa sustainable resource management biodiversity loss habitat destruction ecosystem services conservation strategies land use change carbon emissions environmental law enforcement forest management Africa gold mining diamond mining artisanal mining industrial logging deforestation mining soil degradation water contamination pollution illicit resource extraction timber extraction cattle ranching rainforest destruction Africa ecological impact environmental sustainability landscape scarring chemical pollution illegal mining forest loss biodiversity loss natural resource exploitation environmental policy habitat destruction environmental damage Africa ecological impact resource extraction Africa mining deforestation Africa illicit resource extraction environmental effects woodland destruction Africa statistics soil degradation Africa causes global ecological systems rainforests Africa mining pollution Africa environmental impact transportation mining Africa chemical contamination mining Africa effects of illicit mining Africa deforestation timber cattle Africa mining scarring landscape Africa illegal mining environmental harm Africa mining water soil pollution Africa FAO deforestation Africa report unlawful mining Africa environment sustainable resource extraction Africa mitigating environmental damage Africa policy solutions environmental harm Africa environmental degradation Africa resource extraction legal mining illegal mining deforestation ecological impact soil degradation rainforest loss timber extraction cattle ranching woodland destruction pollution landscape scarring chemical contamination water pollution soil pollution illicit activities natural resources mining impacts global ecological systems environmental sustainability forest conservation habitat loss biodiversity loss sustainable resource management environmental policy African deforestation statistics environmental law enforcement impact of mining in Africa environmental impact Africa resource extraction Africa deforestation Africa mining pollution Africa ecological loss Africa soil degradation Africa rainforest destruction Africa illicit mining Africa legal vs illegal resource extraction natural resource depletion Africa timber extraction Africa cattle ranching deforestation Africa mining chemicals contamination Africa water pollution Africa landscape scarring Africa global ecological impact Africa sustainable resource management Africa environmental policy Africa mining regulation Africa forest conservation Africa environmental degradation resource extraction Africa mining impact deforestation ecological loss woodland destruction soil degradation timber cattle farming rainforest loss global ecosystem land scarring pollution water contamination soil contamination harmful chemicals illegal mining illicit resource extraction environmental policy sustainable development conservation biodiversity loss habitat destruction natural resources exploitation environmental regulations ecological footprint climate change land use change forest management environmental impact Africa resource extraction Africa illicit mining Africa legal mining Africa deforestation Africa woodland loss Africa soil degradation Africa ecological systems Africa rainforest destruction Africa mining pollution Africa water contamination Africa soil contamination Africa illegal mining environmental damage natural resource exploitation Africa timber extraction impact cattle ranching deforestation landscape scarring mining mining chemicals Africa FAO deforestation Africa Mining Weekly illegal mining wildlife habitat loss Africa sustainable resource management Africa environmental policy Africa mining regulation Africa forest conservation Africa biodiversity loss Africa deforestation mining impact environmental degradation Africa natural resources illicit resource extraction woodland loss soil degradation rainforest destruction pollution mining chemicals water contamination landscape scarring illegal mining ecological loss timber exploitation cattle ranching sustainable resource management forest conservation mining regulation biodiversity loss environmental policy Africa illegal mining resource extraction Africa deforestation soil degradation rainforest loss environmental pollution water contamination timber industry cattle ranching ecological impact landscape scarring harmful chemicals environmental sustainability biodiversity loss mining regulations forest conservation illicit activities mining byproducts natural resource management sustainable development mining impact illegal logging environmental policy wildlife habitat destruction ecosystem services land degradation
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro01a	"Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. internet as human right digital rights universal internet access right to information digital divide freedom of expression United Nations internet rights online censorship basic digital literacy fundamental rights access to technology social inclusion digital inequality equitable connectivity internet deprivation article 26 Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Special Rapporteur report 2011 Tim Berners-Lee internet rights web access right to communication human rights and technology information society online participation digital citizenship global connectivity digital freedom digital rights universal internet access information society freedom of expression online digital divide ICT as a human right net neutrality internet as a necessity right to connectivity UN internet rights web access equality online participation technology and human rights socioeconomic impact of internet global internet policy right to digital inclusion essential internet infrastructure digital literacy as a right internet for development access to information online digital divide universal access right to information freedom of expression technological rights digital inclusion human rights law online censorship digital literacy social equality internet freedom digital rights information society United Nations global connectivity communication rights socioeconomic development essential service digital infrastructure right to education digital exclusion net neutrality internet access as a human right right to internet access UN report internet human rights online expression human rights violation universal internet access internet as fundamental societal need digital divide and human rights internet deprivation liberty Tim Berners-Lee internet rights comparison internet and basic schooling specific contemporary human rights article 26 Universal Declaration of Human Rights internet internet access equality legal recognition of internet rights digital inclusion and exclusion state obligations internet access freedom of opinion online technology and human rights human rights and web access deprivation of liberty internet internet for social interaction rights internet access human rights UN special rapporteur digital rights right to information universal access digital divide freedom of expression online censorship global connectivity internet as a public good digital inclusion digital literacy socioeconomic impact social justice universal declaration of human rights article 26 Tim Berners-Lee web accessibility digital deprivation information society internet governance communication rights modern civil rights technology and society right to education ICT4D internet policy social exclusion digital citizenship internet access as a human right digital rights universal internet access UN internet rights report internet freedom right to online expression global digital inclusion internet deprivation as liberty deprivation Tim Berners-Lee internet rights comparison to right to education human rights and technology digital divide internet censorship state obligations internet access web access and social equality fundamental digital access contemporary human rights issues right to information access internet and social participation human rights council internet basic digital literacy rights internet access human rights digital rights universal access UN special rapporteur freedom of expression online expression international human rights digital divide information society basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 26 web access digital inclusion social participation fundamental rights Tim Berners-Lee deprivation of liberty connectivity right to communicate web censorship digital exclusion modern society equal opportunities technological rights internet as utility civic participation freedom of information global connectivity internet deprivation internet human rights right to internet access UN internet rights universal internet access digital rights online freedom of expression digital inclusion internet as basic right global internet access internet deprivation UN Special Rapporteur internet digital divide fundamental digital rights freedom of online expression internet and Universal Declaration of Human Rights Tim Berners-Lee internet rights information society rights right to internet connectivity internet justice online liberty internet as public good contemporary human rights internet access equality access to online education human rights and technology web access as liberty communication rights state obligations internet digital citizenship rights digital divide information society digital literacy freedom of expression universal service digital inclusion technology rights socio-economic rights connectivity ICT for development access to information net neutrality digital citizenship equality of access human development digital empowerment knowledge economy social justice online participation UN resolutions digital policy fundamental rights civil liberties digital infrastructure right to communication digital divide information society digital literacy freedom of expression online rights internet governance universal access network neutrality digital inclusion social inequality UN resolutions human development digital citizenship right to information technological discrimination access to technology connectivity rights global internet access human rights law ICT policy"
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro01a	Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. graduate tax higher education funding student participation access to university financial barriers student loans tuition fees low-income students widening participation education affordability government financial commitment Australia higher education income-contingent repayment educational equity university access funding models social mobility university finance policy impact tertiary education expansion inclusivity in education educational funding reforms economic barriers university growth higher education policy graduate tax higher education funding student access university participation education financing tuition alternatives widening participation student loans financial barriers low-income students equity in education social mobility government funding education policy HECS Australia income-contingent repayment tuition fees university affordability education accessibility student recruitment graduate tax higher education funding student access university enrolment financial barriers low-income students tuition alternatives student participation government financial commitment access to education inclusive education policy funding models student equity widening participation Australia graduate tax higher education policy tuition fees education affordability university funding socioeconomic diversity public policy income-contingent repayment student finance Chapman 1997 education reform graduate tax benefits impact of graduate tax on higher education access comparison of graduate tax vs tuition fees graduate tax and social mobility funding models for universities effects of graduate tax on low-income students graduate tax policy UK graduate tax Australia case study graduate tax and government financial commitment graduate tax and university participation rates graduate tax as alternative to student loans graduate tax reduction of barriers for disadvantaged groups graduate tax efficacy evidence graduate tax for sustainable higher education funding graduate tax public opinion graduate tax economic impact implementation challenges of graduate tax graduate tax and student debt graduate tax vs free university equity in higher education graduate tax higher education funding university access student financial aid tuition policies student loans education equity government commitment educational participation income-based repayment low-income students student barriers university expansion degree affordability social mobility Australia graduate tax model higher education reform educational inequality policy comparison student enrollment growth graduate tax benefits higher education funding models access to university for low-income students graduate tax vs tuition fees effects of graduate tax on student enrollment financial barriers in higher education graduate tax impact on government spending university participation rates Australia equity in higher education funding removing financial barriers for students widening participation in higher education Chapman 1997 graduate tax study alternatives to student loans graduate tax and social mobility graduate tax scheme success stories graduate tax higher education student funding university access tuition alternatives education financing student participation low-income students financial barriers equity in education Australia case study university enrollment Chapman 1997 funding policy widening participation government commitment tuition fees student loans social mobility open access education policy capital investment precedent increased enrollment inclusive education graduate tax advantages student funding mechanisms higher education access educational equity university funding models graduate tax vs tuition fees student participation rates low-income student access financial barriers in education government education expenditure Australian graduate tax case study higher education affordability social mobility through education effects of graduate tax on enrollment university expansion funding inclusive education funding Chapman 1997 graduate tax mitigating student debt public funding for universities education policy reform graduate tax higher education funding student access university affordability student participation education equality financial barriers university tuition alternatives government financial burden widening participation social mobility education policy fees vs taxes Australia graduate tax low-income students education incentives tuition funding models university expansion student financial aid postsecondary accessibility graduate tax benefits higher education access university funding models student participation rates socioeconomic diversity financial barriers removal Australia case study university entry rates student loan alternatives tuition fees impact equity in education government financial commitments funding sustainability widening participation education finance policy tertiary education access low-income student support educational opportunity inclusive higher education international comparisons
test-environment-assgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal rights animal testing animal cruelty animal welfare laws ethical treatment animal experimentation UK animal laws Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 government policy legal exceptions scientific research animal abuse laboratory animals animal protection humane treatment animal legislation moral responsibility regulatory loopholes ethical science animal justice cruelty prevention research ethics public policy legislative reform government accountability animal testing animal welfare laws animal cruelty animal rights scientific procedures UK legislation ethical treatment of animals laboratory animals animal experiments regulation animal protection government policy animal abuse prevention animal research laws animal ethics animal rights activism legislation comparison humane treatment public opinion animal testing animal law reform legal loopholes animal testing animal testing animal welfare animal cruelty animal rights animal protection UK legislation Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 government policy legal exemptions laboratory animals ethical treatment humane research biomedical research animal abuse law enforcement public opinion animal protection laws animal experiments consistency in law animal rights activism animal testing regulation animal welfare laws effectiveness inconsistency in animal protection laws ethical issues in animal experimentation Animals Scientific Procedures Act criticism government stance on animal cruelty reforming animal testing laws loopholes in animal welfare legislation animal abuse exceptions balancing scientific research and animal rights alternatives to animal testing public opinion on animal research laws international comparison of animal testing laws impact of animal testing legislation animal rights advocacy stricter animal welfare enforcement moral responsibility animal research animal cruelty legal exemptions legislative transparency animal testing government justification animal experimentation animal testing animal welfare laws animal cruelty animal abuse UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act legal loopholes animal rights government policy scientific research laws ethical treatment of animals laboratory animals animal protection animal experimentation legal exceptions animal law reform animal testing ethics animal welfare laws animal cruelty prevention animal experimentation legislation UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 government stance on animal abuse animal rights ethical treatment of animals inconsistency in animal laws animal testing regulations accountability for animal abuse scientific research and animal welfare animal protection policies criminalization of animal testing banning animal experiments alternatives to animal testing animal abuse laws public opinion on animal testing animal welfare enforcement cruelty-free research animal welfare animal cruelty animal rights animal testing animal experiments scientific procedures animal protection laws UK legislation Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 government policy legal exemptions laboratory animals ethical treatment animal abuse law enforcement animal experimentation regulatory framework bioethics humane research animal advocacy consistency in law animal rights activism animal law reform public policy animal use in research animal rights legislation animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 animal rights animal abuse legal loopholes government policies ethical animal research animal protection laws consistency in animal laws animal experimentation humane treatment of animals legislation on animal testing animal law enforcement bioethics animal research regulations scientific animal testing criminalization of animal testing government stance on animal cruelty animal testing alternatives animal welfare regulations ethical research practices government policies on animal cruelty scientific procedures act critique animal rights humane experimentation animal experimentation laws animal cruelty prevention legislative reform ethical treatment of animals animal protection inconsistencies in animal law animal research oversight alternatives to animal use animal testing animal welfare animal rights animal cruelty prevention ethical research scientific procedures act UK animal law animal protection legal loopholes animal experimentation government policy legal reform ethical alternatives laboratory animals animal abuse accountability animal sentience humane treatment research ethics animal law consistency public policy reform
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con01a	This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. criminal law criminal legislation societal norms autonomy individual freedom legal interference personal autonomy legal philosophy criminal justice legal system social norms moral responsibility legal boundaries self-determination criminal responsibility suicide laws personal liberty legislative intent crime prevention public safety autonomy rights law and morality criminalization legal regulation criminal policy criminal justice public policy legal philosophy criminal code moral regulation legislative intent freedom of choice autonomy personal liberty criminal responsibility harm principle non-interference individual rights societal norms legal boundaries criminal liability mental health suicide prevention state intervention paternalism legal autonomy legislative purpose criminal law criminal legislation moral regulation autonomy personal freedom legal boundaries criminalization private conduct state intervention individual rights suicide law legal autonomy public safety decriminalization legal philosophy moral responsibility legal limits liberty harm principle justice system criminal law scope limits of criminal legislation criminal law and personal autonomy role of criminal law in society decriminalization of suicide criminal law and moral questions legal protection of individual freedom criminalization of personal behavior criminal justice and autonomy criminal law versus morality criminal legislation principles protecting autonomy through law boundaries of criminal prosecution legislative intent behind criminal laws criminal law and private life societal norms and legal enforcement criminal law’s practical considerations law and social pronouncements interference with personal decisions criminal law and self-harm justification for criminal sanctions criminal law criminal legislation personal autonomy individual freedom legal philosophy moral regulation criminalization liberty protection suicide legality legislative purpose criminal justice societal norms law and morality legal intervention harm principle private conduct public safety victimless crimes law and ethics personal responsibility state intervention criminal law function criminal legislation philosophy role of criminal law autonomy criminal law purpose of criminal legislation limits of criminal law criminal law and morality criminalization of suicide legal theory individual freedom law societal norms criminal law law and personal autonomy freedom from interference law criminal law boundaries practical application of criminal law criminal law safe space criminal law criminal legislation moral regulation autonomy individual freedom legal boundaries personal liberty state intervention criminal justice self-determination societal norms law and morality public safety victimless crimes decriminalization private conduct legal theory human rights legal philosophy criminalization harm principle state authority personal choice criminal law purpose scope of criminal legislation criminal law autonomy freedom and criminal law justification of criminalization criminal law and morality limits of criminal law decriminalization of suicide legal philosophy criminal law law and individual autonomy criminal justice and personal freedom penal law societal limits criminal law social control legal regulation of behavior law versus morality debate harm principle criminal law legal moralism paternalism in criminal law suicide law reform criminalization versus legalization criminal law criminal legislation autonomy individual freedom personal autonomy legal philosophy decriminalization moral regulation law and morality criminal justice individual rights suicide laws personal liberty legislative purpose harm principle public safety legal intervention criminal responsibility social control victimless crimes criminal law purpose scope of criminal legislation autonomy and criminal law society and law limits of criminal law individual freedom law criminal law and morality legal philosophy decriminalization victimless crimes autonomy rights law suicide legal status law and social values law and personal choice criminalization debate harm principle law regulation of morality legislative intent law and ethics state intervention boundaries
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro02a	Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. needle exchange programs harm reduction public health safe disposal used needles drug addiction community protection children safety sanitation worker safety family health disease prevention bloodborne pathogens HIV prevention hepatitis prevention syringe access public safety healthcare policy substance abuse risk reduction HIV/AIDS transmission government policy needle exchange programs harm reduction public health safe disposal of needles prevention of needle-stick injuries protection of children protection of sanitation workers family safety reduction of infectious diseases HIV prevention hepatitis prevention community safety drug addiction support syringe exchange public safety used syringe disposal health benefits impact on families government policy on needle exchange safe injection sites disease transmission prevention addiction harm mitigation healthcare worker safety drug abuse prevention needle exchange benefits harm reduction needle disposal safe injection sites public health infectious disease prevention HIV prevention hepatitis C prevention community safety drug policy sanitation worker safety child safety family protection bloodborne pathogens syringe exchange programs substance use addiction services public safety healthcare policy harm minimization overdose prevention needle exchange programs public safety needle exchange reduce disease transmission benefits of needle exchanges to community health harm reduction strategies drug use safe disposal of needles in public spaces impact of needle exchanges on families of addicts needle exchange and protection of sanitation workers prevention of accidental needle stick injuries needle exchange programs children’s safety needle exchanges reduce HIV hepatitis C effectiveness of needle exchanges in urban areas public health justification for needle exchange community concerns about discarded needles needle exchange support for loved ones needle exchange reduce healthcare costs government policy on needle exchanges needle exchanges and drug addiction treatment pathways harm reduction needle disposal public health safe injection sites disease prevention HIV transmission hepatitis prevention harm minimization drug policy community safety sanitation worker safety child protection family health syringe exchange programs substance abuse intervention healthcare benefits infectious disease control government policy addiction support needle-stick injury prevention needle exchange benefits public health needle exchanges needle exchange safety harm reduction programs needle disposal safety protection from used needles child safety and needle exchanges sanitation worker needle risk family protection needle programs needle exchanges and disease prevention needle exchange public policy community safety needle programs needle exchange impact on families hepatitis prevention needle exchange drug addict harm reduction safe needle disposal programs needle exchange programs harm reduction public safety safe disposal syringe disposal drug addiction used needles community health child safety sanitation workers occupational exposure needlestick injuries infectious disease prevention HIV prevention hepatitis prevention family protection partner safety harm minimization public health policy drug user families fluid-borne diseases social benefits safe injection sites drug policy healthcare workers hepatitis C HIV/AIDS government policy public health benefits disease transmission prevention needle exchange programs public health safety harm reduction safe needle disposal drug addiction child protection sanitation worker safety accidental needle stick family protection disease transmission prevention HIV prevention hepatitis prevention community health syringe exchange benefits needle disposal sites public safety addiction harm mitigation legal needle exchange government policy needle exchange drug abuse prevention healthcare worker safety injection drug use risks needle sharing dangers safe injection practices harm reduction policy needle exchange programs harm reduction public health safe disposal used needles community protection children safety sanitation worker safety drug addiction disease prevention hepatitis transmission HIV prevention family health substance use public safety health policy bloodborne pathogens government policy drug-related harm social impact addiction support services needle disposal containers syringe access harm minimization overdose prevention harm reduction syringe services programs public health benefits safe needle disposal community safety prevention of needle-stick injuries protection for children sanitation worker safety family health infectious disease prevention HIV reduction hepatitis C prevention drug policy healthcare access for drug users substance use disorder public safety initiatives government policy on drug use social support for addicts needle exchange effectiveness harm minimization
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con01a	Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. meritocracy earned achievements positive discrimination affirmative action role model effectiveness hard work talent recognition university admissions achievement legitimacy minority representation inspirational figures diversity in role models social mobility equality of opportunity tokenism stereotype threat educational access patronising attitudes cosmopolitan society social diversity model admiration performance-based recognition achievement merit earned success positive discrimination affirmative action controversy role model credibility unearned advantages tokenism hard work recognition talent-based achievement diversity in role models cosmopolitan society meritocracy inspirational figures equality of opportunity university admissions fairness minority representation societal admiration motivational figures ethnic minority success role model influence psychological impact of role models meritocracy hard work talent affirmative action positive discrimination role models university admissions earned success social mobility equality of opportunity minority representation diversity merit-based achievement educational attainment inspirational figures representation in education positive role models selection criteria fairness in achievement societal perceptions academic selection equity vs. equality positive discrimination debate role models and achievements earned vs unearned success meritocracy in education effectiveness of positive discrimination impact of affirmative action on reputation psychological effects of positive discrimination diversity in role models perception of minority success hard work vs privilege patronizing assumptions in diversity policies ethnic minority representation upward mobility and merit university admissions fairness criticism of affirmative action social implications of positive discrimination Hillary Clinton effect psychology admiration of hard work and talent credibility of role models identity and aspiration positive discrimination affirmative action role models meritocracy earned achievements unearned advantages diversity representation psychological impact social mobility ethnic minorities educational access admiration hard work talent university admissions perception of success patronizing attitudes multiculturalism inspirational figures inequality social justice British Psychological Society Hillary Clinton effect modeling behavior meritocracy positive discrimination debate affirmative action criticism role model credibility earned achievements university admissions fairness diversity in role models hard work versus entitlement ethnic minorities representation unearned success perception psychological impact of positive discrimination cosmopolitan society values educational achievement standards British Psychological Society role model study meritocracy accomplishments earned success affirmative action positive discrimination role models inspirational figures hard work talent university admission selection criteria diversity inclusivity multiculturalism ethnic minorities representation admiration mentorship societal values psychological impact perception legitimacy patronizing attitudes aspirational figures social mobility educational opportunities cosmopolitan society social perception positive discrimination debate earned achievements role model criteria meritocracy in education affirmative action consequences university admissions fairness ethnic minority representation merit vs positive discrimination cultural role models diversity in achievements parachuting into university unearned success skepticism psychological impact of affirmative action hard work versus privilege societal views on achievement representation in higher education undermining meritocracy inspirational role models motivational diversity British Psychological Society on role models positive discrimination meritocracy earned achievements role models university admissions affirmative action diversity talent recognition hard work social mobility ethnic minorities representation equality inspirational figures psychological impact fairness patronizing attitudes success factors identity and achievement inclusive society model minorities positive discrimination meritocracy affirmative action role models earned achievements hard work talent university admissions diversity cosmopolitanism ethnic minorities representation psychological effects social mobility motivational influence perception of fairness patronising attitudes inspirational figures Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con03a	This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, smoking ban pub closures economic impact hospitality industry unemployment small business nightlife government regulation business loss club closures customer behavior public policy save pubs campaign smoking regulations UK law business revenue social venues local economy public health policy lobbying efforts smoking ban pub closures economic impact hospitality industry bar business UK smoking policy public health legislation business losses smoking restrictions Save Our Pubs & Clubs nightlife revenue decline customer behavior government regulation small business impact tobacco laws bar patronage anti-smoking campaigns policy consequences hospitality sector smoking ban pub closures economic impact hospitality industry club closures business loss smokers' behavior smoking regulations Save Our Pubs & Clubs government policy UK pubs smoking legislation public health policy licensed premises leisure industry tobacco control small business social impact pub revenues anti-smoking laws hospitality sector campaign groups patron behavior enforcement consequences smoking ban impact on pubs pub closures statistics effects of smoking ban on club business smoking ban and small business economic impact of smoking ban case studies pub closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign data business loss due to smoking regulations smoking ban and hospitality industry UK legislation on smoking in pubs arguments against smoking ban economic hospitality industry response to smoking ban public health vs economic impact smoking laws smoking ban debate pubs experiences of pub owners smoking ban reduction in pub revenue after ban pubs adapting post-smoking ban smoking ban international comparisons pub closure rates since smoking ban government response to pub smoking ban pub closures smoking ban economic impact smoking in pubs UK smoking ban effects smoking legislation hospitality industry social smoking Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign nightlife businesses bar revenue pubs business downturn public health policy secondhand smoke legislative consequences bar owner perspectives pub industry trends public opinion smoking ban smoking ban statistics smoking culture UK smoking ban impact pub closures economic consequences smoking ban UK smoking ban statistics Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign pub industry decline hospitality sector smoking policies smoking ban controversy effects on local businesses smoking in public places smoking legislation effects pub owner's perspective government regulation pubs social consequences smoking ban anti-smoking legislation economic impact bar closure statistics UK smoking habits public venues smoking ban unemployment nightlife smoking restrictions hospitality industry challenges smoking ban pub closures clubs business impact hospitality industry economic consequences smoking legislation customer behavior UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs government policy public health smokers' rights leisure venues nightlife economy social gatherings legislative effects enforcement small business publicans local economy bar trade restaurant industry ban exemptions indoor smoking hospitality revenue rural pubs community loss smoking in public places social impact smoking ban economic impact pub closures statistics smoking ban UK effects Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign hospitality industry smoking ban nightlife business decline legislation impact on pubs public health policy criticism economic consequences smoking ban pub owner perspectives smoking ban social behavior smoking ban business case studies smoking laws hospitality sector job losses club closures smoking legislation consumer habits smoking ban smoking ban impact pubs closures economic effects nightlife venues UK smoking ban statistics hospitality industry business losses Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign legislation consequences public health policy patron behavior social venues government regulations economic downturn job losses business closures smoking in hospitality pub industry challenges law reform smoking ban opposition smoking ban effects pub closures economic impact nightlife industry hospitality sector business loss smoking policy health regulations bar revenue social habits UK smoking ban statistics Save Our Pubs & Clubs government regulations legislative impact small business public health smoking ban controversy customer behavior licensing laws economic hardship
test-law-phwmfri-pro01a	Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. proportional fines income-based penalties equality before law fairness in punishment economic disparity equitable justice sliding scale fines day fines income inequality financial penalties criminal justice reform social justice punitive impact socioeconomic status wealth disparity restorative justice punishment equity equal consequences justice system reform progressive fines income-based fines proportional penalties equality in punishment sliding scale fines day-fines equitable justice wealth disparity fair sentencing financial penalties absolute vs relative fines criminal justice reform socioeconomic status punishment impact equal consequences income disparity justice system fairness means-tested fines progressive fines relative impact of punishment socioeconomic equality income-based fines day fines proportional punishment fair penalties equity in punishment economic disparity wealth inequality justice system financial penalties deterrence punishment effectiveness social justice equal impact sliding scale fines income-adjusted fines criminal justice reform punitive fairness sentencing disparity progressive fines offender income assessment income-based fines proportional punishment equality before the law fairness of financial penalties day fines system graduated penalties economic disparities in justice impact of fines by income equitable law enforcement sentencing reform social justice fines criminal justice equality progressive punishment models deterrence effectiveness reducing bias in penalties financial penalties and social inequality fair consequences for all means-tested fines justice system reform wealth and punishment equity income-based fines proportional fines day-fines equality in punishment sentencing fairness economic disparity wealth inequality justice system reforms impact of fines equitable punishment financial penalties progressive sanctions distributive justice social justice deterrence effect legal equality graduated penalties criminal justice equity punishment proportionality fine system fairness income-based fines proportional penalties equality in punishment day-fines system fairness in sentencing economic disparity fines justice system equity financial penalties fairness wealth-adjusted fines equitable legal consequences socioeconomic impact of fines penal system reform punishment proportionality income-adjusted punishment rich vs poor fines just punishment principles financial penalty impact fair criminal justice sentencing equality deterrence effectiveness income-based fines day fines proportional punishment equality before law offender income financial penalty fairness wealth disparity justice social equity fine system reform punishment equity progressive penalties sliding scale fines economic disparity fairness in sentencing equal impact punishment judicial equality criminal justice reform penalty proportionality income-adjusted fines socio-economic balance poverty and justice rich versus poor fines income-based fines proportional fines equality in punishment economic disparity graduated penalties fair sentencing financial penalties justice system reform day-fines wealth inequality social justice sentencing equity punitive measures fair fines income inequality justice fairness equitable punishment fine system reform punishments and income progressive penalties income-proportional fines day-fines equitable punishment socioeconomic disparity justice progressive penalties fairness in sentencing economic impact of fines equality before law justice system reforms wealth-based justice penalty proportionality criminal justice equity income-based punishment fair justice administration financial penalties justice income-based fines proportional penalties equitable punishment sliding scale fines justice equality economic disparity punishment severity financial penalties wealth gap deterrence effect socioeconomic status fair justice day fines legal reform penalty impact sentencing fairness restorative justice
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro02a	Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: terrorism political negotiation group recognition conflict resolution peaceful protest failure government concessions insurgency revolutionary movements Nelson Mandela legitimacy of violence peace processes Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka justifiability of terrorism armed struggle state response political legitimacy escalation of conflict international law freedom fighters resistance movements reconciliation transitional justice terrorism justification political negotiation government concessions militant groups peace processes recognition of causes failed peaceful protest Nelson Mandela terrorism Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority creation conflict resolution insurgency outcomes terrorist tactics government response to terrorism legitimacy of violence escalation from protest to violence terrorism and legitimacy success of terrorism case studies terrorism terrorism as political tool government negotiation terrorism terrorism political violence negotiation government concessions recognition of groups peaceful protest Nelson Mandela Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority successful terrorism justifying terrorism conflict resolution peace process militant groups political legitimacy insurgency armed struggle state response historical examples peace talks case studies international relations justification of terrorism historical examples terrorism peaceful protest comparison terrorism government negotiation cases effectiveness of terrorism in political change nonviolent movements vs terrorism terrorism as a catalyst for recognition terrorism and policy change Nelson Mandela terrorism transformation Oslo Accords terrorism impact terrorism success case studies terrorism and international relations concessions through terrorism terrorist groups and legitimacy Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka terrorism terrorism and state response terrorism and acknowledged groups failed peaceful means terrorism discussion outcomes of terrorism terrorism ethical debate terrorism vs diplomatic negotiation terrorism justification political recognition negotiation with terrorists government concessions peaceful protest failure Nelson Mandela terrorism terrorist to leader terrorism success cases Israel terrorism negotiations Northern Ireland peace process Sri Lanka terrorism outcomes Oslo Accords analysis Palestinian Authority creation terrorism and political change history of terrorism negotiations rational protest versus terrorism terrorist group acknowledgement peace versus violence outcomes government response to terrorism examples of terrorist negotiations impact of terrorism on policy terrorism justification terrorism political impact terrorism negotiation terrorism and government concessions Nelson Mandela terrorism terrorism historical examples terrorism peaceful protest comparison terrorism success cases Israel terrorism negotiations Northern Ireland terrorism Sri Lanka terrorism Oslo Accords terrorism Palestinian Authority creation terrorism recognition causes terrorism and peaceful means terrorism group acknowledgement terrorism and international relations success of terrorist movements terrorism and political legitimacy terrorism as political tool terrorism political violence negotiation government concessions group recognition peaceful protest failed diplomacy justified terrorism success through violence rational argument Nelson Mandela Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority peace process insurgency militant movements international relations state response conflict resolution revolutionary movements justified violence history of terrorism militant negotiation armed struggle separatist movements political legitimacy radicalization state-sponsored terrorism terror tactics non-state actors civil rights movements political change coercive diplomacy political activism terrorism justification terrorism negotiation government concessions to terrorists terrorism success stories Nelson Mandela terrorism Israel terrorism negotiation Northern Ireland terrorism Sri Lanka terrorism outcomes Oslo Accords terrorism Palestinian Authority creation terrorism political recognition terrorism peaceful protest failure terrorism rational argument terrorism peace process terrorism group acknowledgement governments negotiate terrorists political terrorism cases terrorism and concessions historical terrorism negotiations terrorism achieving recognition terrorism political violence negotiation government concessions group recognition successful terrorism political outcomes peaceful protest failure Nelson Mandela political legitimacy Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka state response terrorist groups political transition justified terrorism conflict resolution peace process historical examples armed resistance cause recognition militant movements political change legitimacy of violence state negotiation international relations extremist tactics insurgency political violence insurgency negotiation political recognition political legitimacy historical context peace process conflict resolution civil unrest government concessions armed struggle state response Nelson Mandela Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority Israel conflict Northern Ireland conflict Sri Lanka conflict justification of terrorism effectiveness of terrorism peaceful protest radicalization cause recognition militant tactics political outcomes
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro01a	It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 animal rights animal welfare veganism vegetarianism sentience pain perception moral responsibility factory farming humane treatment animal suffering Jeremy Bentham utilitarianism Tom Regan speciesism ethical eating industrial agriculture animal cruelty free range selective breeding livestock animal ethics animal consciousness moral philosophy animal protection animal exploitation food ethics nonhuman animals plant-based diet animal liberation compassion animal sentience anti-speciesism animal farming animal slaughter PETA animal justice animal rights animal ethics factory farming animal welfare veganism vegetarianism speciesism sentience utilitarianism animal suffering moral duty Jeremy Bentham Tom Regan animal cruelty ethical eating livestock farming animal liberation humane farming plant-based diet animal consciousness moral philosophy food ethics compassionate living animal protection indirect duties animal exploitation industrial agriculture animal pain PETA animal husbandry animal rights animal welfare factory farming veganism animal sentience Jeremy Bentham Tom Regan utilitarianism moral duty animal suffering humane farming ethical eating speciesism animal consciousness cruelty-free vegetarianism industrial agriculture free-range farming food ethics animal liberation animal protection moral philosophy livestock welfare ethical veganism animal pain ethical slaughter animal cruelty animal exploitation compassionate diet dietary ethics animal rights arguments moral duty to animals sentience of farm animals Jeremy Bentham animal suffering utilitarianism and animals speciesism vs racism factory farming cruelty ethical veganism animal welfare in agriculture history of veganism Tom Regan animal rights indirect duties to animals animal suffering vs human suffering free range farming ethics PETA statistics animals killed animal suffering in slaughterhouses philosophical arguments for veganism respect for life animal ethics selective breeding animal cruelty moral contract animals ethical issues of meat consumption alternatives to animal farming impact of factory farming on health animal protection philosophy animal rights animal welfare morality ethics sentience factory farming animal suffering Jeremy Bentham utilitarianism speciesism veganism vegetarianism animal cruelty free range industrial agriculture humane treatment food ethics Tom Regan moral duty indirect duties moral contract animal consciousness animal pain human-animal relationship animal protection animal exploitation anti-speciesism animal sentience ethical eating livestock welfare ethical farming suffering prevention animal advocacy plant-based diet cruelty-free animal slaughter intensive farming ethical obligation evolutionary cousins animal rights philosophy animal rights animal welfare factory farming ethical veganism Jeremy Bentham animal suffering Tom Regan animal rights moral duty to animals sentient beings cruelty in farming utilitarianism animals human superiority ethics free-range farming criticism animal sentience animal suffering antibiotics in livestock ethical vegetarianism PETA animal statistics selective breeding problems moral philosophy animals indirect duties respect for life recognition of suffering veganism history animal protection pain and pleasure animals evolutionary cousins animals animal rights animal ethics ethical veganism animal welfare sentience moral duty utilitarianism Jeremy Bentham Tom Regan indirect duties factory farming animal suffering cruelty-free sentient beings animal sentience factory farm conditions food ethics slaughter practices speciesism moral responsibility humane treatment rights of animals vegetarianism veganism animal cruelty free range farming PETA farm animal welfare moral obligations animal protection selective breeding animal suffering analogies moral contract respect for life pain mitigation human-animal relationship animal exploitation livestock ethics animal rights animal welfare factory farming ethical veganism sentience in animals Bentham animal ethics utilitarianism animals Tom Regan animal rights factory farm conditions animal suffering morality of eating animals humane farming alternatives livestock cruelty free-range myth animal consciousness philosophy of animal rights speciesism moral consideration animals reasons not to eat meat alternatives to animal agriculture animal liberation ethical vegetarianism animal slaughter ethics direct vs indirect moral duties livestock industry ethics animal exploitation cruelty-free lifestyle industrial agriculture ethics PETA animal statistics selective breeding livestock animal sentience debate animal rights animal welfare factory farming ethical eating sentient beings animal suffering utilitarianism Jeremy Bentham Tom Regan moral duty veganism speciesism factory farm cruelty industrial agriculture free range farming myths animal sentience animal consciousness ethical vegetarianism alternatives to meat humane slaughter animal liberation environmental impact of meat antibiotics in livestock pesticides in animal feed selective breeding issues animal ethics moral consideration indirect duties respect for life food ethics animal ethics animal rights moral philosophy Jeremy Bentham Tom Regan utilitarianism sentience factory farming animal welfare speciesism veganism animal suffering cruelty-free free range ethical eating animal liberation animal sentience human-animal relationship moral duty indirect duties animal protection selective breeding animal agriculture slaughterhouses meat consumption PETA vegetarianism cruelty in farming animal rights movement ethical treatment of animals
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con01a	Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. student autonomy health education personal responsibility nutrition education informed choice childhood obesity prevention lifestyle education decision-making skills school curriculum healthy lifestyle dietary habits physical activity individual freedom youth empowerment balanced meals wellness promotion civic values critical thinking food choices life skills school responsibility education policy student engagement freedom of expression democratic values behavioral education moderation public health education childhood obesity healthy lifestyle education student autonomy nutrition education school health policies informed choice personal responsibility health promotion in schools food choice in schools freedom of choice physical activity education student empowerment government intervention school curriculum health balanced diet education behavioral change health literacy ethical education school lunch policy healthy habits moderation in eating civic education values in education food regulation debate decision-making skills healthy lifestyle nutritional education personal responsibility student autonomy school role informed decision-making freedom of choice health promotion childhood obesity prevention physical activity encouragement balanced diet moderation health literacy government intervention policy effectiveness school curriculum value education civic education food choices parental involvement democracy in schools lifestyle education individual choice self-regulation behavioral change schools healthy choices education schools responsibility students health schools teaching nutrition schools versus government intervention childhood obesity education banning unhealthy foods schools healthy lifestyle curriculum importance student choice education personal responsibility health schools food choice freedom schools democratic values education physical activity school curriculum moderation healthy eating schools schools imprinting societal values schools balanced meals teaching effectiveness obesity bans schools government role student health educating healthy habits schools schools nurturing autonomy pros cons food bans schools individual choice versus collective intervention schools moral education student self-regulation health nutrition education schools limitations school food policy civic responsibility education childhood obesity school nutrition policy health education student autonomy freedom of choice government intervention personal responsibility healthy lifestyle balanced diet physical activity food bans in schools nutrition curriculum education philosophy western education values democracy in education decision-making skills promoting healthy habits teaching moderation individual rights school regulations student wellbeing responsibility in choices role of schools impact of education on health fostering independence childhood obesity school nutrition education student autonomy healthy lifestyle balanced meals physical activity importance food choice freedom nutritional responsibility role of schools in health benefits of choice in education government intervention in schools teaching personal responsibility health curriculum banning unhealthy foods fostering healthy habits student empowerment school policy on health moral education in schools promoting self-discipline individualized health education education policy student autonomy childhood obesity prevention healthy lifestyle nutrition education school curriculum food choices personal responsibility balanced diet physical activity health promotion freedom of choice democratic values self-regulation health literacy school health programs behavioral change wellness education parental involvement public health decision-making skills health empowerment civic education healthy behavior preventive education childhood obesity nutritional education student autonomy personal responsibility healthy lifestyle curriculum school role in health government intervention in schools freedom of choice balanced diet in education physical activity promotion food bans in schools health education policy western values in education student decision-making teaching moderation lifestyle choices in youth school lunch policy education vs. regulation societal values and schools nutrition knowledge transfer promoting critical thinking healthy habits education democratic values in schools liberty in education parental responsibility government role in childhood obesity childhood obesity nutrition education student autonomy balanced diet healthy lifestyle school responsibility food choices personal responsibility health promotion physical activity democratic values freedom of choice education policy wellness programs behavioral change health curriculum government intervention nutritional literacy student empowerment dietary habits student autonomy personal responsibility nutrition education health literacy freedom of choice critical thinking decision-making skills lifestyle education balanced diet physical activity democratic values civic education empowerment school policy government intervention childhood obesity behavioral change healthy habits public health ethics in education
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro02a	Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. EU enlargement EU accession Turkey EU membership human rights records democratization policy reform EU integration accession process European Union EU candidate countries EU enlargement policy accession criteria political reforms EU prioritization membership negotiations EU standards Central and Eastern Europe EU conditionality EU enlargement strategy EU fairness EU procrastination EU-Turkey relations accession timeline EU candidate status EU membership benefits EU expansion pre-accession process EU accession process Turkey EU membership enlargement criteria Copenhagen criteria human rights EU democratization EU Romania EU accession Bulgaria EU accession EU enlargement policy political reforms EU accession negotiations Turkey EU relations EU conditionality EU integration EU enlargement timeline new member states EU European Union accession prioritization EU accession candidate countries EU EU membership requirements legislative reforms EU democratization process reform incentives EU accession promises EU Turkey EU accession EU enlargement precedents Romania EU membership Bulgaria EU membership human rights records EU democratization EU accession EU membership criteria accession negotiations EU prioritization Turkey legislative reforms Turkey EU promises Hungary EU accession Poland EU accession Czech Republic EU accession EU pressure reforms EU candidacy EU enlargement process comparative EU accession political reforms EU EU accession timeline EU applicant states EU conditionality EU democratic standards Turkey EU application history EU membership rights EU enlargement policy EU accession criteria expansion EU enlargement precedent Romania Bulgaria human rights accession EU prioritization of candidates Turkey EU application timeline Turkey EU membership debate comparative EU accession reforms EU motivation of candidate states Turkey EU reform incentives 2007 EU enlargement analysis EU democratic reform requirements EU conditionality inconsistencies Turkey EU promises lack EU applicant fairness historical EU accession order Turkish legislative harmonization EU EU discouragement Turkey accession EU enlargement fairness discourse Hungary Poland Czech accession reforms Turkey EU negotiation stagnation EU accession Turkey EU membership EU enlargement Romania Bulgaria accession human rights records Europe EU democratization accession criteria EU conditionality candidate states legislative reforms EU EU enlargement policy prioritization in EU accession EU membership negotiations Eastern European enlargement EU promises to candidates EU-Turkey relations EU discouragement accession timeline Central and Eastern Europe reform historical EU applications Turkey priority membership EU membership comparison EU integration process EU enlargement Turkey EU accession EU membership criteria Romania Bulgaria accession democratization in EU candidates human rights records EU Turkey vs Eastern Europe EU EU accession process Turkey EU negotiations EU conditionality EU promises to candidates Hungary Poland Czech EU accession EU legislative reforms EU accession timeline political reforms for EU membership Turkey EU application history EU prioritization EU political integration EU enlargement policy EU discouragement Turkey EU accession European Union enlargement Turkey membership Romania accession Bulgaria accession human rights records democratization policy reform legislative changes EU incentives EU prioritization Hungary accession Poland accession Czech Republic accession EU promises accession timeline membership application enlargement criteria EU integration candidate countries accession negotiations discrimination in accession EU conditionality political reforms Accession Treaty Copenhagen criteria Turkey EU accession EU enlargement Romania EU membership Bulgaria EU membership human rights records EU accession criteria EU democratization EU accession process EU policy reforms Hungary EU accession Poland EU accession Czech Republic EU accession EU conditionality Turkey application EU EU membership priorities EU enlargement policy European integration EU-Turkey relations EU expansion precedent European Union enlargement history Turkey EU negotiations political reforms EU EU applicant countries EU accession challenges Turkey legislative reforms EU enlargement timeline Turkey EU accession EU enlargement criteria Romania Bulgaria EU entry human rights records EU EU democratization incentives Turkey legislative reforms EU accession promises Hungary Poland Czech Republic EU membership EU enlargement conditionality EU priority accession Turkey EU application history EU membership criteria comparison EU integration process EU political reforms EU compliance standards EU enlargement accession process human rights records democratization policy reform Copenhagen criteria EU membership candidate countries enlargement fatigue political conditionality double standards accession negotiations member state veto Turkey EU relations Eastern enlargement EU conditionality European integration prioritization of candidates political incentives Western Balkans institutional reforms compliance assessment European Council pre-accession benchmarks EU-Turkey relations accession timeline
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro01a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" jury restriction terrorism trials national security exceptions classified evidence jury intimidation politicization of juries intelligence leaks classified information protection special security courts national security law terrorism prosecution secrecy in court intelligence sources fair trial limitations government secrecy legal reforms terrorism public safety trials security-sensitive cases alternative adjudication judicial procedures terrorism jury trial limitations terrorism trials national security threats juror intimidation jury politicization classified information intelligence leaks intelligence sources intelligence methods government secrecy prosecuting terrorists national security exceptions juryless trials special courts secure courtroom procedures state secrets privilege public safety exceptions terrorism prosecution challenges fair trial terrorism national security law counterterrorism justice terrorism case confidentiality terrorist trial security anonymous juries security-cleared judges terrorism legal process jury trial limitations terrorism prosecution national security concerns classified information intelligence leaks threats to jurors politicized juries terrorist intimidation intelligence sources and methods government reluctance national security trials special courts terrorism judge-only trials public safety trial security measures disclosure restrictions criminal justice terrorism counterterrorism law constitutional rights due process fair trial terrorism terrorism legal procedures secrecy in court sensitive evidence terrorism convictions trial by jury limitations terrorism trial jury restrictions national security and jury trials reasons to limit jury in terrorism cases threats to jury in terrorism trials politicization of jury terrorism classified information and jury trials intelligence leaks jury trials prosecution difficulties terrorism national security exceptions criminal trials government reluctance classified information alternatives to jury terrorism cases juror safety terrorism trials intelligence protection trial process terrorism conviction challenges British law terrorism trials American law jury terrorism cases trial security concerns limited public access terrorism trials legal reforms terrorism prosecution jury tampering national security trials terrorism prosecution classified information intelligence leaks jury intimidation politicized juries intelligence sources and methods state secrets privilege public safety exceptions special criminal courts terrorism law alternative trial models judge-only trials jury protection court secrecy measures intelligence sharing restrictions counterterrorism judiciary espionage cases legal reforms terrorism Laura K. Donohue trial by jury terrorism national security jury trials terrorism case jury limitations jury intimidation terrorism politicization of jury terrorism classified information in court intelligence leaks jury trials state secrets and jury trials terrorism prosecution challenges alternatives to jury trial terrorism intelligence methods court disclosure limiting jury in national security cases terrorism trial government secrecy juryless terrorism trials conviction challenges terrorism terrorism courtroom security risks terrorism case judicial process protecting jury national security classified evidence legal procedures British American law terrorism trial jury trial limitations terrorism prosecution national security classified information intelligence leaks government secrecy juror intimidation politicization of juries terrorist threats intelligence sources intelligence methods criminal justice state security public safety fair trial legal exceptions intelligence protection terrorism court procedures security concerns special criminal procedures trial by jury limitations terrorism cases jury national security court procedures intelligence leaks courtroom classified evidence trials jury intimidation terrorism politicization of juries secret evidence prosecution special terrorism courts public interest vs security non-jury terrorism trials intelligence sources legal protection fair trial terrorism legal reforms national security terrorism case prosecution challenges jury tampering national security criminal law terrorism terrorism trial transparency government evidence disclosure justice system terrorism terrorism prevention legal framework terrorism trials jury limitations national security threat to jurors politicization of jury classified information intelligence leaks intelligence methods intelligence sources government disclosure prosecution difficulties conviction barriers criminal law public safety legal reform special courts national security courts judicial procedures intelligence protection counterterrorism law laura k. donohue legal safeguards witness intimidation due process security measures terrorism legislation state secrecy fair trial issues judicial independence jury trial limitations terrorism prosecution national security cases classified information intelligence leaks jury intimidation jury politicization state secrets privilege terrorism-related trials criminal justice alternative trial procedures judge-only trials evidence disclosure restrictions intelligence methods protection counterterrorism legal process fair trial concerns public safety judicial security terrorism suspects legal reforms British and American law terrorism legislation government secrecy trial transparency witness protection legal precedent terrorism"
test-science-eassgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. animal experimentation animal welfare ethical guidelines research regulations alternative methods EU directives US animal research law animal testing bans 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction humane endpoints laboratory animals animal suffering scientific alternatives biomedical research ethics in vitro methods non-animal models regulatory compliance animal care standards animal protection research oversight animal ethics committees animal rights legislation animal experimentation biomedical research ethical guidelines alternative methods legislation animal welfare EU regulations US regulations 3Rs principle Replacement Reduction Refinement animal testing alternatives animal suffering reduction humane research practices scientific validity non-animal models preclinical testing cruelty-free research animal protection laws laboratory animal care responsible animal use animal experimentation 3Rs principles animal welfare research ethics alternatives to animal testing EU animal research regulations US animal research laws refinement reduction replacement ethical review regulatory compliance humane science animal suffering biomedical research laboratory animals animal protection scientific alternatives animal rights legislation ethical standards animal research regulations alternatives to animal testing EU animal testing laws US animal research laws 3Rs principles in research refining animal testing replacing animal testing reducing animal use ethical animal research animal welfare in laboratories scientific advancement without animal testing legal framework for animal studies animal research guidelines humane research practices non-animal testing methods advancements in research ethics alternatives to animal models reduction of animal suffering compliance with animal testing laws implementation of 3Rs principles animal experimentation ethical regulations EU animal research laws US animal testing legislation research alternatives 3Rs principle refinement in animal testing replacement methods reduction of animal use animal welfare humane endpoints preclinical research ethics laboratory animal science alternative testing strategies in vitro methods non-animal models animal suffering minimization legislative compliance biomedical research ethics responsible research practices animal testing regulations animal research alternatives animal welfare laws EU animal research policies US animal testing laws 3Rs principles in research animal testing refinement animal use reduction animal testing replacement humane animal research ethical animal experimentation animal suffering minimization alternative research methods animal use oversight scientific research ethics laboratory animal protection animal rights legislation cruelty-free research reduction of animal testing animal research guidelines animal experimentation animal welfare ethical research regulatory compliance alternative methods animal testing laws EU regulations US regulations 3Rs framework Refinement Reduction Replacement humane endpoints laboratory animals research ethics animal suffering non-animal models in vitro studies in silico models animal protection animal rights animal care biomedical research scientific advancements legislation animal use oversight cruelty-free research animal ethics committees European Union United States animal testing alternatives responsible research animal research regulations EU animal testing laws US animal research laws animal testing alternatives 3Rs principles animal testing refinement animal research replacement reduction in animal testing ethical animal research animal welfare in research alternatives to animal testing minimize animal suffering humane animal research methods animal experimentation ethics animal protection laws research animal welfare laboratory animal care refined animal experiments replacement methodologies reduction strategies animal experimentation ethical animal research animal welfare laws EU animal testing regulations US animal research policies animal research alternatives 3Rs principles refinement in animal testing reduction in animal testing replacement of animal testing laboratory animal welfare humane research methods non-animal testing methods animal research ethics animal suffering prevention biomedical research ethics animal testing reduction strategies alternative research models scientific advancements in animal research regulatory compliance animal research animal welfare regulations alternative testing methods animal experimentation ethics 3Rs principle scientific alternatives animal testing legislation humane research practices European Union animal laws US animal testing laws reduction in animal use replacement of animal models refinement techniques ethical research standards laboratory animal care animal suffering minimization biomedical research alternatives animal rights non-animal testing in vitro testing methods regulatory compliance animal research oversight animal model limitations animal experimentation reduction humane endpoints
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, town-gown relations university-state relationship higher education policy academic autonomy institutional rights university governance public funding of universities workforce development academic freedom state control of universities service provider model university expertise student tuition fees economic stability political criticism faculty influence institutional negotiation educational institutions vs corporations legal compliance universities international university policy globalization of education town-gown relations university-state relations higher education policy university autonomy academic freedom state funding of universities public universities private universities university governance faculty rights institutional rights political neutrality of universities universities as service providers state interests in education economic impact of universities stakeholder negotiation higher education regulation academic institutions and law universities and workforce development public policy and universities university mission university societal role education policy debate university accountability university-state conflict legal status of universities government regulation of education town-gown relations university-state relations higher education policy academic autonomy institutional rights university governance faculty influence academic freedom public funding of universities state regulation service provider role workforce development academic institutionalization education economics political stability public accountability university mission education and society higher education law town-gown conflict community-university interaction civic engagement state-university negotiation academic citizenship higher education-public sector commercial analogy universities town and gown relations university and state relationship university autonomy debate universities as service providers higher education funding university political neutrality academic freedom versus state authority universities and public policy faculty influence in governance comparison university and corporations institutional rights of universities universities obligations to host country economic impact of universities international students and local laws higher education and societal role university funding models political stability and higher education universities legal status university-state negotiations supermarket analogy in higher education Western student experience in Asia universities adapting to local culture cross-cultural educational policy rights of academic institutions educational institutions and local law town and gown relations university-state relations academic autonomy institutional rights higher education policy universities as service providers political influence of academia economic role of universities university funding state governance and universities academic freedom public policy and higher education negotiation between state and university universities and local laws academic criticism of government state stability and higher education university societal role faculty political views university institutional identity comparison universities and corporations globalization of universities international student experience campus-community relations university legal status higher education governance public good and universities town and gown relations university-state relationship academic autonomy state funding for universities role of universities in society faculty political rights institutional rights of universities universities as service providers university governance higher education policy political influence on universities economic stability and universities public funding of education university-industry comparison academic freedom government regulation of universities town vs gown conflict university accountability comparison with corporate rights international student experience campus law and regulation higher education and the state student political rights public perceptions of universities university social responsibilities town and gown divide university-state relations academic freedom institutional autonomy higher education policy university funding public accountability workforce development faculty governance university political rights service role of universities comparison universities supermarkets public vs private sector state oversight academic criticism economic stability university expertise societal contract student experience university regulation international higher education academic–government interactions town and gown conflict university-state relations higher education policy academic autonomy university governance faculty political rights institutional rights university funding government influence on universities universities as service providers role of universities in society public policy higher education academic freedom university economic impact academic criticism of government state regulation of universities university stakeholder interests academic vs state authority university laws and regulations higher education and local laws transnational education policy university funding models service provision in education employment-focused education social contract universities academic institutional rights public vs private sector education university accountability Tesco analogy universities globalization of town-gown relations university-state relations academic autonomy higher education policy institutional rights university funding faculty governance student experience education governance political influence universities university as service provider corporate analogy universities state-university negotiation academic freedom higher education and law university missions civic universities public accountability universities public funding universities education and political stability university-state relations higher education policy academic freedom institutional autonomy political influence economic impact workforce development university funding public policy education governance town-gown conflict university service role faculty rights student rights legal jurisdiction universities public vs private sector international education regulatory environment university accountability commercial institutions comparison
test-international-bldimehbn-con02a	"Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, freedom of information transparency government accountability press freedom censorship public right to know journalism ethics media responsibility state actions human rights government oppression public morality laws religious justification public interest reporting political imprisonment media censorship Tunisia Sofiene Chourabi euphemisms in governance protection of morality moral policing majority religion civil liberties free speech media independence international perception citizen awareness fact-based reporting media bias CP Snow news values citizens' right to know government transparency journalistic ethics press freedom censorship accountability public interest media responsibility public morality euphemisms in governance protection of morality majority religion justification journalist imprisonment Sofiene Chourabi Tunisia free speech human rights information access public oversight media filtering news reporting editorial independence public opinion government actions civil liberties state justification human rights violations government accountability journalistic duty facts versus opinion C.P. Snow ""Comment is free but facts are sacred"" freedom of information government transparency press freedom media censorship public accountability right to know journalistic ethics civil liberties state secrecy public interest journalism whistleblowing freedom of expression government accountability media independence public scrutiny human rights censorship laws state propaganda political repression freedom of the press moral justification religious justification euphemisms in governance public morality laws information access rights citizen empowerment journalistic responsibility right to information expansion phrases government transparency search terms journalistic ethics debate media censorship consequences protecting public morality justifications majority religion political actions public's right to know government actions reporters as information gatekeepers freedom of press in Tunisia Sofiene Chourabi arrest case euphemisms in government statements citizen oversight of government moral justifications for repression role of journalist objectivity CP Snow ""facts are sacred"" public interest in news reporting government accountability public opinion information filtering by media reporting sensitive government actions international perception of human rights reporting on government misconduct suppressing dissent justification right freedom of information transparency press freedom public accountability media ethics government censorship journalistic objectivity public right to know civil liberties Sofiene Chourabi Tunisia government public morality majority religion political repression detainee rights human rights abuses media bias free speech government justification reporting standards C.P. Snow “comment is free but facts are sacred” Amnesty International freedom of expression media responsibility newsworthiness censorship euphemisms citizen awareness moral justifications protest rights government transparency public opinion manipulation state actions journalist protection media independence freedom of information journalistic responsibility government transparency public right to know media censorship freedom of the press moral justification in governance euphemisms in government actions journalists as gatekeepers public morality laws religious justification in policy citizen awareness Sofiene Chourabi case Tunisia government criticism media ethics comment is free facts are sacred C.P. Snow government accountability news reporting standards public interest journalism state action justification public perception of government journalist arrests filtering information protecting public morals role of the media in democracy freedom of information transparency government accountability press freedom journalistic ethics public right to know censorship public morality human rights government actions media censorship freedom of speech public interest transparency in governance journalistic responsibility public scrutiny state control freedom of the press public awareness citizen rights government transparency media ethics democratic accountability political repression public discourse euphemisms in government religious justification whistleblowing public opinion Sofiene Chourabi Tunisia protecting public morals state brutality imprisonment internment media independence C.P. Snow comment freedom of information government transparency public right to know journalistic responsibility censorship media ethics press freedom accountability public morality majority religion euphemisms in government Sofiene Chourabi case Tunisia protest harm to public morals reporting government actions editorial neutrality civil liberties human rights protection of journalists media filter truth in reporting government justification faith and governance citizen engagement CP Snow facts versus opinion global perception citizen-government relations freedom of expression media independence information dissemination citizens' right to know press freedom government transparency journalistic ethics censorship public morality laws freedom of information accountability citizen empowerment state repression media filtering Sofiene Chourabi Tunisia protest majority religion justification euphemisms in governance human rights government actions in public name democracy public decision-making C.P. Snow facts versus opinion global perception state brutality internment political imprisonment investigative journalism editorial responsibility freedom of information government transparency press freedom public accountability media censorship journalistic ethics public right to know government actions human rights media responsibility state secrecy freedom of expression whistleblowers media intervention public morality religious justifications government justification Tunisia Sofiene Chourabi imprisonment of journalists civil liberties democratic participation news filtering euphemisms in media civic engagement C.P. Snow facts vs opinion media bias government propaganda public trust in media public opinion activism freedom of the press"
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro03a	Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid counterfeit drugs substandard medicines drug quality generic pharmaceuticals pharmaceutical regulation drug safety medicine authenticity fake medication illicit drug trade affordable medicines drug accessibility public health market surveillance drug policy medicine supply chains tuberculosis medication Africa drug safety pharmaceutical enforcement patent drug alternatives global health medicine standards low-cost medication healthcare access pharmacovigilance drug authentication pharmaceutical crime counterfeit drugs fake pharmaceuticals substandard medicines drug quality control medicine regulation pharmaceutical supply chain generic drug access medicine affordability drug safety counterfeit medication prevention pharmaceutical crime public health drug regulation policies access to essential medicines medical product quality antimalarial quality tuberculosis drug standards African health policy prescription drug safety healthcare infrastructure pharmaceutical enforcement medication authenticity illicit drug markets patent drug alternatives global health initiatives counterfeit drugs fake pharmaceuticals substandard medicines generic drugs drug quality pharmaceutical safety drug regulation drug authenticity patent drugs affordable medicines drug market drug enforcement Africa tuberculosis drugs medicine deaths drug supply chain medicine regulation drug access pharmaceutical crime public health drug safety standards medicine quality assurance illicit drugs global drug trade medicine affordability combat counterfeit drugs reduce fake pharmaceuticals high quality generic drugs benefits impact of counterfeit drugs Africa solutions to fake medicines generic drugs and counterfeit reduction pharmaceutical market safety consequences of fake drugs improving drug quality Africa policy against counterfeit medication public health and counterfeit drugs generic medications availability effects reducing substandard drugs deaths from fake drugs Africa law enforcement counterfeit medicine pharmaceutical regulation Africa increase access to quality drugs health risks of bad drugs generic drug market growth educating about counterfeit drugs counterfeit drugs fake pharmaceuticals substandard medicines generic drugs high quality generics drug quality control pharmaceutical regulation drug safety medicine authenticity drug market Africa counterfeit drug trade pharmaceutical supply chain drug regulation enforcement affordable medications substandard tuberculosis drugs drug-related deaths Africa low-cost pharmaceuticals medicine accessibility drug patent costs public health drug policy counterfeit drugs fake pharmaceuticals high quality generic drugs drug safety Africa substandard medications pharmaceutical market regulation low cost medicine drug affordability generic drug availability Africa counterfeit drug deaths tuberculosis poor quality drugs combating fake drugs drug market transparency access to quality medicines pharmaceutical supply chain generic vs patented drugs deaths from fake drugs reducing counterfeit drugs global counterfeit drug trade market for fake medicines stopping bad drugs African drug regulation counterfeit drugs fake pharmaceuticals substandard medicine drug quality control pharmaceutical regulation generic drugs medicine safety drug authentication counterfeit detection illicit drug trade drug safety Africa pharmaceutical supply chain medicine affordability healthcare access drug quality monitoring patent drug alternatives drug-related mortality healthcare policies tuberculosis drug quality public health impact pharmaceutical crime medication verification drug price regulation generic drug benefits health system strengthening counterfeit drugs fake pharmaceuticals substandard medicines generic drugs high quality generics drug safety Africa counterfeit drugs pharmaceutical regulation medicine quality control counterfeit drug deaths access to medicines low cost drugs pharmaceutical market Africa tuberculosis fake drugs drug quality assurance drug accessibility patent drug alternatives counterfeit medicine trade generic drug adoption public health pharmaceuticals counterfeit drugs fake pharmaceuticals generic drugs substandard medicines drug quality pharmaceutical regulation drug safety Africa drug market tuberculosis counterfeit global drug trade drug deaths Africa low cost drugs patented drugs alternatives drug availability pharmaceutical supply chain medication authentication drug enforcement health policy drug accessibility high quality generics counterfeit drugs substandard medicines pharmaceutical quality drug safety generic drug availability drug affordability medication access patent drug costs global counterfeit trade Africa drug market pharmaceutical regulation public health drug-related mortality tuberculosis medication quality healthcare policy medicine distribution drug authentication pharmaceutical crime low-cost medicine drug supply chain
test-culture-mthbah-pro05a	Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. consumerism materialism advertising impact children and advertising youth consumer culture media influence values erosion instant gratification social values family vs materialism self-interest possessions obsession psychological effects of advertising personal development societal impact relationships and materialism patience hard work moderation non-material values advertising to minors ethics in advertising child psychology advertising ethics cultural values consumption behavioral influence mental health emotional well-being advertising and society children consumerism advertising impact on kids materialism in youth advertising and material values advertising effects on childhood advertising social values commercialization of childhood impact of ads on personal development advertising and family values advertising and self-esteem advertising and relationships advertising and societal values non-material values advertising and selfishness advertising and patience advertising and moderation advertising and hard work advertising and well-being advertising and psychological effects advertising and society ads and adolescent development child advertising effects materialism in children advertising impact on values consumerism and childhood advertising influence on self-esteem advertising and selfishness marketing to children advertising impact on family non-material values advertising and social development advertising and personal development possessions obsession advertising and relationships advertising societal effects patience and advertising hard work vs materialism advertising and moderation family values and advertising children’s values and advertising advertising negative consequences psychological effects of advertising advertising impact on children materialism in children advertising and materialism advertising and selfishness advertising effects on values advertising and personal development advertising influence on society children and consumerism advertising and family relationships loss of traditional values advertising harms to society advertising and non-material values advertising effects on patience advertising and children’s wants advertising and social development advertising and happiness marketing to children consequences advertising shaping behavior advertising and personal growth advertising and obsession with possessions advertising and moderation children advertising effects consumerism materialism childhood development advertising impact advertising to children values erosion family relationships personal development social consequences advertising psychology material possessions non-material values selfishness patience and hard work moderation advertising influence ethical advertising advertising and society marketing to children advertising and values effects of advertising on children advertising materialism impact of advertising on values advertising and consumer behavior influence of ads on self-esteem advertising and family relationships advertising and personal development advertising and selfishness advertising and society advertising and non-material values advertising targeting children advertising and children's desires advertising and patience advertising and hard work advertising and moderation advertising and possessions advertising and childhood development social consequences of advertising advertising and youth culture advertising ethics combatting consumerism in children advertising effects consumerism materialism children's influence values erosion instant gratification selfishness possessions obsession non-material values family importance friendship personal development societal impact moderation patience hard work youth advertising psychological effects social relationships advertising to children negative societal consequences values media influence childhood development advertising psychology advertising ethics advertising effects on children consumerism and kids materialism in youth impact of advertising on values advertising and selfishness advertising and personal development advertising and family relationships childhood materialism advertising and social values non-material values in children advertisements and social harm advertising and psychological effects advertising and child behavior advertising and personal growth advertising and family dynamics advertising and societal impact advertising and value loss advertising and patience advertising and moderation advertising and hard work advertising and friendships consumerism materialism advertising impact on children values erosion societal effects personal development family relationships non-material values selfishness possessions obsession moderation patience hard work youth influence child psychology advertising ethics social consequences children’s wellbeing marketing to children value formation emotional development long-term effects consumerism materialism advertising impact on children advertising and values advertising and society youth materialism advertising ethics media influence on children impact of ads on family values advertising and personal development advertising and relationships psychological effects of advertising non-material values advertising and selfishness advertising and patience advertising and hard work advertising and moderation advertising societal effects children and possessions advertising and well-being advertising influence on youth
test-law-lghbacpsba-con02a	It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 attorney-client privilege client representation legal ethics adversarial system best interests of client solicitor duties litigation strategy Solicitors' Code of Conduct core duties professional responsibility legal advocacy conflict of interest confidentiality justice system legal obligations client confidentiality rule 1.04 duty to client legal protections client rights attorney responsibilities code of conduct legal compliance attorney-client privilege solicitor's duty best interests of client Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 1.04 adversarial legal system legal representation client advocacy ethical duties of attorneys litigation process justice system legal ethics client rights confidentiality legal obligations legal professional conduct fair trial justice administration solicitor-client relationship legal practice standards attorney-client privilege legal ethics client advocacy adversarial system Solicitors’ Code of Conduct best interests duty of care litigation professional responsibility legal representation client confidentiality rule 1.04 legal obligations justice system solicitor duties client protection legal fairness legal duty legal practice ethical obligations attorney-client privilege importance solicitor duty best interests Rule 1.04 Solicitors' Code expansion adversarial system client advocacy impact of removing attorney-client privilege ethics of client representation legal duty to client Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 1.04 interpretation attorney’s core duties litigation justice system and privilege client confidentiality in adversarial system protection of client rights undermining justice removing privilege best practice for solicitor advocacy client-attorney relationship legal framework attorney-client privilege solicitor duties best interests adversarial system litigation advocacy Rule 1.04 ethical obligations client representation Solicitors' Code of Conduct justice system legal ethics confidentiality legal representation duty to client legal practice standards fair trial client rights professional responsibility legal advocacy legal professional conduct client-attorney privilege adversarial system best interests of client Rule 1.04 Solicitors' Code of Conduct solicitor duties litigation strategy legal ethics attorney obligations legal representation client advocacy justice system conduct rules for attorneys legal privilege legal confidentiality professional responsibility attorney-client privilege solicitor's duty best interests Rule 1.04 Solicitors' Code of Conduct adversarial system litigation legal representation ethical obligations advocacy confidentiality client interests justice system legal ethics solicitor-client relationship legal duties privilege legal fairness code of conduct client rights professional responsibility attorney-client privilege solicitor duty rule 1.04 legal ethics adversarial system best interests of clients solicitor code of conduct client representation litigation strategy client confidentiality legal advocacy ethical obligations solicitor-client relationship justice system fairness core duties solicitors legal responsibilities client-focused advocacy legal privilege legal profession standards client protection legal counsel duties rights of clients legal system principles confidentiality in law protecting client interests ethical legal practice attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors code of conduct legal ethics duty to client best interests legal representation litigation strategy client confidentiality rule 1.04 justice system legal obligations client advocacy legal duties solicitor responsibilities privilege protection ethical obligations legal practice legal professionalism conduct rules attorney-client privilege legal ethics adversarial system duty of loyalty best interests of client solicitor’s code of conduct litigation strategy solicitor responsibilities legal representation legal duty confidentiality justice system professional responsibility client advocacy rule 1.04
test-international-appghblsba-pro02a	The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, Lesotho history post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State Basutoland independence colonial administration apartheid regime political asylum African National Congress ANC origins Lesotho-ANC relations ANC armed wing guerilla units Southern Africa politics Lesotho-South Africa relations decolonization enclave states sovereignty regional cooperation historical relevance territorial disputes refugee policy anti-apartheid movement changing political dynamics Lesotho history Lesotho independence British protectorate Moshoeshoe Boers conflict Orange Free State colonial Africa apartheid South Africa Lesotho political asylum ANC origins Lesotho-ANC relations Lesotho-South Africa relations post-apartheid era Southern African history Lesotho sovereignty decolonization Africa Lesotho direct rule South Africa dominion Southern African refugees Lesotho external affairs Lesotho relevance post-apartheid border politics Lesotho current political role Southern African geopolitics Lesotho historical significance Lesotho history statehood origins Moshoeshoe British protectorate Orange Free State Boer conflicts colonial borders apartheid era independence 1966 British colonial administration South African dominion refugee asylum African National Congress ANC origins ANC exile anti-apartheid support Lesotho-South Africa relations post-apartheid integration Lesotho relevance political asylum South Africa regional cooperation southern Africa geopolitics Lesotho independence border politics enclave status history of Lesotho's independence Lesotho and post-apartheid South Africa Lesotho's role during apartheid Moshoeshoe British protectorate decision Boers and Lesotho land disputes Lesotho independence 1966 Lesotho as British colony Lesotho vs South Africa colonial differences Lesotho's opposition to apartheid Lesotho asylum for South African refugees African National Congress origins Lesotho ANC guerilla units Lesotho Lesotho political actor in apartheid era changing Lesotho-South Africa relations Lesotho's relevance after apartheid Lesotho and ANC relationship Lesotho's strategic significance post-1994 Lesotho history British protectorate Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State Lesotho independence 1966 South African apartheid British colonialism direct British rule South African dominion political asylum South African refugees ANC origins ANC in Lesotho apartheid opposition ANC guerilla units post-apartheid relations Lesotho-South Africa relations Lesotho relevance colonial borders enclave politics southern Africa history decolonization Africa Smith 2010 Lesotho historical background Lesotho independence reasons Lesotho British protectorate Boers Orange Free State conflict apartheid South Africa Lesotho and apartheid Lesotho-South Africa relations post-apartheid Lesotho relevance ANC origins in Lesotho Lesotho political asylum during apartheid South African refugees in Lesotho ANC guerilla operations Lesotho Lesotho colonial status Lesotho direct rule by Britain independence of Lesotho 1966 Lesotho and current South Africa relations Lesotho’s role in anti-apartheid movement Lesotho-South Africa border history Moshoeshoe motivations modern relevance Lesotho history post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State land disputes 1966 independence colonial history direct rule South African dominion apartheid regime Lesotho opposition political asylum South African refugees African National Congress ANC origins ANC in Lesotho guerilla units anti-apartheid struggle Lesotho-South Africa relations independence legacy regional politics enclave state Smith 2010 Lesotho history statehood reasons British protectorate Moshoeshoe Boers conflict Orange Free State colonization independence 1966 apartheid South Africa Lesotho political asylum ANC origins Lesotho ANC guerilla units post-apartheid relations contemporary Lesotho-South Africa relations relevance of borders Lesotho direct rule South Africa dominion status Lesotho refugees Southern Africa history border changes Lesotho modern role political alliances Southern Africa historical colonial boundaries Smith 2010 Lesotho-South Africa integration regional geopolitics Lesotho history apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State Lesotho independence 1966 South Africa dominion apartheid regime Lesotho asylum refugees African National Congress origins ANC armed wing Lesotho-SA relations post-apartheid relevance Lesotho political role Smith 2010 Basotho colonial borders regional integration sovereignty Southern Africa politics enclave countries Lesotho-SA border historical significance Lesotho history apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Orange Free State colonial boundaries Lesotho independence South Africa dominion apartheid regime political asylum African National Congress (ANC) ANC history Lesotho-ANC relations Basotho nationalism post-apartheid integration Lesotho-South Africa relations regional politics border disputes political refugees Southern African history British colonialism SADC relations historical relevance geopolitical changes enclave state Lesotho sovereignty
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro03a	Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, smoking ban public places enforcement peer pressure attitude change self-enforcing citizen enforcement smoking policy public health smoking prohibition social norms compliance smoking regulations anti-smoking laws community enforcement behavioral change smoking restrictions secondhand smoke smoking cessation legal enforcement smoking ban public places enforcement simple enforcement obvious activity no complex equipment community enforcement peer pressure attitude change self-enforcement public health smoking regulation policy compliance social norms citizen enforcement smoke-free zones anti-smoking laws smoking control behavior change smoking ban public places enforcement public health peer pressure attitude change self-enforcing smoking regulation anti-smoking policy smoking legislation compliance social norms smoking restrictions community enforcement no smoking laws smoking cessation health policy smoking prevention tobacco control secondhand smoke smoke-free zones smoking ban enforcement public smoking restrictions easy enforcement of smoking ban self-enforcing smoking laws smoking ban peer pressure attitudes towards smoking in public citizen role smoking ban smoking ban implementation smoking ban social pressure public place smoking control community enforcement smoking ban smoking ban public attitudes smoking police effectiveness smoking ban compliance changing norms smoking public smoking ban public places smoking enforcement peer pressure attitude change smoking regulation public health policy smoking prohibition citizen enforcement anti-smoking laws self-enforcing policies social norms smoking control workplace smoking ban compliance health behavior change smoking deterrence community enforcement public smoking restrictions behavioral regulation public smoking ban enforceability of smoking ban smoking in public places peer pressure smoking public health policy smoking regulation self-enforcing smoking laws attitudes toward smoking smoking enforcement techniques smoking ban effectiveness citizen enforcement smoking smoking ban social impact public place smoking rules smoking restrictions smoking and public opinion smoking ban public places enforcement peer pressure attitude change simple enforcement non-smokers public health compliance social norms policy implementation citizen enforcement smoking regulations legislation self-enforcement community standards anti-smoking measures law enforcement smoking cessation tobacco control smoking ban public places smoking enforcement peer pressure smoking public health policy anti-smoking law smoking legislation self-enforcing laws smoking attitudes social norms smoking smoke-free public areas compliance smoking ban Hartocollis smoking police enforcement methods smoking community enforcement smoking public smoking surveillance health behavior change smoking in society smoke-free movement smoking restriction efficacy smoking ban public places enforcement peer pressure attitude change self-enforcing citizen policing public health smoking restrictions smoking regulation compliance smoke-free policy social norms secondhand smoke public safety legislation behavioral change law enforcement public awareness anti-smoking campaigns health policy smoking ban public places enforcement peer pressure attitude change self-enforcement public health smoking regulation smoking policy social norms compliance citizen enforcement smoke-free laws behavior change law enforcement community enforcement smoking restrictions public safety health policy anti-smoking campaigns
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con01a	Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, freedom of expression freedom of speech challenge authority question orthodoxy dissent intellectual freedom open debate viewpoint diversity academic freedom scientific debate science communication critical thinking marketplace of ideas censorship special exceptions progress through disagreement state repression institutional dogma belief systems innovation in science controversial speech protected speech unpopular opinions knowledge advancement public discourse democratic society orthodox beliefs critical discourse open society societal progress freedom of expression debate dissent challenging orthodoxy opposing views censorship academic freedom open discourse intellectual diversity progress in science knowledge advancement unpopular opinions scientific disagreement critical thinking restriction of speech orthodoxy in society scientific progress societal benefit special exceptions controversial opinions freedom of expression challenging orthodoxy dissent scientific progress intellectual debate open discourse viewpoint diversity censorship academic freedom speech restrictions marketplace of ideas free inquiry truth seeking critical thinking pluralism controversial speech democratic values suppression of ideas public discourse knowledge advancement free speech benefits challenges to orthodoxy importance of dissent free speech and scientific progress states suppressing dissent speech restrictions consequences special exceptions in free speech debate in science progress through disagreement free speech and societal progress challenging established truths speech and stagnation value of disagreement in science reducing speech restrictions impact importance of controversial speech role of free speech in democracy real science and disagreement orthodoxy in society benefits of challenging norms dissent in scientific community free speech freedom of expression challenge orthodoxy opinion vs fact scientific debate progress of science censorship intellectual freedom societal benefits of free speech speech restrictions value of disagreement stagnation and decline knowledge evolution academic freedom dissenting voices truth vs orthodoxy protection of minority opinions empirical inquiry open dialogue suppression of ideas exceptions to free speech controversial speech scientific consensus epistemic humility public discourse free speech benefits challenge orthodox beliefs value of dissent importance of open debate exceptions to free speech scientific disagreement science and free speech progress through debate freedom of expression in science consequences of censorship orthodoxy and stagnation real science and disagreement limitations of free speech societal progress through free discourse Daniel Sarewitz free speech free speech freedom of expression challenge orthodoxy dissent challenging beliefs intellectual freedom scientific disagreement open debate orthodoxy critique societal progress censorship restricted speech freedom of opinion academic freedom marketplace of ideas suppression of dissent free exchange of ideas public discourse innovation and stagnation regulating speech exceptions to free speech scientific process progress of knowledge debate in science critical thinking questioning authority empirical evidence peer review free speech benefits challenging orthodoxy intellectual dissent science and free speech freedom of expression speech restrictions societal progress free speech scientific debate open discourse speech exception criticism orthodoxy criticism marketplace of ideas censorship effects scientific dissent speech and knowledge academic freedom free inquiry state censorship scientific progress freedom of thought free expression intellectual diversity dissent critical thinking open debate academic freedom scientific inquiry unorthodox ideas censorship societal progress truth-seeking knowledge advancement democratic principles public discourse freedom of thought marketplace of ideas innovation ideological pluralism speech regulations epistemic humility free speech orthodoxy challenge orthodox beliefs scientific dissent progress through debate speech restrictions freedom of expression intellectual stagnation academic freedom science debate open discourse free inquiry challenging authority censorship expression exceptions marketplace of ideas dissenting opinions scientific process critical thinking truth questioning state censorship suppression of dissent societal benefit disagreement in science knowledge advancement
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro03a	Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Transnational corporations TNCs tax avoidance transfer pricing tax havens resource extraction profit repatriation capital flight production sharing agreements African development illicit financial flows multinational corporations financial outflows foreign direct investment offshore ownership corporate transparency natural resource governance extractive industries profit shifting government revenue loss investment in Africa foreign investment impact infrastructure reinvestment economic inequality Barclays tax practices corporate accountability international finance Kofi Annan Africa report transnational corporations TNCs resource extraction Africa foreign investment profit repatriation transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements profit sharing legal disputes capital flight Kofi Annan financial outflows tax havens Barclays tax evasion infrastructure investment education funding health services economic exploitation multinational companies global businesses extractive industries financial transparency corporate accountability offshore finance African development profit allocation foreign investment transnational corporations Africa resource extraction tax avoidance transfer pricing anonymous ownership production sharing agreements profit repatriation capital flight extractive industries tax havens Barclays profit outflow natural resources government revenue loss infrastructure investment education funding health sector impact Kofi Annan economic exploitation reinvestment barriers multinational corporations African development capital inflow illicit financial flows corporate accountability social impact wealth extraction legal frameworks profit-sharing international business ethics resource extraction in Africa profits transfer pricing in African TNCs tax avoidance by foreign companies in Africa anonymous company ownership Africa production sharing agreements Africa Uganda oil production sharing lawsuit Kofi Annan statements Africa resource outflows Barclays tax havens Africa TNCs investment Africa reinvestment challenges Africa infrastructure investment Africa education funding Africa health service funding Africa Africa outflow versus inflow investment criticism foreign investment Africa exploitation of Africa resources African Development Bank resource reports international lawsuits against African resource deals impact of TNC profits on African development case studies foreign company tax avoidance Africa foreign direct investment TNCs Africa resource extraction transfer pricing Africa tax avoidance Africa anonymous company ownership profit repatriation Africa production sharing agreements extractive industries Africa Kofi Annan Africa finance fund outflow Africa tax havens Africa Barclays tax havens Africa infrastructure investment reinvestment barriers Africa multinational corporations Africa economic exploitation Africa tax justice Africa corporate governance Africa financial transparency Africa illicit financial flows Africa foreign direct investment in Africa transnational companies Africa profits resource extraction Africa tax avoidance Africa transfer pricing Africa production sharing agreements Africa extractive industries Africa Kofi Annan TNCs Africa Barclays tax havens Africa African development investment profit repatriation Africa anonymous company ownership Africa reinvestment in Africa Africa infrastructure investment Africa education underfunding Africa health sector funding tax evasion extractive industries impact of TNCs Africa exploitation of African resources financial flows Africa extractives activism against TNCs Africa foreign direct investment resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership transnational companies profit repatriation production sharing agreements extractive industries Africa capital flight investment flows financial outflows tax havens multinational corporations underdevelopment infrastructure investment education funding health services Barclays Kofi Annan illicit financial flows government revenue loss economic exploitation corporate social responsibility sustainable development African Development Bank oil contracts Uganda profit distribution regulatory frameworks foreign investment Africa extractive industries Africa transnational companies Africa resource extraction Africa transfer pricing Africa tax avoidance Africa anonymous company ownership Africa production sharing agreements Africa profit repatriation Africa financial outflows Africa tax havens Africa Barclays Africa tax haven Kofi Annan Africa exploitation Uganda oil profits lawsuit African infrastructure investment reinvestment Africa Africa capital flight corporate profit Africa African resource exploitation multinational corporations Africa investment impact Africa resource extraction transnational companies Africa investment profit repatriation transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous ownership production sharing agreements oil and gas sector Africa international arbitration Africa financial flows Africa tax havens Africa foreign direct investment Africa profit shifting corporate social responsibility Africa infrastructure investment Africa Kofi Annan Africa funds Barclays tax haven controversy extractive industries Africa economic impact TNCs Africa capital flight Africa illicit financial flows reinvestment barriers Africa multinational corporations exploitation regulatory loopholes Africa public revenue loss development finance Africa transfer pricing tax avoidance tax evasion anonymous ownership production sharing agreements extractive industries profit repatriation financial outflows TNCs in Africa resource extraction tax havens capital flight foreign direct investment Africa profit shifting African infrastructure investment corporate social responsibility Africa multinational corporations Africa illicit financial flows regulatory loopholes development impacts natural resource management royalty agreements double taxation treaties economic leakage sustainable development Africa
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law legal pluralism state legitimacy legal compliance social norms child soldiers state weakness law enforcement cultural norms customary law ICC international law governance societal values community authority legal authority legal effectiveness plural societies conflict zones child rights legal intervention state capacity legal awareness government legitimacy underdeveloped states legal education law and society corruption fragile states indigenous law informal justice war zones legal tradition cultural relativism international justice children in conflict legal disconnect norm enforcement rule of law failure weak state institutions legal pluralism statutory law vs customary law compliance with law state legitimacy law enforcement challenges legal consciousness state-society disconnect norms vs state law child soldiers child marriage customary law state capacity legal authority ICC jurisdiction enforcement of international law community norms legal legitimacy state corruption social norms legal pluralism in developing countries state collapse contested governance legal accountability law and conflict international human rights legal protection of minors unlawful recruitment of children local authority vs central government legal awareness marginalization and law access rule of law state legitimacy legal pluralism social norms legal compliance customary law child soldiers state capacity state failure legal enforcement governance crisis community authority international law ICC child marriage children’s rights corruption state weakness legal system accessibility justice state-society relations cultural norms post-conflict societies legal intervention legal authority traditional law peacebuilding legal consciousness legal education law enforcement legal institutions conflict zones civil war statelessness minority rights international justice Rome Statute legal pluralism indigenous law legal legitimacy failure of rule of law rule of law in plural societies rule of law and social norms state legitimacy and law enforcement law versus societal values child marriage law enforcement India law compliance in weak states child soldiers and legal accountability ICC jurisdiction child soldiers effectiveness of international law state capacity and rule of law legitimacy of legal norms role of community law law in conflict-affected regions state versus non-state legal systems law and traditional norms corruption and rule of law law and minority communities enforceability of Western legal norms legal pluralism challenges of legal education in developing countries international law vs rule of law legal pluralism Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention normative disconnect law compliance plural societies Indian child marriage child soldiers weak states failed states legal enforcement state legitimacy ICC jurisdiction military command structure legal certainty access to justice corrupt governments judicial transparency armed conflict Western legal norms Africa central Asia southern Asia state isolation non-state law customary law ethnic minorities DRC South Sudan Myanmar community norms international law Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute legal accountability state capacity rule of law breakdown state legitimacy crisis law versus social norms law enforcement in plural societies child soldiers legal implications international law child conscription ICC role in conflict zones Sally Falk-Moore law intervention community-based legal systems legitimacy of law in failed states child marriage enforcement India challenges enforcing international conventions law compliance in weak states alternative legal authorities corruption and rule of law legal pluralism state capacity and legal certainty customary law versus state law legal norms in conflict societies human rights and state weakness access to justice under instability Western legal norms in developing states Rome Statute local rule of law legal pluralism Sally Falk-Moore state intervention social norms law enforcement societal compliance state legitimacy cultural conflict legal authority child soldiers child marriage Indian legal system community norms legal disconnect state weakness corruption social identity plural societies conflict zones Africa Asia International Criminal Court (ICC) military commanders legal certainty legal accessibility government instability court systems legal ignorance underdeveloped states human rights Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute non-state law customary law ethnic minorities DRC South Sudan rule of law failure Sally Falk-Moore law as social norm state authority and law law and society disconnect legal compliance plural societies child marriage in India state intervention law weak state law enforcement law in conflict zones child soldiers law ICC jurisdiction military command definition ICC legal certainty ICC state legitimacy law corrupt government law poverty access to justice territorial conflict law Western rule of law application law in developing countries legal pluralism customary law vs state law Convention on the Rights of the Child compliance Rome Statute enforcement local authority law community law conflict ethnic minorities rule of law legal pluralism social norms Sally Falk-Moore state legitimacy law enforcement state capacity normative disconnect compliance challenges child soldiers child marriage plural societies cultural norms legal reform customary law ICC jurisdiction international law governance crisis weak states corruption state failure conflict zones community authority legal consensus minority rights underdeveloped states humanitarian law law and society law accessibility legal education traditional authority state intervention regional law enforcement mechanisms developing nations legal consciousness Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute international rule of law legal pluralism social norms law compliance state authority child soldiers child marriage ICC jurisdiction customary law weak states corrupt governments legal enforcement social identity cultural norms legal legitimacy conflict zones community authority legal awareness international law Rome Statute Convention on the Rights of the Child legal education state capacity tribunal effectiveness law and society legal anthropology state legitimacy armed conflict minority rights subnational governance
test-international-epglghbni-con01a	Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Irish unification economic impact Republic of Ireland crisis Northern Ireland economy PIGS countries EU bailout public spending cuts economic integration transport system integration police system integration public sector employment UK economic comparison Northern Ireland budget deficit cross-border subsidies intergovernmental fiscal transfers mass unemployment risk regional inequality taxpayer burden economic stability German reunification parallels fiscal sustainability social welfare impact economic restructuring post-unification challenges economic recovery strategies IMF intervention Eurozone crisis cross-border infrastructure political-economic union EU financial support economic harmonization Irish unification economic impact Republic of Ireland financial crisis Northern Ireland economic challenges public sector employment Northern Ireland economic integration issues Ireland Ireland bailout PIGS fiscal implications Irish unification cross-border economic comparison Republic of Ireland public spending Northern Ireland budget deficit economic costs of Irish unification comparison Germany reunification European Union bailout Ireland subsidy requirements Irish unification economic risks Ireland reunification regional economic disparities Ireland Irish unification economic impact Republic of Ireland crisis PIGS countries EU bailout Northern Ireland economy public sector employment fiscal deficit UK average integration challenges public spending cuts transport integration police systems integration mass unemployment taxpayer subsidies cross-border subsidies Germany reunification comparison HM Treasury report Fitzpatrick 2011 financial instability economic integration union costs regional disparities unification drawbacks economic impact of Irish unification costs of Irish reunification Republic of Ireland fiscal crisis Northern Ireland public sector employment subsidy burden after Irish unity comparison with German reunification integration of Northern Irish systems cross-border economic effects effect on Irish taxpayers long-term reunification spending bailout implications for reunification risks for Northern Ireland economy potential mass unemployment after Irish unity UK treasury estimates on reunification cost-benefit of Northern Ireland joining Republic public sector job losses historical lessons from German reunification funding infrastructure in united Ireland North-South economic challenges EU perspective on Irish unity effects on Irish public Ireland unification economic impact Republic of Ireland crisis PIGS economies EU bailout Northern Ireland economy public sector employment UK financial support fiscal deficit public spending cuts integration costs police system integration transport system integration mass unemployment taxpayer subsidy German reunification analogy regional subsidies economic risks cross-border economics EU financial stability fiscal challenges historical examples reunification costs regional disparities fiscal transfers sovereign debt economic sustainability Ireland unification economic impact Republic of Ireland economic crisis Northern Ireland public sector employment EU bailout Ireland integration costs Ireland Northern Ireland public spending Ireland transport system integration Ireland police system integration Ireland Northern Ireland budget deficit unemployment risks reunification Ireland taxpayer subsidy unification Ireland comparison German reunification costs PIGS countries economic problems HM Treasury Northern Ireland economy Fitzpatrick 2011 Northern Ireland deficit risks of Irish reunification economic disadvantages Irish unification cross-border economic effects Ireland financial implications Irish unity socio-economic challenges Ireland reunification Irish unification economic impact Republic of Ireland crisis PIGS countries EU bailout Northern Ireland economy public sector employment UK average public spending cuts transport integration police systems integration deficit regional debt mass unemployment economic subsidies taxation German reunification East Germany subsidy fiscal burden cross-border integration financial aid UK Treasury Fitzpatrick report structural adjustment economic disparities international bailouts government expenditure Ireland-Northern Ireland relations economic stability labor market public sector jobs budget deficit economic downturn Irish unification economic impact Republic of Ireland crisis Northern Ireland economic challenges public sector employment Northern Ireland EU bailout P.I.G.S cross-border integration costs public spending cuts Ireland Northern Ireland fiscal deficit unemployment risks post-reunification economic comparison Germany reunification taxpayer subsidies Ireland infrastructure integration Ireland UK economic support Northern Ireland cost-benefit analysis Irish unification fiscal pressures Ireland EU financial stability North-South Ireland integration economic merger Ireland West vs East Germany subsidy comparison Irish budgetary challenges risks of Irish reunification economic sustainability Ireland government expenditure Ireland cross-jurisdictional Irish unification economic impact Republic of Ireland crisis PIGS countries EU bailout Northern Ireland economy public sector employment UK government subsidy public spending cuts integration costs transport integration police system integration mass unemployment taxpayer burden cross-border subsidies German reunification parallels regional disparity fiscal challenges Northern Ireland deficit financial implications structural adjustment economic stagnation fiscal union social welfare eurozone instability economic stability North-South relations labor market impact government spending intergovernmental transfers Irish reunification economic impact fiscal crisis Republic of Ireland Northern Ireland public sector employment EU bailout PIGS countries economic integration cross-border subsidies German reunification comparison public spending cuts Northern Irish deficit taxpayer burden regional economic disparity structural adjustment unemployment risks fiscal transfers border economy UK-Ireland relations post-Brexit economics
test-culture-mmciahbans-con02a	Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, prohibition counterproductive banning ineffective solutions drug prohibition drug legalization illegal drugs enforcement failure cosmetics regulation skin whitening creams Ghana advertising bans counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse underground markets unregulated substances health risks harm reduction regulation vs. prohibition homemade cosmetics black market alternative solutions policy effectiveness cosmetic safety public health unintended consequences user behavior product safety legal alternatives consumer protection prohibition effectiveness unintended consequences black market drug legalization regulation vs. banning harm reduction skin whitening creams cosmetic regulation counterfeit products illegal markets public health impacts consumer safety homemade substances risk escalation intellectual property crimes enforcement challenges alternative solutions policy outcomes behavioral response to bans legal alternatives underground markets drug prohibition effectiveness of bans unintended consequences skin whitening cream ban enforcement challenges black market counterfeit products regulatory failure homemade alternatives public health risks harm reduction drug legalization debate Ghana cosmetics regulation cosmetic counterfeiting intellectual property abuse unregulated substances underground market policy alternatives consumer safety law enforcement limits ineffectiveness of prohibition unintended consequences of bans black market growth regulation versus prohibition harm reduction strategies economics of illegal trade public health impact of prohibition case studies on banned substances consumer behavior under prohibition regulatory alternatives history of drug bans impact on marginalized communities counterfeit goods proliferation legalizing controversial products comparative analysis of regulation versus ban homemade alternatives risk effects on health and safety underground markets enforcement challenges prohibition and stigma international examples of prohibition public policy responses failures of past bans lessons from drug policy societal impacts of banning products prohibition effectiveness unintended consequences black market drug policy skin whitening ban regulation vs prohibition counterfeit goods cosmetic regulations health risks intellectual property harm reduction consumer safety illegal substances public policy enforcement challenges homemade alternatives underground markets legalisation debate regulatory frameworks product safety addiction prevention prohibition effectiveness drug bans consequences black market impact alternative substances risks counterfeit cosmetics regulation vs. prohibition harm reduction approaches legalisation debates unintended effects of bans enforcement challenges public health policy illegal cosmetics trade user behavior post-ban homemade alternatives dangers policy comparison regulatory frameworks safe use advocacy prohibition history underground markets cosmetic product safety prohibition counterproductive banning ineffectiveness drug prohibition drug use black market illegal trade Ghana skin whitening creams advertising billboards counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property unregulated products homemade substances regulatory failure legalisation debate harm reduction underground markets enforcement challenges regulation public health risks consumer safety alternative solutions law enforcement unintended consequences drug policy cosmetics industry product safety prohibition effectiveness banning consequences drug policy failure skin whitening bans black market effects counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse cosmetic regulation legalisation of drugs debate harm reduction unregulated substances risks illicit markets Ghana skin whitening law healthcare regulation underground markets cosmetic safety consumer protection laws alternatives to prohibition regulation vs ban substance abuse policy prohibition effectiveness unintended consequences drug policy black market regulation vs. ban harm reduction skin whitening creams cosmetics regulation counterfeit products intellectual property public health underground economy consumer safety legalisation debate Ghana skin cream ban homemade alternatives health risks criminalization drawbacks regulatory frameworks policy outcomes drug prohibition policy effectiveness unintended consequences underground markets black market harm reduction regulation vs. ban public health legalisation debate cosmetic regulation counterfeit goods intellectual property skin whitening consumer safety enforcement challenges risk displacement homemade substitutes banned substances social impact regulatory solutions cosmetic safety market demand alternative interventions law enforcement global perspectives
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con03a	"Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 parental rights medical advice child welfare informed consent early childhood surgery neonatal circumcision medical evidence complication rates surgical risk age-related risks ethical decision-making pediatric procedures elective surgery bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate parental authority best interest of the child medical recommendations timing of medical procedures parental consent medical decision-making child health pediatric surgery circumcision timing complication rates neonatal circumcision ethical considerations best interest standard informed consent risk assessment medical advice parental rights child welfare procedure approval bioethics risk-benefit analysis medical ethics minor patient legal guardianship parental consent medical decision-making child welfare circumcision timing neonatal circumcision complication rates pediatric surgery bioethics medical risk informed consent child health early intervention ethical considerations surgical outcomes best interest of the child parental decision-making medical procedures parental rights circumcision decision best time for circumcision newborns circumcision complication rates by age ethical considerations parental consent surgery medical advice parental judgment child health circumcision risks early vs late bioethics parental authority child surgery risk-benefit analysis circumcision timing legal rights parents pediatric procedures evidence-based circumcision timing parental consent minor medical procedures infant circumcision safety medical ethics circumcision impact of timing on surgical risk parental rights medical consent child welfare circumcision timing infant surgery medical ethics complication rates consent for minors pediatric surgery risk assessment parental authority medical decision-making circumcision risks best interest of child Michael Benatar bioethics age-related surgical risks informed consent child autonomy legal rights of parents parental consent medical procedures parental rights child healthcare decisions neonatal circumcision timing circumcision complication rates newborns vs older children medical advice parental decision-making ethical considerations infant circumcision risk assessment circumcision age circumcision best practices newborns informed consent pediatric surgery bioethics parental authority benefits early circumcision ethical justification parental permission Michael Benatar circumcision ethics American Journal of Bioethics circumcision medical guidelines circumcision timing parental rights medical decision-making child's best interest informed consent pediatric surgery infant circumcision neonatal circumcision complication rates surgical risks age-related complications ethical considerations parental authority medical advice risk-benefit analysis consent for minors bioethics elective procedures timing of surgery child health Michael Benatar American Journal of Bioethics parental consent pediatric circumcision infant circumcision risks medical ethics complication rates early circumcision benefits delayed circumcision risks parental rights bioethics best interest child medical neonatal surgery outcomes child welfare medical decisions informed consent minors circumcision timing circumcision complication statistics Michael Benatar circumcision bioethics circumcision debates parental rights medical decision-making child welfare informed consent pediatric surgery circumcision optimal timing risk assessment complication rates medical ethics parental approval early intervention surgical risk child health bioethics evidence-based medicine parental autonomy best interest standard newborn procedures medical recommendations parental rights medical consent child welfare circumcision timing neonatal surgery pediatric complications informed decision-making medical ethics risk assessment best interests of the child bioethics surgical outcomes parental authority complication rates infant health procedural risk age-related complications Michael Benatar ethical considerations pediatric surgery"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con01a	Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. individual rights self-determination freedom of choice bodily autonomy informed consent civil liberties self-governance individual liberty decision-making power independence personal responsibility ethical agency harm principle personal freedom human rights non-interference moral autonomy self-ownership agency respect for autonomy self-determination individual rights freedom of choice bodily autonomy consent agency personal freedom self-governance harm principle civil liberties empowerment ethical autonomy decision-making authority personal responsibility respect for choices liberty adult competence non-interference moral autonomy equality in decision-making individual freedom self-determination bodily autonomy liberty choice consent personal responsibility decision-making rights agency self-governance harm principle moral autonomy ethical individualism civil liberties non-interference self-ownership freedom of action minority rights empowerment discrimination equality paternalism informed consent personal rights personal autonomy in decision making individual freedom of choice harm principle ethics autonomy vs paternalism smoking as personal choice non-white women and autonomy capacity for self-determination liberalism and personal rights ethical justification for autonomy personal responsibility in health choices respecting individuals' decisions freedom from governmental interference moral limits of autonomy cultural perspectives on autonomy rights of marginalized groups intersectionality and autonomy autonomy in public health debates empowerment through autonomy consent and agency biased assumptions in autonomy debates personal freedom individual rights self-determination bodily autonomy consent harm principle personal responsibility ethical autonomy decision-making capacity liberty self-governance autonomy in law civil liberties moral agency individual sovereignty smoking regulations harmful behaviors personal choice capacity for choice discrimination minority rights gender equality paternalism autonomy and ethics non-interference freedom of action personal freedom individual rights self-determination bodily autonomy harm principle freedom of choice personal responsibility ethical autonomy self-governance liberal values consent personal decision-making autonomy and diversity discrimination in choice intersectionality and autonomy minority rights empowerment respect for personal choices agency of women freedom from paternalism individual liberty freedom of choice self-determination bodily autonomy self-governance moral agency harm principle consent personal responsibility civil liberties individual rights non-interference human rights self-ownership independence empowerment decision-making voluntariness pro-choice respect for persons personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice bodily autonomy harm principle individual rights ethical autonomy moral autonomy self-governance informed consent paternalism autonomy in health smoking debate harmful behaviors consent debate autonomy in decision-making personal liberty minority rights non-white women autonomy cultural autonomy empowerment freedom of choice right to choose autonomy and ethics public health autonomy personal freedom individual rights self-determination bodily autonomy consent individual choice harm principle moral agency liberty legal autonomy self-governance informed consent empowerment decision-making ethical independence civil liberties personal responsibility human rights smoking rights controversial freedoms women's autonomy minority rights non-white women social justice discrimination paternalism personal agency autonomy debates personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination harm principle individual rights bodily autonomy personal choice ethical autonomy freedom of choice moral agency personal responsibility consent libertarianism self-governance individual sovereignty nonmaleficence personal liberty ethical freedom voluntary decision-making individual agency
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con05a	It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, riot monitoring social media surveillance police intelligence social networks law enforcement public access Blackberry Messenger intelligence gathering protest tracking extremist websites demonstrator surveillance impromptu rave policing evidence collection post-riot investigation digital forensics social media evidence criminal identification activist monitoring law enforcement technology police efficiency communications interception criminal prosecution riot prevention social media analysis real-time tracking social media monitoring law enforcement tools intelligence analysis riot response social media investigation social media monitoring riot intelligence police surveillance social network tracking law enforcement tools public communication analysis blackberry messenger surveillance open social platforms extremist website monitoring protest monitoring digital evidence collection online surveillance crime detection social media evidence real-time riot tracking activist monitoring online law enforcement methods network analysis policing public social data digital criminology social media monitoring riot surveillance law enforcement social network analysis public intelligence gathering police investigation digital evidence extremist websites online activism protest monitoring Blackberry Messenger intelligence services online communication tracking crowd behavior real-time monitoring event prediction digital footprint online criminal activity post-riot identification evidence collection social media analysis law enforcement efficiency riot response crime prevention riot coordination digital forensics open source intelligence intelligence gathering activist monitoring public safety monitor riots social media police use social media riots intelligence gathering riots social networks law enforcement social media evidence riots monitoring extremist websites tracking rioters online blackberry messenger police access law enforcement social network surveillance protest group monitoring police social media crime detection benefits social media police investigation riots social networks digital surveillance riots police intelligence social media riot prevention online social media and public safety monitoring civil unrest online crowd control social networks identifying rioters social media social media surveillance police intelligence riot monitoring social network analysis public safety digital evidence law enforcement technology protest tracking online extremism crowd control real-time monitoring data mining cyber policing open-source intelligence black berry messenger monitoring digital forensics social media data crisis management post-riot investigation activist surveillance evidence collection law enforcement strategies predictive policing digital communication tracking monitoring riots social media police use social media riots social network surveillance riots law enforcement social media monitoring tracking rioters online evidence collection social media riots police intelligence social networks social media advantages law enforcement blackberry messenger police access riots monitoring protest groups social media policing raves social media public access social media intelligence extremist website monitoring post-riot investigation social media charging rioters with social media evidence law enforcement digital surveillance social media law enforcement strategies social networks police intelligence digital footprints rioters real-time riot monitoring criminal investigation social media social media monitoring riot intelligence law enforcement surveillance police tracking protest monitoring open source intelligence blackberry messenger digital evidence extremist website monitoring online surveillance criminal investigations social network analysis communication interception policing demonstrations impromptu event monitoring evidence gathering activist surveillance law enforcement technology digital forensics public safety intelligence gathering real-time monitoring social media analytics crime prevention social networks disadvantages public communication tracking social media monitoring riot surveillance law enforcement technology police intelligence gathering social networks and crime digital evidence public safety extremist ideology tracking open-source intelligence Blackberry Messenger police access tracking protest groups social media forensic analysis riot communication channels crowd control strategies digital investigation tools activist social media use law enforcement social network benefits online threat detection real-time riot tracking crime prediction social media post-riot evidence gathering police digital forensics riot prevention methods online extremism monitoring impromptu event policing social media crime detection riot monitoring social media surveillance police intelligence riot communication tracking social networking benefits law enforcement digital evidence social network analysis protest group monitoring BBM police access extremist website monitoring real-time riot tracking post-riot identification forensic social media analysis public safety online activism surveillance intelligence gathering emergency response crime prevention digital policing open source intelligence (OSINT) social media law enforcement evidence collection crime investigation incident response digital trace analysis activist monitoring protest surveillance crowd control technology investigation techniques communication interception social media monitoring police intelligence riot surveillance digital evidence law enforcement technology public safety social network analysis Blackberry Messenger surveillance extremist website tracking criminal investigation protest group monitoring online communication interception evidence collection law enforcement efficiency social media forensics riot control strategies real-time social monitoring open source intelligence digital footprints post-riot investigations crowd behavior analysis
test-environment-assgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal suffering human suffering sentience pain perception moral consistency ethical treatment persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral philosophy disability ethics medical experimentation animal rights human rights bioethics utilitarianism personhood consciousness research ethics animal experimentation human experimentation moral status speciesism comparative suffering cognitive ability vulnerability medical ethics animal suffering human suffering ethical treatment of animals moral consistency persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities medical experimentation bioethics animal rights human rights pain perception medical research ethics disability ethics utilitarianism sentience consciousness moral status speciesism vulnerable populations humane research animal suffering sentience animal rights ethical treatment persistent vegetative state intellectual disability moral consistency medical experimentation human suffering bioethics pain perception animal experimentation disabled individuals moral status medical ethics research ethics consent personhood cognitive capacity animal welfare human dignity disability rights comparative suffering moral philosophy utilitarianism animal cognition animal suffering ethics animal experimentation moral consistency suffering in persistent vegetative state intellectual disability and suffering medical research on disabled people animal rights versus human rights ethical treatment of animals bioethics animal experimentation animal sentience versus human sentience moral considerations for medical research consent in medical experiments utilitarian perspective on animal suffering abolition of animal testing pain perception in animals versus humans legal status of animal experimentation ethical alternatives to animal testing animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical experimentation persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical research animal rights human rights disability ethics bioethics pain perception sentience research ethics medical ethics vulnerable populations speciesism comparative suffering non-human animals moral status suffering capacity experimentation ethics animal suffering human suffering ethical experimentation moral consistency persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal rights medical research ethics disabled experimentation sentience pain perception ethics of animal testing moral status of animals non-human animals human exceptionalism suffering comparison bioethics medical experimentation disability rights animal welfare animal suffering human suffering moral consistency ethical research persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities medical experimentation animal rights human rights research ethics pain perception moral status disability ethics vulnerable populations sentience medical ethics bioethics comparative suffering moral philosophy experimentation ethics animal suffering human versus animal ethics ethics of medical experimentation persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities and suffering moral consistency animal rights disabled human rights suffering capacity comparison ethical dilemmas research non-human animal experimentation moral status of disabled philosophy of suffering utilitarian ethics medical research ethics animal welfare pain perception differences sentience in animals bioethics ethical consistency moral consideration disabled and animal rights comparison animal versus human experiments suffering threshold ethical experimentation boundaries animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical experimentation ethics persistent vegetative state intellectual disability animal rights human rights medical research ethics animal experimentation disability ethics pain perception bioethics sentience consent in research comparative suffering ethical dilemmas research on disabled individuals animal welfare moral philosophy animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical ethics animal experimentation persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities disabled individuals medical research ethics moral dilemma bioethics pain perception ethical treatment research ethics comparative suffering moral philosophy animal rights human rights ethical consistency utilitarian ethics
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con01a	Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . baseball injuries home plate collisions catcher injuries player safety sports injuries collision prevention sports trauma American League MVP injuries crash-test dummy simulation injury statistics player investment athlete protection blocking the plate fan impact baseball rule changes major league baseball orthopedic injuries severe sports accidents medical costs game attendance player absence protective gear concussion risk injury prevention strategies team management decisions sports economics athletic performance loss baseball home plate collisions injury prevention player safety sports injuries catcher injuries collision rules MLB injuries athlete investment rule changes player protection sports physics crash-test dummy studies MLB player safety policies impact force baseball injuries statistics catcher-runner collisions high-impact sports fan impact financial cost of injuries blocking the plate Buster Posey rule protective gear player health management player insurance severe sports injuries sports-related hospitalizations athlete recovery MLB injury prevention sports safety equipment home plate safety baseball injuries home plate collisions catcher injuries player safety sports injuries collision rules protective equipment injury prevention Major League Baseball athlete health player investments game safety injury statistics rule changes sports medicine concussion risks fan impact financial costs team strategies blocking the plate baseball home plate collisions catcher injury statistics sports injury prevention MLB collision rule changes player safety protocols economic impact of athlete injuries notable baseball collision incidents injury rates in professional baseball crash-test dummy sports simulations MLB investments in player health famous catcher injuries team strategies to prevent collisions fan impact from player injuries Bruce Bochy injury statements Buster Posey injury history changes in catcher positioning comparison of football and baseball collisions evolution of MLB safety rules Greg Olson injury legacy Carlos Santana knee injury Josh Hamilton arm injury Ken Caminiti collisions Ryan Kalish collision history home plate collisions catcher injuries player safety baseball injuries sports physics impact force injury prevention crash-test dummy MLB rules protective equipment sports economics player investment plate-blocking policy injury statistics fan impact player absence star athlete injuries sports trauma orthopedic injuries collision protocols rule changes coaching strategies sports medicine game safety high-risk plays baseball safety reforms home plate collisions baseball injuries player safety MLB rule changes catcher protection sports injury prevention economic impact of injuries notable home plate collisions player investment protection catcher blocking rules Buster Posey injury Ray Fosse collision Josh Hamilton injury Carlos Santana injury Greg Olson leg break physics of baseball collisions crash-test dummy baseball studies fan impact of player injuries team strategies for injury prevention MLB injury statistics bang-bang play injuries sports risk management baseball injuries home plate collisions catcher injuries player safety sports injuries major league baseball traumatic impact injury prevention crash-test dummy force of impact player protection injury cost medical expenses missed games team investment athlete health blocking the plate player careers fan impact rule changes safety regulations protective equipment sports medicine famous injuries case studies Buster Posey injury Ray Fosse collision Josh Hamilton injury Carlos Santana injury Greg Olson Ken Caminiti MLB safety policies baseball collisions home plate injuries catcher collision safety MLB injury prevention baseball rule changes player injury statistics impact force in sports sports collision physics catcher blocking plate player safety protocols baseball injury costs MLB player investments career-ending sports injuries famous baseball injuries sports medicine injury rehabilitation crash-test dummy simulations professional athlete safety sports fan impact injury-related game absence notable catcher injuries rule modifications MLB protective gear baseball athlete health management collision avoidance techniques baseball injury case studies baseball injuries home plate collisions catcher safety MLB injury prevention player protection crash-test simulations sports physics sports-related trauma sports medicine risk assessment concussion protocols athletic safety measures cost of player injuries injury statistics protective equipment baseball rules changes Buster Posey injury Ray Fosse injury Josh Hamilton injury Carlos Santana injury Greg Olson injury Ken Caminiti collision fan experience catcher blocking plate player investment player insurance in-game safety protocols American League Most Valuable Player injuries MLB health policies athletic injury economics sports injury management baseball injuries home plate collisions player safety catcher injuries rule changes sports injury prevention professional athletes injury statistics player collisions MLB safety measures impact force sports physics financial impact of injuries athlete health injury simulation crash-test dummies player investments fan experience sports management team strategy padding in sports injury prevention strategies baseball rule debates major league baseball notable injuries career-ending injuries
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro02a	A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. graduate tax university funding higher education finance sustainable funding income-contingent repayment tuition fees student loans long-term repayment salary-based contribution education costs funding models progressive taxation university revenue higher education sustainability financial impact repayment period university tuition affordability funding alternatives equitable funding graduate tax university funding higher education finance sustainable funding salary-dependent contributions income-based repayment education tax tuition alternatives student loan alternatives fair contribution long-term repayment progressive funding affordability education costs repayment periods university revenue financial sustainability higher education policy higher education reform tuition fees Shepard 2009 graduate tax university funding higher education finance sustainable funding income-contingent repayment salary-based contribution tuition alternatives student loan reform long-term repayment higher education sustainability fee alternatives university revenue student affordability income-based tuition education funding policy financial impact reduction higher education policy university finance models repayment period educational costs progressive taxation university accessibility tuition fees higher education investment funding mechanisms graduate tax benefits university funding sustainability graduate tax vs tuition fees long-term university funding graduate tax salary-based contributions higher education funding models graduate tax repayment period income-contingent university payments higher education affordability graduate tax financial impact university funding alternatives sustainable education finance graduate tax for student loans variable university funding progressive higher education funding graduate tax revenue potential university finance reform student contribution models salary-linked education payments graduate tax university funding sustainability salary-based contribution higher education finance traditional funding comparison income-contingent repayment long-term payments manageable repayment cost recovery tuition alternatives financial impact reduction university revenue student fees education affordability earnings-based payments funding models higher education policy graduate repayment Shepard 2009 university costs fee structure financial sustainability graduate tax pros and cons university funding sustainability benefits of graduate tax graduate tax vs tuition fees higher education funding models graduate tax impact on universities income-based student repayment long-term university funding financial accessibility university managing student loan repayments Shepard 2009 graduate tax salary dependent university contributions education cost recovery effects of graduate tax on students university fee alternatives graduate tax university funding higher education finance sustainable funding salary-based repayment tuition alternatives income-contingent payments student contributions long-term affordability university resources graduate contributions financial sustainability higher education reform fee alternatives education costs repayment period financial impact education policy university revenue income-linked tax student debt funding models Shepard 2009 graduate tax university funding higher education sustainability university finance reform tuition alternatives income-based repayment student loan reform pay-as-you-earn education funding models long-term education funding progressive taxation university sustainable university funding higher education contributions salary-linked education payments variable tuition models fee alternatives universities UK graduate tax university revenue streams equitable education funding post-graduation contributions education debt management graduate tax university funding sustainability income-based repayment higher education finance university revenue models long-term contribution tuition alternatives student loan reform salary-linked payments higher education accessibility manageable payments educational affordability funding policy higher education costs university budgeting progressive taxation post-graduation contributions higher education sustainability equitable funding pay-as-you-earn graduate tax university funding higher education finance tuition fees income-contingent loan sustainable funding salary-linked payments student debt education policy long-term repayment university revenue Shepard 2009 financial accessibility fee alternatives pay-as-you-earn income-based contributions social mobility affordability higher education reform government funding university budgets
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro03a	Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: terrorism publicity neglected cause Palestinian cause media attention hijackings international awareness asymmetric conflict political violence resource imbalance state power propaganda political communication media coverage cause promotion violent protest global impact 1970s terrorism high-profile attacks attention-seeking tactics terrorism publicity political violence media attention-seeking terrorism propaganda terrorism terrorism communication strategies hijacking publicity 1970s terrorism Palestinian cause terrorism terrorist tactics awareness state vs non-state media terrorism international impact asymmetric warfare publicity cause-driven violence media manipulation terrorism terrorist group exposure strategic violence media terrorism and public opinion terrorism and international response resource asymmetry conflict hijacking and world attention terrorist attacks political violence media coverage public awareness propaganda political activism hijackings Palestinian conflict publicity tactics asymmetric warfare international attention radicalization cause promotion resource disparity psychological impact state-sponsored narratives militant groups global communication marginalized groups dramatic impact terrorism and media coverage terrorism publicity strategies terrorism to highlight political causes hijackings as publicity tools terrorism and international attention terrorism and marginalized groups asymmetric warfare and terrorism state vs non-state actor media access global awareness through terrorism Palestinian cause publicity terrorism and public sympathy terrorism and newsworthiness political violence and media history of terrorist hijackings effectiveness of terrorism for exposure terrorism publicity political violence hijackings Palestinian cause media manipulation asymmetric warfare international attention propaganda neglected causes state resources non-state actors 1970s terrorism 1980s terrorism public opinion global impact violent protest hijacking history cause promotion communication strategies state vs non-state media coverage international relations conflict escalation political messaging revolutionary movements terrorism publicity terrorism media coverage Palestinian hijackings 1970s causes of terrorism publicity limited violence international impact use of terror for awareness terrorism and neglected causes asymmetric warfare media state versus non-state publicity political violence as communication hijackings and global awareness terrorist tactics attention publicizing political causes media and terrorism resource disparity in conflicts terrorism attention-seeking media coverage publicity hijackings Palestinian cause international awareness neglected issues political violence propaganda limited violence international impact state resources asymmetric conflict publicize marginalized groups global awareness controversial tactics extremist strategies cause awareness media manipulation resource disparity 1970s terrorism historical examples political activism political messaging news reporting radical movements international response public perception terrorism publicity terrorism media impact terrorism and neglected causes Palestinian hijackings political violence media terrorism awareness asymmetric warfare terrorism international attention terrorism resource disparity terrorism political messaging state vs non-state actors terrorism and public opinion terrorism propaganda hijackings as protest media coverage of terrorism terrorism and global perception terrorism effectiveness case studies terrorism terrorism strategic communication terrorism causes and consequences terrorism media coverage publicity neglected causes Palestinian hijackings political violence propaganda international awareness asymmetric warfare state resources non-state actors attention-seeking public opinion global impact radicalization tactics political messaging 1970s terrorism airline hijackings political leverage cause awareness media strategy activism publicity stunts international relations conflict communication terrorism publicity political violence media coverage Palestinian cause 1970s hijackings propaganda asymmetric warfare cause awareness state vs non-state actors international attention resource disparity terrorism motives hijacking events global impact public opinion political agenda awareness campaigns media manipulation
test-international-appghblsba-pro01a	Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Lesotho South Africa annexation free movement border crossings enclave state landlocked country trade dependency border posts border restrictions migration policy border corruption goods transportation port access border queues border control international boundary economic integration regional trade import dependency cereal production cross-border trade border security border regulation border management criminal activities economic cooperation national sovereignty regional mobility cross-border services Lesotho-SA relations World Cup 2010 migration barriers border issues smuggling customs union SADC Southern Africa free trade customs barriers annexation Lesotho South Africa free movement Basotho border crossing trade dependency landlocked country enclave border corruption cross-border trade customs procedures border restrictions migration policy economic integration goods transit import dependency World Cup border control bilateral relations Lesotho cereal import cross-border services enclave state challenges border queue border administration economic benefits of annexation Lesotho-South Africa relations regional mobility customs union border facilitation Southern Africa trade border security annexation Lesotho South Africa free movement border crossings enclave state trade dependence border corruption border restrictions import dependence economic integration customs union cross-border trade migration policy border security regional cooperation citizenship bilateral relations enclave economies goods transportation port access border control visa requirements residency rights economic benefits trade barriers migration challenges Lesotho-South Africa boundary border management cross-border services Lesotho annexation benefits Lesotho South Africa border crossings free movement Basotho people Lesotho trade dependency corruption at border posts Lesotho South Africa border policy Lesotho Lesotho enclave state challenges Lesotho cereal imports statistics impact of annexation on Lesotho trade Lesotho border restrictions 2010 World Cup Lesotho nationals detained by South Africa Lesotho goods transport through South Africa boosting Lesotho-South Africa trade Lesotho economic dependence on South Africa Lesotho import/export issues controlling Lesotho borders Lesotho integration with South Africa migration policy Lesotho South Africa Lesotho Lesotho annexation Basotho free movement Lesotho-South Africa border trade dependency border corruption border queues Lesotho enclave World Cup 2010 border restrictions Lesotho border crossings Lesotho agricultural imports Lesotho-South Africa trade impact of annexation Lesotho national sovereignty border policy South Africa economic integration Lesotho goods transportation cereal import statistics Lesotho Lesotho migration policy Lesotho economic relations border control issues Lesotho political autonomy cross-border trade benefits Lesotho customs challenges Lesotho security concerns regional economic blocs South African border post management Basotho free movement Lesotho annexation South Africa-Lesotho border Lesotho landlocked challenges border crossing issues Lesotho trade between Lesotho and South Africa Lesotho dependency on South Africa border corruption Lesotho Lesotho enclave state goods transit South Africa World Cup 2010 border restrictions Lesotho cereals import Lesotho trade barriers history of Lesotho-South Africa relations annexation benefits Lesotho Lesotho economic integration Southern Africa customs union border policy South Africa migration Basotho people regional trade facilitation annexation Lesotho South Africa free movement Basotho people border crossings enclave state landlocked country trade dependency border posts corruption border queues World Cup 2010 border restrictions migration goods transport cereal imports port access economic integration bilateral relations border issues national sovereignty cross-border trade customs barriers regional cooperation unemployment crime along border South African government Lesotho economy migration policy import dependency enclave challenges border enforcement economic opportunities cross-border movement policy reform integration benefits national security sovereignty debate Lesotho-South Africa border free movement Basotho Basotho rights Lesotho enclave South African government border crossings statistics Lesotho trade dependency Lesotho import cereal Lesotho export South Africa border corruption border delay Lesotho border restrictions World Cup 2010 Lesotho nationals detention Lesotho economic dependence Lesotho import goods Lesotho no ports Lesotho sovereignty Lesotho annexation benefits Lesotho-South Africa integration Basotho migration issues Lesotho border policy SADC regional integration customs union Lesotho Lesotho-South Africa open borders Lesotho access annexation free movement Basotho Lesotho South Africa border crossings enclave state border corruption border queues trade dependency cereal imports economic integration border restrictions 2010 World Cup cross-border trade goods transport port access national sovereignty economic impact migration policy border control regional cooperation customs union migration challenges import reliance regional development border security South African policy border post issues Lesotho economy Lesotho-South Africa relations border policy free movement Basotho rights annexation trade dependency economic integration border crossing issues corruption at borders migration restrictions enclave state transport logistics food imports customs union regional integration sovereign control cross-border trade migration policy border security port access Southern African Customs Union trade liberalization economic impact of annexation international boundaries bilateral relations labor migration regional development border management import-export challenges
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro01a	Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Ukraine democracy decline Viktor Yanukovych authoritarianism European Union response constitutional rollback Ukraine political repression Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko imprisonment press freedom Ukraine media censorship Ukraine Freedom House rankings Corruption Perceptions Index Ukraine mafia state Ukraine SBU power Ukraine post-Orange Revolution politics democratic backsliding Eastern Europe human rights violations Ukraine political trials Ukraine European sanctions Ukraine governance corruption Ukraine opposition persecution Ukraine executive power expansion Ukraine authoritarianism democratic backsliding Yanukovych regime Ukraine democracy decline political repression Yulia Timoshenko imprisonment constitutional rollback media freedom Ukraine press freedom decline SBU Ukraine mafia state Ukraine elite unaccountability corruption Ukraine Corruption Perceptions Index Ukraine Freedom House Ukraine European Union response EU Ukraine relations human rights violations Ukraine post-Orange Revolution political trials Ukraine civil liberties Ukraine European sanctions Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine democracy democratic decline constitutional changes Orange Revolution political repression Yulia Timoshenko politically motivated trials media freedom press freedom rankings Freedom House SBU KGB successor mafia state corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European response EU foreign policy human rights violations authoritarianism Eastern Europe politics Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor Transparency International Ukraine 2010 election Belarus Russia political prisoners European sanctions Ukrainian elite executive power rule of law civil liberties Ukraine democracy decline Yanukovych regime approval EU Ukraine political prisoners constitutional changes Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko trial press freedom Ukraine 2010-2011 SBU Ukraine mafia state Ukraine corruption ranking Ukraine and European Union relations Freedom House Ukraine scores Corruption Perceptions Index Ukraine Ukraine media suppression Ukraine vs Belarus Russia authoritarianism democratic backsliding Ukraine EU response Yanukovych Ukraine human rights 2010-2011 Ukraine Orange Revolution rollback accountability elite Ukraine Ukraine political opposition repression European leaders Ukraine policy Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine democracy decline constitutional rollback Orange Revolution political imprisonment Yulia Timoshenko media freedom Ukraine press freedom rankings Freedom House Ukraine SBU Ukraine Ukraine corruption Corruption Perceptions Index mafia state political repression Ukraine European response Ukraine authoritarianism Eastern Europe human rights Ukraine political trials Ukraine unaccountable elites Ukraine U.S. State Department Ukraine Transparency International Ukraine Atlantic Council Ukraine Belarus democracy Russia democracy European foreign policy Ukraine Ukraine political crisis 2010s Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine democracy decline constitutional changes Orange Revolution rollback presidential power Yulia Timoshenko political prisoners politically motivated trials media freedom press freedom rankings Freedom House SBU KGB successor virtual mafia state corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European Union response human rights abuses Ukraine 2010-2011 Belarus Russia elite unaccountability European leaders Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor authoritarianism state repression Atlantic Council Transparency International Ukraine democracy decline Viktor Yanukovych authoritarianism Ukraine press freedom political repression Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko trial Ukraine constitution rollback European Union Ukraine sanctions Ukraine corruption 2010-2011 SBU Ukraine KGB Ukraine media censorship virtual mafia state Ukraine Ukraine human rights violations EU response Yanukovych regime Ukraine political prisoners Ukraine Freedom House ranking Ukraine Corruption Perceptions Index Ukraine democracy Orange Revolution Western policy Ukraine Ukraine justice system reforms Ukraine-European relations Ukraine democracy decline Viktor Yanukovych authoritarianism political repression Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko trial Ukraine constitution rollback Orange Revolution reversal Ukraine media freedom Freedom House Ukraine ranking SBU Ukraine power Ukraine mafia state Ukraine corruption Corruption Perceptions Index Ukraine European Union response Ukraine Ukraine human rights report press freedom Ukraine Ukraine political prisoners Ukraine international relations Ukraine Russia Belarus comparison European sanctions Ukraine Ukraine elite unaccountability European Union Ukraine democracy Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution constitutional changes Yulia Timoshenko political prisoners media freedom press freedom ranking Freedom House SBU Ukraine KGB successor Ukraine corruption Corruption Perceptions Index mafia state political repression Europe-Ukraine relations human rights abuses authoritarianism presidential power international response EU sanctions democracy decline Ukraine elections Ukraine opposition judiciary independence rule of law transparency accountability civil liberties Eastern Europe politics
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro02a	Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ cost savings pharmaceutical expenditure generic medicines health budget allocation medical staff healthcare infrastructure medical equipment health system investment resource allocation healthcare funding treatment costs developing countries healthcare medical scheme funding healthcare efficiency public health spending African healthcare healthcare cost reduction budget reallocation essential medicines healthcare improvement Europe generic drugs South Africa healthcare medical scheme priorities healthcare funding resource allocation healthcare infrastructure medical staff medical equipment healthcare savings pharmaceutical cost reduction generic medicines healthcare expenditure healthcare budget healthcare schemes healthcare system improvement reinvestment in healthcare healthcare priorities cost-effective healthcare African healthcare systems European healthcare models South African healthcare healthcare quality improvement healthcare services expansion cost savings pharmaceutical expenditure generic medicines healthcare funding medical infrastructure healthcare staff medical equipment healthcare budgeting resource allocation treatment affordability generic drugs Africa medical scheme improvement healthcare cost reduction European pharmaceutical model South Africa generics healthcare investment health system strengthening medication affordability public health funding health sector priorities healthcare funding medical resource allocation impact of pharmaceutical savings reallocating healthcare budgets generic medicine benefits cost-effective healthcare healthcare infrastructure investment medical scheme optimization healthcare system improvement effects of reduced drug costs staff funding in hospitals healthcare equipment investment pharmaceutical expenditure reduction African healthcare financing prioritizing healthcare needs medical care diversification cost-saving strategies in healthcare European generic drug models South African generic medicines efficient medication spending healthcare affordability sustainable health programs quality of care enhancement public health resource distribution generic drug policy outcomes pharmaceutical cost savings healthcare funding medical infrastructure medical equipment healthcare staffing generic medicines healthcare expenditure health budget allocation pharmaceutical generics healthcare systems Africa medical scheme management cost-effective healthcare resource allocation health sector investment European generic medicine model South African healthcare pharmaceutical expenditure healthcare improvement healthcare economics health policy pharmaceutical cost savings healthcare budget allocation medical care funding generic medicines impact African healthcare prioritization medical staff funding healthcare infrastructure investment medical equipment expenditure pharmaceutical expenditure reduction healthcare resource reallocation South Africa generics model European generic medicines medical scheme financing cost-effective healthcare strategies generic drug adoption benefits public health spending healthcare economics optimizing medical budgets health sector investment pharmaceutical cost savings healthcare funding allocation generic medicines medical infrastructure healthcare staff medical equipment healthcare expenditure resource reallocation South Africa Africa Europe generic drug adoption medical schemes healthcare budget cost efficiency treatment affordability healthcare system improvement government healthcare spending health sector investment medicine accessibility public health policy cost-effective treatment healthcare sustainability savings in healthcare pharmaceutical cost reduction generic medicines impact healthcare budget allocation medical scheme financing healthcare infrastructure investment staff funding in hospitals medical equipment procurement African healthcare systems pharmaceutical expenditure analysis cost-effective treatment resource allocation in healthcare healthcare spending optimization generics adoption Africa European generic medicine model healthcare system improvement efficiency in medical care medicinal savings redistribution cost savings medical schemes financial benefits generics South African pharmaceuticals healthcare policy Africa generic drug expenditure healthcare cost management medical care funding healthcare infrastructure cost-effective pharmaceuticals generic medicines savings reallocating health budgets healthcare staff investment medical equipment funding healthcare system efficiency pharmaceutical expenditure reduction health scheme optimization African healthcare spending generic drug adoption healthcare resource allocation sustainable health financing European generic medicine model South Africa healthcare economics generic medicines pharmaceutical cost savings healthcare resource allocation medical infrastructure investment staffing in healthcare medical equipment funding health budget reallocation healthcare expenditure generic drugs Africa health system strengthening European generic medicine model pharmaceutical expenditure reduction South Africa healthcare policy cost-effective healthcare medical care funding pharmaceutical economics healthcare scheme optimization
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro03a	"Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 European Union accession EU enlargement counterterrorism cooperation NATO eastern flank secular Muslim democracy geopolitical strategy Western alliances Cold War alliances Iraq conflict post-9/11 security military bases U.S.-Turkey relations anti-terrorism partnership Afghanistan operations Kurdish protection coalition forces radical Islamist threats transcontinental geopolitics international security integration policies Turkish foreign policy Turkey EU accession terrorism prevention NATO eastern flank geopolitical strategy West-Turkey cooperation secular Muslim democracy counterterrorism partnership Cold War containment US-Turkey military bases Iraq monitoring Afghan coalition support Turkish military contributions radical Islamist threats al Qaeda cooperation EU enlargement international security regional stability Turkey-West relations Turkey NATO role counterterrorism collaboration European integration Middle East diplomacy European Union accession Turkey NATO counterterrorism cooperation Western alliance secularism Muslim-majority democracy geopolitical strategy Eurasian security Cold War containment U.S.-Turkey relations Iraqi Kurd protection Incirlik Air Base September 11 aftermath Afghanistan coalition International Stabilization Force al Qaeda radical Islamist threats regional stability terrorism prevention EU enlargement transatlantic partner Middle East policy security cooperation alliance integration Turkey EU accession counterterrorism Turkey NATO Eastern flank Turkey US military cooperation Turkey fight against al Qaeda Turkey role in Cold War containment Turkey Afghan Stabilization Force Turkey protection Iraqi Kurds Turkey secular Muslim democracy Turkey strategic ally West Turkey integration benefits Europe Turkey cooperation post-9/11 Turkey hosting US bases Turkey EU international security Turkey geopolitical bridge Europe Asia Turkey and radical Islamist threats Turkey EU accession benefits Turkey Western alliance strengthening Turkey regional security partner Turkey EU membership security implications Turkey counterterrorism partner Turkey EU accession Turkish NATO role Turkey counterterrorism cooperation secular Muslim democracy Turkey Turkey geopolitical significance Turkey US military bases Turkey Afghanistan involvement Turkey Cold War role Turkey-Kurdish relations Turkey anti-terrorism partnerships Turkey Western ally Turkey European integration Turkey foreign policy Turkey global terrorism Turkey international relations Turkey EU accession Turkey NATO ally Turkey Western partnership Turkey anti-terrorism cooperation Turkey geopolitical importance Turkey EU membership benefits Turkey secular Muslim democracy Turkey US military cooperation Turkey strategic location Europe Asia Turkey containment of Soviet Union Turkey Kurdish protection Turkey role in Afghanistan Turkey partnership in war on terror Turkey al Qaeda fight Turkey radical Islamist attacks Turkey EU integration strategy benefits of Turkey joining EU Turkey international security cooperation Turkey as eastern NATO flank Turkey post-Cold War alliances Turkey EU accession European Union membership counterterrorism cooperation NATO eastern flank geopolitical strategy secular Muslim democracy Western alliance Cold War containment U.S. military bases Iraq monitoring Kurdish protection post-9/11 military operations Afghanistan coalition International Stabilization Force anti-terrorism collaboration al Qaeda partnership radical Islamist threats regional security US-Turkey relations Eurasian geopolitics Turkey-West integration Turkey EU accession Turkey NATO role Turkey terrorism cooperation Turkey Western alliance Turkey geopolitical importance Turkey EU integration benefits Turkey US partnership Turkey international security Turkey strategic position Turkey containment Cold War Turkey Iraqi Kurds Turkey US military bases Turkey Afghanistan coalition Turkey ISAF command Turkey counterterrorism efforts Turkey radical Islamism Turkey-secular Muslim democracy EU enlargement security Turkey as NATO eastern flank Turkey US foreign policy Turkey Middle East stability Turkey EU accession counterterrorism cooperation NATO eastern flank geopolitical strategy secular democracy regional security US-Turkey relations Middle East stability Iraq war support Afghanistan coalition Kurdish protection international alliances radical Islamist threats Western integration international security partnerships EU enlargement Cold War containment al Qaeda cooperation Turkish military bases EU-Turkey relations European Union enlargement Turkey accession negotiations counterterrorism cooperation NATO eastern flank secular Muslim democracy international security Turkish foreign policy EU-Turkey relations military alliances regional stability anti-terrorism collaboration geopolitical strategy Cold War legacy Iraq conflict Afghan war U.S.-Turkey relations radical Islamist threats Kurdish protection Middle East integration EU security policy"
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro01a	Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, racial equality South Africa rugby union racial quotas black players sports representation diversity in sports affirmative action anti-racism inclusivity sports policy discrimination grassroots rugby non-white athletes racial bias quota system transformation in rugby racial representation equality in sports Peter de Villiers racial abuse BBC Sport sports diversity sporting opportunity institutional bias racial quotas affirmative action South African rugby diversity in sports inclusion policies transformation in rugby representation of black players sports equity anti-racism measures racial discrimination grassroots rugby racial integration sports diversity non-white player participation racial barriers in sports equality initiatives policy reforms South Africa desegregation in rugby social justice in sports bias in team selection racial integration sports quotas affirmative action transformation in rugby diversity in sports racial representation anti-racism policies discrimination in sports inclusivity black athletes South African rugby history grassroots development equality initiatives bias in team selection racial abuse in sports Peter de Villiers sports policy South Africa sports reform non-white representation socio-political context South Africa racial quotas in South African rugby transformation in South African sports addressing racial bias in rugby representation of black players in rugby history of racial inequality in South African sports grassroots racism in South African rugby effectiveness of sports quotas for racial equality Peter de Villiers rugby quotes racial abuse in South African rugby South African rugby diversity policies impact of quotas on team selection combating racism in sports South Africa inclusion policies in rugby unions sporting reforms for racial justice South Africa quota system controversies rugby black player experiences in South African rugby anti-racism initiatives in South African sports barriers to equality in South African rugby racial quotas rugby union South Africa racial equality sports representation South African rugby affirmative action team selection bias diversity in sports non-white players racial abuse in sports transformation in rugby grassroots racism sports inclusivity racial bias Peter de Villiers ethnic representation South Africa equity in sports sporting policies South Africa BBC Sport anti-racism initiatives racial quotas in South African rugby transformation in South African sports diversity in rugby union racial representation in sports teams anti-racism in South African rugby black players in South African rugby affirmative action in sports racial barriers in South African rugby grassroots racism in sports sports equity in South Africa Peter de Villiers racial quotas South African rugby history quota controversy rugby black representation in rugby racial bias sports selection rugby union transformation policy racial equality South Africa rugby union racial quotas sports representation team diversity black players non-white athletes bias in sports grassroots racism racial abuse team selection diversity policies affirmative action inclusive sports transformation in rugby Peter de Villiers sports discrimination racial terms in sports racial justice South African sports ethnic representation sporting quotas sports policy racial integration sports equity demographic quotas racial quotas South Africa rugby racial equality South Africa sports rugby union diversity South Africa black players representation rugby affirmative action South Africa sports racial bias rugby union South Africa sports quotas effectiveness South Africa grassroots racism rugby South Africa sports team selection racism South Africa racial discrimination South Africa rugby transformation in South African rugby inclusion rugby South Africa Peter de Villiers racial quotas anti-racism sports initiatives South Africa rugby union affirmative action South African sports diversity policies racial inclusion South Africa sports diversity policies rugby racial quotas racial representation rugby South Africa anti-racism in sports black rugby players South Africa grassroots racism sports South Africa historic racial inequality South Africa transformation rugby union affirmative action in sports sports integration South Africa socio-political sport South Africa Peter de Villiers racial quotas overcoming racial bias rugby diversity South African rugby teams racial quotas South African rugby diversity in sports racial representation affirmative action sports policy inclusivity transformation in rugby black athletes racial bias institutional racism sport equity grassroots development anti-racism team selection Peter de Villiers racial abuse discrimination in sports
test-science-eassgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. pharmaceutical research drug development clinical trials preclinical testing animal models human volunteers safety assessment efficacy evaluation regulatory approval medical innovation toxicity studies ethical considerations breakthrough medicines biomedical research risk reduction new chemical entities laboratory testing therapeutic advancements drug safety experimental drugs drug development clinical trials pharmaceutical testing preclinical testing safety assessment efficacy evaluation medical research biomedical research new pharmaceuticals first-in-human trials ethical considerations regulatory approval human trials toxicology studies risk reduction breakthrough therapies innovation in medicine therapeutic discovery experimental drugs laboratory animals translational research medical advancements investigational drugs regulatory agencies patient safety drug development preclinical testing animal models clinical trials human safety pharmaceutical innovation new chemical entities medical advancement risk assessment regulatory approval translational research drug safety efficacy biomedical research toxicology experimental medicine ethical considerations animal testing benefits importance of animal testing in drug development role of animal testing in pharmaceutical research ethical considerations in animal testing alternatives to animal testing human clinical trials after animal testing impact of new drugs on public health safety protocols in drug testing necessity of animal testing for innovative drugs reducing risks in clinical trials drug safety assessment methods advances in non-animal testing techniques regulatory requirements for drug approval history of animal testing in medicine animal welfare in biomedical research preclinical trials drug development pharmaceutical innovation biomedical research toxicity studies safety assessment efficacy evaluation clinical trials regulatory approval experimental drugs translational medicine ethical considerations risk mitigation human volunteers laboratory animals new chemical entities drug discovery medical advancement therapeutic benefits alternative methods animal welfare research ethics pharmacology societal impact breakthrough therapies animal testing benefits necessity of animal testing drug development process preclinical testing new drug safety ethical considerations animal testing animal research in medicine clinical trial phases human testing risks alternatives to animal testing medical advancements animal testing drug approval process safety of new medicines animal tests and human trials innovative drug research pharmaceutical testing methods risk reduction in drug trials non-animal testing methods regulatory requirements animal testing impact of animal research on health animal experiments pharmaceutical research drug development preclinical trials clinical trials human testing safety assessment efficacy studies biomedical research toxicology risk reduction new pharmaceuticals therapeutic innovation medical advancements regulatory requirements drug approval ethical considerations alternative testing methods laboratory animals volunteer safety scientific validation drug discovery breakthrough treatments medicinal chemistry translational research adverse effects drug safety efficacy evaluation drug regulation new drug development animal testing benefits drug safety assessment clinical trial phases pharmaceutical research non-animal testing alternatives human risk reduction preclinical testing ethical drug testing biomedical research drug approval process drug efficacy testing innovative drug therapies scientific research ethics medical advancement animal models in research regulatory requirements translational medicine risk mitigation in drug trials volunteer safety in clinical trials clinical trials drug development pharmaceutical research preclinical testing safety assessment efficacy evaluation human trials medical innovation biomedical research regulatory approval toxicology studies drug safety therapeutic advancements ethical considerations risk mitigation medical breakthroughs experimental drugs translational medicine bioethics FDA approval animal experimentation pharmaceutical research drug development clinical trials preclinical testing ethical considerations human trials biomedical research safety assessment drug approval process medical advancements laboratory animals toxicity testing drug efficacy regulatory requirements translational medicine alternative testing methods medical innovation risk assessment scientific justification
test-politics-oapghwliva-pro01a	The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 earmarking congressional pork party discipline logrolling legislative abuse vested interests campaign donors federal spending special interests line-item veto legislative accountability congressional transparency interest groups earmark reform government waste political favors appropriations process budget politics legislative negotiation public accountability earmarking congressional pork party discipline logrolling legislative abuse special interests campaign donors federal spending appropriations legislative reform line-item veto presidential accountability interest groups legislative transparency congressional oversight pork-barrel politics earmark reform political corruption government accountability legislative incentives legislative bargaining congressional incentives lobbying vote trading public spending scrutiny earmarking Congressional earmarks pork barrel pork barrel politics legislative abuse party discipline logrolling Congressional corruption vested interests campaign donors federal funding appropriations special interests legislative reform line-item veto accountability Presidential authority government transparency Congressional reform interest groups oversight congressional spending public accountability legislative incentives political bargaining earmarking abuse in Congress party discipline through pork-barrel spending logrolling in legislative processes impact of earmarks on bad legislation congressional favoritism and campaign donors federal dollars allocation and accountability bypassing evaluation and competition in federal funding transparency in pork-barrel politics presidential line-item veto and earmark control national accountability versus local interests influence of interest groups in earmarking reforms to congressional pork-barrel spending case studies of earmark misuse legislative incentives and governance presidential power and congressional spending earmarking congressional earmarks pork barrel spending party discipline legislative bargaining logrolling federal appropriations campaign finance interest groups legislative accountability presidential veto line-item veto transparency in Congress political favors lobbying government spending oversight legislative ethics public accountability political corruption congressional reform special interests representative democracy legislative process budget allocation governmental checks and balances Congressional earmarking abuse pork barrel spending party discipline enforcement logrolling practices legislative corruption vested interests in Congress campaign donor influence bypassing federal evaluation line-item veto solution transparency in earmarking executive accountability interest group influence open congressional voting legislative reform federal funding misuse party leadership power legislative accountability government spending scrutiny special interest favoritism anti-corruption measures policy reform suggestions earmarking pork barrel party discipline logrolling congressional abuse legislative incentives campaign donors political favors vested interests federal spending line-item veto transparency accountability interest groups legislative process policy reform budget allocation government oversight corruption spending reform congressional incentives legislative ethics government waste special interests voting behavior legislative bargaining political patronage earmarking congressional abuse party discipline pork barrel congressional logrolling legislative incentives campaign donors federal spending political favoritism earmark transparency presidential line-item veto congressional accountability interest groups legislation evaluation political corruption party loyalty policymaking process government expenditure legislative reform pork projects public funds misuse congressional reform national mandate special interests government accountability earmarking congressional pork party discipline logrolling legislative process campaign donors federal spending special interests line-item veto Presidential oversight legislative accountability interest groups congressional transparency budget allocation vote trading public funds abuse lobbying government reform spending oversight national mandate earmarking Congressional pork legislative abuse party discipline logrolling Congressional reform federal spending campaign donors legislative accountability interest groups line-item veto legislative transparency appropriations process political favoritism government waste presidential authority earmark reform legislative bargaining patronage politics public accountability
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro05a	Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. creationism evolution intelligent design science education school curriculum public opinion community values educational policy religion in schools faith-based education secular education school board authority local control social stability scientific consensus teachings on origins religious freedom belief systems cultural diversity academic freedom curriculum development United States public schools education controversy poll on creationism teaching evolution abiogenesis church and state educational standards parental rights majority views alternative theories scientific elites respect for beliefs classroom diversity moral education curriculum control community input school board authority public opinion education creationism teaching creationism versus evolution religious beliefs schools science education debate evolution controversy United States education policy community values schools educational standards science vs religion teaching methodology curriculum diversity faith-based education majority opinion curriculum education and society polling education origin of species schools secular education academic freedom religious rights classrooms parent influence schools educational pluralism evolution alternatives education policy debate social stability schools public education decision-making student belief respect curriculum control local school boards educational policy community values religious education science education teaching creationism teaching evolution education standards public opinion curriculum debates origin of life faith-based curriculum academic freedom separation of church and state scientific consensus evolution controversy intelligent design parental input civic engagement social stability religious pluralism cultural diversity educational choice education reform national vs local standards community input in school curricula local control over education teaching creationism in schools public opinion on science education curriculum set by school boards respect for community beliefs balancing religious and scientific perspectives evolution vs. creationism debate majority views on evolution in the U.S. polls on creationism in education classroom discussion of origins effect of evolution education on religion coexistence of creationism and evolution in curriculum religious belief and science teaching social stability and education controversies in science education state-by-state education policies role of public in curriculum decisions comparison of evolution and abiogenesis educational impact of scientific elites rights creationism in schools evolution vs creationism curriculum control school board authority community values education religious beliefs education public opinion curriculum teaching origins in schools science vs religion schools science education controversy United States education debates creationism polls evolution teaching policy education and social stability parental influence curriculum faith and curriculum teaching controversial subjects education policy religious influence creationism legal debates science standards controversy community input curriculum teaching creationism in schools public opinion curriculum evolution vs creationism debate religious perspectives in education school board control curriculum science education controversies creationism in the classroom balancing science and religion in schools public beliefs and science teaching U.S. views on evolution teaching alternative theories origins polls on creationism education coexistence creationism and evolution social stability and education parental influence on school curriculum curriculum based on community values controversy evolution teaching scientific vs local community perspectives faith-based education in public schools community input local control school curriculum creationism evolution intelligent design education policy religious beliefs secularism public opinion school boards science education parental rights cultural values curriculum choice majority beliefs alternative theories social stability controversy in education scientific consensus United States education public schools educational standards teaching evolution religious education scientific literacy curriculum debate freedom of religion pluralism in schools political influence on education creationism in schools curriculum control by communities teaching evolution vs creationism school board curriculum authority public influence on education faith-based education science vs religion education alternatives to evolution teaching controversial topics in schools education and religious belief community values in public education science curriculum debates educational policy and creationism diversity of beliefs in education secular vs religious curriculum majority opinion on school curriculum teaching intelligent design church and state in education social stability and education parent involvement in curriculum teaching origin of life theories controversy over evolution in US schools legal debates about creationism in classrooms cultural influence on science creationism evolution school curriculum community input religious education science education school boards public education policy educational autonomy origin of species evolution controversy education and religion scientific consensus curriculum development faith-based education majority opinion education teaching evidence cultural values in education US education debates creation science educational pluralism church and state science standards parental rights in education educational diversity public opinion on education creationism in schools evolution education curriculum control local school boards academic freedom science vs religion religious beliefs in education public opinion on creationism intelligent design teaching controversial topics evolution vs creationism debate community values in schooling educational policy cultural diversity in curriculum faith-based education state curriculum standards origin of life education secular education scientific consensus parental rights in education social stability and education religion in public schools science curriculum controversy education and democracy US education system curriculum decision-making teaching alternatives to evolution
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro04a	Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 vegetarianism foodborne illnesses plant-based diet food safety meat contamination egg-borne bacteria Campylobacter Salmonella E. coli zoonotic diseases unpasteurised milk untreated water poultry risks BSE CJD animal-human disease transmission public health raw meat dangers dairy products processed meats livestock diseases food poisoning statistics microbiological contamination UK food safety dietary risk reduction vegetarian diet foodborne illness food safety plant-based diet meat contamination egg contamination unpasteurised milk untreated water Campylobacter Salmonella E. coli beef risks dairy risks zoonotic diseases zoonosis bird flu avian influenza BSE mad cow disease CJD cross-species infection public health animal-borne pathogens human-animal contact vegetarian benefits infectious diseases animal feed risk livestock diseases processed meat risks vegetarian diet foodborne illness food safety plant-based diet meat contamination eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E. coli zoonotic diseases unpasteurised milk untreated water BSE CJD cattle poultry beef livestock processed meat public health food poisoning prevention sources of infection cross-contamination animal products vegan microbial contamination foodborne pathogens human-animal transmission vegetarian food poisoning risk reduction vegetarian diet food safety vegetarianism and zoonotic disease prevention meat-free diet foodborne illness food poisoning sources vegetarian plant-based diet food hygiene vegetarian and campylobacter risk salmonella vegetarian diets E-Coli vegetarian risks zoonosis and vegetarianism animal product food poisoning foodborne bacteria vegetarian vegetarian diets unpasteurised milk health benefits vegetarianism food safety vegetarian diet outbreaks raw meat food poisoning alternatives vegetarian lifestyle infection risk food safety vegetarian sources avoiding foodborne diseases vegetarian vegetarian and CJD prevention vegetarian diet foodborne illness zoonotic diseases campylobacter salmonella e. coli unpasteurised milk untreated water undercooked beef raw poultry dairy products meat contamination BSE CJD livestock disease public health food safety animal-borne pathogens plant-based diet risk reduction human-animal interaction transmission processed meat food outbreaks non-meat food poisoning sources vegetarian health benefits food poisoning prevention meat-free diet risks vegetarian vs meat food safety zoonotic disease prevention foodborne illness vegetarian campylobacter sources salmonella vegetarian risk e-coli vegetarian diet animal product food poisoning vegetarianism and zoonosis BSE prevention vegetarian CJD vegetarian risk infectious diseases vegetarian vegetarian diet and immunity reduce food poisoning vegetarian plant-based diet safety foodborne pathogens and meat food poisoning statistics vegetarians plant-based versus animal-based food safety vegetarianism foodborne illness food safety plant-based diet meat contamination egg contamination campylobacter salmonella e. coli undercooked meat unpasteurised milk zoonotic disease zoonosis bird flu BSE mad cow disease CJD processed meat animal products dairy risks raw meat hazards livestock diseases human-animal disease transmission vegetarian health benefits non-meat diet epidemiology of food poisoning risk reduction beef contamination poultry food poisoning causes vegetarian food safety vegetarian diet benefits foodborne illness prevention plant-based diet health Campylobacter vegetarian risks Salmonella vegetarian risks E. coli vegetarian risks zoonotic diseases vegetarian food poisoning sources meat alternatives food poisoning plant-based protein safety dairy alternatives safety unpasteurised milk risks untreated water risks BSE vegetarian risk CJD vegetarian risk zoonosis prevention vegetarian processed meat risks vegetarian vs non-vegetarian food safety vegetarianism and infection reduce food poisoning vegetarian animal-borne diseases raw meat food poisoning vegetarian lifestyle health benefits vegetarian diet foodborne illness risk reduction meat alternatives plant-based nutrition food safety zoonotic diseases bacterial contamination campylobacter salmonella e-coli unpasteurized dairy undercooked meat poultry animal-human transmission zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD mad cow disease infectious diseases public health food poisoning statistics safe food handling vegetarian health benefits vegetarian diet foodborne illness plant-based nutrition zoonotic diseases Campylobacter Salmonella E. coli unpasteurised milk food safety meat alternatives risk reduction dairy risks livestock disease BSE CJD zoonosis prevention public health bacterial contamination food poisoning prevention animal product risks
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 academic freedom intellectual exchange intercultural dialogue Confucianism Socratic method higher education global universities cross-cultural integration Western education Asian education academic openness institutional autonomy state-academia relations critical thinking student approaches educational traditions knowledge transfer idea exchange university collaboration academic values teaching philosophy internationalization academic diversity educational ethics East-West integration university exchange academic ideas intellectual traditions Confucianism Socratic method East-West integration higher education academic openness knowledge transfer cultural exchange academic freedom academic discourse Asia-Europe education interdisciplinary dialogue academia-state relations Western institutions in Asia educational integration critical thinking cross-cultural education academic innovation international universities educational philosophy student engagement comparative education academic collaboration multicultural education academic exchange idea sharing intellectual openness Confucian approach Socratic method East-West integration cross-cultural interaction higher education university autonomy academic freedom internationalization cultural diversity educational philosophy critical thinking Asian education Western education state-academia relations imported ideas global universities intercultural dialogue student engagement teaching methods intellectual tradition economic globalization academic integration openness to innovation university idea exchange academic openness defending academic ideas Confucian vs Socratic traditions academia and state relations Western universities in Asia intercultural academic integration educational tradition clashes student study approaches international higher education cross-cultural academic dialogue open-minded universities role of universities in globalization academic arrogance universities and critical thinking Asian students critical thinking English as academic lingua franca university ethical responsibilities two-way idea exchange intellectual humility in academia academic freedom knowledge exchange intellectual openness cross-cultural dialogue Confucian tradition Socratic method east-west integration higher education policy global universities academic diversity student learning approaches critical thinking linguistic diversity international education state-academia relations intercultural communication educational philosophy teaching paradigms western education in Asia university innovation university idea exchange academic openness Confucian vs Socratic approaches East-West intellectual integration academia and state relationship universities in Asia Western academic institutions in Asia intercultural academic interaction academic humility critical thinking in universities Asian students academic approach academic tradition comparison intellectual diversity in universities cross-cultural education models academic idea defense academic institutional exchange higher education global trends international academic collaboration open intellectual discourse university role in society universities idea exchange academic freedom intellectual traditions Confucian approach Socratic approach East-West integration cultural clashes academia and state Western institutions Asian universities cross-cultural interaction educational philosophy institutional openness importing ideas defending ideas academic dialogue knowledge transfer innovation in education critical thinking student approaches integration of traditions academic adaptation global education educational ethics internationalization academic humility diversity in education interdisciplinary exchange philosophy of education academic exchange university intellectual openness knowledge sharing Confucian versus Socratic methods East-West academic integration higher education globalisation comparative education intercultural academic dialogue academic freedom university-state relations Western education in Asia academic pluralism critical thinking in universities student learning approaches academic diversity cultural integration in education academic humility educational paradigms transnational education international university collaboration academic freedom idea exchange intellectual diversity open debate Confucian approach Socratic method East-West academic integration cross-cultural dialogue university autonomy knowledge transfer educational philosophy intercultural communication global academia student learning approaches university-state relations critical thinking academic openness Western institutions in Asia academic ethics cultural adaptation knowledge exchange internationalization of education academic collaboration mutual understanding teaching methodologies academic freedom idea exchange intellectual diversity Confucian tradition Socratic method cross-cultural education higher education reform intercultural dialogue university autonomy East-West academic integration critical thinking open discourse knowledge transfer academic traditions transnational education global universities student learning approaches educational philosophy university-state relations academic openness
test-law-lghbacpsba-con01a	It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. legal representation right to defense access to justice due process equality before the law fair trial legal rights confidentiality attorney-client privilege legal privilege justice system defense rights legal equality legal protection privileged communication fair hearing legal counsel equal treatment rule of law procedural fairness right to counsel legal representation access to justice fair trial equality before the law legal privilege attorney-client confidentiality legal rights privilege communication due process presumption of innocence legal ethics justice system fairness client protection judicial equality legal aid non-disclosure legal confidentiality defense rights rule of law attorney-client privilege legal representation equal access to justice fair trial due process confidentiality legal ethics right to defense justice system fairness legal rights access to legal counsel privilege communication legal confidentiality court equality defendant rights legal protection right to counsel procedural fairness client attorney privilege expansion legal confidentiality justification access to justice importance equal legal representation fair trial principles protection of legal communications right to legal counsel legal privilege in civil matters attorney-client trust safeguarding defendant rights privacy in legal advice rationale for client confidentiality necessity of legal privilege equality before the law explanations ethical foundations of client privilege court system fairness impacts of privilege on justice limits of legal privilege legal privilege versus transparency preservation of legal rights legal representation right to defence access to justice equality before the law fair trial attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal rights due process justice system legal aid privileged communication legal ethics client confidentiality criminal justice civil rights legal equality fair legal proceedings access to legal counsel fundamental legal principles attorney-client privilege legal representation rights equal access to justice fairness in court confidentiality in legal proceedings right to defence legal ethics privilege communication law justice system equality client legal rights protection of legal information civil litigation fairness criminal law defence commercial law rights lawyer-client confidentiality legal representation right to defense equal access to justice fair trial justice system attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal counsel civil law criminal law commercial law fairness equality before the law privileged communication legal rights legal ethics client confidentiality legal protection due process impartiality courtroom equality legal aid non-disclosure protection of accused legal fairness client attorney privilege legal representation right to defence access to justice equality before the law confidential communication fair trial standards privilege in legal proceedings legal ethics attorney-client confidentiality civil matters criminal law rights commercial law access legal privacy legal professional privilege courtroom fairness impartial legal process equal legal access due process protection justice system integrity attorney-client privilege legal representation access to justice legal confidentiality fair trial equal protection under law legal ethics defendant rights due process legal aid justice system fairness client confidentiality right to counsel impartial judiciary privilege in court legal protection courtroom equality procedural fairness legal rights nondisclosure attorney attorney-client privilege legal confidentiality right to defense access to justice fair trial equality before the law legal representation legal ethics due process legal rights privileged communication legal immunity court proceedings defense rights legal protection presumption of innocence justice system impartiality legal fairness client confidentiality
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro04a	Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. intelligent design scientific creationism evolution controversy origins of life scientific theory validity equal time debate classroom science education naturalism vs supernaturalism prebiotic chemistry laboratory evidence macroevolution microevolution scientific methodology falsifiability testability designer hypothesis educational policy scientific consensus teaching evolution science curriculum natural selection critique irreducible complexity gaps in fossil record empirical demonstration scientific criticism teleology philosophical naturalism alternative origins theory theory comparison science vs religion scientific observation creation-evolution debate creationism intelligent design evolution debate scientific theory abiogenesis criticism laboratory evidence evolution prebiotic soup experiments diversity of life origins limits of species change microevolution macroevolution scientific observation creationism teaching creationism in schools naturalism vs creationism intelligent agency in biology creationism vs evolution evidence for evolution Discovery Institute Jonathan Wells critiques of Darwinism alternative origins theories limitations of abiogenesis teaching scientific controversy designer in science evolutionary theory criticism intelligent design scientific controversy teaching evolution teaching creationism science education alternative theories origin of life scientific validity evidence for evolution origin debates classroom instruction creation-evolution debate limits of evolution evolution criticism experimental evidence prebiotic soup experiments diversity of life microevolution macroevolution scientific hypothesis designer hypothesis methodological naturalism naturalism vs. supernaturalism scientific observation science curriculum philosophy of science creation science evolution education public schools scientific method peer review Discovery Institute creationism vs evolution debate scientific validity of creationism creationism in science classrooms creationism as scientific hypothesis intelligent design theory comparison of abiogenesis and creationism limitations of abiogenesis experiments laboratory evidence for evolution microevolution vs macroevolution scientific critique of evolution prebiotic soup experiments diversity of life explanations intelligent agency in origin of life teaching creationism in public schools religious vs scientific explanations for life designer hypothesis in science challenges to naturalist theories scientific evidence for creationism criticisms of Darwinism Discovery Institute arguments empirical support for evolution evidence for new species formation creationism intelligent design scientific theory evolution abiogenesis origin of life diversity of life natural selection mutation prebiotic soup laboratory experiments scientific evidence microevolution macroevolution speciation Darwinism Jonathan Wells Discovery Institute teaching controversy science education equal time naturalism scientific hypothesis designer limits of evolution creation science classroom debate experimental validation pseudoscience scientific criticism creationism vs evolution creationism scientific validity creationism in education creationism vs abiogenesis teaching creationism in schools origin of life theories intelligent design evolution theory criticism abiogenesis experiments prebiotic soup experiments evolution laboratory evidence microevolution vs macroevolution scientific evidence for creationism intelligent agency theory diversity of life explanations new species evolution debate scientific basis for creationism Jonathan Wells Darwinism Discovery Institute creationism scientific observation vs religious belief teaching evolution controversy life origins competing theories evolution limitations abiogenesis failures scientific hypothesis creationism intelligent design scientific theory controversy biology education scientific validity evolution criticism anti-evolution natural selection debate experimental evidence prebiotic soup origin of life laboratory demonstration speciation microevolution vs macroevolution species diversity alternative theories scientific observation designer hypothesis science curriculum secular science philosophical naturalism scientific methodology pseudoscience faith vs science discovery institute Jonathan Wells creation-evolution debate empirical evidence falsifiability scientific consensus classroom teaching controversy equal time debate Creationism intelligent design evolution abiogenesis scientific theory science education classroom debate origins of life diversity of life naturalism prebiotic soup laboratory experiments mutation natural selection observational science microevolution macroevolution speciation teaching controversy alternative theories biology curriculum scientific methodology testability falsifiability designer hypothesis Discovery Institute Jonathan Wells evolution criticism evolution evidence experimental verification scientific validity scientific neutrality comparative analysis science standards intelligent design scientific validity evidence for creationism scientific method evolution evidence abiogenesis experiments prebiotic soup laboratory demonstration microevolution vs macroevolution scientific hypothesis origin of life theories natural selection diversity of life intelligent agency designer in science controversy in education science curriculum Discovery Institute creationism vs evolution teaching creationism critique of evolution falsifiability empirical support philosophical naturalism scientific controversy intelligent design scientific validity science education teaching controversies alternative theories origin of life naturalism vs creationism scientific methodology laboratory evidence microevolution vs macroevolution peer review scientific consensus prebiotic experiments Miller-Urey experiment irreducible complexity scientific skepticism evolutionary biology theory of everything critical thinking in science empirical validation philosophy of science genetic mutation transitional fossils falsifiability law of biogenesis
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro02a	Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, smoking reduction smoking ban public places tobacco control smoking rates social norms smoking prevention tobacco epidemic Africa smoking habits quitting smoking smoking legislation public health smoking obstacles secondhand smoke smoking policy smoke-free environments England smoking ban global north tobacco cessation smoking trends smoking behavior health policy social influence public smoking restrictions smoking statistics smoking cessation smoking ban effectiveness public smoking restrictions tobacco control policies smoking rates social norms smoking tobacco epidemic Africa smoking prevention smoking habits public health smoking secondhand smoke smoking legislation smoking behavior global tobacco control quitting smoking statistics smoking policy impact restricting smoking tobacco use reduction health benefits smoking ban smoke-free environments smoking cessation public health policy tobacco control secondhand smoke smoking rates social norms smoking bans health interventions Africa tobacco epidemic behavioral change global tobacco epidemic smoking legislation smoke-free environments quit smoking smoking prevalence public attitudes smoking laws tobacco use reduction case studies England smoking ban public places health impacts social unacceptability preventive measures tobacco-related diseases policy effectiveness public smoking ban effectiveness smoking rates reduction statistics social norms and smoking tobacco epidemic prevention Africa impact of public smoking bans England obstacles to smoking in public smoking cessation after bans global trends public smoking bans health benefits public smoking restrictions comparative analysis smoking bans Global North smoking ban case studies policy impact tobacco use Africa public health strategies smoking reduction behavioral effects smoking bans evidence supporting smoking bans tobacco control public places long-term effects smoking bans attitudes towards public smoking challenges enforcing public smoking bans smoking bans and youth tobacco prevention smoking cessation public smoking ban tobacco control smoking rates reduction social norms smoking Africa tobacco epidemic smoking policy effectiveness England smoking ban tobacco prevention public health policy smoking in public places smoking legislation global smoking trends smoking quit statistics health behavior change secondhand smoke anti-smoking law cultural attitudes smoking public health intervention smoking prevalence smoking reduction strategies public smoking ban effects tobacco control policies smoking rates decline social smoking norms smoking prevention Africa passive smoking prevention public health smoking bans tobacco epidemic Africa smoking cessation public policies effectiveness of smoking bans global smoking reduction social impact of smoking bans smoking ban research quitting smoking statistics secondhand smoke reduction tobacco legislation Africa smoking ban England results anti-smoking campaigns smoking habit prevention smoking reduction public smoking ban smoking rates decline smoking cessation tobacco epidemic prevention social norms Africa tobacco control public health policy smoking in public places behavioral change smoking obstacles global smoking trends smoking habits tobacco control measures England smoking ban quitting smoking statistics smoking prevalence health interventions smoke-free legislation social influence on smoking tobacco use prevention public awareness campaigns smoking deterrents smoking law enforcement smoking reduction public smoking ban smoking rates decline tobacco control Africa secondhand smoke smoking social norms smoke-free legislation health benefits smoking ban tobacco epidemic prevention smoking cessation policies public health smoking smoking ban effectiveness smoking in Africa global tobacco epidemic smoking ban case study England smoking quit rates anti-smoking campaigns public policy smoking smoking prevention strategies smoking ban statistics tobacco use reduction smoking reduction smoking ban public smoking ban tobacco control smoking cessation smoking rates tobacco epidemic social norms smoking public health Africa smoking global tobacco use health policy smoking restrictions quitting smoking secondhand smoke smoking legislation smoking behavior England smoking ban smoking prevalence tobacco prevention tobacco control public health policy smoking cessation smoking bans social norms smoking rates public places regulation secondhand smoke Africa tobacco epidemic behavioral change England smoking statistics smoking prevention health outcomes anti-smoking campaigns legislative measures smoking restrictions global smoking trends health impact quit smoking smoking legislation population health tobacco epidemic prevention smoking habits public smoking laws smoke-free environments
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro04a	Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ patent law disparity drug pricing inequality pharmaceutical access Africa affordable medicine developing countries IP policy global healthcare justice generic drug benefits price discrimination pharmaceuticals medicine accessibility patent law reform intellectual property inequality tiered pricing models pharmaceutical market economics developing world drug access global south patent challenges international patent standards equitable drug distribution compulsory licensing public health TRIPS agreement patent law disparities differential drug pricing pharmaceutical access in developing countries affordable medicine Africa global drug pricing inequality patent law reform flexibilities in TRIPS Agreement compulsory licensing access to essential medicines generic drug policy international intellectual property rights health equity pharmaceuticals drug affordability Africa developed vs developing countries patent law exploitation in global health pharmaceutical pricing policy barriers to generic drugs access to life-saving medication global health justice medicine pricing strategies patent law disparities drug pricing inequality pharmaceutical access Africa differentiated pricing compulsory licensing generic drugs international patent law reform intellectual property rights developing countries drug affordability healthcare equity TRIPS agreement access to medicines parallel importation pharmaceutical market segmentation global health justice patent law inequality pharmaceutical pricing in developing countries access to medicine Africa drug price disparities impact of intellectual property on healthcare global drug price regulation affordability of patented drugs generic drug alternatives developed vs developing world pharmaceuticals equitable access to medicine patent law reform for low-income countries international drug pricing policies patent monopolies and healthcare pharmaceutical accessibility Africa tiered pricing for medicines patent barriers in global health drug affordability in poor nations economic impact of drug patents global health equity pharmaceuticals patent protection vs public health access to medicine patent law reform pharmaceutical pricing drug affordability developing countries patent law discrepancies global health equity intellectual property rights drug price discrimination compulsory licensing parallel importation generic drug access TRIPS agreement medicine access Africa pharmaceutical ethics patent protection impact healthcare inequality price tiering strategies patent law developing world public health policy patent law inequality pharmaceutical pricing disparity access to medicines in Africa drug affordability in developing countries global patent policy differential drug pricing impact of patents on healthcare international intellectual property law pharmaceutical monopolies generic drug accessibility TRIPS agreement and developing countries medicine cost barriers affordable healthcare in low-income nations patent law reform proposals life-saving drugs pricing economic impact of patent laws healthcare equity essential medicines access patent flexibility for developing countries compulsory licensing pharmaceuticals patent law disparities global drug pricing pharmaceutical accessibility developing countries developing vs developed world drug affordability healthcare inequality equitable pricing generic drugs intellectual property rights access to medicine international patent policies pharmaceutical patents medication cost barriers Africa healthcare drug price regulation patent reform compulsory licensing differential pricing essential medicines medicine access developing countries patent law inequality global pharmaceutical pricing drug price disparity Africa affordable medicines developing countries generic drugs benefits international intellectual property rights access to medicines Africa TRIPS agreement impact essential medicines pricing pharmaceutical patent reform drug cost barriers Africa patent law developing nations high drug prices global health compulsory licensing pharmaceuticals intellectual property justice Africa healthcare access equitable drug pricing medicine affordability poor countries global drug pricing policy patent system reform patent law disparities pharmaceutical pricing inequality access to medicines Africa drug affordability developing countries compulsory licensing tiered pricing TRIPS agreement generic drug accessibility equitable healthcare intellectual property reform global health justice medicine access barriers pharmaceutical monopolies healthcare equity drug price regulation patent law disparities pharmaceutical pricing access to medicines generic drugs intellectual property rights drug affordability developing countries health inequality TRIPS agreement compulsory licensing global health policy differential pricing medicine access Africa drug price regulation international trade law
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro01a	Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, individual rights personal autonomy arranged marriage forced marriage family coercion social stigma parental pressure cultural expectations legal intervention human rights liberty marital freedom family honor compulsion state regulation domestic abuse cultural shame social consequences victim support marriage law family dynamics consent legal protection familial control psychological pressure shafilea ahmed honor-based violence personal autonomy coerced marriage forced marriage arranged marriage family pressure cultural expectations social stigma disownment honor-based violence legal protection state intervention individual rights family shame emotional coercion compulsion legal mandate social isolation stigmatisation support services human rights gender equality child protection minority rights cultural conflict psychological abuse family dynamics individual autonomy arranged marriage forced marriage family pressure social stigma honor killings legal protection coercion personal liberty marriage regulation family shame state intervention cultural norms freedom of choice parental compulsion Shafilea Ahmed legal rights marriage consent cultural expectations stigma family conflict marriage laws arranged marriages and individual freedom family pressure in arranged marriages consequences of rejecting arranged marriages social stigma arranged marriage state intervention in arranged marriage legal rights against forced marriage psychological harm arranged marriages covert coercion in marriage decisions family shame and marriage rejection forced marriage legislation protecting liberty in marriage choices stigmatisation in cultural marriage practices Shafilea Ahmed case arranged marriage preventing forced marriage autonomy in marital choices family compulsion marriage state regulation cultural marriage practices legal support against coerced marriages long-term impact of arranged marriage coercion addressing honor-based violence marriage arranged marriage vs. forced marriage individual autonomy arranged marriage forced marriage family pressure social stigma honor-based violence personal liberty marriage regulation cultural norms legal protection state intervention family compulsion social consequences freedom of choice Shafilea Ahmed case parental authority human rights marital consent psychological coercion familial shame arranged marriages forced marriages individual liberty family pressure covert coercion stigmatisation family shame legal protection state intervention marital autonomy cultural expectations parental compulsion honor-based violence Shafilea Ahmed case social consequences mandatory marriages legal rights challenging arranged marriages family dynamics marriage regulation individual autonomy personal liberty arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure social stigma cultural expectations parental control honor-based violence emotional coercion legal protection state intervention psychological harm rebellion against tradition familial shame social ostracism generational conflict freedom of choice human rights gender roles marriage consent Shafilea Ahmed case legal mandate regulation of marriage practices challenging traditional norms stigma enforcement family compulsion abuse prevention safeguarding individuals cultural regulation marriage law individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure restricted liberty social stigma honor-based violence family shame legal intervention marriage autonomy cultural pressure state regulation marital coercion stigmatisation Shafilea Ahmed marriage rights family compulsion human rights personal liberty marriage legislation arranged marriages forced marriages individual liberty family pressure social stigma family shame autonomy marital coercion cultural norms legal protection state intervention social consequences forced union human rights personal autonomy legal mandate familial compulsion honor-based violence stigmatisation parental authority marriage laws freedom of choice cultural expectations coercive control arranged marriage forced marriage family pressure restricted liberty stigmatisation parental coercion honor-based violence cultural norms social stigma individual autonomy legal protection domestic violence state intervention social expectations marriage rejection South Asian communities women's rights shame culture family honor legal recourse psychological coercion marriage consent human rights cultural conflict immigrant families Shafilea Ahmed case
test-culture-mthbah-pro04a	Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. advertising psychology consumer manipulation self-esteem body image beauty standards fashion industry media influence advertising effects eating disorders mental health self-harm media representation social comparison unhealthy lifestyles advertising ethics youth insecurity product marketing advertising impact advertising criticism advertising and body image advertising pressure beauty ideals model influence media diversity advertising and self-perception advertising psychology advertising influence consumer self-esteem body image beauty standards media effects advertising and mental health advertising and self-worth advertising-induced inferiority advertising and eating disorders advertising and self-harm body positivity diversity in advertising unrealistic beauty ideals media and body image advertising criticism thin ideal in media youth self-esteem advertising and young people negative effects of advertising advertising social impact advertising body dissatisfaction advertising and social comparison advertising stereotypes media representation advertising ethics advertising psychology media influence self-esteem body image beauty standards fashion industry consumer behavior advertising impact media representation eating disorders self-harm unhealthy lifestyles youth mental health body positivity model portrayal societal pressure advertising ethics psychological effects of advertising product marketing media literacy unrealistic expectations advertising effects on self-esteem advertising and body image impact of advertising on youth advertising and eating disorders media portrayal of beauty standards advertisements and self-image media influence on self-esteem unhealthy beauty standards in advertising psychological effects of adverts advertising and low self-esteem adverts and mental health advertising and self-harm body image distortion in media advertising and societal pressure advertisements and unhealthy lifestyles role of advertising in eating disorders diverse body representation in media body positivity in advertising media responsibility in self-image advertising and youth mental health advertising impact consumer psychology self-esteem body image media influence advertising ethics mental health fashion advertisements beauty standards eating disorders self-harm youth perception unhealthy lifestyle model representation body positivity media stereotypes psychological effects social comparison advertising manipulation media diversity negative advertising advertising and self-worth advertising strategies advertising criticism body dissatisfaction advertising psychological impact advertising self-esteem media influence body image advertising and eating disorders advertising and self-harm advertising distorted beauty standards advertising negative effects adverts and mental health advertising and young people media body shape diversity advertising beauty perception advertising and fashion ideals adverts and low self-esteem effects of skinny models media representation body types advertising unhealthy lifestyles advertising and youth perception advertising and social comparison advertising impact consumer psychology advertising techniques product envy social comparison body image beauty standards fashion media self-esteem advertising influence unhealthy lifestyles thin ideal media portrayal young people eating disorders self-harm media effects psychological effects advertising criticism body diversity media representation media pressure advertising messages inferiority complex advertising ethics beauty ideals media responsibility advertising and mental health adolescent self-image cultural standards societal expectations advertising influence negative advertising effects media self-esteem body image distortion advertising and body image beauty standards media advertising manipulation advertising and mental health advertising-induced inferiority advertising pressure media and eating disorders advertising and self harm youth self esteem media fashion industry criticism unrealistic beauty standards advertising and unhealthy lifestyles advertising and social perception skinny models advertising media diversity body shapes media representation body image advertising consequences advertising ethics body positivity media media and adolescent health advertising and consumer psychology advertising criticism advertising effects consumer psychology self-esteem body image media influence eating disorders self-harm beauty standards fashion industry perception distortion advertising ethics psychological impact media representation societal pressure product marketing youth mental health model influence body diversity media portrayal unhealthy lifestyles media influence advertising impact body image self-esteem low self-esteem beauty standards fashion industry eating disorders body positivity media portrayal psychological effects unhealthy lifestyles youth mental health social comparison model representation self-harm media diversity consumer psychology advertising ethics societal perceptions
test-international-appghblsba-pro03a	Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho poverty Basotho living conditions international poverty line Lesotho HIV rate Lesotho urban women HIV Lesotho funding issues Lesotho corruption Kingdom of Lesotho crisis Lesotho annexation South Africa Basotho citizenship rights South Africa governance Lesotho Lesotho social support Lesotho economic assistance Lesotho GDP per capita South Africa intervention Lesotho Lesotho development aid Lesotho public health crisis Lesotho voting rights United Nations Lesotho Lesotho economic disparity Lesotho social inequality Lesotho international aid Lesotho responsibility South Africa Lesotho enclave territory Lesotho Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV prevalence Lesotho economic crisis Lesotho social challenges Lesotho corruption Lesotho lack of funding Lesotho annexation South Africa annexation Lesotho Basotho citizenship rights Lesotho GDP per capita South Africa GDP comparison Lesotho social system Lesotho stability Lesotho governance aid to Lesotho Lesotho humanitarian crisis Lesotho public health Lesotho-South Africa relations Lesotho political solutions United Nations Lesotho World Bank Lesotho Lesotho foreign aid Southern Africa development Lesotho economic integration Lesotho political reform Basotho Lesotho poverty international poverty line Basotho HIV prevalence HIV/AIDS urban women health crisis lack of funding corruption economic crisis social challenges annexation South Africa SA enclave territory citizenship voting rights GDP per capita economic integration social welfare developmental aid UNDP World Factbook public health government intervention regional stability South African governance anti-corruption measures poverty alleviation economic partnership humanitarian aid Southern Africa international assistance Lesotho annexation benefits Lesotho poverty statistics Basotho HIV rates Lesotho economic crisis South Africa annexation proposal Lesotho citizenship rights South Africa Lesotho integration Lesotho GDP vs South Africa Lesotho corruption impact Lesotho international aid Basotho social conditions Lesotho poverty solutions South Africa responsibility Lesotho Lesotho funding challenges Lesotho health crisis Lesotho social system improvement Basotho voting rights Lesotho demographic challenges Lesotho urban HIV infection rates Lesotho-SA integration outcomes Lesotho annexation arguments Lesotho political instability Lesotho UN development report Les Lesotho South Africa annexation poverty Basotho HIV prevalence international poverty line economic aid social intervention corruption funding shortages citizenship rights voting rights GDP per capita comparison public health crisis urban HIV rates political integration enclave territory social welfare improvement United Nations Development Project World Factbook HIV/AIDS epidemic Southern Africa economic disparity governance reform regional stability Lesotho economic crisis Lesotho HIV epidemic Lesotho poverty statistics South Africa Lesotho relations Lesotho annexation debate Basotho citizenship rights Lesotho corruption impact Southern Africa poverty solutions Lesotho GDP comparison South Africa economic aid Lesotho social welfare HIV rates urban Lesotho Lesotho foreign assistance Lesotho development challenges Lesotho political solutions Lesotho South Africa Basotho poverty international poverty line economic assistance social aid HIV infection rate urban women healthcare crisis funding shortage corruption governance annexation citizenship right to vote political integration enclave GDP per capita socioeconomic disparity responsibility humanitarian intervention United Nations Development Project World Factbook development aid public health economic integration regional cooperation Southern Africa social welfare governmental reform Lesotho poverty Basotho international poverty line Lesotho HIV prevalence HIV in urban Lesotho female HIV rate Lesotho Lesotho lack of funding Lesotho corruption Lesotho governance issues Lesotho annexation Lesotho and South Africa relations Basotho citizenship rights Lesotho voting rights South Africa economic aid Lesotho Lesotho GDP per capita South Africa GDP per capita Lesotho social development Lesotho economic integration Lesotho social welfare Lesotho political integration SADC intervention Lesotho Lesotho healthcare crisis Lesotho education system Lesotho unemployment Lesotho foreign aid Lesotho poverty HIV prevalence Basotho international poverty line economic aid social support corruption funding shortage governance annexation South Africa SA citizenship voter rights GDP comparison social welfare development aid public health government intervention regional integration sovereignty political stability economic growth demographic impact Southern Africa United Nations Development Project World Factbook Lesotho poverty international poverty line Basotho economic crisis social issues HIV prevalence women's health urban HIV rate funding shortage corruption governance annexation South Africa SA government Basotho citizenship voting rights poverty alleviation social welfare GDP per capita economic comparison enclave territory United Nations Development Project Human Development Reports The World Factbook development aid international support Southern Africa political integration socioeconomic challenges health crisis government intervention
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro01a	The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. International Criminal Court ICC war crimes crimes against humanity genocide global justice international law human rights protection war criminals prosecution international tribunals accountability impunity enforcement deterrence international justice legal framework crime prevention humanitarian law Geneva Conventions Rome Statute state responsibility atrocity prevention transitional justice universal jurisdiction rule of law state cooperation international cooperation peace and security legal accountability International Criminal Court ICC war crimes human rights protection international law enforcement war criminals prosecution permanent criminal tribunal state accountability international justice deterrence of atrocities impunity prevention crimes against humanity global rule of law international humanitarian law Geneva Conventions special tribunals Nuremberg trials human rights violations international cooperation military accountability grave breaches universal jurisdiction victims’ justice international legitimacy state responsibility International Criminal Court ICC support state cooperation war crimes prosecution international justice human rights protection international law enforcement crimes against humanity global accountability deterrence of atrocities prosecution of war criminals permanent criminal court impunity universal jurisdiction humanitarian law special tribunals enforcement mechanisms conflict deterrence military accountability protection of civilians rule of law global governance justice system international peace Geneva Conventions ICC effectiveness ICC global support International Criminal Court deterrence ICC human rights protection ICC enforcement mechanisms ICC war crimes prosecution ICC impact on conflict ICC and state accountability history of war crimes tribunals permanent international criminal courts ICC role in international law ICC impact on military conduct ICC vs ad hoc tribunals ICC and global justice ICC legitimacy ICC challenges ICC and state cooperation ICC as a deterrent ICC contributions to civilization ICC and rule of law international criminal law enforcement history of international criminal law ICC achievements ICC criticisms ICC and impunity ICC and peacebuilding International Criminal Court ICC effectiveness global justice war crimes prosecution crimes against humanity deterrence of atrocities human rights protection accountability international law enforcement state responsibility crimes of aggression impunity special tribunals universal jurisdiction post-conflict justice international humanitarian law rule of law support for ICC legitimacy of ICC transitional justice legal frameworks international cooperation peace and security military regulation prevention of mass atrocities justice reforms strengthening international institutions International Criminal Court effectiveness ICC deterrence of war crimes ICC human rights protection permanent international criminal justice accountability for war crimes enforcement of international criminal law support for ICC by states ICC and ending impunity ICC as breakthrough in justice impact of ICC on state behavior deterrence of atrocities by ICC ICC history and role special courts vs ICC international legal system for war crimes human rights and ICC ICC and global governance future of the International Criminal Court ICC credibility and legitimacy ICC challenges and support international collaboration ICC International Criminal Court ICC war crimes human rights justice international law accountability prosecution deterrence war criminals human rights protection impunity international justice special tribunals permanent court enforcement criminal law rule of law state responsibility military accountability atrocities crimes against humanity genocide crimes of aggression legal framework global governance judicial independence deterrence effect transitional justice humanitarian law protection of civilians International Criminal Court effectiveness ICC support by states war crimes prosecution human rights protection international criminal justice permanent international courts accountability for war crimes enforcement of international law deterrence of atrocities military conduct regulation historical international tribunals global justice system crimes against humanity enforcement ending state impunity ICC as deterrent legal framework for war crimes improvement of international law enforcement state responsibility under ICC ICC challenges and successes future of international criminal law International Criminal Court ICC effectiveness support for ICC international justice war crimes prosecution human rights protection accountability enforcement of international law deterrence of atrocities global justice international tribunals state responsibility rule of law military oversight prevention of impunity legal framework humanitarian law crimes against humanity international cooperation peace and security legal deterrence International Criminal Court war crimes human rights global justice impunity accountability enforcement deterrence international law war criminals tribunals prosecution humanitarian law state responsibility crimes against humanity peacekeeping rule of law international cooperation transitional justice universal jurisdiction legal framework sovereignty genocide international tribunals military accountability international relations
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro04a	Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 resource curse conflict minerals blood diamonds illicit trade mineral wealth civil wars rebel financing commodity prices diamond trade Sierra Leone war forced labor conflict funding Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo conflict resource exploitation Africa resource wars natural resources and violence war economies extractive industries economic incentives for conflict armed groups government instability illegal mining regional instability environmental degradation lootable resources global commodity markets arms trade corruption resource conflict natural resources Africa blood diamonds conflict minerals resource wars Sierra Leone civil war diamond funding rebels mineral wealth Congo resource-driven conflict armed groups natural resources commodity prices conflict forced labor mining financing insurgency Africa extractive industries conflict illicit resource trade rebel groups mineral wealth war economies Africa resource curse Africa conflict minerals funding civil wars resources resource conflict natural resources Africa blood diamonds conflict minerals Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF forced labor mineral wealth resource wars Congo conflict commodity prices rebel funding government funding civil war diamond mining gold mining mineral exploitation economic causes of conflict illicit trade resource extraction African conflicts war economies international trade resource-driven violence armed groups control of resources global commodity markets smuggling warlords slave labor human rights abuses natural resource conflicts in Africa causes of resource wars in Africa impact of blood diamonds in Sierra Leone funding of African civil wars through natural resources connection between minerals and conflict in Africa role of diamonds in Sierra Leone civil war resource-driven violence in Congo effects of mineral wealth on African societies government funding via commodities in Africa historical examples of resource conflicts Africa link between resource wealth and political instability Africa Africa resource curse civil war and natural resources forced labor in African mines negative effects of resource extraction Africa diamond trade and African conflicts case studies of resource wars in Africa global impact of African resource conflicts resource conflict natural resources Africa blood diamonds resource wars mineral wealth conflict Sierra Leone civil war Congo conflict minerals commodity funding rebellions forced labor mining conflict diamonds resource-driven violence African civil wars economic impact natural resources governance and resources illicit mineral trade resource exploitation Africa diamonds and conflict mineral-driven insurgency government funding rebellions resource curse extractive industries conflict rebel financing Africa resource-rich regions violence global research Africa Revolutionary United Front mining and conflict resource conflict Africa natural resource wars blood diamonds Sierra Leone mineral wealth conflict Congo resource-funded rebellions Africa civil war natural resources resource-driven violence Africa conflict minerals Africa diamonds funding conflict causes of African civil wars impact of natural resources on conflict resource extraction and conflict African commodity price conflicts forced labor in mining Africa RUF Sierra Leone conflict mineral control and war economic causes of conflict Africa blood diamond trade Africa mineral wealth and violence case studies resource wars Africa natural resources resource conflict Africa blood diamonds civil war Sierra Leone forced labor Revolutionary United Front RUF mining commodity prices diamond trade funding rebellion resource-driven violence mineral wealth Congo resource wars government funding armed conflict conflict minerals resource exploitation war economy social impact economic impact civil unrest resource governance illicit trade natural resources conflict Africa resource curse Africa diamond conflict Africa blood diamonds Sierra Leone mineral wealth and war Africa resource-funded rebellions Africa civil wars natural resources Africa Congo mineral conflict natural resources and political instability Africa resource extraction violence Africa rebel groups funding Africa resource wars Africa natural resources governance Africa commodities and armed conflict Africa mining conflict Africa natural resources slavery Africa conflict minerals Africa resource-driven wars Africa greed vs grievance theory Africa African war economy illegal diamond trade Africa economic causes African conflicts resource-fueled insurgency Africa resource management Africa environmental conflict Africa natural resource conflict Africa resource wars blood diamonds resource-funded rebellions conflict minerals Sierra Leone civil war Democratic Republic of Congo conflict mineral wealth violence natural resource exploitation illicit diamond trade commodity price conflict forced labor RUF Sierra Leone resource curse Africa resource-driven violence economic impact of conflict minerals African mineral resources conflict resource curse conflict minerals blood diamonds civil war Africa extractive industries rebel funding diamond trade forced labor Sierra Leone conflict RUF Congo mineral conflict African natural resources war economy illicit trade governance failure economic exploitation international sanctions conflict prevention peacebuilding Africa mineral wealth disputes
test-culture-mmciahbans-con03a	Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. skin lightening skin whitening colorism skin tone discrimination prejudice racial inequality class disparity public policy government regulation social justice skin color bias anti-discrimination education cultural perception race relations fairness social stigmas cosmetic bans diversity inclusion skin tone representation societal norms beauty standards educational reform prejudice reduction equity white privilege skin tone discrimination skin whitening ban colourism racial prejudice class and race skin colour bias social inequality skin lightening products societal perceptions anti-discrimination education skin privilege prejudice reduction public policy diversity awareness social justice skin tone hierarchy inclusive education racial equity beauty standards stigma skin hue advantages ban effectiveness changing perceptions discrimination solutions education role in prejudice skin lightening skin whitening colorism skin tone discrimination racial discrimination class discrimination social inequality prejudice reduction beauty standards skin bleach ban government policy public perception societal attitudes education on racism anti-colorism campaigns cosmetic regulation human rights inequality skin color bias societal reform ban skin whiteners debate effectiveness of banning skin lightening products alternatives to banning skin whiteners impact of banning skin whiteners on colourism education vs ban skin lightening tackling skin tone discrimination class and skin colour race and colourism public policy on skin lightening creams reducing colour prejudice societal attitudes to skin colour long-term solutions to colourism role of education in fighting colourism legal vs cultural change skin discrimination skin colour privilege why do bans fail against skin discrimination addressing root causes of colourism anti-colourism campaigns social impact skin lightening ban government role colour skin lightening colorism skin tone discrimination skin whitening bans government policy race relations class and race societal prejudice skin hue advantages cosmetic regulation public perception prejudice reduction educational interventions social inequality skin color bias antidiscrimination strategies colorism education societal change cosmetic product bans racial privilege social justice colorism skin tone discrimination skin lightening ban skin whitening products racial bias class and race issues prejudice reduction effects of banning skin products education on discrimination social perception of skin color colorism solutions government policy on skin products societal attitudes skin color disadvantages of skin tone bans skin color inequality skin tone discrimination skin lightening products skin whiteners colorism prejudice reduction social inequality racial bias class divides societal attitudes government regulation personal agency public policy education initiatives anti-discrimination racial equality societal perception skin color bias skin color education fairness creams regulatory bans discrimination solutions prejudice awareness cultural attitudes systemic inequality lighter skin privilege skin whitening ban colorism skin tone discrimination racial prejudice class and skin tone government regulation skin products skin lightening products social perception skin color education against colorism anti-discrimination policies societal attitudes skin color prejudice reduction impact of product bans racial inequality public perception skin whiteners skin colour education intersectionality race class color effectiveness of banning whitening skin tone social advantage hidden discrimination skin lightening product bans colorism skin tone discrimination government regulation social inequality racial bias class divisions skin whiteners societal prejudice skin color hierarchy public policy education reform anti-colorism efforts cultural perceptions racial inequality public awareness discrimination reduction beauty standards skin bleaching equity in society skin tone discrimination skin lightening products colourism skin whiteners ban race and class prejudice reduction public policy education on discrimination social inequality skin color bias government intervention societal attitudes changing perceptions anti-colourism campaigns fairness creams social stigma representation cultural standards of beauty legislative solutions skin tone advantages
test-international-bldimehbn-con01a	The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, journalism news reporting journalistic ethics cultural sensitivity media impact newsworthiness international controversy government perception news organizations media impartiality reporting standards controversial topics global events media responsibility freedom of the press objective reporting audience interest societal impact military reporting political news financial reporting terrorism coverage Al Jazeera media reputation Middle East media representation in media minority issues LGBTQ coverage gay rights diverse perspectives media diversity journalistic ethics reporting standards newsworthiness impartiality controversial issues international coverage media responsibility cultural sensitivity media impact public perception objective journalism media bias freedom of the press diversity in media gay rights coverage Al Jazeera reporting Middle East journalism representation in news editorial independence audience interests global news coverage of minority issues political reporting military reporting financial news terrorist incident coverage media controversies inclusion in journalism public interest journalism journalistic duty cross-cultural reporting journalism news reporting journalistic ethics cultural sensitivity international controversy newsworthiness media impact public perception government accountability controversial news impartial reporting media responsibility freedom of the press media bias audience interest event documentation military reporting political reporting financial news terrorism coverage journalistic objectivity Al Jazeera Middle East media LGBTQ+ issues representation in media global media news organizations media influence news coverage criteria news discrimination minority voices in media journalistic objectivity newsworthiness criteria cultural sensitivity in journalism controversial news stories media impartiality international news impact journalist responsibility Al Jazeera reporting style representation of minority issues gay rights in media Middle East media coverage reporting on sensitive topics audience impact of news ethical journalism influence of news on public perception freedom of the press journalistic standards balancing controversy in reporting covering underreported issues media representation of LGBT issues cultural taboos in news Middle Eastern journalism Al Jazeera and gay rights media and government perception role of news organizations global news controversies journalistic ethics newsworthiness cultural sensitivity media impartiality controversial news international reporting government perception audience impact media responsibility Al Jazeera representation in media freedom of the press political reporting military coverage financial journalism terrorist event coverage Middle East media gay rights reporting LGBTQ+ issues cross-cultural journalism Arab media Hebrew in media global media wars media diversity neutrality in reporting conflict reporting press freedom news impact Hala Gorani media bias controversial topics journalistic ethics newsworthiness criteria cultural sensitivity in journalism international controversy reporting impartial news coverage impact of news on audience Al Jazeera reputation media responsibility Middle East journalism controversial issues in media gay rights reporting cross-cultural news perspectives editorial independence objectivity in news reporting controversial news stories audience interest and journalism freedom of the press global journalism standards challenging media taboos media coverage of marginalized groups reporting on sensitive topics journalism journalistic integrity objective reporting newsworthiness international controversy media ethics cultural sensitivity perception governmental impact global news controversial events public interest reporting standards impartial reporting military actions political events financial news terrorist actions audience impact breaking news consumer relevance ethical responsibility Al Jazeera Middle East media LGBT issues gay rights cross-cultural reporting Hala Gorani Israeli-Palestinian coverage Arabic-language media representation media influence news impact media reputation journalistic responsibility journalism journalistic ethics news reporting international news cultural sensitivity newsworthiness controversial topics media responsibility impartial reporting impact of news global perception government actions freedom of press media coverage military reporting political reporting financial reporting terrorist reporting Al Jazeera Arabic media LGBT reporting gay rights media diversity representation in media audience perception media bias international relations editorial decisions significant events news consumption journalism reporting ethics newsworthiness cultural sensitivity international controversy media responsibility impact on society impartial reporting controversial topics government perception military actions political issues financial news terrorism audience interest Al Jazeera Middle East media representation LGBTQ rights gay issues Hebrew broadcasting Arab world cross-cultural journalism global news coverage journalistic standards editorial decisions freedom of the press journalism media ethics news reporting journalistic impartiality cultural sensitivity newsworthiness international controversies media responsibility public perception reporting impact global news government accountability freedom of the press controversial topics Al Jazeera LGBT rights Middle East media bias audience interest journalistic standards news selection minority representation censorship journalistic integrity media influence
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international law supranational legislation western values protection of children violence tradition survival strategies societal adaptation conflict zones recruitment of child soldiers necessity war impact community safety South Sudan rebel armies protection-seeking behavior vulnerable communities western childhood constructs legal enforcement domestic legislation democratic norms criminalization humanitarian intervention post-conflict societies indigenous governance comparative cultural analysis child protection policies ethical dilemmas human rights discourse cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers international law supranational legislation western values violence against children military recruitment conflict adaptation survival strategies community vulnerability protection of children traditional safety providers armed conflict South Sudan rebel armies orphaned children societal disruption western childhood construct post-conflict societies law enforcement domestic legislation normative imposition democratic norms criminalization humanitarian intervention local governance indigenous practices global ethics postcolonial critique human rights debates cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers international law supranational legislation children’s rights Western cultural norms violence against children protection of children cross-cultural ethics humanitarian intervention sociopolitical conflict governance child protection military recruitment conflict zones survival strategies community vulnerability displacement rebel groups armed conflict South Sudan traditional societies cultural construct domestic legislation democratic norms legal pluralism human rights war-affected children childhood innocence war trauma African conflict ethical dilemmas humanitarian law social adaptation political violence cultural relativism and child soldiers intercultural justice debates child soldiers international law western cultural constructs childhood protection children violence cultural differences necessity recruitment child soldiers survival methods conflict zones community vulnerability arming children child soldiers South Sudan case study traditional providers safety war enforced western childhood norms supranational legislation vs domestic law impact democratic norms child protection criminalisation child soldiers international law global perspectives child soldier recruitment ethics cultural relativism armed conflict cross-cultural governance child protection challenges implementing universal child rights cultural constructs childhood conflict societies adaptive survival strategies war zones cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international law supranational legislation western cultural constructs children and violence armed conflict governance tradition and modernity survival strategies community protection recruitment of children South Sudan rebel armies orphaned children societal disruption enforcement of international norms domestic legislation democratic norms criminalization of children humanitarian law war-affected communities indigenous practices moral universality vs cultural specificity ethics of intervention postcolonial perspectives conflict adaptation protection policies human rights discourse historical context cross-cultural analysis cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice conflict adaptation cross-cultural ethics supranational legislation western values child protection norms child recruitment armed conflict and children survival strategies cultural constructs of childhood international law and child soldiers domestic legislation vs international norms children in armed groups global perspectives on childhood ethics of child soldiering war and childhood South Sudan child soldiers protection vs criminalization humanitarian intervention sociocultural adaptation in conflict cross-cultural governance tradition versus necessity impacts of war on children changing childhood practices debate on universal rights cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers conflict adaptation international law supranational legislation western cultural constructs children and violence military recruitment survival strategies societal change community safety vulnerable populations South Sudan rebel armies post-conflict reconstruction protection versus exploitation parental loss war-affected children western liberal democracies legal enforcement democratic norms criminalization of children child soldier motivation traditional safety providers cultural constructs morality and ethics humanitarian intervention governance and legislation human rights armed conflict child protection policies cross-cultural perspectives trauma and resilience cultural diversity cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international law supranational legislation western cultural norms violence against children conflict adaptation community survival strategies military recruitment necessity-based induction societal displacement vulnerable communities democratic norms criminalization of children domestic legislation vs international norms South Sudan child soldiers cultural constructs of childhood post-conflict societies western liberal democracies enforcement of international law protection policies armed conflict sociopolitical governance morality in war ethics of child recruitment indigenous practices global governance wartime child protection humanitarian intervention cultural justice debates intercultural justice child soldiers cultural relativism international law supranational legislation western values child protection recruitment of children community survival conflict environments traditional safety providers war displacement arming children violent exploitation self-induction South Sudan rebel armies orphaned children trust networks protection needs societal constructs childhood ideals liberal democracy legal enforcement local legislation democratic norms criminalization of children war-affected societies comparative childhood humanitarian intervention indigenous practices post-conflict governance vulnerability ethics of intervention cross-cultural perspectives adaptive survival strategies intercultural justice politics governance child soldiers international legislation supranational law children's rights cultural constructs Western values violence against children military recruitment community survival necessity armed conflict South Sudan rebel army child protection war trauma displacement vulnerable communities domestic legislation democratic norms criminalization humanitarian intervention cultural diversity ethics of war child autonomy trauma recovery family dispersal armed groups global governance morality legal pluralism
test-international-epglghbni-con02a	The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, Northern Ireland unification unionism nationalism Good Friday Agreement self-determination UK government Irish government united Ireland survey public opinion devolution direct rule independent Northern Ireland Protestant community Catholic community Northern Ireland Life and Times political identity national identity sovereignty cross-community relations power-sharing constitutional status referendum border poll peace process British-Irish relations legislative obligations polling data future of Northern Ireland United Kingdom Ireland Northern Ireland Irish unification public opinion Good Friday Agreement self-determination unionism devolution direct rule United Kingdom Republic of Ireland constitutional status survey data Northern Ireland Life and Times Catholic attitudes Protestant attitudes national identity cross-community views political preferences Brexit impact sovereignty legislative process referendum on unification nationalist sentiment unionist sentiment peace process NIO 1998 Moriarty 2011 demographic trends identity politics power-sharing border poll Northern Ireland unification united Ireland Good Friday Agreement self-determination UK-Ireland relations public opinion survey Northern Ireland Life and Times devolution direct rule Protestant population Catholic population Irish nationalism unionism political attitudes constitutional status national identity legislative obligations referendum sovereignty peace process power-sharing Westminster demographics support levels independence NIO 1998 Moriarty 2011 Northern Ireland unification public opinion support for Irish unity statistics Good Friday Agreement impact on unification Northern Ireland referendum on unity Northern Ireland Life and Times survey results Catholic versus Protestant views on unification political attitudes in Northern Ireland support for devolution in Northern Ireland direct rule versus devolution public opinion UK and Irish government obligations under Good Friday Agreement future of the union in Northern Ireland Northern Ireland independence support statistics attitudes toward direct rule from Westminster trends in support for a united Ireland Northern Irish identity and constitutional preferences Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination Northern Ireland Life and Times survey public opinion Northern Ireland united Ireland support devolution Northern Ireland direct rule Westminster Protestant vs Catholic views UK-Ireland relations political identity Northern Ireland cross-community attitudes British unionism Irish nationalism constitutional status polls power-sharing arrangement NIO 1998 Moriarty 2011 demographic breakdown referendum on unification future of Northern Ireland Northern Ireland unification opinion polls Good Friday Agreement public support Northern Ireland Life and Times survey results support for UK union Northern Ireland devolution preference in Northern Ireland Catholic opinion on Irish unification Protestant view Irish unification direct rule Northern Ireland statistics United Ireland survey data public attitudes on Northern Ireland political status self-determination Ireland public opinion trends in Northern Ireland political identity demographic breakdown Irish unification support recent opinion polls united Ireland Moriarty 2011 Northern Ireland survey Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination united Ireland UK-Ireland relations public opinion Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey majority view unionism devolution direct rule independence Protestant population Catholic population political preferences NIO 1998 Moriarty 2011 nationalist sentiment constitutional status referendum legislative obligation Westminster Irish unity long-term policy survey results Northern Ireland public opinion Irish unification support Good Friday Agreement self-determination Northern Ireland unionist sentiment Northern Ireland Northern Ireland Life and Times survey UK Northern Ireland relationship devolution in Northern Ireland direct rule Westminster Catholic support Irish unity Protestant views Irish unity political attitudes Northern Ireland united Ireland opinion polls NIO 1998 post-Good Friday Agreement politics Northern Ireland independence opinions Moriarty 2011 survey NI constitutional status devolved government Northern Ireland Northern Ireland identity politics Northern Ireland public opinion unification Good Friday Agreement Irish unity UK-Ireland relations self-determination referendums constitutional status survey results devolution direct rule unionism nationalism Catholic opinion Protestant opinion United Kingdom independence political identity attitudes to unification Northern Ireland Life and Times survey future constitutional arrangements legislative obligations cross-community support British-Irish politics sovereignty peace process historic agreements demographic trends 21st-century perspectives Northern Ireland public opinion Irish unification polls Good Friday Agreement devolved government Northern Ireland UK-Ireland relations unionist sentiment nationalist sentiment Catholic attitudes Northern Ireland Protestant attitudes Northern Ireland self-determination Ireland Northern Ireland Life and Times survey future of Northern Ireland political identity Northern Ireland direct rule Westminster devolution support legislative process unification cross-community perspectives constitutional status Northern Ireland attitudes to united Ireland Moriarty 2011 survey NIO 1998 report peace process Northern Ireland referendum on Irish unity
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con02a	Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . violence non-contact sport baseball safety home plate collisions rule changes player safety beanballs dangerous plays injury prevention sportsmanship fair play banning collisions protecting players compared sports American football hockey MMA game rules career-threatening injuries making baseball safer baseball safety non-contact sports reducing violence in sports player safety measures home plate collisions rule changes in baseball beanballs prohibition sportsmanship in baseball comparison with football violence comparison with hockey violence comparison with MMA violence baseball injury prevention protecting athletes banning violent plays baseball ethics safe play advocacy MLB safety policies player welfare anti-violence in sports injury risks in baseball baseball safety non-contact sport home plate collisions player injuries rule changes sports violence protective measures player safety banning collisions beanball rules injury prevention fair play disciplinary actions sportsmanship contact sports comparison rule enforcement MLB policies collision prevention baseball ethics player welfare baseball safety non-contact sports violence in baseball banning collisions in baseball home plate collision rules protecting baseball players hazards in baseball comparison baseball vs football baseball rule changes player safety measures baseball injuries reducing violence in sports MLB safety regulations why baseball is not violent risk of collisions in sports eliminating home plate collisions safer gameplay in baseball beanball dangers MLB player protection sports violence prevention baseball safety non-contact sport home plate collisions violence in sports player safety beanballs rules of baseball baseball injury prevention sports ethics contact vs non-contact sports sportsmanship banning collisions baseball regulations impact on careers baseball rule changes MLB safety measures player protection sports violence comparison American football violence hockey violence MMA comparison commentator opinions baseball policy game integrity baseball non-contact sport home plate collisions violence in sports player safety baseball banning collisions baseball beanball rules injury prevention baseball sportsmanship in baseball baseball rule changes protecting players baseball end home plate collisions baseball vs football violence non-violent baseball gameplay baseball safety measures impact of violence in sports player career protection baseball injury risks safe play in baseball MLB rule enforcement baseball safety regulations baseball safety non-contact sport home plate collisions player safety violence in sports beanballs banned plays injury prevention baseball rules fair play sportsmanship MLB regulations protecting players anti-violence in baseball collision rules baseball ethics Dave Cameron FanGraphs sports comparison football vs baseball hockey vs baseball MMA vs baseball dangerous plays career-ending injuries sports violence prevention baseball collisions home plate collisions baseball safety non-contact sports violence in sports beanballs player safety baseball rules baseball injuries ending collisions in baseball MLB safety regulations baseball commentator opinions preventing violence in baseball baseball vs football baseball vs hockey player career risks MLB rule changes FanGraphs home plate collisions sports violence comparison safe play in baseball baseball safety home plate collisions non-contact sports reducing violence in sports sports injuries baseball rules player safety banning collisions sporting ethics preventing injuries MLB safety policies beanballs sportsmanship player careers dangerous plays sports violence rule changes injury prevention sports commentator opinions fan safety concerns baseball safety non-contact sports sports violence home plate collisions beanballs player safety rule changes injury prevention collision rules sportsmanship baseball rules player protection sports ethics commentator opinions sports comparisons American football violence hockey violence MMA violence risk in sports banning collisions MLB regulations
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro03a	A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. graduate tax higher education funding educational equity fair access social mobility tuition fees student contributions university affordability socioeconomic diversity debt-free education progressive taxation graduate earnings public funding student loans educational privilege equal opportunity university access lifelong earnings job security graduate benefits social justice fiscal contributions income-contingent repayment education policy graduate tax higher education funding tuition fees student debt social mobility educational equity access to university income-contingent repayment fair funding progressive taxation graduates vs non-graduates earnings university affordability socioeconomic background widening participation public funding of education economic benefits of degree graduate contributions education privilege meritocracy university costs student finance lifetime earnings job security educational opportunity graduate tax higher education funding tuition fees student finance social equity educational access social mobility income-based repayment student debt educational privilege university affordability fair funding socioeconomic diversity pay-as-you-earn lifetime earnings post-graduation contributions public funding progressive taxation income inequality university access financial barriers meritocracy educational opportunity income contingent loans wealth redistribution benefits of graduate tax graduate tax vs tuition fees graduate tax for social mobility higher education funding models impact of graduate tax on equality graduate tax and social justice graduate earnings statistics university access for low-income students graduate tax policy debate graduate tax and public funding graduate tax and student debt advantages of graduate tax graduate tax implementation examples impact of graduate tax on job security graduate tax and economic mobility graduate tax fairness argument evidence for graduate tax effectiveness graduate tax and opportunity access should graduates pay for their degrees socioeconomic impact of graduate tax graduate tax higher education funding education fairness social equity tuition alternatives education access university fees income-contingent repayment student debt socioeconomic mobility graduate earnings tax policy education privilege education contribution student finance pay-as-you-earn social mobility equitable education financial barriers university affordability lifetime earnings progressive taxation educational opportunity post-graduation tax fee-free education graduate tax benefits higher education funding fairness equitable university access graduate earnings premium alternatives to tuition fees graduate tax vs student loans social mobility and education university funding models education and economic inequality progressive education funding impact of graduate tax on social classes debt-free higher education fiscal contributions of graduates graduate tax policy debate accessibility of university education education privilege vs opportunity society and university funding graduate tax higher education funding university fees tuition fees equitable access social mobility fairness income-based repayment student contribution educational privilege debt-free education lifetime earnings social equity progressive taxation access to university student debt non-graduates job security unemployment rates education benefits socioeconomic background contribution to society ability to pay education policy widening participation financial accessibility public funding educational opportunity fiscal contribution social justice graduate earnings graduate tax higher education funding fair access to university educational equity student finance tuition fees alternatives social mobility socioeconomic fairness university affordability wealth redistribution graduate contributions lifetime earnings gap education privilege debt-free education post-graduation contributions widening participation student opportunity social class and education public funding for universities long-term graduate benefits educational policy progressive taxation educational justice university access reform education equality graduate tax higher education funding social equity educational fairness university access graduate earnings income inequality student debt social mobility fiscal contribution tuition fees education privilege socioeconomic background education policy lifetime earnings job security unemployment rates educational opportunity public funding educational justice meritocracy graduate tax higher education funding education equity socioeconomic mobility tuition fees income-based repayment student debt social justice equal access meritocracy public funding university affordability lifelong earnings progressive taxation education policy opportunity cost financial barriers fairness in education social mobility educational privilege
test-environment-assgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing alternatives drug development without animals computer simulations in pharmacology in vitro testing tissue experiments non-animal research methods human-based research medical advancements ethical drug testing modern toxicology in silico models surgical tissue research chemical testing methods replacing animal experiments biomedical research ethics alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in drug development in vitro testing human tissue experiments ethical drug development non-animal research methods modern drug discovery reduction of animal experimentation scientific advances without animal testing organ-on-a-chip predictive toxicology alternative testing technologies computational biology medical research without animals biomedical innovation alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in drug development in vitro testing tissue cultures human tissue experimentation drug discovery without animals ethical drug testing methods advancements in computer modeling replacement of animal research human skin experiments modern drug testing techniques non-animal research methods organ-on-a-chip alternative toxicology testing biomedical research ethics alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in drug development in vitro testing methods human tissue experimentation ethical drug testing advancements in non-animal research replacing animal testing in pharmaceuticals necessity of animal research historical use of animal testing modern drug development techniques animal testing ethical debate tissue engineering for drug testing human-based drug testing future of pharmaceutical research regulatory acceptance of non-animal methods drug safety assessment without animals technological advances in pharmacology animal-free scientific research simulation models for drug testing impact of animal testing bans alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in drug development in vitro testing ex vivo tissue research human tissue experimentation ethical drug testing advancements without animal research reduction in animal experiments pharmaceutical innovation alternatives historical necessity of animal testing drug discovery methods biomedical research alternatives ethical considerations in research animal-free testing skin tissue experiments future of drug testing alternatives to animal testing computer simulations in drug development tissue experimentation for drug testing human tissue research ethical drug testing methods advancements in non-animal testing future of drug testing without animals experimental methods without animal use benefits of in vitro testing computer modeling vs animal testing biomedical research alternatives animal testing ethical considerations reducing animal testing in medicine historical vs modern drug testing necessity of animal research today animal testing alternatives drug development without animals computer simulations in pharmacology in vitro testing tissue culture experiments human tissue research ethical drug research historical animal research advancements non-animal methods surgical tissue experiments chemical mechanism modeling necessity of animal testing limitations animal testing biomedical research innovation human-relevant testing scientific progress animal-free replacement animal experiments reduction animal use drug testing technology benefits computer modeling alternatives to animal testing animal testing ban drug development without animals computer simulations in pharmacology in vitro drug testing tissue-based drug research human tissue experimentation ethical drug testing methods advancements in non-animal research history of animal testing modern alternatives to animal research benefits of computer modeling in medicine ex vivo drug testing human-based research methods biomedical research ethics medical research without animal testing replacement for animal models surgical tissue research animal-free scientific experimentation scientific progress without animal testing alternatives to animal testing modern drug development computer simulations in pharmacology in vitro testing human tissue research ethical drug testing advancements without animal testing synthetic tissue experiments history of animal testing future of medical research non-animal research methods biomedical innovation replacement of animal models surgical tissue experimentation ethical considerations in drug development alternatives to animal testing in vitro testing computer simulations in drug development organ-on-a-chip tissue engineering ethical drug development human tissue testing reduction of animal testing drug discovery without animals advancements in non-animal testing 3D cell cultures legislation on animal research history of animal testing necessity of animal models future of drug development human-relevant models predictive toxicology skin testing alternatives pharmacological simulations
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro04a	Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. terrorism definition perspective justification political violence Geneva Conventions human rights state terrorism resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular warfare wartime atrocities civilians political ends dictatorship occupation legitimate grievance grey areas combatants conscripts settlers occupation agents of oppression armed civilians unarmed civil servants teachers doctors oppressive state historical examples World War II city bombing independence movements American Revolution narrow definition broad definition moral relativity ethics targets innocence violence terrorism definition political violence Geneva Conventions human rights state terrorism resistance groups freedom fighters wartime atrocities civil wars political ends use of violence narrow definition broad definition innocent civilians legitimate grievance occupation dictatorship oppression military targets civilian targets settlers agents of oppression conscripts occupied territories armed civilians civil servants grey areas justified terrorism historical examples World War II bombing independence movements American Revolution irregular warfare just war theory ethics of violence terrorism definition political violence Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular groups war crimes innocent civilians political ends legitimacy occupation oppression civil servants international law independence movements American Revolution World War II bombing of cities moral justification grey areas conscripts settlers sovereignty ethics violence atrocity perspective civil war armed conflict insurgency rebellion legitimacy of violence target selection combatants non-combatants just war theory definition of terrorism terrorism justification debate terrorism and point of view broad definition of terrorism Geneva Conventions and terrorism state terrorism examples resistance groups terrorism freedom fighters vs terrorism civil wars and terrorism narrow definition of terrorism targeting civilians in terrorism legitimate targets in conflict grey areas in terrorism definition civilian status in war reluctant conscripts as targets settlers as targets children as targets in war armed vs unarmed civilians occupation and terrorism civil servants and terrorism historical accusations of terrorism World War II and terrorism resistance movements as terrorists independence movements terrorism American Revolution terrorism comparison ethics of terrorism terrorism definition political violence Geneva Conventions human rights state terrorism irregular groups resistance movements freedom fighters civil war legitimacy innocence of civilians narrow vs broad definitions justification oppressive regimes occupation civilian targets armed vs unarmed civilians agents of oppression civil servants grey areas historical examples World War II bombing conscripts independence movements American Revolution moral relativism legal definitions international law subjective perspective ethical justification terrorism definition state terrorism political violence Geneva Conventions human rights violations civilian targets freedom fighters resistance movements civil wars justified violence legitimacy of violence war crimes ethical dilemmas in war irregular warfare conscripts in conflict civilian settlers in occupation agents of oppression narrow vs broad definitions moral relativism in terrorism independence movements American Revolution and terrorism bombing of cities WWII grey areas in terrorism occupation and resistance civilian combatants international law and terrorism terrorism definition political violence Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars irregular groups atrocities innocent civilians legitimacy political ends occupation oppressors grey areas conscripts settlers agents of oppression civil servants moral justification independence movements American Revolution World War II bombing cities legitimacy justification narrow definition broad definition perspective armed conflict war crimes civilian targets military targets insurgency rebellion ethical dilemmas state terrorism just war theory non-state actors terrorism definition terrorism relativism political violence Geneva Conventions human rights state terrorism resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular warfare civilian targets political ends legitimate grievance dictatorship opposition occupation resistance soldiers as targets conscripts settlers as targets armed civilians unarmed civilians civil servants in conflict grey areas terrorism justified violence World War II terrorism city bombing resistance groups WWII independence movements American Revolution scope of terrorism moral justification terrorism law of war ethics of terrorism political justification violence terrorism definition political violence Geneva Conventions human rights state terrorism resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular warfare narrow definition civilian targets political ends atrocities justification of terrorism legitimacy occupation dictatorships grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers agents of oppression armed vs unarmed civilians civil servants ethical dilemmas World War II bombing independence movements American Revolution moral relativism just war theory legitimacy of violence lawful combatants international law asymmetrical warfare terrorism definition political violence Geneva Conventions human rights state terrorism resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars wartime atrocities narrow definition broad definition civilian targets political ends legitimate grievance dictatorship occupation conscripts settlers agents of oppression armed civilians civil servants grey areas bombing of cities World War II independence movements American Revolution justification of terrorism moral relativism perspective on violence
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con01a	This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, smoking bans enforcement challenges public places law compliance police resources security cameras Yakima Washington Atlantic City casinos Berlin Germany New York City parks NYPD community enforcement noncompliance municipal regulations local ordinances citizen reporting smoke-free policies public health regulation surveillance law enforcement limitations urban smoking bans legislative effectiveness regulatory enforcement public attitudes smoking restrictions policy implementation enforcement challenges smoking ban compliance public smoking regulation law enforcement resources policy implementation difficulties surveillance for smoking citizen enforcement police priorities noncompliance cases ineffective smoking bans smoking ban exceptions enforcement policies public health law regulatory obstacles local smoking ban enforcement enforcement authority smoking ban violations underenforced regulations municipal smoking bans public space regulations smoking ban enforcement public compliance law enforcement challenges smoking restrictions public places policy effectiveness surveillance police resources security cameras local authorities citizen enforcement case studies noncompliance legislative challenges urban policy public health regulation Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City enforcement difficulties social behavior municipal policy smoking regulation ordinances enforcement mechanisms enforcement challenges smoking bans effectiveness smoking ban policies compliance smoking restrictions difficulties enforcing public smoking bans case studies smoking ban enforcement impact of police resources smoking ban public response smoking ban enforcement surveillance smoking ban compliance international comparison smoking ban enforcement citizen enforcement smoking bans news coverage smoking ban enforcement smoking ban effectiveness Yakima smoking ban Atlantic City casinos smoking ban enforcement Berlin smoking bans New York City parks beaches smoking ban enforcement challenges public places compliance police resources security cameras non-compliance Yakima Washington Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement case studies effectiveness policy implementation barriers local examples government response public perception enforcement mechanisms practical difficulties legislative outcomes law enforcement priorities smoking ban enforcement challenges smoking ban compliance issues effectiveness of smoking bans public smoking regulations difficulties enforcing smoking bans impact of smoking ban enforcement smoking ban in public places law enforcement smoking ban security cameras smoking ban police role smoking ban city smoking ban enforcement smoking ban noncompliance case studies smoking ban enforcement smoking ban Yakima Washington smoking ban Atlantic City smoking ban Berlin Germany smoking ban New York City NYPD smoking ban enforcement citizen enforcement smoking ban smoking ban legal issues smoking ban enforcement public places enforcement challenges compliance police resources security cameras citizen enforcement Yakima Washington Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD public vigilance policy effectiveness smoking regulations law enforcement noncompliance urban policy smoking ban violations public health policy legislative challenges tobacco control smoking ban effectiveness legal enforcement municipal regulations smoking ban enforcement enforcement challenges public smoking laws compliance issues smoking bans effectiveness law enforcement resources security cameras smoking ban police enforcement smoking public health policy international smoking bans smoking regulations public places smoking Yakima smoking ban Atlantic City smoking enforcement Berlin smoking ban New York City smoking ban park smoking bans beach smoking bans citizen enforcement NYPD smoking ban smoking ban violations smoke-free legislation secondhand smoke regulation city smoking bans smoking ban policy enforcement smoking ban enforcement public compliance law enforcement challenges smoking ban violations police resources security surveillance smoking prevalence smoking regulations smoking ban effectiveness public health policy enforcement strategies citizen enforcement urban smoking bans municipal enforcement international smoking bans legal enforcement barriers public places regulations government policy case studies enforcement statistics enforcement challenges smoking ban compliance public place regulations smoking legislation surveillance methods police resources citizen enforcement policy effectiveness legal loopholes case studies Yakima enforcement Atlantic City casinos Berlin smoking laws New York City parks law enforcement priorities public health policy non-compliance rates surveillance technology security camera monitoring municipal enforcement regulatory barriers
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con03a	We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? end-of-life euthanasia assisted suicide terminal illness death with dignity right to die palliative care quality of life suffering mortality autonomy ethical issues end-of-life decisions compassionate death life choices existential questions meaning of death bereavement advance directives medical ethics euthanasia assisted suicide end-of-life choices dignity in death right to die palliative care voluntary death death with dignity terminal illness physician-assisted dying suffering alleviation life and death decisions choice in dying self-determination in death moral implications of suicide philosophical perspectives on death existentialism and suicide quality of life advance directives legal aspects of euthanasia assisted dying euthanasia end-of-life choices palliative care dignity in death voluntary euthanasia right to die terminal illness suffering quality of life advance directives living will physician-assisted suicide ethical issues moral considerations existential suffering compassionate choice autonomy medical ethics death with dignity pain management hospice care informed consent psychological support bereavement legal issues end-of-life choices ethical suicide debate assisted dying arguments right to die philosophy painless versus agonizing death preparation for death autonomy in dying quality of death death with dignity moral implications of euthanasia choosing manner of death inevitability of death discussion personal choice in mortality impact on survivors philosophical views on suicide voluntary euthanasia dying well controlled dying process suffering at end of life informed decisions about death assisted dying euthanasia end-of-life choices death with dignity voluntary euthanasia physician-assisted suicide moral philosophy existentialism palliative care right to die terminal illness advance directives self-determination quality of death autonomy bioethics ethical decision-making legal aspects of suicide suffering pain management assisted dying euthanasia debate right to die end-of-life choices painless death ethical issues in suicide quality of death voluntary euthanasia autonomy in death preparing for death death with dignity philosophical views on death assisted suicide dying with choice managing end-of-life suffering moral arguments for euthanasia control over death personal choice in dying terminal illness death options legal aspects of euthanasia mortality inevitability of death end-of-life choices euthanasia assisted suicide right to die dying with dignity quality of death palliative care terminal illness pain management autonomy self-determination death preparation existential questions grief ethics of suicide mental health suffering advance directives living will life and death decisions hospice care philosophical perspectives on death afterlife beliefs psychological impact bereavement death anxiety assisted suicide euthanasia end of life choices death with dignity voluntary euthanasia right to die terminal illness palliative care physician assisted death moral philosophy of suicide ethics of euthanasia existentialism and death dying with preparedness autonomy in death quality of life death acceptance painless death suffering and suicide planned death law and euthanasia grief and anticipatory loss discussion about mortality self-determination in dying meaningful death choice over death end of life assisted suicide euthanasia palliative care dying with dignity terminal illness patient autonomy right to die ethical considerations moral philosophy pain management quality of life advanced directives voluntary euthanasia life choices suffering medical ethics existentialism mortality death and dying grief bereavement philosophical perspectives psychological impact societal attitudes assisted suicide euthanasia end of life choices death with dignity palliative care terminal illness mortality ethical issues autonomy right to die dying process painless death suffering quality of life advance directives living will medical ethics existential philosophy grief and bereavement decision-making
test-science-eassgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal experimentation drug development pharmaceutical testing human safety medical research clinical trials regulatory approval alternative methods drug efficacy public health disease prevention new medication biomedical ethics animal welfare lifesaving treatments drug approval process research ethics cost of drug testing scientific innovation health risks animal testing benefits drug safety drug development process medical research pharmaceutical testing animal experimentation ethics drug approval process human safety preclinical trials medical advancements drug discovery disease treatment public health impact ethical considerations alternatives to animal testing clinical trials medication efficacy drug regulation life-saving drugs biomedical research animal research medical testing pharmaceutical development drug safety ethical considerations biomedical research clinical trials laboratory animals drug approval human health benefits alternative methods FDA regulations life-saving treatments medical advancements public health drug efficacy cost of drug development penicillin history drug innovation suffering prevention animal testing ethical debate necessity of animal testing in drug development alternatives to animal testing impact of drug costs on public health history of penicillin discovery drug approval process UK animal testing regulations pharmaceutical innovation and animal research consequences of banning animal testing human safety and animal research cost-benefit analysis animal experimentation drug shortages and healthcare outcomes role of animal testing in medical advancement statistics on drug approval impact on rare diseases drug development animal testing ethics animal research pros and cons medical drug development pharmaceutical testing drug approval process alternatives to animal testing human clinical trials drug safety protocols cost of drug development impact of animal testing bans history of penicillin testing ethical considerations in medicine public health benefits of drug testing drug regulation UK statistics on drug approval animal welfare in laboratories consequences of ending animal testing biomedical research necessity new drug introduction statistics innovation in pharmaceuticals animal testing pros animal research benefits drug development process alternatives to animal testing medical advancements animal testing animal testing ethics clinical trials animal testing human safety animal research drug approval animal studies pharmaceutical research animal use penicillin animal testing history drug testing regulations animal welfare in research reducing animal testing human health animal experiments animal testing drug development drug safety drug efficacy pharmaceutical research new drug approval UK drug introduction penicillin history life-saving drugs biomedical research clinical trials ethical debates medical advancements public health impact drug testing costs pharmaceutical industry patient survival rates alternatives to animal testing drug regulation science policy animal testing benefits drug development necessity human survival medical research pharmaceutical animal trials drug safety animal testing penicillin animal testing new drug approval process ethical animal testing impact of banning animal testing animal experimentation medical advances drug testing alternatives animal research public health cost of drug development life-saving medications animal testing regulation animal trials and human health animal testing debate animal models in research animal testing statistics UK drug discovery and animal testing animal experimentation medical research drug development pharmaceutical testing ethical considerations alternatives to animal testing human clinical trials drug safety drug efficacy regulatory requirements penicillin discovery animal welfare biomedical innovation impact on public health drug approval process cost of drug development morbidity rates mortality prevention pharmaceutical industry scientific breakthroughs animal testing benefits drug development clinical trials pharmaceutical safety drug approval process medical research ethical considerations alternative testing methods public health impact cost of drug testing life-saving medicines penicillin history human safety regulatory requirements drug efficacy biomedical research animal welfare innovation in medicine drug accessibility pharmaceutical industry
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro04a	Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 accession criteria EU membership Turkey candidacy Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen criteria democracy rule of law human rights protection of minorities functioning market economy EU enlargement political reforms economic reforms European Union obligations political union economic union monetary union EU-Turkey relations Central and Eastern European states European Commission Enlargement EU promise EU enlargement process candidate country rights double standards EU accession process EU accession Turkey EU membership Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 EU enlargement candidate countries democracy rule of law human rights minority protection market economy membership obligations political reforms economic reforms EU-Turkey relations Central and Eastern European accession EU policy double standards European Commission accession criteria EU promises EU political union EU economic union accession negotiations EU-Turkey integration EU enlargement policy EU enlargement accession criteria Turkey EU membership Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen criteria candidate countries democracy requirements rule of law human rights minority protection functioning market economy political reforms economic reforms EU obligations political union economic union monetary union EU-Turkey relations EU promises membership standards Central and Eastern Europe EU hypocrisy European integration EU neighborhood policy enlargement policy European Commission accession negotiations EU treaty obligations institutional stability competitive market market forces EU member states EU-Turkey accession process EU enlargement accession criteria countries meeting EU membership requirements Turkey EU candidacy 1999 Helsinki summit Copenhagen criteria for EU accession stability of democratic institutions rule of law in candidate countries protection of minorities in EU enlargement functioning market economy for EU membership candidate obligations to EU aims EU political union membership requirements economic reforms for EU accession human rights protection in candidate states equal treatment of EU candidate countries comparison of Turkey and Central Eastern European accession hypocrisy in EU enlargement policy EU-Turkey relations consequences EU promise to Turkey risks of EU backtracking on candidacy Commission Enlargement official stance historical promises EU enlargement Turkey accession Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country membership requirements democracy standards rule of law human rights minority protection market economy EU obligations political reforms Turkey economic reforms Turkey EU-Turkey relations EU promise Turkey double standards EU Central Eastern Europe accession EU hypocrisy EU-Turkey partnership European Commission accession criteria political union EU economic union EU monetary union EU Turkish EU candidacy European Council decisions institutional stability competitive pressure EU enlargement policy accession negotiations unity EU enlargement neighbor relations EU EU accession criteria Turkey EU membership Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen criteria 1993 EU candidate country EU enlargement Turkish candidacy democracy requirements rule of law Europe human rights EU minorities protection EU market economy Europe EU membership obligations political reforms EU economic reforms EU European Union promises Central and Eastern Europe accession EU hypocrisy EU-Turkey relations EU enlargement policy European Commission enlargement EU membership standards Turkey reform progress EU external policy EU neighborhood policy effects of broken promises EU accession Turkey EU membership Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 European Union enlargement candidate countries democracy standards rule of law human rights minority protection market economy competitive pressure political union economic union monetary union accession promise discrimination Central and Eastern European states EU-Turkey relations accession process European Commission enlargement institutional reforms membership obligations EU hypocrisy international relations EU promises treaty compliance EU enlargement Turkey EU membership EU accession criteria Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 Turkish candidacy EU-Turkey relations EU membership process institutional stability democracy in Turkey rule of law EU human rights EU minority protection EU market economy EU Turkish economic reforms Turkish political reforms EU Central and Eastern enlargement EU double standards EU-Turkey partnership European integration EU promises Turkey EU neighbourhood policy accession negotiations Turkish EU application European Commission enlargement EU hypocrisy political and economic union EU membership obligations Turkey Copenhagen criteria EU foreign policy EU enlargement accession criteria Turkey EU membership Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen criteria democracy rule of law human rights minority protection market economy candidate country requirements European integration EU-Turkey relations political reforms economic reforms EU hypocrisy Central and Eastern Europe enlargement European Commission enlargement treaty obligations EU promises political union monetary union EU foreign relations institutional stability membership eligibility EU external partners neighborhood policy EU enlargement Turkey accession Copenhagen criteria membership requirements Helsinki summit EU-Turkey relations political reforms economic reforms rule of law human rights minority rights market economy institutional stability democratic standards European Union promises candidate countries discriminatory criteria Central and Eastern Europe enlargement accession negotiations EU obligations political union economic integration monetary union enlargement policy European Commission accession process
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro02a	Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, diversity inclusion rugby development racial representation grassroots rugby South African sports sports quotas racial quotas talent identification youth participation rugby union transformation in sports equal opportunity sports policy demographic representation black players player development pathways social integration sports participation sporting equity diversity in South African rugby racial representation in rugby rugby development programs grassroots rugby South Africa rugby quotas South Africa talent identification rugby black players in rugby youth participation rugby inclusive sports policies rugby transformation South Africa rugby union South Africa rugby integration sports equity South Africa rugby coaching diversity rugby referee diversity rugby participation barriers rugby talent pipeline Rainbow Nation sports rugby demographic trends sport policy South Africa rugby diversity grassroots development racial inclusion sports quotas player development pathways youth participation rugby transformation sports representation rugby union inclusion South African sports policy sporting talent identification minority athlete recruitment rugby opportunities diversity in sports rugby community engagement broadening participation in South African rugby increasing racial diversity in rugby rugby transformation policies South Africa rugby quotas South Africa talent identification grassroots rugby inclusive rugby development youth rugby participation across races racial representation in rugby teams role of quotas in sports diversity rugby union access for minorities impact of rugby quotas on youth aspiration growing black rugby talent South Africa rugby diversity and transformation case studies expanding rugby talent pool South Africa multi-racial rugby development programs rugby pathways for diverse backgrounds best practices in sport inclusivity rugby integration success stories rugby and social cohesion South Africa legacy of rugby quotas South African rugby racial diversity rugby development grassroots rugby rugby quotas talent identification youth participation sports inclusivity racial representation rugby union policies sports integration rugby talent pipeline diversity in sports rugby coaching diversity rugby referee diversity representation in rugby South African sports policies sports equity rugby union transformation sporting opportunities rugby demographics youth sport development rugby transformation targets sports quotas rugby accessibility Rainbow Nation sports black rugby players rugby talent development rugby participation barriers South African rugby diversity rugby talent pool rugby quotas rugby racial representation grassroots rugby development rugby youth inclusion rugby union participation black rugby players sports diversity South Africa rugby talent identification rugby developmental pathways inclusive rugby initiatives rugby racial transformation rugby coaching diversity rugby refereeing diversity rugby social integration Rainbow Nation sports rugby transformation strategy diversity inclusion racial representation transformation rugby quotas grassroots development sports equity South African rugby youth participation talent identification player pathways developmental programs access to sport racial integration social cohesion sports policy affirmative action opportunity representation coaching diversity referee diversity sports governance cultural acceptance community engagement systemic barriers equal opportunities transformation targets sporting inclusion South African rugby diversity rugby quotas grassroots rugby development racial representation in rugby rugby inclusion strategies rugby transformation policies rugby talent identification black rugby players South Africa youth rugby development South Africa rugby participation rates barriers to rugby participation rugby union social impact rugby and race relations transformation in sports South Africa rugby coaching diversity rugby referee diversity inclusive rugby programs sport quotas effectiveness sports social integration rugby development programs rugby role models rugby fraternity diversity racial quotas in sports rugby union policy South Africa diversity inclusion grassroots development youth participation rugby union racial representation talent identification sports quotas player pathways community engagement coaching diversity sporting opportunities developmental programs racial integration representation in sports youth empowerment athletic scholarships sports accessibility equal opportunity mentorship programs rugby development initiatives national identity transformation in sports social cohesion sports policy multi-racial teams cultural acceptance anti-discrimination sports leadership rugby governance talent scouting diversity in South African rugby rugby development programs racial quotas in sport grassroots rugby transformation in rugby youth participation in rugby racial representation in sports inclusive sports policies rugby talent identification South African sports transformation rugby union diversity barriers to entry in rugby sports inclusion role models in rugby social integration in sports sports policy South Africa rugby coaching diversity rugby administration diversity transformation targets rugby benefits of sports quotas
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro03a	Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 vegetarian health benefits vegetarianism plant-based diet vegan diet veganism fibre-rich foods vitamins minerals low-fat diet cholesterol-free diet cancer prevention American Cancer Society red meat exclusion heart disease risk blocked arteries mortality rate chronic degenerative diseases obesity prevention blood pressure control diabetes risk reduction plant protein sources beans tofu spinach iron sources nutrition meat alternatives healthy eating longevity diet and disease reduced cancer risk cardiovascular health vegetarianism vegetarian diet vegan diet plant-based diet health benefits fiber vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol red meat American Cancer Society cancer risk heart disease chronic diseases degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans tofu bean curd spinach iron mortality risk meat consumption animal products healthy eating diet and nutrition disease prevention plant proteins cardiovascular health longevity cholesterol-free foods food choices health outcomes health benefits vegetarian diet vegan diet fibre vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol eggs dairy cancer risk American Cancer Society red meat heart disease blocked arteries mortality risk chronic diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer plant-based protein beans tofu spinach iron sources healthy eating meat-free diet nutritional benefits longevity diet and disease prevention vegetarian health benefits vegetarian diet fiber vegetarian diet vitamins vegetarian diet minerals low fat vegetarian diet vegan health benefits vegan vs vegetarian health eggs cholesterol dairy cholesterol red meat cancer risk American Cancer Society red meat red meat heart disease vegetarian cholesterol levels red meat mortality study vegetarian diet chronic disease vegetarian diet obesity 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benefits cholesterol in eggs and dairy heart disease and vegetarianism American Cancer Society red meat advice red meat cancer risk vegetarian diet chronic disease prevention vegetarian sources of protein beans and bean curd protein spinach iron content plant-based diet health advantages red meat mortality studies vegetarianism vs. meat eating cholesterol and blocked arteries vegetarian diet and obesity vegetarian diet blood pressure benefits vegetarian diet diabetes prevention vegetarianism health benefits vegetarian diet vegan diet high fiber foods vitamins minerals low fat diet cholesterol egg cholesterol dairy cholesterol cancer risk meat consumption American Cancer Society red meat exclusion heart disease blocked arteries mortality risk chronic degenerative diseases obesity prevention blood pressure management diabetes prevention colorectal cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer plant-based protein beans tofu spinach iron sources plant-based nutrition meat alternatives 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